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ol. XXXI, No. 797
October 4, 1954
VlBNT oj^
PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE • Address by Secretary Dulles . 471
CORRESPONDENCE WITH SOVIET UNION ON
ATOMIC POOL PROPOSAL 478
ADMINISTRATION OF AGRICULTURAL TRADE
DEVELOPMENT AND ASSISTANCE ACT 498
RETURN OF HISTORIC OBJECTS TO COUNTRIES
OF ORIGIN • Article by Ardelia R. Hall 493
For index see inside back cover
^."T 0»
j^or:on ruo.x ,^. .rary
"uperintoni.'nt of Documents
OCT 2 7 1954
*.*.,.,-^*. bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 797 • Publication 5602
October 4, 1954
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Partnership for Peace
Address by Secretary Dulles '
I come to this openinfr of the Ninth General
Assembly witli a deep sense of the significance of
this occasion. This annnal gathering of the rep-
resentatives of 60 nations represents mankind's
most hopeful effort to achieve peace with justice.
Here is made manifest tlie close interdependence
of today's world and, also, the vast opportunity
for constructive results which lie in good partner-
ship efforts.
The people of the United States believe whole-
heartedly in the purposes and the principles set
out in the charter of the United Xations. That
document marks a milestone in the understanding
of the nature of peace. It recognizes that peace
is not a passive concept but a call to action. It is
not enough to dislike war and to denounce it. War
has been hated throughout the ages. Yet war
has been recurrent throughout the ages. One rea-
son is that men have never put into the winning
of peace efforts comparable to those which they
put into the winning of a war.
Mankind will never have lasting peace so long
as men reserve their full resources for tasks of
war. To preserve peace and to do so without the
sacrifice of essential freedoms require constant
effort, sustained courage, and at times a willing-
ness to accept grave risks. That is the true spirit
of ]ieace.
During the past year many nations have ac-
tively worked together on behalf of a just and
durable peace. There have been moments when,
it seemed, the scales between general war and
peace were precariously balanced. That hazard-
ous equation still exists. But at least we see the
' Made before the U. N. General Assembly on Sept. 23
(press release 525).
hazard and strive to shift the balance in favor of
peace.
The efforts of the past year are not to be ap-
praised merely by whether they in fact produced
concrete settlements. The making of intelligent,
resolute, and united efforts for just settlements has
itself contributed to peace. It shows a dynamic
spirit and a vigilance which are a warning to any
potential aggressor. In the past, peace has often
been lost by default. That, let us resolve, shall
not happen again.
I cannot, of course, now touch on all of the man-
ifold activities which have recently occurred with-
in and without this organization. I shall focus
mainly on political efforts with which my own
country was associated as an active partner. Let
me first speak of the Organization of American
States. The inter- American system rests on a long
tradition of cooperation for freedom and peace in
this hemisphere. Faithfulness to that tradition,
and pride in it, have served to spare this hemi-
sphere from such wars as have tragically ravaged
Europe and Asia during the last century and more.
Last March the Caracas Conference of the Ameri-
can States decided and declared that if interna-
tional communism gained control of the political
institutions of any American State, that would be
a danger to the peace and security of them all
and call for collective action to remove the threat.
However aggressive communism may be judged
elsewhere, we of this hemisphere, with no excep-
tion, know that its intrusion here would open grave
conflicts, the like of which we have not known
before.
In Guatemala there developed an identifiable
threat to the peace and security of this hemisphere.
Oc/ofaer 4, 1954
471
The American States exchanged views about this
dangei- and were about to meet to deal with it col-
lectively when the Guatemalan people themselves
eliminated the threat.
In this connection, there was occasion for the
United Nations to apply the principles of our
charter ■which, while affirming the universal juris-
diction of this organization, call for the use of
regional arrangements before resort to the Security
Council (articles 33 and 52). These provisions
had been hammered out in the course of debate
at San Francisco, when our charter was adopted.
The American States at that time urged that their
tested relationship should be coordinated with, and
not totally replaced by, the United Nations, which
they felt miglit prove undependable because of
veto power in the Security Council. So it was de-
cided to make regional association a major fea-
ture of the United Nations peace system.
This year the Organization of American States
showed anew that it is ready, able, and willing
to maintain regional peace. Thereby, the provi-
sions of the United Nations Charter have been
vindicated and the foundation for peace in the
American Hemisphere has been solidified.
Germany and Austria
Last year I said here that "the division of Ger-
many camiot be perpetuated without gi'ave risks." ^
In an effort to eliminate that risk, I went to
Berlin last January to confer with the Foreign
Ministers of tlie other tliree occupying powei"S.
We there joined with Britain and France in pre-
senting a proposal for the unification of Germany
through free elections, to be supervised bj' the
United Nations or some comparable impartial
body. The Soviet Union countered with propo-
sals which added up to an extension of the Soviet
orbit to the Ehine. Accordingly, the dangerous
division of Germany still persists. But, I may
add, something else persists — that is our resolve,
in the spirit of peace, to end the cruel injustice
being done to Germany.
Last year I also spoke of an Austrian treaty as
l)eing long overdue. I pointed out that as between
the occupying powers there was "no substantial
item of disagi'eement." At the Berlin Conference
tlie three Western occupying powers eliminated
• For text of Secretary Dulles' arldress before the
Eighth General Assemby, see Bulletin of Sept. 28, 1053,
p. 4():l.
the last vestige of disagreement by accepting the
Soviet version of every disagreed article. It
seemed, for a fleeting moment, that the Austrian
treaty might be signed. But then the Soviet
Union improvised a new condition. It said that
it would not free Austria from Soviet occupation
until a German peace treaty was concluded.
There cannot be a German peace treaty until
Germany is united. So Austria continues to be
an indefinitely occupied nation. Nevertheless,
here again, we do not accept as final the denial of
justice to unhappy Austria — the first victim of
Hitlerite aggression and the object of the 1943
Moscow pledge of freedom and independence.
The three Western Powers, constant in the spirit
of peace, have again within recent days urged that
the Soviet Union sign the Austrian state treaty as
a deed which, far more than platitudinous words,
will show whether other matters can fruitfully be
discussed.
European Unity
The problem of peace in Europe has become
more complicated because of the recent setback to
the consummation of the European Defense Com-
munity. That concept came from recognition
that the best guarantee of permanent peace in Eu-
rope was an organic unity which would include
France and Germany. Also, if this unity merged
the military forces of these two and other Euro-
pean countries, that would assure their nonaggres-
sive character. Such forces would clearly be un-
available except as the whole community recog-
nized the need for defensive action.
The votes of Communist deputies more than ac-
counted for the parliamentary majority which in
one country shelved the Edc. Thus, they acted
to perpetuate European divisions which have re-
currently bred wars. However, the free nations
concerned do not accept with resignation the per-
petuation of what, historically, has been the
world's worst fire hazard. They are alert to the
peril and are working actively to surmount it.
Korea
Last year when I spoke here about Korea, I was
able to report an armistice. That, I said, was not
because the Communist aggressors loved peace, but
because they had come up against an effective mili-
tary barrier. I went on to say, "The Korean po-
litical conference, if the Communists come to it.
472
Oeparfmen/ o^ State Bulletin
will afford a bettor test." It took 7 months of
arduous negotiation to bring about the political
conference. When it occurred at Geneva, tlic
United Nations side proposed the unifu-ation of
Korea on the basis of free all-Koi'oan cU'ctioiis to be
supervised by the United Nations. This proposal
was rejected by the Communist side. They in-
sisted that the United Nations must itself be
treated as an instrument of aggression and be
debarred from any further activity in Korea.
This counterproposal, insulting to the United
Nations, was unanimously rejected by those who
proudly hailed the Korean action of the United
Nations as the first example in all history of an
international organization which had in fact acted
effectively against armed aggi'ession.
The United States does not believe that the uni-
fication of Korea must await another war. We
have exerted all tlie influence we possess in favor
of a peaceful solution of the Korean problem, and
we have not lost faith that this solution is possible.
Southeast Asia
At the Geneva Conference the belligerents in
Indochina also dealt with the problem of peace.
An 8-year conflict of mounting intensity was
brought to a close. We can all rejoice that there
has been an end to the killing. On the other hand,
we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that sevei'al
hundred thousand in Noi'th Viet-Nam have at
their desire been transferred to non-Communist
areas, and that there still remain millions un-
willingly subject to an alien despotism. In this
case, an end to fighting has been bought at a heavy
price, and the final result is still obscure.
One result, however, has been the driving home
to the nations interested in Southeast Asia of the
importance of a collective organization for de-
fense against further aggression. At Manila this
month eight nations met and negotiated and signed
a treaty calling for collective defense against
aggression.
The Manila Pact constitutes significant action
taken under the charter of the United Nations,
which recognizes the inherent right of individual
and collective self-defense. Those who cry out
when others exercise their inherent right of self-
defense only expose their own aggressive purposes.
The Manila Conference did much more than
extend the area of collective security. It adopted
the Pacific Charter. Thereby, the eight nations —
Asian and non-Asian — which met at iMaiiila pro-
cliiimed in ringing terms the principles of self-
(litermination, self-government, and independence.
Tiiis chai'ter, and (he s]>irit f)f fellowship whicli
gave it birth, should serve once and foi' all to end
the myth that there is inherent incompatibility
between East and West. The peoples of Asia who
are already free, or who seek freedom, need not
remain weak, divided, and unsupported in the face
of the new imperialism which has already reduced
to colonial servitude 800,000,000 people, of what
were once 15 truly independent nations.
Atomic Energy
The past year has been marked by intensive
efforts in the field of atomic energy. The United
States has sought to share its commanding posi-
tion in this field in ways that would permit many
to join in a great new adventure in human welfare.
We hoped to turn atomic energy from being an
instrument of death into a source of the enrich-
ment of life.
I vividly recall December 8, 1953, when we here
heard President Eisenhower propose that the na-
tions possessing atomic material would cooperate
under the auspices of the United Nations to create
a world atomic bank into wliich tliey would each
contribute fissionable material which would then
be used for the purpose of productivity rather
than destruction.^ I shared the drama of that
moment and sensed the universal applause which
then greeted that proposal — applause which
echoed around the world.
Because it seems that oftentimes negotiations
jiublicly conducted with the Soviet Union tend to
become propaganda contests, President Eisen-
hower proposed that these new negotiations should
be privately conducted. The United States, after
consultation with others, then submitted a con-
crete, detailed proposal to cany out President
Eisenhower's great conception. I myself met sev-
eral times with the Soviet Foreign Minister at
Berlin and at Geneva to discuss this matter. We
are quite willing that all documents exchanged be-
tween the United States and the Soviet Union dur-
ing these negotiations be published.
We hoped and believed that, if the Soviet Union
would join with the United States, the United
Kingdom, and other nations possessing fissionable
■Ihift., Dec. 21, 1953, p. 847.
Ocfober 4, 1954
473
U. S. Request to Secretary-General
for Agenda Item on Atomic Energy
U.N. doe. A/2734 dated September 23
New Yobk, 23 September 1954
I have the honour to request, under rule 15 of the
rules of procedure, that an item entitled "Inter-
national co-operation in developing the peaceful
uses of atomic energ.v : report of the United States
of America" be added to the agenda of the General
Assembly as an important and urgent question.
In connexion with the above-mentioned request
I attach an explanatory memorandum, in accordance
with rule 20 of tlie rules of procedure.
H. C. Lodge, Jr.
Chair>nan.
Explanatory Memorandujc
The President of the United States, in his state-
ment to the eighth regular session of the General
As.sembly on 8 December 195.3, made far-reaching
proposals to set up an international atomic energy
agency under the aegis of the United Nations to
develop plans whereby the peaceful u.se of atomic
energy would be expedited. The President furtlier
indicated the willingness of the United States to
take up with the Powers "principally involved" the
development of plans for such an agency.
During the past year the United States has en-
gaged in discussions on this subject with the Powers
principally involved with atomic energy matters,
and particularly with the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics. Wliile the attempt to secure the co-
operation of the USSR in this endeavour has not
been successful, the other Governments with whom
the United States has discussed this proposal have
indicated general agreement on the objectives of the
proposal and on the general nature of the inter-
national atomic energy agency.
The United States intends to proceed immediately,
in conjunction with the other nations princii)ally
involved, to create an international agency to de-
velop the constructive uses of atomic energy. This
approach excludes no nation from participation
in this great venture. As more precise plans take
shape, all nations interestwl in participating and
willing to take on the responsibilities of member-
ship will be welcome to join in the planning and
execution of this programme.
The United States believes that an international
scientific conference of representatives of Govern-
ments and scientists would be useful in identifying
the technical areas in which progress can best be
made in applying atomic energy to peaceful ends,
and accordingly suggests that the United Nations
should convene such a conference. The United
States intends at the appropriate time to describe in
greater detail the nature of such a conference and
its objectives.
There have been other significant developments
during the past year in connexion with peaceful
uses of nuclear energy concerning wliich the United
States will report.
The United States believes that an explanation of
these matters is of such import to all njitions that
it warrants the additidu of this item lo the General
Assembly's agenda as an important and urgent
matter.
material and atomic know-how, this act of co-
operation might set a pattern which would extend
itself elsewhere.
The plan we submitted could not have hurt any-
one. It was motivated by the hope of lifting the
darkest cloud that hangs over mankind. Its ini-
tial dimensions were not sufficient to impair the
military capability of the Soviet Union, and there
was no apparent reason for its rejection. Above
all, it was a practicable, easily workable plan, not
dependent on elaborate surveillance.
Nevertheless, the proposal was, in effect, re-
jected by the Soviet Union last April. Its re-
jection was not because of any alleged defects in
the plan itself. Any such would certainly have
been negotiable. Tlie Soviet position was, in
effect, to say — we will not cooperate to develop
peacetime uses of atomic energy unless it is first
of all agi-eed to renounce all those uses of atomic
energy which provide the free nations with their
strongest defense against aggression.
To date, the Soviet Government has shown no
willingness to participate in the implementation
of President Eisenhower's plan except on this
completely unacceptable condition. Yesterday,
wlien it was known that I would speak on this
topic today, the Soviet Union broke a 5 months'
silence by delivering a note in Moscow affirming
its readiness to talk further. But the note still
gave no indication that the Soviet Union had
receded from its negative position.
The United States remains ready to negotiate
with the Soviet Union. But we shall no longer
suspend our efforts to establish an international
atomic agency.
The United States is determined that President
Eisenhower's proposal shall not languish until
it dies. It will be nurtured and developed. We
shall press on in close partnership with those na-
tions which, inspired by the ideals of the United
Nations Charter, can make this great new force a
tool of the humanitarian and of the statesman,
and not merely a fearsome addition to the arsenal
of war.
The United States is proposing an agenda item
which will enable us to report on our efforts to ex-
plore and develop the vast possibilities for the
peaceful uses of atomic energy. These eflforts
have been and will be directed primai-ily toward
the following ends :
(1) The creation of an international agency,
474
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
Statement by Ambassador Lodge on Atomic Pool Proposal '
lu his si)oech yesterday, Secrotiiry Dulles an-
nounced the decision of the (Jovernmeiit of the
United States to press forward witli President
Kisciiliower's vital proposal tor the eslablishinent of
an iuternatiouai agency to develop the peaceful uses
of atomic energy. Secretary Dulles referred to the
sincere effort made by the United States to enlist
the cooperation of the Soviet Union in tliis unprece-
tlented offer to share tlie fruits of modern tech-
nology with all nations and peoples. The Soviet
Union lias refused to join in tliis venture so far.
We can all hope that this refusal is not final.
But in any event, the attitude of the Soviet Union
cannot lie permitted to deprive the people of the
world of the benefits of the greatest scientitie dis-
covery of modern times. The other nations which
are in a position to contribute to this sreat venture
have indicated their readiness to do so. The United
States is determined to join witli them without
further delay in order that nations and jieoples
everywhere sliall share as soon as possible in atomic
progress for peace.
Substantial progress has already been made In
the development of the peaceful uses of nuclear
energy and its by-products. A concerted interna-
tional ettort of the kind the United States is pre-
pared to support could hasten the process of bringing
this boon to human life out of the laboratory and
putting it to work in fields, factories, and hospitals
anil ail otlier jilaces where people live and work.
The United States therefore proposes tlie addition
to the agenda of the Ninth Regular Session of the
G'eneral Assembly of an item entitled "International
Cooperation in Developing the Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy : Reiwrt of the United States of
America." '
' Made in the General Committee on Sept. 24
(U.S./U.X. press release 196.3).
' For text of formal request, see opposite page.
I am .sure that the members of this committee
will agree that this is an urgent and imiwrtant
matter in the .sense of rule l."> of the General As-
.sembly. The inclusion of this item on our agenda
will permit the United States and other governments
principally involved in the development of atomic
energy to report more fully to this Assembly on the
progress already achieved and on the efforts to
set up an international atomic energy agency. It
will also enable the General Assembly to consider
the convening of an international scientific con-
ference under the auspices of the United Nations
to hel]) in identifyini; areas in which further tech-
nical progress might be made. 1 am certain that
the great majority of the members of the Unitetl
Nations are anxious for this opportunity to assist
in making the promise of atomic energy a beneticeut
reality for all jieople.
The United States believes that this item should
be discussed in the Political Committee and recom-
mends that tlie General Committee so decide.
Ttiere is probably no single matter before us at
this General Assembly which holds out greater prom-
ise for actively and constructively promoting the
material welfare of mankind. '
' The General Committee decided unanimously to
add the U.S. Item to the agenda as an Important
an<l urgent matter. After a statement by the Soviet
representative, Andrei Vyshinsky, favoring the
recommendation, Ambassador Lodge made the
following additional remarks :
"Of course, no one will be happier than the repre-
sentative of the United States to find that the Soviet
Union by Its actions makes clear its cooperation
with this great idea. But let us not forget the words
of the old proverb — actions speak louder than words.
The world has been waiting for such action since
last December 8. Secretary Dulles said yesterday
we will be glad to publish the entire correspondence
and then the world can reach its own judgment."
whose initial membership -will inchide nations
from all regions of the world. It is hoped that
such an agency will start its work as early as next
year.
(2) Tlie calling of an international scientific
conference to consider this whole vast subject, to
meet in the spring of 1955, under the auspices of
the United Nations.
(3) The opening early next year, in the United
States, of a reactor training school where stu-
dents from abroad may learn the working princi-
ples of atomic energy with specific regard to its
peacetime uses.
(4) The invitation to a substantial number of
medical and surgical experts from abroad to par-
ticipate in the work of our cancer hospitals — in
which atomic energ}' techniques are among the
most hopeful approaches to controlling this men-
ace to mankind.
I would like to make perfectly clear that our
Ocfober 4, 1954
475
planning excludes no nation from participation in
this great venture. As our proposals take shape,
all nations interested in participating, and willing
to take on the responsibilities of membership, will
be welcome to join with us in the planning and
execution of this program.
Even though much is denied us by Soviet nega-
tion, nevertheless much remains that can be done.
There is denied the immense relaxation of tension
which might have occurred had the Soviet Union
been willing to begin to cooperate with other na-
tions in relation to what offers so much to fear and
so much to hope. Nevertheless, there is much to
be accomplished in the way of economic and hu-
manitarian gains. There is no miracle to be
wrought overnight. But a program can be made
and vitalized to assure that atomic energy can
bring to millions a better way of life. To achieve
that result is our firm resolve.
Closely allied to this question of peaceful uses
of atomic energy is the whole vast and complex
question of disarmament. At this Assembly last
year, the United States affirmed its ardent desire
to reduce the burden of armament. I stated here
that the United States would vigorously carry
forward the technical studies on armament con-
trol and limitation which are vital to any solution
of this problem.
London Talks on Disarmament
Last spring the United States participated in
discussions in London with the Soviet Union, the
United Kingdom, France, and Canada on a sub-
committee of our Disarmament Commission to see
whether a fresh approach to the problem could
achieve a solution acceptable to the Soviet Union
as well as to the free world.^ The record of these
meetings has now been made public.
It shows that the representatives of Canada,
France, the United Kingdom, and the United
States tried with patience and ingenuity to ex-
plore all avenues of agreement with the Soviet
Union whicli would be consistent witli tlie security
of all nations. Once more we made clear, as we
have again and again in the past, that we seek to
eliminate tlie use of atomic energy for any pur-
poses but those of peace.
These efforts were met by a flat refusal by the
Soviet Union even to discuss our proposals on
'Ibid.. Auk. 2, 1954, p. 171.
476
their merits. The crux of the Soviet position was
that, before it will engage in real negotiations on
disarmament, it insists upon a paper ban by the
major powers of the use of nuclear weapons.
The great shield, the supreme deterrent, must first
be abandoned, leaving the free nations exposed to
the Communists' unrivaled manpower. Once that
inequality has been assured, then — perhaps — the
Soviet Union will negotiate further from its posi-
tion of assured supremacy. Such procedure
would not increase the security of any free nation.
Reluctantly we must conclude that the Soviet
Union has at present no serious desire to nego-
tiate on the disarmament problem. But we shall
continue to hope, and to seek, that the Soviet Union
may ultimately .come to cooperate on a program
which could end the wasteful diversion of vast
economic wealth and bring it into the constructive
service of mankind.
Charter Review
No doubt you will have observed that many of
tlie efforts for peace to which I have referred were
conducted outside of the United Nations itself.
It should not, however, be forgotten that the
organs of the United Nations are themselves stead-
ily carrying forward activities which contribute
substantially, even though not spectacularly, to
the political, economic, and social conditions
which are the foundation for peace. The United
States wishes to pay a high tribute to those who
perform these indisi)ensable tasks.
If many major political developments have oc-
curred outside the immediate framework of the
United Nations, that is due to two causes— one
good, one bad :
The charter of the United Nations itself pro-
vides that the parties to any dispute which would
endanger international peace and security should
first of all seek a solution by negotiation, resort
to regional agencies, or other peaceful means of
their own choice. Only when tliese methods fail
should there be resort to the Security Council. In
other words, the Security Council of the United
Nations was never intended to be a court of first
instance, but only a court of last resort. In this
sense, the unprecedented peace efforts of tlie past
year fall within the pattern which our charter
itself prescribes.
A second cause exists, and it is disturbing. It
is the fact that the membership of the United Na-
Deparfment of State Bulletin
tions fulls fur short of representinj; the totiility of
those nations which are peace-loving, which are
able and willing to carry out the obligations of
the charter, and which are indispensable parties
to many critical international problems. Four-
teen nations are now debarred from membership
only through the use — in reality the abuse — of the
so-called veto power. None of these is in the cate-
gory of Conununist China, which has been found
by the United Nations to be guilty of aggression.
All 1-t are fully qualified for membership. Unless
ways can be found to bring peace-loving, law-abid-
ing nations into this organization, then inevitably
the power and influence of this organization will
progi'essively decline.
We are approaching the tenth anniversary of
the founding of the United Nations. All of the
member governments and their peoples may prop-
erly be thankful for the great accomplishments
of the United Nations and for its unique service as
a forum for international discussion. However,
tliis coming anniversary must be made more than
a date for self -congratulations. It is the time to
take account of weaknesses of our organization and
of ways in which it can be made to function better
as a guarantor of ])eaco and justice and as a cen-
ter for harmonizing the actions of nations. That,
indeed, was the idea of the founders, who planned
for a charter i-eview conference to be called at the
ne.xt annual session of our Assembly.
The search for peace has had its high hopes and
its deep frustrations. But after the frustration,
there is always renewed hope. On behalf of the
United States I would say in my closing words
that we believe that international peace is an at-
tainable goal. That is the premise that underlies
all our planning. AVe propose never to desist,
never to admit discouragement, but confidently
and steadily so to act that peace becomes for us
a sustaining principle of action. In that, we know
that we shall not be alone. That is not merely be-
cause we have treaties of alliance and bonds of ex-
pediency. It is because the spirit of peace is a
magnet that draws together many men and many
nations and makes of them a fellowship of loyal
partners for peace.
BULLETIN Marks Twenty-fifth Anniversary
This issue of the BULLETIN marks the twenty-
fifth anniversary of the publication of an official
periodical by the Department of State.
The first issue of Press Releases, predecessor to
the BULLETIN, appeared on October 5, 1929. It
contained, among other documents, a message from
Secretary Stimson on the death of the German
Foreign Minister, Gustav Stresemann. The second
issue included the text of the British Government's
invitation to the London Naval Conference, a
message from President Hoover to the President
of Argentina on the inauguration of air mail serv-
ice between their countries, and information con-
cerning the visit to Washington of Prime Minister
Ramsay MacDonald.
Issue No. 1 of Press Releases also was Publica-
tion No. 1 in the Department's newly inaugurated
publication program. The consecutive numbering
system begun at that time is still in effect; publi-
cation No. 5545, Foreign Relations of the United
States, 1937, Volume IV, The Far East, was released
on September 25.
On July 1, 1939, the Department of State BUL-
LETIN first made its appearance, superseding both
Press Releases and the monthly Treaty Informa-
tion bulletin. The decision to discontinue the
latter publications was based on the belief that
"a single bulletin containing both treaty informa-
tion and information on other closely related
aspects of the conduct of American foreign rela-
tions would constitute a more useful and convenient
source for current reference and for filing than
two separate publications."
The present format of the BULLETIN was
adopted with the issue of October 6, 1946.
Ocfober 4, 1954
477
Correspondence With Soviet Union on Atomic Pool Proposal
Press release 531 dated September 25
FoUoioing are the texts of documents exchanged
between the Governments of the United States
and the Union of Soviet Socialist RepuUics be-
tween January and September 1954 during the
course of negotiations concerning President Eisen-
hower's proposals before the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly on December 8, 1953.
NOTE HANDED TO AMBASSADOR GEORGI
ZAROUBIN BY SECRETARY DULLES,
WASHINGTON, JANUARY 11
1 The United States suggests that the conversation with
reference to atomic energy should initially he conducted
through diplomatic channels, reserving the right of any
participant to propose shifting the deliberations to the
United Nations pursuant to its resolution suggesting pri-
vate discussions under the auspices of the Disarmament
Commission.'
•> It is suggested that the diplomatic discussions take
place at Washington and wherever else it is convenient
for the participants to meet. Presumably Mr. Molotov
and Mr. Dulles would have a private discussion at Berlin."
3 It is suggested that procedural talks should in their
initial stage be limited to the U.S.S.R. and the United
States, with the participation of the other nations prin-
cipally involvetl as determined in the light of the subject
matter to be discussed.
4. The United States is prepared to consider any pro-
posal that the Soviet Union sees fit to make with reference
to atomic, hydrogen and other weapons of mass de-
struction.
5. However, the United States believes that the first
effort should be to proceed on a modest basis which might
engender the trust and confidence necessary for planning
of larger scope. That is why the United States urges an
early discussiim of the proposal made by President Eisen-
hower on December 8, 1!)5:{. The United States is prepared
to have concrete private discussions about this plan and
its possible implementation.
" Bulletin of Dec. 14, 1953, p. 838.
'I.e. during the four-power conference opening at
Berlin on Jan. 25.
478
6 The United States suggests that privacy will best
serve practical results at this time and that these talks
should not be used for propaganda purposes by either side.
NOTE HANDED TO SECRETARY DULLES BY
AMBASSADOR ZAROUBIN, WASHINGTON,
JANUARY 19
[Translation]
In connection with the aide memoire handed by .T. F.
Dulles, Secretary of State, to Ambassador G. N. Zaroubin
on January 11, the Soviet Government considers it neces-
sary to communicate the following.
1. Paragraph 1 of the U.S. aide memoire states :
The United States suggests that the conversation with
reference to atomic energy should initially be conducted
through diplomatic channels, reserving the right of any
participant to propose shifting the deliberations to the
United Nations pursuant to its resolution suggesting
private discussions under the auspices of the Disarma-
ment Commission.
On this point there are no remarks.
2. Paragraph 2 of the aide memoire of the U.S.A. states :
It is suggested that the diplomatic discussions take
place at Washington and wherever else it is convenient
for the participants to meet. Presumably Mr. Molotov
and Mr. Dulles would have a private discussion at Berlin.
On paragraph 2 there are no remarks.
3. In paragraph 3 of the aide memoire of the U.S.A.
it is said :
It is suggested that procedural talks should in their
initial stage be limited to the U.S.S.R. and the United
Staes, wfth the participation of the other nations
principally involved as determined in the light of the
subject matter to be discussed.
Agreement is expressed regarding the considerations
stated in paragraph 3 of the aide memoire, keeping in
mind that at the specified stage of the negotiations there
will be considered the necessity for drawing into the
negotiations all powers that bear the chief responsibility
for maintaining peace and international security.
4. Paragraph 4 of the aide memoire of the U.S.A. states :
The United States is prepared to consider any proposal
that the Soviet Union sees fit to make with refe^-ence to
atomic, hydrogen and other weapons of mass destruction.
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bu//ef/n
Ill tills connection It is necessnr.v to recall the stnte-
meiit made by the Soviet Government on December 21,
1S)53,' which pointed out that the Soviet Govcniuient pro-
ceeds ou the liasis of the assuiiiptioii that during the
course of the neiiotialions tlu'ic will be coiisldi'icd at the
same time the proposal of the Soviet I'nioii with regard
to an agreement under which the states participating in
the agreement would assume the uucuuditional obliga-
tion not to use the atomic, hydrogen, or any other weapon
of mass destruction.
r>. In paragraph 5 of the aide memolre of the U.S.A.
It is said :
However, the United States believes that the first effort
should be to proceed on a modest basis which might en-
gender the trust and confidence necessary for planning of
larger scope. That is why the United States urges an
early discussion of the proposal made by President Eisen-
hower on December 8. I!iri3. The United States is pre-
pared to have concrete private discussions about this plan
and its possible implementation.
The Soviet Government agrees to consider President
Ei-senhower's proposal of December 8, 1953, and likewise
agrees to enter into the said negotiations relating to this
proposal. At the same time the Soviet Government con-
siders it necessary to negotiate to the effect that in the
discussion of this proposal made by the U.S.A. and the
proposal made by the U.S.S.R. as mentioned in paragraph
4, the principle of rotation be observed, with one con-
ference being devoted to the consideration of the U.S. pro-
posal and the next being devoted to the consideration of
the U.S.S.R. proposal.
6. Paragraph 6 of the aide memoire of the U.S.A.
states :
The United States suggests that privacy will best serve
practical results at this time and that these taUis should
not be used for propaganda purposes by either side.
On this paragi-aph there are no remarks.
DRAFT DECLARATION HANDED TO SECRETARY
DULLES BY MR. MOLOTOV, BERLIN,
JANUARY 30
[Translation]
Draft Declaration of the Governments of the United
States of America, England and France, Chinese People's
Republic and the Soviet Vnion Concerning Unconditimial
Renunciation of Use of Atomic, Hydrogen and Other
Forms of Weapons of Mass Destruction.
The Governments of the United States of America, Eng-
land, France, Chinese People's Republic and the U. S. S. R.,
determined to deliver humanity from the threat of de-
structive war with the use of atomic, hydrogen, and other
forms of weapons of mass destruction, desirous of as-
sisting In every way in the utilization of the great scien-
tific discoveries in the field of atomic energy only for
peaceful purposes for the well-being of peoples and the
amelioration of their Living conditions.
•Bulletin of Jan. 18, 19.j4, p. 80.
Ocfober 4, 1954
Considering that the unconditional renunciation by
states of the use of atomic, hydrogen, and other forms of
weapons of mass destrui'tion corresponds to the basic pur-
IM)se8 of the organization of the United Nations and
would constitute an iiri|Hirtant steii on the road to the
complete withdrawal from national armaments of the
atomic, hydrogen, and other forms of weapons of mass
destruction with the establishment of strict Interna-
tional control guaranteeing the execution of agreement
concerning the prohibition of the use of atomic energy
for military purpo.ses, animated by the aspirations of the
peoples for a reduction in international tension.
Solemnly declare that they take upon themselves the
unconditional obligation not to use atomic, hydrogen,
and other forms of weapons of mass destruction ;
Call on other countries to adhere to the present decla-
ration.
AIDE MEMOIRE HANDED TO
SECRETARY DULLES BY MR. MOLOTOV,
BERLIN, FEBRUARY 13
[Translation]
1. In the aide memoire presented by the Ambassador of
the U. S. S. R. in Washington to the Secretary of State
of the U.S.A. on January 19, 1954, the Soviet Government
expressed tie view that at a subsequent stage of the ne-
gotiations on the atomic problem all the powers hearing
primary responsibility for tlie maintenance of peace and
international security should be invited to take part.
In a private talk with Mr. Dulles on January 30 last,
V. M. Molotov explained that the powers referred to are
the Five Powers, namely, the United States of America,
the Soviet Union, Britain, France, and the Chinese Peo-
ple's Republic.
2. In that talk Mr. Dulles expressed the view that
Britain, France, and also Canada and Belgium should be
invited to join in the negotiations on the atomic problem,
and he explained that Canada and Belgium should take
part as countries possessing resources of atomic mate-
rials.
3. In connection therewith the Soviet Government states
that it would have no objection to the participation in
the negotiations on the atomic problem at an appropriate
stage, besides the Five Powers, of Canada and Belgium,
and also believes it necessary to have Czechoslovakia in-
vited to take part in the said negotiations as a country
possessing atomic materials.
LETTER FROM SECRETARY DULLES TO
MR. MOLOTOV, BERLIN, FEBRUARY 16
Dear Mr. Minister: I refer to your Aide Memoire,
which you handed me on February 13, 1954, regarding
the discussions on the atomic proposal.
In your numbered paragraph 2, you state that I "ex-
pressed the view that Britain, France and also Canada
479
and Belt;ium should be invited to join in the negotiations
on tlie atomic problem, and (he) explained that Canada
and Belgium should take part as countries possessing re-
sources of atomic materials." This statement does not
fully accord with my recollection of what I said on the
subject on January 30. I would like to clear up the
apparent misunderstanding. At that discussion I said
that the United Kingdom, Canada and France had all
made progress in the atomic field. I then referred to
Belgium and other countries which were important sources
of raw material. In these circumstances I indicated that
if we shifted our talks from a bilateral basis to a broader
conference at that .«tage the United States would raise
the problem of what countries should participate.
In connection with the jieneral subject of possible fu-
ture participation, I should like to call your attention
once more to a general statement which I have made re-
peatedly here in Berlin. This is that the United States
is not prepared to participate In any conference with the
Chinese Communist regime on the theory that it has, or
shares, any special position of responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
I shall hope to be in a position to hand to Ambassador
Zaroubin in Washington, shortly after my return, a memo-
randum on the substance of the President's proposal.
Very truly yours,
John Fosteb Dulles
His Excellency
V. M. MOLOTOV,
Minister of Foreign Affairs for
the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics.
LETTER FROM MR. MOLOTOV TO
SECRETARY DULLES, BERLIN, FEBRUARY 18
[Translation]
Deab JIr. Secret aby of State : I confirm the receipt of
your letter of February 16, 1954.
Inasmuch as you are already preparing to depart today,
I will .send my reply to your letter through the Ambassador
of the Soviet Union in Washington, Zaroubin.
Respectfully,
V. MoLOTOV
MEMORANDUM HANDED TO ACTING
SECRETARY SMITH BY AMBASSADOR
ZAROUBIN, WASHINGTON, MARCH 10
[Translation]
In connection with the letter from the Secretary of
State of the United States of America of February 16
of this year addressed to Mr. V. M. Molotov, Minister
of Foreign Affairs of the U. S. S. K., I am instructed by
Mr. V. M. Molotov to state the following :
The views expressed in the letter that it is not con-
sidered expedient to deflne at present which specific coun-
tries should be invited to participate in the talks on the
atomic question at a later stage of the talks have been
noted.
As already stated in the aide memoire handed to Mr.
Dulles by Ambassador Zaroubin January 19, as well as
in the private discussion held by Mr. V. M. Molotov and
Jlr. Dulles at Berlin, the Soviet Government agrees to
negotiate with the Government of the United States of
America on the atomic question on a bilateral basis. At
the same time, in case It is decided to shift these negotia-
tions to a broader basis, there is no objection to an addi-
tional examination of the question as to the participants
in such negotiations.
With regard to the possible participation of the Chinese
People's Republic in the negotiations on the atomic ques-
tion at a subsequent stage, the opinion of the Soviet Gov-
ernment on this question was stated in the aide memoire
of February 13.
MEMORANDUM HANDED TO AMBASSADOR
ZAROUBIN BY SECRETARY DULLES,
WASHINGTON, MARCH 13
Outline of an International Atomic Enekgt Agency
The United States Government wishes to submit addi-
tional tentative views amplifying the proposals for an
International Atomic Energy Agency as presented by the
President of the United States to the United Nations
General Assembly on December 8, 1953 :
I. The Objectives of the U.S. Proposals
The U.S. propo.ses that there should be established
under the aegis of the United Nations an Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency to receive supplies
of nuclear materials from those member nations
having stocks of such materials to be used for the
following objectives :
A. to encourage world-wide research and develop-
ment of peaceful uses of atomic energy by assuring
that engineers and scientists of the world have
sufficient materials to conduct such activities and
by fostering the interchange of information.
B. to furnish nuclear materials to meet the needs of
agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activ-
ities including the eventual production of power.
II. The International Atomic Energy Agency
A. The Agency would be created liy and derive its
authority under the terms of a treaty among the
participating nations. To the greatest extent
practicable, the treaty should define standards and
principles which would govern the Agency in the
discharge of its functions.
B. Membership — all signatory states would be mem-
bers of the Agency.
480
Department of State Bulletin
C. Uoverning Itoiiy
1. The highest executive authoritj in the Aseuoy
should tie t'xorcisoil liy ii Hoard of Governors,
of limited nienihership reiireseiitin}; t;overn-
ments. In deterininiiiL; the eoiiiiiosltion of the
Hoard of Governors, it might be desirable to
take account of geographic distribution and
membership by prosi>ective bcuellciarics. It is
expected that the principal eontril)utors would
be on the Board of Governors.
2. It is suggested that decisions of the Board
of Governors generally should be taken by some
form of majority vote. Arrangements could
be worked out to give the principal contribut-
ing countries special voting privileges on cer-
tain matters, such as allocations of fissionable
material.
D. Staff— The Staff of the Agency should be headed
by an administrative head or general manager,
appointed for a fixed term by the Board of Gover-
nors and subject to its control, and, of course,
include highly qualified scientific and technical
personnel. Under the general supervision of the
Board, the administrative head should be responsi-
ble for the appointment, organization and func-
tioning of the Staff.
E. Financing
1. Funds for the central facilities and fixed plant
of the Agency and its research projects should
be provided through appropriation by the par-
ticipating states in accordance vfith a scale of
contributions to be agreed upon. It is sug-
gested that it might be possible to utilize the
general principles governing the scale of con-
tributions by individual members to the UN.
2. Funds for specific projects submitted by mem-
ber nations to utilize the materials or services
of the Agency should be provided by the re-
cipient country concerned through specific ar-
rangements in each case.
F. The administrative headquarters of the Agency
could be located at a place mutually agreed upon.
G. Relationship to the United Nations and Other
International Bodies — The Agency should submit
reports to the UN Security Council and General
Assembly when requested by either of these or-
gans. The Agency should also consult and cooper-
ate with other UN bodies whose work may be
related to that of the Agency.
H. The facilities of the Agency would include :
1. Plant, equipment, and facilities for the receipt,
storage, and issuance of nuclear materials.
2. Physical safeguards.
3. Control laboratories for analysis and verifica-
tion of receipts and inventory control of nu-
clear materials.
4. Necessary housing for administrative and other
activities of the Agency not included in the
preceding categories.
5. Those faclUtleB, as iiiigbl in time be necessary,
for such purposes as education and training,
research and development, fuel fabrication
and chemical processing.
111. Ftinction.i of the Aijcnvy
A. Receipt and Storage of Materials
1. All member nations possessing stocks of normal
and enriched uranium, thorium metal, U-2.'W,
U-235, U-2.'$8, Plutonium and alloys of the fore-
going would be expected to make contributions
of such material to the Agency.
2. The United States would be prepared to make
as a donation, a substantial initial contribution
of nuclear materials towards the needs of the
Agency. The USSR would make an equivalent
donation towards these needs.
3. The Agency would specify the place, method of
delivery, and, when appropriate, the form and
composition of materials it will receive. The
Agency would also verify stated quantities of
materials received and would report to the
members these amounts. The Agency would be
responsible for storing and protecting materials
in a way to minimize the likelihood of surprise
seizure.
B. Allocation of Materials by the Agency
1. The Agency would review proposals submitted
by participating members desiring to receive al-
locations of Agency stocks in the light of uni-
form and equitable criteria, including:
a. The use to which material would be put, in-
cluding scientific and technical feasibility.
b. The adequacy of plan.s. funds, technical
personnel, etc., to assure effective use of the
material.
c. Adequacy of proposed health and safety meas-
ures for handling and storing materials and
for operating facilities.
d. Equitable distribution of available materials.
2. Title to nuclear materials would initially remain
with the Agency, which would determine fair
payment to be made for use of materials.
3. In order to insure that adequate health and
safety standards were being followed, and in
order to assure that allocated fissionable ma-
terial is being used for the purposes for which
it was allocated, the Agency would have the
continuing authority to prescribe certain design
and operating conditions, health and safety
regulations, require accountability and operat-
ing records, specify disposition of byproduct
fissionable materials and wastes, retain the
right of monitoring and require progress reports.
The Agency would also have authority to verify
status of allocated material inventories and to
verify compliance with the terms of issuance.
4. Information about all transactions entered into
by the Agency would be available to all members.
C. Information and Service Activities of the Agency
1. All member nations possessing information
October 4. 1954
481
relevant to the activities of the Agency would
be expected to make contributions from that
information to the Agency.
. In addition to data developed as a result of its
own activities, the Agency would have avail-
able:
a. Data developed by participating countries as
a result of the utilization of the materials,
information, services, and other assistance
of the Agency.
b. Data already publicly available in some of
the countries.
c. Data developed and previously held by prin-
cipals or other members and voluntarily con-
tributed to the Agency.
. The Agency would encourage the exchange of
scientific and technical information among na-
tions, and be responsible for makiag wide dis-
semination of the data in its possession.
. The Agency would serve as an intermediary
securing the performance of services by one
participating country for another. Among the
specific activities the Agency might provide
would be the following:
a. Training and education.
b. Services concerned with developing codes for
public health and safety in connection with
the utilization of fissionable materials.
c. Consultative technical services in connection
with the establishment and carrying on of
programs.
d. Processing of nuclear materials (i. e., chem-
ical separation and purification, fabrication
of fuel elements, etc.).
e. Supply of special materials, such as lieavy
water.
f. Design and supply of specialized equipment.
g. Special laboratory services such as conduct
of experiments and tests.
h. Aid in making financial arrangements for
the support of appropriate projects.
AIDE MEMOIRE HANDED TO SECRETARY
DULLES BY MR. MOLOTOV, GENEVA,
APRIL 27
[Translation]
In connection with tlie memorandum of the Govern-
ment of the U. S. A. dated March 19, containing supple-
mentary explanations concerning the international organ
(agency) of atomic energy, discussed in President Eisen-
hower's statement of December 8, 1953, the Soviet Govern-
ment considers it neces.sary to state the following consid-
erations.
In the aforementioned statement of the President of
the U. S. A. which underlined the special danger of the
atomic weapon, a i)roiK)sal was made that tlie appropriate
states allocate a small part of the atomic materials out
of their stocks for the disposal of the International
Agency to use for peaceful needs. In the memorandum
of JIarch 19 several details of the organization of the
aforementioned International Agency were given, but
those remarks which were made by the Soviet Govern-
ment in its statement of December 21 concerning the
statement of the President of the U. S. A. on December
8 were completely ignored. Nevertheless, these remarks
of the Soviet Government aim to achieve an agreement
concerning the prohibition of atomic weapons and to
secure the acceptance of an obligation by the states in
the very near future not to use atomic and hydrogen
weapons, which are by their nature weapons of aggression.
In his address of December 8 the President of the
U. S. A. declared "My country wants to be constructive,
not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among
nations." In this statement the President of the U. S. A.
al.so said : "The United States, heeding the suggestion
of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is
instantly prepared to meet privately with such other
countries as may be 'principally involved', to seek 'an
acceptable solution' to the atomic armaments race which
overshadows not only the peace, but the very life, of
the world."
These statements of the President of the U. S. A.
expressed wishes for peace, a yearning to find a solution
of the problem of the atomic armament race, together
with representatives of other countries, and a desire to
achieve "agreements, not wars, among nations." Inas-
much as it is the constant aspiration of the Government
of tlie U. S. S. R. to assist in strengthening peace among
nations and under present conditions, in particular,
to assist in the elimination of the threat of an atomic
war, the Soviet Government has expressed readiness to
take part in the appropriate negotiations.
However, the Soviet Government has considered and
still considers it necessary to call special attention to the
following.
First : The proposal of the U. S. A. that the appropriate
states place a small part of atomic materials out of their
stocks at the disposal of the International Organ to be
used for peaceful needs, cannot assist in the achieve-
ment of the aims set forth in the aforementioned address
of the President of the U. S. A. By such an allocation of a
small part of the atomic materials for peaceful needs,
the principal mass of the atomic materials will go, as
before, for the production of new atomic and hydrogen
bomli.s, which means a further accumulation of atomic
weapons and the possiliility of creating new types of this
weaiwn of more destructive force. Such a situation
means that the states which have the opportunity to
produce atomic and hydrogen weapons will not be
restrained at all in tlie furtlier increase of stocks of this
weapon.
The allocation of a small iKirtion of atomic materials
out of the stocks in existence to be utilized for peaceful
needs may only create the appearance that the quantity
of atomic materials allocated for the production of
atomic and hydrogen weapons is being decreased. But,
in reality that is not the case at all. The production
of atomic materials in a number of countries has been
482
Deparfmenf of Stale Bulletin
jjrowln;,' with I'lU-li year so fast that the alhxatioii of a
certain part for iH'acoful iuhhIs wili by no mi-ans reduce
the quantity of the ucwly produced atomic and liydrofjen
boml)s. Consequeutly, even In case tlie U. S. proiiosal
should be carried out, it would be iiupos3tl)le to say that
tlie atomic annament race is l>elnf; stopi>ed, as was said
In the statement of the President of the V. S. A. of
December 8.
The level of science and tecbiiique which has been
readied at the present time malies it iwssible for the
very application of atomic energy for peaceful purposes
to be utilized for increasing the production of atomic
weaix)us.
It is well known that it is practically feasible to
carry out on an industrial scale a process of obtaining
electrical power for peaceful needs by utilizing atomic
materials, in which tlie quantity of the tissionable atomic
materials applied in the process not only fails to decrease
but, on the contrary, increases. And the harmless atomic
materials are converted into explosive and fissionable
materials which are the basis for the production of
atomic and hydroiren weapons. In other words, the
fact that the peaceful application of atomic energy is
connected with the ixissibility of simultaneous produc-
tion of atomic materials utilized for the manufacture
of the atomic weapon is indisputable and has been proved
in practice. Such a situation not only fails to lead to
a reduction of the stocks of atomic materials utilized for
the manufacture of atomic weapons, but also leads to an
increase of these stocks without any limitations being
applied either to the constantl.v increasing production of
these materials in individual states or to production by
the International Agency itself.
Consequently, the proposal of the U. S. A. concerning
the allocation of a certain portion of atomic materials to
be utilized for peaceful purposes not only fails to stop the
atomic armament race but leads to its further inten-
sification.
Second : The U . S. proposal of December 8, as well as
the v. S. A. memorandum of March 19, completely evades
the problem of the inadmissibility of the use of atomic
weapons, which are weapons of mass destruction.
The acceptance of President Eisenhower's proposal
would by no means restrict the aggressor in utilizing
atomic weapons for any purpose and at any time and
con.sequeutly would not diminish at all the danger of a
war with the use of atomic and hydrogen weapons.
Thus, the acceptance of the aforementioned proposal of
the U. S. A. would not introduce any change into the
existing situation, when states which have at their dis-
posal atomic materials and appropriate manufacturing
and technical possibilities for the production of atomic
weapons produce them on an increasing scale and ac-
cumulate stocks of atomic and hydrogen bombs of more
and more destructive power. Besides, all this takes place
under conditions of complete absence of any international
agreement whatsoever which binds states in the applica-
tion of atomic and hydrogen weapons.
However, it cannot be denied that recently there has
been widespread uneasiness in many countries in connec-
tion with the increase in the destructive power of the
atomic weapon and especially In view of the appearance
of I be hydrogen weapon. It would be wrong not to con-
sider the.se well-known facts and the ever-lncreasingly in-
sistent demands not to permit the use of the atomic and
the hydrogen weapon In warfare.
All this justifies the conclusion that neither the V. S.
proposal of December S nor the U. S. memorandum of
March 19 meets the basic purpose — elimination of the
threat of atomic war.
In its statement of December 21 the Soviet Government
pointed out that if the Government of the U. S. A., as
well as the Government of the U. S. S. R. Is striving to
reduce International tension and strengthen peace, then
the efforts of both Governments should be directed toward
concluding an agreement for prohibiting the atomic weap-
on and toward establishing a suitable and effective in-
ternational control over this prohibition. With such an
international prohibition against the atomic weapon, broad
possibilities would be opened for the use of atomic energy
for peaceful purposes. Since the statement of December 8
of the President of the U. S. A. and the U. S. memorandum
of March 19 both evade the question of prohibiting the
atomic weapon and actually ignore the possibility of fur-
ther unlimited increase in the production of this weapon
and its u.se by an aggressor, the U. S. proposal for the
creation of an international agency for the utilization of
atomic energy does not reduce the danger of atomic war-
fare in the slightest. Moreover, it may even serve ends
that are the exact opposite. This proposal to use some
portion of the atomic materials for peaceful purposes may
create the deceptive appearance of curtailing the produc-
tion of the atomic weapon and may lead to the relaxing
of vigilance on the part of nations with regard to the
growing threat of war with the use of this weapon of
aggression and mass destruction of people.
The fact that heretofore it has been impossible to con-
clude an appropriate agreement for the unconditional
prohibition of atomic, hydrogen, and other types of weap-
ons of mass destruction not only does not diminish the
importance of efforts in this direction but, on the contrary,
makes such efforts still more necessary, taking into ac-
count the ever-increasing danger for nations in connection
with the continuing race in the production of the atomic
and the hydrogen weapon. This applies especially to those
states which have available the corresponding resources
in atomic materials and are producing the atomic and the
hydrogen weapon.
If the matter were reduced merely to agreements be-
tween states, that for peaceful purposes there should be
allotted only some small portion of the atomic materials,
but the production of the atomic weapon in the future
also should not be restricted at all, then such an inter-
national agreement would in fact grant an inadmissible
sanction to the production of the atomic weapon, which
would suit the convenience of the aggressive forces only.
This sort of international sanction of the production of
the atomic weapon not only would not facilitate the con-
clusion of an agreement for its prohibition but would, on
the contrary, be a new obstacle on the road to the conclu-
sion of such an agreement.
It is indispensable that not merely some portion, but
the entire mass of atomic materials be directed entirely
to peaceful purjKises, that the achievements of science In
Ocfofaer 4, 1954
483
this field serve not purposes of war and mass destruction
of people but purposes of improving economic life and
culture, which would open up unprecedented opportunities
for improving industry, agriculture, and transportation,
for use in medicine, for perfecting technical processes and
the further progress of science.
The prohibition of the atomic and the hydrogen weapon
and the utilization of all atomic materials for peaceful
purposes, supplying the proper aid to regions that are
economically weak, would at the same time promote the
possibility of concluding an agreement on the matter of a
decisive reduction in conventional types of armaments.
This would make it possible to greatly alleviate the tax
burden which nations are bearing as a result of the ex-
istence in many states of inordinately swollen armies,
since the armament race goes on.
Desiring to facilitate the possibility of concluding an
agreement for the unconditional and complete prohibition
of the atomic weapon and the establishment of appro-
priate international control, the Soviet Government, hav-
ing expressed its readiness to take part in negotiations
with respect to the proposal of the Government of the
U. S. A., has, on its part, introduced the following pro-
posal for consideration :
Bcinp guided hy the desire to reduce international ten-
sion, the states participating in the Agreement undertake
the solemn and unconditional obligation not to use atomic,
hydrogen, or any other weapon of mass destruction.
This proposal was set down as the basis for the draft of
a declaration of the Governments of the U. S. A., Great
Britain, France, the Chinese People's Republic, and the
Soviet Union, a draft which the Soviet Government com-
municated on January 30 to the Government of the U. S. A.,
as well as to the Governments of Great Britain, France,
and the Chinese People's Republic. The adoption of the
obligation of unconditional repudiation of the use of the
atomic and the hydrogen weapon by states, and first of
all by the Great Powers, would mean a great step toward
relieving humanity of the threat of atomic war with its
countless sacrifices and hardships.
The Soviet Government observes that the Government
of the U. S. A. has so far not only failed to recognize the
necessity for the urgent prohibition of the atomic and
hydrogen weapon and for the establishment of appropri-
ate international control over this prohibition, but it has
also failed to express readiness to come to an understand-
ing on the unconditional repudiation by states of the use
of the atomic, the hydrogen, or any other weapon of mass
destruction. In this connection, the Soviet Government
attaches special importance to achieving coordination be-
tween the positions of the U. S. S. R. and the U. S. A. with
regard to the adoption by states of the solemn and un-
conditional obligation not to use the atomic, the hydrogen,
or any other weapon of ma.ss destruction. Consideration
of the separate proposals regarding partial utilization of
atomic materials for peaceful purposes, without agree-
ment between states on repudiating the use of the atomic
weapon, would not contribute anything at all toward re-
ducing international tension and the danger of war. Be-
sides, it might lead to a blunting of the vigilance of nations
with regard to this danger.
In view of the considerations cited and in accordance
with General Eisenhower's statement concerning the de-
sire of the U. S. A. to reduce international tension, the
Soviet Government considers it urgently necessary In the
first place to arrive at an agreement between the U. S. S. R.
and the U. S. A. on the question of repudiating the use of
the atomic weapon, without which the negotiations ini-
tiated cannot yield the proper results, in which the peoples
of our countries and other states are interested.
As far as the other questions dealt with in the U. S.
memorandum of March 19 are concerned, the inadequacy
and one-sidedness of which are obvious, they can be con-
sidered as a supplement, after arriving at agreement on
the fundamental questions.
INFORMAL PAPER LEFT WITH MR. MOLOTOV
BY SECRETARY DULLES, GENEVA, MAY 1
1. I have now read the aide-memoire of the Soviet
Union of April 27 re the proposal for "an international
atomic energy agency" submitted to the Soviet Ambassa-
dor in Washington on March 19. This aide-memoire
criticizes the proposal on the grounds that it would not
substantially reduce atomic material stockpiles, or control
the making or use of atomic weapons or remove the threat
of atomic war.
2. These criticisms misconstrue the purpose of the US
proiwsal of March 19. By its terms this proiwsal was
not intended as a measure for the control of atomic weaj)-
ons or for solving itself the various other problems men-
tioned in the Soviet note. Its purpose was the more
limited one of initiating international cooperation in the
field of atomic energy on a basis which would avoid many
of the obstacles which have heretofore blocked any agree-
ment. In this way the proposal could contribute to im-
proving relations among the cooperating nations and
thereby to facilitating solution of the more difficult prob-
lem of effective control of atomic energy for military
purposes.
3. Accordingly, the US cannot concur in the view of the
Soviet Union that creation of an international agency to
foster the use of atomic materials for peaceful purposes
would not be useful In itself. On the contrary, it be-
lieves that such an agency could have valuable results
both in encouraging closer cooperation among the par-
ticipating nations and in expediting more extensive use
of atomic energy for purposes beneficial to mankind. The
US therefore regrets that the Soviet Union is not willing
to explore this matter further at this time.
4. In view of the lack of interest now of the Soviet
Union in pursuing this proposal, the US will feel free to
examine the creation of such an agency with other nations
which might be interested. If the Soviet Union should
later decide that it wishes to take part in any such dis-
cussions, the US will, of course, welcome its participation.
5. The US proposal of March 19 was, of course, not
intended as a substitute for an effective system of control
of atomic energy for military purposes. The US will
continue, as heretofore, to seek means of achieving such
control under reliable and adequate safeguards. It is
484
Department of State Bulletin
prepareil to contiiiuo excliangi's of views with tlie Soviet
Union for that purpose, and will shortly submit to the
Soviet Union comments on its proposal referred to in its
aide-memoire of April 127.
MEMORANDUM HANDED TO AMBASSADOR
ZAROUBIN BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY
MERCHANT, WASHINGTON, JULY 9
The United States has further considered the draft
declaration of January 30 and Aide-Memoire of April 27
delivered by the Soviet Union to the United States. The
United States wishes to make the following comments :
1. The President's speech of December 8, 1953 to the
United Nations General Assembly pointed out the dangers
of the atomic armaments race and stressed the desire of
the United States to remove these dangers by any effective
method which includes ade<iuate safeguards against viola-
tions and evasions. The United States would welcome
any system of disarmament which would serve to protect
the peoples of the world from the threat of war and re-
lieve them of the heavy burden of military defense in a
manner consistent with their security.
2. The United States is also aware of the difficulties
which have been experienced since 1046 in trying to nego-
tiate a disarmament plan. From that date until the
present, the United States has persistently sought, alone
and in concert with other nations, to find ways of easing
the burden of armaments and of lessening the threat of
war. In the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission
from ISMO through 1948, in the Commission for Conven-
tional Armaments from 1947 through 1950, in the special
meetings of the Six Permanent Members of the United
Nations Atomic Energy Commission in 1949 and 1950, and
in the United Nations Disarmament Commission since
1951, the overwhelming majority of nations was able to
reach agreement— the Soviet Union alone prevented
progress.
3. Despite this discouraging record, the President, In
his address on December 8, stated that the United States,
heeding the resolution of November 28, 1953 of the General
Assembly of the United Nations, was "prepared to meet
privately with such other countries as may be 'principally
involved' to seek 'an acceptable solution' to the atomic
armaments race which overshadows not only the peace
but the very life of the world."
II.
4. In his address, the President also stated that the
•United States would carry into these talks a new pro-
posal for an international atomic energy agency to expe-
dite the use of atomic energy to serve the peaceful pur-
suits of mankind. In its memorandum of March 19, the
United States explained in more detail its views on the
method for converting this conception into a practical
reality. The Aide-Memoire of April 27 of the Soviet
Union appears to misconstrue completely the purpose of
this specific proposal.
5. This proposal was intended to make a beginning to-
ward bringing to the jieoples of the world the pea<eful
benefits of atomic energy. This offer by the United States
to Join with other nations having atomic facilities to
furnish fissionable material and atomic energy technol-
ogy for the common benefit, would provide u new opi)or-
tunity for international cooperation. Successful coopera-
tion in the implementation of the President's proposal
would surely result in an Improved atmosphere, which,
in turn, could significantly improve the prospects for
genuine, safeguarded international disarmament. The
proposal Itself was not put forward as a disarmament
plan.
6. The Soviet Aide-Memoire of April 27 states in effect
that the USSR will not cooperate in steps to achieve
peaceful benefits of atomic power for the world until the
United States agrees to a ban on the use of atomic weap-
ons. The primary reason given for this position is that
under the President's United Nations proposal, stock-
piles of weapon grade material could continue to increase
after the international agency had been established. Yet
the Soviet proposal for a ban on weapons' use would not
in any way prevent such increases in stockpiles. Accord-
ingly, the United States cannot agree that the Soviet
position provides a valid objection to proceeding at this
time with steps for promoting the peaceful uses of atomic
energy.
7. The Soviet Union also appears to assume that any
form of peaceful utilization of atomic energy must neces-
sarily increase stocks of materials available for military
purposes. In reality, however, ways can be devised to
safeguard against diversion of materials from power pro-
ducing reactors. And there are forms of peaceful utiliza-
tion in which no question of weapon grade material
arises.
8. The United States believes that the nations most ad-
vanced in knowledge regarding the constructive uses of
atomic energy have an obligation to make it available,
wider appropriate conditions, for promoting the welfare
of peoples generally. At the present stage of nuclear
technologj-, the United States believes that it is now jms-
sible to make a beginning in this direction. Accordingly,
the United States will feel free to go ahead with its
proposal with other interested nations, even though the
Soviet Union does not wish to pursue it at this time.
If at a later time the Soviet Union should decide to take
part in any such discussions, the United States will con-
tinue to welcome such participation.
III.
9. The Soviet Union refers to its proposal of January 30
for an international agreement calling for unconditional
renunciation of the use of atomic, hydrogen and other
forms of weapons of mass destruction. The United States
has thoroughly and earnestly considered this proposal in
accordance with its oft-declared policy to examine with
an open mind all suggested approaches to the problem
of disarmament.
10. In the opinion of the United States, any effective
plan for disarmament must provide satisfactory answers
to two fundamental questions :
a. First, will the plan result in an actual reduction or
Ocfober 4, 1954
316699—54 3
485
elimination of national armaments in a manner con-
sistent with the security of each nation? A paper
promise not to use weapons will not enable the nations
safely to reduce their armaments. The very existence
of any weapon poses the possibility of its use, despite
promises not to do so, which can be broken without
notice.
b. Second, will the plan materially reduce or elim-
inate the danger of aggression and warfare? If any
plan would, in fact, tend to increase the danger of re-
sort to war by a potential aggressor, it would not ac-
complish the basic purpose of disarmament.
11. The Soviet Union's proposal of January 30 fails to
meet either of these basic tests, or to offer any hofie for
beneficial results in the disarmament field :
a. It would leave unimpaired existing armaments
and continued armament production. This is clear
from the terms of the Soviet proposal itself. There
would be only an exchange of promises not to make use
of weapons which are still retained. There could be
no certainty that these assurances would be observed.
The maintenance of stocks of weapons and the con-
tinued manufacture of weapons would bear ominous
witness to the danger that the assurances might be
disregarded.
b. The danger of aggression and war would not be
lessened if the Soviet proposal were put in effect. In-
deed, it could be increased, since the deterrent effect
upon a potential aggressor of the existence of nuclear
weapons would doubtless be lessened if his possible vic-
tims had undertaken an obligation not to use them.
Such an aggressor might be tempted to initiate an at-
tack in the hope that the ban would prevent or delay
the use of such weapons in the defense of his victims.
Yet, the aggressor with nuclear weapons would be in a
position to repudiate his past assurances and employ
nuclear weapons whenever it suited his interests. Thus,
such a plan might merely serve to induce aggression
and weaken its victims.
12. Not only does the Soviet proposal fail to meet the
necessary tests of any effective plan to prevent atomic
warfare, but it would in fact harm the chances of adop-
tion of any such effective plan. For surely the Soviet
proposal, if it were accepted, would tend to create the
deceptive impression that the danger of atomic warfare
had somehow been limited and weaken the vigilance of
the people regarding a threat which had, if anything, in-
creased. This false sense of security could discourage
further efforts to achieve genuine disarmament under
effective safeguards, which would actually enhance the
security of all, reduce the danger of war, and lighten the
heavy burden of armaments.
IV.
13. The United States reaffirms, as it did in the resolu-
tion adopted by the United Nations (Jeneral Assembly on
November 17, 1950, that, whatever the method used, ag-
gression itself is the gravest of all dangers. Only if there
is aggression will the world be exposed to the horrors of
modern war.
486
14. The signatories of the United Nations Charter have
undertaken solemn assurances not to commit aggression.
In conformity with its historic traditions, the United
States will never violate that pledge. But, as indicated,
the United States is convinced that the only truly effec-
tive way to ensure that aggression will not take place
and that nuclear weapons will not be used in war is to
adopt a safeguarded, balanced system of disarmament.
Such a system could materially reduce the chance of suc-
cessful aggression, and thereby minimize the risk of any
aggression at all.
15. The United States continues to believe that a solu-
tion of the armaments problem is essential. Despite its
inability to accept the Soviet proposal, the United States
is ready at all times to discuss acceptable measures for
effective disarmament under proper safeguards. It is pre-
pared to do so either in the continuation of private ex-
changes or in the United Nations Disarmament Commis-
sion. In view of the urgency of disarmament, the United
States will welcome such a continuation if the Soviet
Union considers it a useful means for seeking a common
approach to this problem.
16. The United States also hopes that, in the light of the
foregoing, the Soviet Union will wish to comment further
on the concrete proposal submitted by the United States
on March 19, 1954. In any event the United States is
prepared to renew with the Soviet Union at any time the
talks on the President's proposal.
Depabtment of State,
Washington, July 9, 195-i.
AIDE MEMOIRE HANDED TO AMBASSADOR
BOHLEN BY MR. GROMYKO,' MOSCOW,
SEPTEMBER 22
[Translation]
The Soviet Government has examined the U.S. Govern-
ment's memorandum of July 9, 1954, which is in answer
to the U.S.S.R. Government's aide memoire of April 27 and
considers it necessary to state the following :
In the above-mentioned aide-memoire of AprU 27 the
Soviet Government set forth certain observations in con-
nection with the U.S. Government's proposal concerning
the establishment of an International Organ for Atomic
Energy, whicli was discussed in President Eisenhower's
statement of December 8, 1953. The Soviet Government
drew attention to the fact that the implementation of the
U.S.A.'s proposal, which provides that appropriate states
allot from their stockpiles a certain part of atomic mate-
rials to the disposition of the International Organ to be
used for peaceful purposes, cannot contribute to stopping
the atomic armaments race. In this connection the fact
was pointed out that states which have the ability to pro-
duce atomic and hydrogen weapons will in no way be
hampered in further increase of stockpiles of them by
allotting only a small part of atomic materials to peace-
* Andrei Gromyko, Deputy Foreign Minister.
Department of State Bulletin
fill purposes while tUe luaiu body of these materials will
as before go for production of atomic weapons.
lu the above-mentioned aide meiuolre of April 27 the
Soviet Government also drew attention to the fact that
the United States of America's proposal avoids the ques-
tion of the impermissibility of using atomic weapons which
are weapons of mass destruction, and that acceptance of
this proposal of the I'.S.A. would bring about no chant;e lu
the existing situation, whereby states disposing of atomic
materials and corresponding possibilities for production
of atomic weapons are producing them on an ever-increas-
ing scale and are building up stockpiles of atomic and
hydrogen bombs of ever greater destructive force.
Such a situation would mean that in fact inadmissible
International approval would be given to the production
of atomic weaixnis, a fact which not only would not facili-
tate the attainment of agreement regarding prohibition
of atomic weapons and their removal from state arma-
ments but on the contrary would create new obstacles on
the path of reaching such agreement. It is not hard to
understand that this would serve the purpose only of a
potential aggressor ; thus the U.S.A.'s proposal does not
satisfy the basic aim — to remove the threat of atomic
war.
In its memorandum of July 9 the Government of the
U.S.A. speaks of its desire to seek, together with other
countries, ways of lessening the threat of war and light-
ening the armaments burden. The Soviet Government is
of the opinion that, if the Government of the U.S.A. as well
as the Government of the Soviet Union desires to lessen
the threat of war and lighten the armaments burden, the
efforts of both Governments should be directed toward
the attainment of an agreement regarding prohibition of
atomic weapons with the establishment of strict interna-
tional supervision over this prohibition and regarding sub-
stantial limitation on conventional armaments of states.
With just this end in mind the Soviet Government has
more than once advanced proposals in the United Nations
which provide for the conclusion of an international con-
vention regarding unconditional prohibition of atomic
weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction
and regarding substantial limitation of conventional arm-
aments. In advancing these proposals the Soviet Govern-
ment based itself on the fact that they answer the
ever-increasing popular demands to put an end to the
armaments race, including in field of atomic weapons, and
to take urgent measures to deliver humanity from the
horrors of destructive atomic war. Despite the assertion
contained in the American memorandum of July 9, it is not
the Soviet Union but the Government of the U.S.A. which
has up to the present time prevented the conclusion of
an agreement under conditions acceptable to all sovereign
and equal states, both regarding prohibition of atomic
weapons and also regarding substantial limitation of con-
ventional armaments with establishment of effective su-
pervision over fulfillment of such decisions.
International agreement regarding prohibition of atom-
ic weapons with establishment of appropriate supervision
over this prohibition would open wide possibilities for
use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes.
As is known, up to this time it has not been possible
to reach appropriate international agreement regarding
unconditional prohibition of atomic, hydrogen, and other
types of weapons of mass destruction, In view of the fact
that the United States from the very beginning of the
arising of the atomic problem has refused to take part
together with other states in an international agreement
prohibiting atomic weapons.
However, the circumstance that it has not been possible
to reach such agreement up to the present time should
not diminish the significance of efforts to reach the re-
quired agreement between interested states.
Such a new effort on the Soviet Government's part to
find a way out of the existing situation was the Soviet
Union's proposal that states take upon themselves the
unconditional ohligation not to use atomic, hydrogen, or
other types of weapons of mass destruction. This pro-
posal in the form of a draft of an appropriate declara-
tion by states was transmitted to the United States Sec-
retary of State, Mr. Dulles, on January 30.
Renunciation by states of the use of atomic, hydro-
gen, and other tyi)es of weapons of mass destruction
would be an important step on the path toward removal
from state armaments of these types of weapons and
establishment of strict international supervision guaran-
teeing fulfillment of an agreement regarding prohibition
of use of atomic energy for military purposes. Accept-
ance of the above-mentioned declaration would have tre-
mendous significance in the matter of removing the threat
of war in which atomic weapons would be used, would
contribute to strengthening international trust and lessen-
ing international tension, and also to improving atmos-
phere, the importance of which the U.S. Government re-
fers to in its aide memoire.
As is apparent from the U.S. Government's memorandum
of July 9, the Government of the U.S.A. has taken a
negative position with regard to the above-mentioned
proposal of the Soviet Union. As an objection to the
Soviet proposal the U.S. Government refers to the alleged
fact that it cannot be sure that an agreement regarding
unconditional renunciation by states of use of atomic
and hydrogen weapons will be carried out. However, If
one takes this point of view, one must in such a case
recognize that almost any international treaty or any
agreement, and also consequently obligations undertaken
in accordance with it, must be placed in doubt. It stands
to reason that it is impossible to agree with this, since
it contradicts established principles and standards of rela-
tions between states.
lu reality the international obligations of states which
could arise out of a declaration regarding the renuncia-
tion of use of weapons of mass destruction could have
not less but rather far more significance than certain
important international agreements concluded in the past
whose positive significance is generally recognized.
It Is known that during the First World War, when
there was as yet no corresponding international agree-
ment, there were widely used such weapons of mass de-
struction as suffocating and poisonous gases and also other
types of chemical weapons which met with the decisive
condemnation of peoples. Specifically in this connection
the necessity was recognized of concluding an interna-
Ocfober 4, 1954
487
tlonal agreement forbidding the use of such types of
weapons of mass destruction of people. As a result, the
Geneva Protocol concerning prohibition of chemical and
bacteriological weapons was signed in 1925. It is known
that this protocol played an important role in preventing
the use of chemical and bacteriological weapons during
the Second World War, as a result of which peoples were
spared the grave consequences of use of these weapons by
belligerents.
This fact shows that international agreements contain-
ing obligations not to use specific types of weapons in
war are not only possible but necessary and are important
means of struggling for the strengthening of peace. This
should be all the more applicable to an agreement con-
cerning the most destructive weapons known to mankind,
atomic and hydrogen weapons.
Also groundless is the allegation contained in the U.S.
Government's aide memoire that international agreement
on the renunciation by states of the use of atomic and
hydrogen weapons could increase the danger of war, as is
also the assertion that the existing situation, which Is
characterized by an unlimited race in the field of produc-
tion of atomic weapons, creates greater security than the
conclusion of an agreement on renunciation by states of
the use of the types of weapons mentioned. Such an asser-
tion is in clear contradiction to the actual situation and
to the facts. It was specifically with the appearance of
atomic and then hydrogen weapons, and also of rocket
and other new types of weapons of mass destruction of
ever-growing destructive force, that the armaments race,
including the race in production of atomic and hydrogen
weapons, especially gained intensity and at the same time
the threat increased of atomic war with all the grave
consequences ensuing therefrom for all peoples.
On the other hand, the renunciation by states of the use
of atomic and hydrogen weapons would change the inter-
national situation, would assist in further reduction of
tension in international relations and would lighten the
burden of the armaments race and excessive expenditures
on the maintenance in many states of swollen armed
forces. This, in its turn, would create conditions for the
transition to the nest step, to complete the prohibition
of atomic and hydrogen weapons and their removal from
the armaments of states.
In the Soviet Government's aide memoire of April 27
of this year attention was drawn to the fact that it is
possible to carry out the process on an industrial scale of
generating electrical energy through utilization of atomic
materials whereby the quantity of fissionable materials
used does not decrease but rather, on the contrary, in-
creases. At the same time nondangerous materials are
turned into dangerous and explosive materials capable
of serving as the basis for production of atomic and
hydrogen weapons. This means tliat the peaceful use of
atomic energy is tied to the possibility of simultaneously
producing explosive atomic njaterials for manufacture of
atomic weapons, which immutably leads to an increase
in the scale of production of atomic weapons and an
increase in the stocks of these.
In the U.S. Government's memorandum it is stated
that forms of peaceful utilization of atomic energy are
possible in which ways can be found to guarantee against
seepage of materials from factories producing energy and
that according to the opinion of the U.S. Government there
are forms of peaceful utilization in which the question
of materials going into production of atomic weapons does
not arise. The Soviet Government is ready to examine in
course of further negotiations the U.S. Government's
views on this question.
The proposal of the U.S. Government and the proposal of
the Soviet Government, as well as the views expressed
by both Governments in the course of negotiations show
that it has not yet been possible to harmonize the posi-
tions of the parties on a number of substantive questions.
In the course of negotiations the Soviet Government in-
sisted and continues to insist on the necessity for inter-
national agreements which would insure that atomic
energy would not be permitted to be used for military
purposes and would make its use possible only for peaceful
purposes, for the good of mankind. The U.S. Government
also states that it desires to cooperate in the peaceful
utilization of atomic energy.
Inasmuch as reconciling positions of the U.S.A. and
the Soviet Union on this question has an important sig-
nificance for the achievement of international agreement
regarding the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes,
the Soviet Government deems it desirable for both Gov-
ernments to continue efforts to bring the positions of the
parties closer together. One must not consider that the
possibilities of making the positions of the parties agree
have been exhausted, especially if one takes into account
the fact that a number of concrete questions which arise,
both in connection with the proposal of the Soviet Union
and in connection with the proposal of the United States,
have not yet been subjected to proper examination. More-
over, thorough examination of these questions could assist
in further clarification of the possibilities of reaching an
appropriate agreement.
In this connection the Soviet Government would con-
sider it expedient to draw the attention of the U.S. Gov-
ernment to certain important principles which one must
not overlook in considering the question on international
cooperation in the field of peaceful uses of atomic energy.
The Soviet Government proceeds from the principle that
an important prerequisite to international agreement in
this field is recognition that any such agreement should
not place any one state or group of states in privileged
position whereby this state or group of states could enforce
its will on other states. This is particularly worthy of
emphasis in connection with the U.S. Government's pro-
posal having to do with structure and governing bodies
of the International Agency.
Any International Organ created on the basis of an
appropriate agreement between states can only success-
fully carry out its functions if its competence, sufficiently
wide to permit it effectively to fulfill the tasks entrusted
to it, is not at the same time utilized to the detriment of
the security of some of the other states. It can answer
its purpose only if its competence and tasks, as well as its
practical activity, are in conformity with generally rec-
ognized principles of the charter of the United Nations.
The Soviet Government shares the opinion of the U.S.
Government regarding the thesis that the appropriate
International Organ would report concerning its activity
488
Department of State Bulletin
to the Security Council niul the General Assembly. It
goes without siiyin^ that when, in this eonnectlon, ques-
tions arise having to ilo with the security ot some of the
other states, necessary decisions must be taken speclllcally
by the Security Council in accordance with Its jiowers as
the Organ on which Is placed principal responsibility for
the maintenance ot peace and international security.
This was recognized as early as .January VMQ when the
ijrst decision of the United Nations concerning atomic
problems was taken.
The Soviet Government taking into consideration the
declaration of the Government of the U.S.A. concerning
willingness at any time to renew the negotiations con-
nected with the peaceful uses of atomic energy, for its
part declares its willingness to continue these negotiations
for the examination of the proposals of the Soviet Govern-
ment as well as the proposals of the Government of the
U.S.A.
In conclusion, the Soviet Government would like to
know the opinion of the U.S. Government as to whether
it is not desirable that all documents which have been
mutually exchanged between the Governments of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States
of America during the course of the conversations which
have taken place on the atomic problem should he pub-
lished in the press of the Soviet Union as well as the press
of the U.S.A. respectively in order that public opinion
might be informed concerning the contents of these nego-
tiations. In this connection the Soviet Government takes
into consideration the fact that in the course of the con-
versations which have taken place between the Soviet
Union and the U.S.A., communications have appeared in
the press which imprecisely elucidate certain questions
concerning the position of the parties.
LETTER FROM AMBASSADOR BOHLEN TO
MR. GROMYKO, MOSCOW, SEPTEMBER 23
tlio serious situation resulting from the rejection
of tlic plan for a European Defense Conniuinity.
Wo shall explore new approaches to the difficult
problems which the Enc plan was designed to
solve.
The failure of Edo has raised doubt as to the
validity of certain assumptions which have been
at the very heart of the Atlantic security system.
One such assumption is that the German Federal
Republic will be associated with the family of free
nations as a sovereign and equal partner and will
make a material contribution to the common de-
fense program. Another is that the nations of
Western Europe will achieve a high degree of mili-
tary, political, and economic unity among them-
selves.
Now the feasibility of the whole collective se-
curity program must be reexamined.
Most Americans have come to realize that it is
no longer possible to turn back the clock and seek
security through isolation. We also know that we
cannot afford to gamble our safety and our surviv-
al on arrangements and programs that have no
reasonable prospect of providing genuine security.
We are encouraged by the initiative taken by
the Governments of the United Kingdom and
France in developing new proposals. The United
States believes that the primary responsibility for
new proposals rests with the European States.
Therefore, we take with us no specific proposals
of our own. But we do go, to be helpful if we can.
r>K.VK ilB. Gromyko: I have the honor to refer to the
aide-memoire which you handed to me on September 22
and to inform .vou that the United States Government is
willing to publish all documents exchanged between the
Governments of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
and the United States of America regarding the proposal
advanced by the President of the United States of America
on December 8, 1953, with respect to the international
use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes.
Sincerely yours,
Charles E. Bohlen
Nine-Power Conference on
European Security
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 530 dated September 25
I am now leaving to attend the nine-power con-
fei-ence in London. It has been called to consider
U.S. DELEGATION TO LONDON TALKS
Press release 528 dated September 24
Following is the U.S. delegation to accompany
Secretary Dulles to the nine-power talks opening
in London on September 28 :
Assistant to Mr. Dulles
lloderic L. O'Connor, Special Assistant to the Secretary
Special advisers
Winthrop W. Aldrich, Ambassador to Great Britain
Robert U. Bowie, Director, Policy Planning Staff, Depart-
ment of State
David K. E. Bruce, U.S. Representative to European
Coal and Steel Community
James B. Conant, U.S. High Commissioner to Germany
H. Struve Hensel, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
International Security Affairs
John C. Hughes, U.S. Permanent Representative on North
Atlantic Council
Carl W. McCardle, Assistant Secretary of State for Public
Affairs
Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant Secretary of State for
European Affairs
Ocfober 4, 1954
489
Press officer
Henry Suydam, Chief, News Division, Department of State
Advisers
Col. Joseph C. Anderson, Deputy Chief, European Division,
Ofl3ce of Foreign Military Affairs, Department of
Defense
Roger Ernst, Assistant for Plans and Coordination, Euro-
pean Division, Office of Foreign Military Affairs, De-
partment of Defense
Russell Fessenden, Office of European Regional Affairs,
Department of State
Charles D. Hilles, Hicog Representative, Bonn Working
Group, Bonn
Coburn B. Kidd, Officer in Charge, German Political Af-
fairs, Department of State
Edwin M. Martin, Director, Office of Political Affairs,
U.S. Mission to Nato and European Regional Organi-
zations, Paris
Ben T. Moore, Director, Office of European Regional Af-
fairs, Department of State
John M. Raymond, Assistant Legal Adviser for German
Affairs, Department of State
Jacques J. Reinstein, Special Assistant to Assistant Secre-
tary for European Affairs, Department of State
Col. Richard S. Silver. Military Assistant to Assistant
Secretary Hensel, Department of Defense
William R. Tyler, Deputy Director, Office of Western
European Affairs, Department of State
Coordinator
Arthur C. Nagle, Executive Secretariat, Department of
State
Secretary of delegation
Donald B. Eddy, Senior Conference Officer, Office of In-
ternational Conferences, Department of State
Anniversary of Death of
Bulgarian Patriot
Statement by Under Secretary Smith
Press release 522 dated September 22
Seven years ago tomorrow Nikola Petkov was
hanged by the Bulgarian Communist Government
because he dared to oppose it. As the leader of
the opposition, Petkov waged a courageous
struggle for representative government, justice,
and human liberties, but his voice was silenced in
the traditional Communist manner. Since his
death the forces against wliich he fought have
gained full control in Bulgaria.
The Bulgarian Communist regime, by means of
the judicial murder of Nikola Petkov, demon-
strated once again its callous disregard for human
rights and fundamental freedoms. It has con-
tinued to conduct itself in this manner, thereby
not only violating the provisions of the Treaty of
Peace but also the dictates of justice and humanity.
The American people and the other peoples in
the free world have not forgotten Nikola Petkov.
His self-sacrifice remains an inspiring example to
free men everywhere. To the millions of op-
pressed peoples behind the Iron Curtain Petkov
is justly a symbol of determination that one day
they will again have governments of their own
choosing.
First U.S. Flood Relief Cargo
Leaves for Austria
The first U.S. relief cargo for victims of this
summer's Danube River floods was scheduled to
leave for Austria about September 14, according
to an FoA announcement of September 8. The
cargo, consisting of some 9,500 tons of corn for
livestock feed, was to be loaded on the Liberty ship
Norcuba of the North Atlantic & Gulf Steamship
Company at Philadelphia. The ship is expected
to reach Trieste the first week in October, where
the corn will be delivered to the Austrian Govern-
ment for shipment by rail to Austria.
This is the first shipment of 25,000 metric tons
of corn, valued at $1.9 million, to be sent to Austria
under President Eisenhower's offer of agricultural
commodities for European flood victims. The
remainder of the 25,000 tons will follow in the near
future. Needs of the other countries named by
President Eisenhower in the U.S. offer — the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, Yugoslavia, East
Germany, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia — are
being surveyed by local authorities, Red Cross
officials, and U.S. representatives.
After a survey of the flood areas, the Austrian
Government found that corn was needed to help
replace the feed grain and feed potatoes lost in
the July floods. The 25,000 tons of corn not only
will help Austrian farmers by fully replacing their
feed crop losses but also will help to maintain the
overall Austrian food supply at preflood levels.
President Eisenhower authorized the use of the
corn for Austria under the Agricultural Trade
Development and Assistance Act of 1954. Title
II of this act permits the President to grant sur-
plus agricultural commodities from Commodity
Credit Corporation stocks to friendly nations or
populations in order to meet famine or other
urgent relief requirements.
The Austrian Government has agi-eed to provide
transportation for the 25,000 tons of corn from
Trieste to Austria and to distribute it on an
490
Department of State Bulletin
equitable basis, according to crop losses and free of
charge, to the flood victims. As specified by the
U.S. legislation, the corn will be identified as a
gift for tlie people of Austria from tiie people of
the United States.
Iranian Message of Sympathy
Concerning Hurricane Damage
White House Office press release dated September 10
TJie White House on September JO vuule pub-
lic the foUoimng exchange of cables between the
President and the Shah of Iran.
The President to the Shah
Your Imperial SLvjestt: Your Imperial Ma-
jesty's message of sympathy concerning the
tragic loss of life and property which a hurricane
recently inflicted on the northeastern coast of the
United States has touched me deeply. It is fur-
ther evidence of your humanitarian feelings
which are so widely recognized. I appreciate
your message and the spirit which inspired it, and
I wish to take this occasion to assure you again
of my admiration for the way you have led your
nation through the difficulties of the past few
years to the jiresent point where a future full of
opportunity is opening before you and your
people.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The Shah to the President
Mr. President : I was deeply distressed by the
news of the tragic loss of life and property which
the recent hurricane inflicted upon your nation. I
would like to express to Your Excellency and to
the noble people of the United States the heart-
felt sympathy of myself and that of my people.
Beza Shah Pahlavi
Visit of President Tubman
The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 21 (press release 519) that arrangements
are being completed for the visit of William V. S.
Tubman, President of Liberia, and his party, who
will visit Washington in October at the invitation
of President Eisenliower. In extending the in-
vitation in April this year, the President recalled
the traditional bonds of warm feeling which unite
Liberia and (lie United States and emphasized
the admiration of Americans for the achievements
of Liberia and tlie role it plays in Africa.
His Excellency will arrive at Washington on
October 18. After a state visit of 3 days in Wash-
ington, President Tubman expects to make an ex-
tended tour of about 3 weeks through the United
States, which will take him to Baltimore, Akron,
Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, New York, Atlanta,
and New Orleans ; he will then depart for Haiti.
Tlio President plans to visit various educational
institutions, including Howard Universit}', Mor-
gan State College, the University of Chicago,
Lafayette College, Lincoln LTnivei-sity, Atlanta
University, Tuskegee Institute, and Langston
Univei-sity.
U.S.-French Talks on Indochina
Press release 529 dated September 25
At the suggestion of the French Government,
Guy La Chambre, Minister of State in Charge of
Relations with the Associated States in the
French Govermnent, and General Paul Ely,
French Commissioner General in Indochina, are
coming to Washington to participate in conversa-
tions with officials of the U.S. Government which
are expected to last from September 27 through
September 29.
M. La Chambre and General Ely will take
advantage of the presence in Washington of
French Finance Minister Edgar Faure, who has
arrived to take part in meetings of the Boards of
Directors of the International Monetary Fund
and the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development. M. Faure will join M. La
Chambre and General Ely in their conversations
with the U.S. Government.
These talks will be of an informal, exploratory
nature and will concern matters primarily of
mutual interest to the two Governments, par-
ticularly the status of U.S. financial assistance
for the French Union forces in Indochina. Con-
versations will be held with high officials of the
Departments of State and Defense and the For-
eign Operations Administration.
The Governments of Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-
Nam have been informed through their represent-
atives in Washington of the purpose of these
Ocfober 4, 7954
491
talks and will continue to be kept informed. The
means by which the U.S. Government can most
effectively assist the three Associated States will
be the subject of continuing consultations with
their goveriunents.
U.S.-Pakistan Friendship
ty Horace A. Hildreth
Amhassador to Pakistan'^
In Pakistan we have a young nation, seven years
of age, born at a time of trouble and tunnoil and
inheriting so many difficult problems that many
people did not expect it to survive as long as it
already has survived. Pakistan has by no means
solved all of its pressing and difficult problems,
but with the passage of even a few years, it has
assumed a position of leadership in one of the
troubled and uncertain areas of the world.
Pakistan has definitely repudiated communism
as being utterly unacceptable to the principles of
the Moslem religion. . . . The Government of
Pakistan has recently outlawed the Communist
Party and imposed the same restrictions on the
freedom of mobility of the Kussian diplomatic
representatives in Pakistan that Russia has im-
posed upon the freedom of mobility of the diplo-
matic corps in Moscow. This does not mean, how-
ever, that the Communists have given up their ef-
forts in Pakistan.
Having rejected communism largely on re-
ligious grounds, Pakistan has definitely cast its
lot with the West with a degree of courage and
firmness that is heartening to the entire Western
world. The leadership of Pakistan is devoted to
sound Moslem principles and is willing and anx-
ious to take full advantage of modern develop-
ments that have occurred in the Western woi'ld in
all walks of life. But most important of all, de-
spite the vicissitudes facing Pakistan, their "will
to do" never diminishes. In a world where too
many peoples seem incapable of making up their
minds, it is indeed heartening to see this young
nation facing so many problems and forging
ahead with determination, courage, and an honest
appraisal of the facts of life.
In addition to having cast its lot with the West,
Pakistan is a firm friend of the United States, and
the help that the United States has been able to
give in the past and may be able to give in the
future is not only appreciated but is helping to
build a nation that is dedicated to the same prin-
ciples for which the United States is woi'king
throughout the world.
Death of Japanese Fisherman
Statement hy John M. Allison
Anxbassador to Japan ^
I have just been informed of the death of Mr.
Aikichi Kuboyama, member of the crew of the
Fiikuryu Maru. I speak on behalf of the Gov-
ernment and people of the United States in ex-
pressing extreme sorrow and regret at this most
unliappy event. My deepest sympathy is ex-
tended especially to the family of the deceased.
Shipments to Hong Kong
Exporters now may ship more than 25 addi-
tional commodities to Hong Kong without apply-
ing for individual export licenses, the Bureau
of Foreign Commerce, U.S. Department of Com-
merce, announced on September 16.
Items added to the list of nonstrategic commod-
ities which may be exported under general license
GHIv without prior application to tlie Bureau in-
clude certain rubber gloves, boots and shoes ; naval
stores; dried fruits; pharmaceuticals; photo-
graphic, pi'ojection, and optical goods ; and dental
office and laboratory equipment."
A detailed list of these additional items is pub-
lished in the Bureau's Current Export Bulletin
No. 737, dated September 16.
Correction
BULLETix of September 27, 1954, p. 434 : In the
text of the Bonn communique, the sixth line of the
second paragraph should read "and the free world,
should, in the view of the two."
' Excerpts from an address made at the Fletcher School
of Law and D-iplomacy, Medford, Mass., on Sept. 23 (press
release .^.23 dated Sept. 22).
" Issued at Tokyo on Sept. 23 (press release 524).
"For an announcement of previous additions to the list,
see Bulletin of Feb. 1. 10r)4. p. 157.
492
Depariment of State Bulletin
U.S. Program for Return of Historic Objects
to Countries of Origin, 1944-1954
by Ardelia R. Hall
The Department of State last month returned
through the embassies at Washington important
historic and artistic objects lost and displaced
from their respective countries during World War
II. The receiving govenmients, in turn, will ar-
range for the restoration of the items to the former
owners. The objects have been recovered in the
United States under the Government's postwar
program for the restitution of cultural property.
The most valuable of these objects entered the
United States through trade channels.
All the objects returned at this time formerly
belonged to state or municipal collections in
Europe. They included Dutch archives of the
Netherlands East Indies dating from 1767 to 1939 ;
German archives of the 15th and 17th centuries,
mainly from the town of Grebenstein in Hesse;
English documents on parchment of the I7th cen-
tury from London and Laxfield; a collection of
250 ancient seals, gems, and other objects from the
Staatliche Miinzsammlung (State Coin Collec-
tion) at Munich ; 50 gold medals and coins from
the historic collection of the Staatliche Kunst-
sammlung (State Art Collection) in the Schloss-
museum at Weimar; a banner from Aachen; a
painting by the Dutch artist, Brekelenkam, from
the Diisseldorf Kunstsammlung ; a rare Wiirzburg
missal of 1495 from the Mainfrankisches Museum
at Wiirzburg; and, most important of all, a 10th-
century codex or bound manuscript containing one
surviving page of the Hildebrandslied from the
Lundesbibliothek (State Library) at Kassel and
a 14th-centui7 codex of "De Africa" by Petrarch,
from the Biblioteca Civica of Trieste.
The Hildebrandslied (Song of Hildebrand)
was an heroic poem in High German, written
about the year 800 A. D. The two surviving pages
owned by the Kassel Library are among the most
valuable manuscripts of world literature. The text
was copied on parchment by the monks of Fulda.
For over a thousand years these two parchment
pages have survived. They were bound with a
10th-century manuscript on religious subjects,
"Liber Sapientiae," where they were apparently
reused as the end-pages of the later manuscript.
The ancient poetry, written on the first page
{recto) and the last page, or page 76 {verso), of
the codex, is not only the oldest example of Ger-
man poetry but also the oldest example of writing
in the German language.
Unfortunately the bound manuscript which has
now been found contains only the second page of
the Hildebrandslied. The first page (see cut) had
been removed from the manuscript and is missing.
All efPorts to trace the missing page have thus far
been unsuccessful. It is, however, known that
the first page was missing as early as November
1945, when the bound manuscript came into the
possession of a New York dealer. Its removal
from the codex is probably the greatest single loss
to literature resulting from World War II.
Manuscript Collection at Kassel
The library at Kassel lost all its books and
printed materials in a bombing raid in September
1941. The manuscript collection was believed to
have been saved. However, at the end of tlie war,
two of the manuscripts — the Hildebrandslied Co-
dex and the Willehalm Codex (see cut)— tlie two
chief possessions of the library, were found to liave
been taken from the war repository. They had
Ocfober 4, J 954
493
been packed together in a small box and stored for
safety in a bunker at Bad Wildungen in August
1943. The bunker was reported to have been
carefully guarded until the last months of the war,
when the custodians were displaced. The Ameri-
can Monuments, Fine Arts, and Archives oiScers
were not immediately informed, when Allied
troops entered the town, of the repository and its
importance. In June 1945 the State Conservator
of Greater Hesse reported to the American Mili-
tary Government that the bunker had been entered
and the two famous manuscripts were missing.
At the time it could not be ascertained whether the
box with the manuscripts had been removed by
German civilians, displaced persons, or American
troops.
The loss of these irreplaceable manuscripts be-
came the subject of an extensive search in Ger-
many. Dr. Theodore A. Heinrich, the American
director of the Wiesbaden Central Collect-
ing Point, made every effort to trace them. Now
that the Hildebrandslied has been found in the
United States, the United States Government will
try to determine whether the missing page of the
Hildebrandslied and the 14th-century Willehalm
Manuscript were also brought to the United
States. A description of the missing manu-
scripts is being publicized so that American in-
stitutions may be alerted to the loss. Should they
be found in American jjossession, they may be
turned over to the nearest public librai-y with the
request that arrangements be made for their safe
transfer to the Department of State at Washing-
ton.
Descriptions of these two treasures of the Kas-
sel Library have been published many times. The
Hildebrandslied is to be found described in many
books ' and most encyclopedias, and the Willehalm
manuscript is published in a large folio volume.^
The Song of Hildebrand
The missing page of the Hildebrandslied con-
sists of 24 lines of the poem, written in Irish minus-
cule on parchment, 28.5 by 21 centimeters or 11
inches by 814 inclies in size. There are three
small holes in the right-hand margin and a large
hole at the end of the last line.
The Song of Hildebrand recounts the story of
Hildebrand and his son, who after many years of
Footnotes at end of article.
separation meet and, without knowing each other,
engage in combat. The poem breaks off with no
indication of the outcome of the battle. There is
an early Norse saga which refers to the Hilde-
brandslied and says that the son was killed, but
in the later sagas the son is defeated and forced
to recognize his father.
The two pages of the Hildebrandslied are the
only surviving remnant of the many sagas and
ballads of that early period. They were first kept
in the cloister at Fulda and were presented to the
Kassel Library early in the 19th century by Jacob
and Wilhelm Grimm, who first recognized the
manuscript as a unique example of German poetry.
The Grimms were distinguished scholars of Kas-
sel. Their research in poetry and popular tales
became the foundation of the science of folklore,
and their works have been read throughout the
world. In 1814 Jacob Grimm was sent to Paris
to obtain the restitution of the valuable collections
of books that Napoleon had carried off from
Kassel.
The Willehalm Manuscript
The lost Willehalm Codex of Wolfram von
Eschenbach is a bound manuscript of the 14th cen-
tury, containing 396 folios and 62 miniatures.
Thirty-three of the miniatures are completed, and
the rest are partly finished. The manuscript is
41.5 by 29 centimeters or 161^4 inches by 11% inches
in size. Tlie script is a fine, precise, pointed
Gothic minuscule of a severe style.
The poem by Wolfram von Eschenbach in the
missing Willehalm Codex relates the heroic deeds
of the Christian knight, Willehalm. In one of
the miniatures illustrating Willehalm's adven-
tures, the hero is kneeling before Charlemagne,
and in another he is seated before Tybalt, Arabele,
and the three queens.
The illumination of the manuscript shows strong
English influence and belongs to the Cologne
school. The ornamental initial on the first page
was executed with skill and versatility. Framed
in a triple Gothic arch, Christ in Glory is be-
stowing His blessing; the Evangelists' symbols
are at the corners. Below, the donor of the book,
tlie Landgrave of Hesse, kneels in prayer; beside
him is his coat of arms with the lion of Hesse.
This is the oldest Icnown colored representation of
the arms, other than the 13th-century Landgrave
494
Department of State Bulletin
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The minting page of Hic Hildehrandslied, written about 800 .1. I).
Another page of the manuscript lias been returned to the Landesbiblio-
thek at Kassel, Germany.
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ciiiliiri/. The manuscript coiilnins :!!l(i folios, mani/ of lliini riclily
illuminated.
esctitcheons preserved in the Marburg Clunrh of
St. Elizabeth.
On the vine framing the page a monk is reading
at a lectern, and there are charming, droll figures
of rabbits and monkeys. The numuscript is dated
by a Latin entry on folio 395 verso: "In the year
of our Lord one thousand tluee hundred and
thirty-four, the illustrious Prince Henry, Lund-
grave and Lord of the Land of Hesse, had this
written in honor of St. William Marchionis at his
court ; never to be transferred but to remain for-
ever in the possession of his heirs."
The IJrth-century manuscript of "De Africa,"
a Latin poem by Petrarch, was fully identified by
the library of the city of Trieste and also was
marked with the stamps of the famous Petrarch
collection owned by the library. The manuscript
was sent on September 20, 1954, to the United
States Political Adviser to the Commander Brit-
ish-United States Zone, Free Territory of Trieste,
to be restored to the municipal library on behalf
of the United States Government.
Traditional Principles Upheld
The I'ccovery of these manuscripts and of other
rare books and objects of art dispersed during or
following "World War II has been a part of United
States Goverimient policy. The protection of cul-
tui\il property and respect for its ownership are
based upon the traditional principles upheld by
the United States Government. These principles
were incorporated in the General Orders No. 100
promulgated by President Lincoln and in all edi-
tions of the Rules of Land Warfare of the De-
partment of the Army.
President Eisenliower, when he was Supreme
Commander, Allied Powers Europe, during
World War II, issued orders unrivaled in their
firm expression of a determination to preserve the
historic and cultural heritage of Europe. In a
directive of May 26, 19-44,^ General Eisenhower
stated :
Shortly we will be fighting our way across the continent
of Europe in battles designed to preserve our civilization.
Inevitably, in the path of our advance will be found his-
torical monuments and cultural centers which symbolize
to the world all that we are fighting to preserve.
It is the responsibility of every commander to protect
and respect these symbols whenever possible.
A subsequent directive of November 9, 1944,^ an-
nounced the policy of cultural restitution :
It is the policy of the Supreme Commander to take
measures to facilitate the eventual restitution of works
of art and ol)jects of scientific or historical imiwrtance
which may have been loutod from United Nations govern-
ments or nationals. . . .
It is also the policy of the Supreme Commander to
avoid, as far as military necessity will permit, damage to
all structures, objects or documents of cultural, artistic,
archaeological, or historical value ; and to assist wher-
ever practicable in securing them from deterioration upon
the process of war. . . .
You will ensure that the prevention of looting, wanton
damage and sacrilege of l)uildings by troops Is the respon-
sibility of all commanders and you will ensure that the
seriousness of offenses of this kind is explained to all
Allied personnel.
After the extent of the Nazi confiscations had
become known, the Allied Powers issued a solemn
warning in the London Declaration of January
5, 1943,^ that they intended "to do their utmost to
defeat the methods of dispossession practiced by
the governments with which they are at war
against the countries and peoples who have been
so wantonly assaulted and despoiled." The Al-
lied Powers reserved all rights to declare invalid
such transfers of property. It was specifically
stated that works of art were included. Concerted
efforts to rectify the injustices were sought at in-
ternational conferences ^ and through inter-Allied
agreements.'
The Allied war agencies concerned with the
protection of the international cultural heritage
had long but informative names. In the United
States the American Commission for the Protec-
tion and Salvage of Artistic and Historic Monu-
ments in War Areas was established on August
20, 1943, under Supreme Court Justice Owen J.
Roberts and David E. Finley, Director of the
National Gallery of Art. The British Committee
on the Preservation and Restitution of Works of
Art, Archives and other Material in Enemy Hands
was set up by Prime Minister Churchill on May
9, 1944.
Objects Appearing in U.S.
The problem of looted and displaced works of
art appearing in the United States was first
brought to the attention of the American Com-
mission in September 1944 on behalf of Cardinal
Spellman, who was one of the members of the
American Commission.*
Following World War II, the State-War-Navy
Ocfober 4, 1954
495
Coordinating Committee approved a government
policy,^ which states :
The introduction of looted objects of art into this coun-
try is contrary to the general policy of the United States
and to the commitments of the United States under the
Hague Convention of 1907 and in the case of objects of a
value of $5,000 or more is a contravention of Federal law.
It is incumbent on this Government, therefore, to exert
every reasonable effort to right such wrongs as may be
brought to light.
The effective protection of works of art begun
under General Eisenhower's directives, carried out
by the Allied armies and military governments,
and completed by the Allied High Commissioners
in Austria and Germany prevented the dispersal
of hundreds of thousands of objects and greatly
minimized the problem of recovery. The number
of dispersed objects of cultural importance which
have been found in the United States is relatively
small compared with the millions of objects of
art, books, and archives from over 2,000 reposi-
tories which were taken into the custody of the
U.S. Military Government in the American Zone
of Germany alone.^"
A review of the works of art and other objects
of cultural value which have been recovered in the
United States in the 10-year period since the pro-
gram was initiated in September 1944 shows that
between 1944 and 1954 a total of 66 cases involving
1,586 objects have been brought to the attention
of the Department of State. Of this total, 40 cases
have been concluded and 1,194 objects recovered
and transferred through diplomatic channels to
the rightful owners." In the 11 cases completed
in September, 360 objects were transferred to the
embassies in Washington. There are 15 cases cur-
rently under investigation involving 32 objects
and 2 collections. AVlien these are completed, all
missing objects which are known to have appeared
in the United States and have come to the atten-
tion of the Government will have been recovered.
The success of the recovery program is due to
the generous response of American educational
and cultural institutions and to the unfailing su])-
port of the Government agencies in Washington.
The Bureau of Customs of the Treasury Depart-
ment has been most efficient in handling cases in-
volving violations of United States customs laws.
Shirley Stephens, the head of enforcement in the
Bureau of Customs, has been directly responsible
for the continued effectiveness of the program.
Mr. Stephens was consulted by the American Com-
496
mission in 1944, when the matter was first under
consideration, and he has taken a direct part in
every case that has been under investigation by
the Bureau of Customs since that date.
The advice and assistance of officers of the De-
partment of Justice, including Julian D. Simpson,
Harold P. Shapiro, and John ISIurphy, have been
invaluable to the solution of the most difficult
cases.
Special acknowledgment should also be made to
Mr. Finley, Director of the National Gallery, for
his contribution to the work of the American Com-
mission and for his cooperation with the Depart-
ment of State in taking temporal^ custody of the
objects when they are received in Washington.
The following American institutions are among
the many that have also given invaluable assistance
and expert advice about the objects: the Smith-
sonian Institution, the Library of Congress, the
Freer Gallery of Art, the National Gallery of Art,
the Los Angeles County Museum, the University
of Florida, the Art Institute of Chicago, the John
Herron Art Institute of Indianapolis, the Museum
of Fine Arts of Boston, the Fogg Museum of Art
and theBusch-Reisinger Museum of Harvard Uni-
versity, the Detroit Institute of Arts, the Palace
of the Legion of Honor Museum of San Francisco,
the Duluth (Minnesota) Public Library, the Co-
lumbus (Ohio) Public Library, the Princeton Uni-
versity Library, the New York Public Library,
the Frick Art Reference Library, the Morgan Li-
brary, the Cornell University Library, the Syra-
cuse University Library, the Numismatic Society
of New York, the Institute of Fine Arts of New
York University, the Frick Collection, the New
York Historical Society, the University of Pemi-
sylvania Library, the Philadelphia Museum of
Art, the Rhode Island School of Design, the Mu-
seuni of Williams College, the Museum of Houston
(Texas) , and Lawrence College.
Response to Recovery Program
Directors of these institutions have made the
following connucnts upon the Govermnent pro-
gram :
This museum lias been instrumental in uncovering sev-
eral items l)elonginK to European museums during the
past 3 years. We are most anxious to cooperate with the
return of Uicso objects, as part of the reciprocal activities
of the major museums. . . .
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
I am kIuJ to sec from your letter iiud the statements
attaehed to It (on return of looted objects] that the atti-
tude of the Covernment is exiictly as we felt it would
be. . . .
I very much hi>iH> that you will lie ahle to receive the
objects and return them to the institutions from whidi
they were mistakenly taken. In conclusion, let me applaud
the effort which you are niakinj; to ri^ht this kind of
wrong. . . .
I am dolishted that macliinery has been set up whereby
this kind of property can be restored to its rightful own-
ers. Such conduct makes me proud to be an American
citizen. . . .
Tlie nieiubership of tlie College Art Association
of Ainericii empowered its executive committee
to e.\pre.ss ajiproval of the Government's eli'orts
in behalf of the restitution to rightful ownei-s of
works of art, which was described as '"a cultural
enterprise without historical precedent."
When the objects have been transferred to the
recipient governments, the return has brought
many expressions of gratitude. The French
Government, on the recoverj^ of a painting looted
in Paris from a famous Jewish collection in 1941,
expressed its appreciation to the Department of
State and also sent a letter of thanks to the
museum whicli had assisted in the return.
The director of the Berlin Hauptarchiv, when
he heard that a rare manuscript had been re-
covered, wi'ote, "Seldom has a letter caused so
much joy as yours of the 24th of June concerning
the return of the Testament of Frederick the
Great. For your verj^ good news we beg to ex-
press our sincerest thanks." On the occasion of
the formal opening of the Johannes Gutenberg
Celebration at Mainz, Germany, on June 24, 1950,
the Mayor of Mainz spoke of the appreciation of
his city for the efforts of the United States Gov-
ernment in returning the 500-year-old Mainz
Psalter to Germany and in consenting to the ex-
hibition of the famous and precious book in
Mainz for the duration of the commemoration.
An official of the German Foreign Office at a
ceremony marking the return of several works
of art said, "It is with the greatest satisfaction and
sincere gratitude that I accept on behalf of the
Federal Government these treasures which are
returned to us as former German properties. They
will be given to their legitimate owners or their
successors as soon as possible. "We all have had
the very satisfactory experience during and after
the war that there are men of good will in every
country on earth, who — unaffected by tlie passions
of the moment — strive toward the realization of
higher ideals and toward justice."
Italian Govermnent oilicials have expressed
their gratitude for the assistance of the United
States authorities in the recovery of works of art.
In the case of the restitution to the Biblioteca
Civica of Trieste of the 14th century Petrarch
manuscript, the Italian Ambassador expressed
"his warmest gratitude and deep appreciation of
the assistance olfered by the American authorities
in the recover}' of the masterpiece."
A Polish representative, on receiving two paint-
ings belonging to the State Collection at Warsaw,
wrote, "May I express to you my sincerest
thanks for your kind cooperation and help in the
recovery of the paintings by Cornclis van Poelen-
burgh and Quiryn Gerrits van Brekelenkam."
Most of the historic and artistic objects which
have been recovered in the United States were
lost from state museums, libraries, or archives
or from churches. All of the relatively few works
of art of private ownership which have appeared
were confiscated by the Nazis from Jewish collec-
tors, who were the chief victims of Nazi plunder-
ing in Western Europe.
By the restoration of these looted objects to
their former Jewish owners, a grievous wrong has
been righted. And by returning the dispersed
objects which had passed from public collections
in Europe to private hands in the United States,
the U.S. Government has performed a great public
service. It is a service not only to the nations
which have regained precious symbols of their
cultural heritage but also to all lovers of art and
literature, who will find these valuable objects
once more available to the public.
Footnotes
1. Gnilelmus Grimm, /)cHt;f7f6»a?i<fo (Gottingao, 1830) :
Wilhelni Hopf, Die Lnndesbibliothek Kassel, 1580-1930
(Marburg, 1930), pp. 31, 32; Das BildebrandsUcd (Kas-
sel, 1937) etc.
2. Robert Freyham, Die Illustrationen zum Casseler
Willehalm Codex; Wilhelm Hopf, loc. cit., pp. 99-102.
3. Report of the American Commission for the Protection
and Salvage of Artistic and Historic Monuments in War
Areas, 19J,6 (Washington, 194C), p. 102.
4. The Museum News, Jan. 1, 194.'5.
.'■>. Buu-ETIN of Jan. 9, 1943, p. 21; United States Eco-
nomic Policy Toirard Germany, Department of State pub-
lication 2C30, p. 52.
6. United yations Monetary and Financial Conference,
Department of State publication 2187; Inter-American
October 4, 1954
497
Conference on Problems of MVar and Peace. Department
of State publication 2497.
7. Bulletin- of Aug. 27, 19.51, Appendix 1, p. 340.
S. Report of the American Conuiiission . . ., p. 2.3.
9. Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1947, p. 3.58.
10. Articles published in the Information Bulletin of
the Office of U.S. High Commissioner for Germany dealing
with the restitution of art in the U.S. Zone of Germany
include :
"Recovery and Protection of Art Treasures," Aug. 4, 1935;
"Back from the Salt Mines," Nov. 3, 194.5 ;
"Operation 'Lost and Found,' " July 1, 1946;
"Restitution Program Revieiced," Oct. 28, 1946;
"Restitution." March 3, 1947:
"Silver Train to Hungary," May 26, 1947;
"Oermany Makes Restitution," June 1950.
11. Articles dealing with the recovery of war-dispersed
art in the United States include :
"Rare Mainz Psalter of 1457, Looted, Returned to U.S.
Zone in Germany," Bltlletix of Mar. 27. 19.50, p. 487:
"Mainz Psalter Returned," Information Bulletin, June
1950.
"Mainz Exhibiting Treasured Psalter," Bulletin of Aug.
28, 1950, p. 349.
"Recovery of Lost European Treasures," Department of
State Record, May-June 1951, p. 39.
"The Recovery of Cultural Objects Dispersed During
World War II." Blxletin of Aug. 27, 1951, p. 337.
"Cultural Articles Returned," Information Bulletin, July
1952.
"Royal Treasures Returned to Ryukyu Islands," Bulletin
of June 8, 1953, p. 819.
• Miss HaN, author of the above article, is Arts
and Monuments Adviser, Department of State.
Administration of Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954
White House Office press release dated September 9
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT
The President on September 9 issued an Execu-
tive order providing for tlie administration of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 1954.
Under that act agricultural surplus commodi-
ties, aggregating $700 million in value, may be sold
abroad for local currencies over a period of 3 years,
and such commodities, up to $300 million in value,
may be given to friendly peoples in the event of
national disaster or famine.
The Executive order assigns to the Secretary of
Agriculture primary responsibility for sales under
the act, including the development of overseas
markets for agricultural commodities, and assigns
primary responsibility for the grants for famine
relief to the Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration.
A number of other Federal agencies will par-
ticipate in the administration of these activities.
In order that their activities may be properly
coordinated, the President has established an in-
teragency advisory committee which will be
headed by a representative of the White House
Office.
The Executive order provides that the local cur-
rency proceeds of overseas sales of agricultural
commodities under the act shall be held in the
custody of the Treasury Department and shall be
released by the Director of the Bureau of the
Budget for use in connection with the purposes
authorized by the act. Those purposes are: (1)
the development of new markets for United States
agricultural commodities; (2) the acquisition of
strategic and critical materials; (3) the procure-
ment of military equipment, materials, and facili-
ties; (4) the purchase of goods or services for
other friendly countries; (5) the promotion of
balanced economic development and trade among
nations; (6) the payment of U.S. obligations
abroad; (7) the promotion of multilateral trade
and economic development; and (8) international
educational exchange activities.
The Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954 provides a supplementary
means of dealing with existing stocks of agricul-
tural products with primary emphasis upon the
498
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
objective of reducing surplus crops through over-
seas marketing. Tlie statute provides that private
tr:i(U> channels shall be used to the inaxiinuni ex-
tent possible, that marketings under tlie act shall
not interfere with usual U.S. marketings or dis-
rupt world prices, and that activities under the
act shall be carried on so as to further U.S.
objectives abroad.
In his message to the Congress in January of
this year on the subject of agriculture ' the Presi-
dent stated that our food stocks can be used for
constructive purposes that will benefit the people
of the United States and our friends abroad.
With effective administration, mobilizing the total
resources of Government and private channels,
substantial strides will be made in achieving this
goal.
The President, in connection with the Executive
order, issued an important policy statement con-
cerning foreign trade as related to agriculture.
The statement, representing the work of an inter-
departmental committee under the chairmanship
of Clarence Francis, special consultant to the
President, was approved by the President on
September 9.
TEXT OF POLICY STATEMENT
The general foreign economic and trade policy
set forth in the President's message to Congress
of March 30, 1954,- is applicable to and in the
general interest of American agriculture. United
States farm programs, both short-run and long-
run, should be consistent with this policy.
United States agriculture, as well as other seg-
ments of the economy, stands to gain from such a
sustained policy of expanding world trade, based
upon the most productive use in each country of
the available labor, natural resources, and capital.
Therefore, it is in the long-run interest of the
American farmer, as well as all Americans, for
this comitry to work with other nations in a mutual
effort to expand international trade, and to pro-
mote the fuller convertibility of currencies, the
freer movement of investment capital, and the in-
terchange of technical and scientific information.
Today, the United States agricultural situation
is complicated by two factors on the domestic
" H. Doc. 292, 83d Cong., 2d sess., transmitted Jan. 11,
1954.
* Bulletin of Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602.
front : ( 1 ) prices of many farm products are not
competitive with world prices; and (2) produc-
tion of certain farm protlucts is badly out of bal-
ance with demand, thus creating rapiilly mount ing
surplus stocks which overhang and tend to un.settle
both domestic and foreign nuirkets. Both of these
factors promise to remain operative for some time.
It therefore becomes necessary to reckon with them
in any formulation of an agricultural foreign
trade policy for the United States.
Consistent with the principles set foi-th in the
President's message of March 30, 1954, it is essen-
tial that our agricultural foreign trade policy
take into account the position of other countries
and that our policy be understood by them.
Today, the magnitude of the U.S. holdings of
many commodities is such as to be capable of
demoralizing world commodity markets should a
policy of reckless selling abroad be pursued. This
potential greatly alarms other countries despite
the fact that past behavior of the United States
has shown no intention of pursuing a harmful
policy.
At the same time, the United States cannot ac-
cept the role of limiting its sales in world markets
until other countries have disposed of their pro-
duction. The adjustment of world supply to
world demand will require adjustments of pro-
duction in other countries, as well as the United
States.
The capacity of certain areas of the world to
produce food and fiber in excess of current market
takings presents a basis and a hope for improving
living standards around the world — provided
ways can be found for improving marketing and
distribution systems and enlarging the purchasing
power of consumers. This represents a challenge
to the nations of the world to develop sound means
for utilizing their productive capacity in the im-
provement of living standards.
1. The world supply and demand situation in
agricultural products requires, in the interest of
the general welfare, an orderly and gradual liqui-
dation of our surpluses. Such a polic}', arrived
at with the full knowledge of friendly nations,
would go far to eliminate fear arising from
uncertainty.
2. The United States cannot be satisfied with
the position of holding its own supplies off the
market and accumulating surpluses while other
countries dispose of their entire production. Ac-
October 4, 7954
499
cordingly, the United States will oifer its products
at competitive prices. At the same time, the
United States will not use its agricultural sur-
pluses to impair the traditional competitive posi-
tion of friendly countries by disrupting world
prices of agricultural commodities.
3. The United States will seek in cooperation
with friendly coimtries to utilize its agricultural
surpluses to increase consumption in those areas
where there is demonstrable imderconsumption
and where practical opportunities for increased
consumption exist or can be developed in a con-
structive manner. The United States will attempt
to utilize such opportunities in a manner designed
to stimulate economic development in friendly
countries and to strengthen their security position.
4. The United States recognizes that the move-
ment of goods in foreign trade is dependent upon
the enterprise of private business — foreign and
domestic. In implementing these policies with
respect to agricultural commodities, the U. S.
Government will seek to assure conditions of com-
merce permitting the private trader to function
effectively.
LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT TO
CLARENCE FRANCIS
Dear Mr. Francis : The Executive order which
I have issued today establishing administrative
arrangements for the Agricultural Trade Develop-
ment and Assistance Act of 1954 provides, as you
know, for an Interagency Committee on Agricul-
tural Surplus Disposal with a representative of
the Wliite House Office as Chairman.
I request you to assume responsibility for or-
ganizing this Committee and to serve as its Chair-
man. I shall look to you for advice concerning
policy issues that may develop.
In connection with the work of your Committee
I shall expect you to be guided by the policy state-
ment concerning foreign trade as related to agri-
culture which I have approved and issued today.
I regard this document as an important announce-
ment of the philosophy of this Administration
with respect to agricultural foreign economic
policy. It should generate confidence both at
home and abroad as to our purposes in this vital
area of international economic relations.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT TO
AGENCY HEADS'
I have today issued an Executive order provid-
ing for the administration of the Agricultural
Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954.
It is the purpose of this letter to further define
relationships among the several agencies of the
executive branch which will have key responsi-
bilities in assuring successful administration of
this progi'am.
The act provides for the use of surplus com-
modities to further many of our existing domestic
and foreign programs, and in some instances, it
expands or liberalizes them. Tliese programs are
currently carried on by many agencies of the Gov-
ernment. Accordingly, it is desirable to place the
administration of the new act in those agencies and
to make it possible for them to make their proper
contribution in connection with the disposition of
agricultural surpluses.
The very fact that a number of agencies have a
responsibility in one or another aspect of surplus .
disposition makes effective coordination absolutely
essential. It is therefore directed that a conunit-
tee, to be known as "The Interagency Committee
on Agricultural Surplus Disposal," be established
to assist the agencies concerned in bringing into
harmonious action, consistent with the over-all
policy objectives of this Government, the various
agricultural surplus disposal activities vested in
them by, or assigned to them pursuant to, the Act.
The Committee should be composed of a repre-
sentative of the White House Office, as chairman,
and one representative of each Government depart-
ment and agency which is, consonant with law,
designated by the Chairman to have representa-
tion on the conmiittee. I shall look to the Chair-
man to advise me concerning policy issues which
arise. I shall expect the Secretary of Agricultin-e
to assure the effective coordination of day-to-day
operations through appropriate interagency rela-
tionships.
The following arrangements are prescribed in
' Sent on Sept. 9 to the following : the Secretary of
Agriculture, the Director of the Foreign Operations Ad-
ministration, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of
Defense, the Secretary of Commerce, the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget, the Secretary of the Treasury,
Clarence Francis, Special Consultant to the President, the
Director of the Office of Defense Slobilization, the Ad-
ministrator of General Services, and the t'hairman of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
500
DeparfmenI of State Bulletin
Older to facilitate the best administration of the
Act:
1. Existing jiert incut intorajiency coordination
arraiisjenients are to be followed.
2. This progi'ani must be carried out in accord-
ance with and in furtherance of our forei<;n policy
objectives. I wish to reemphasize that tne Secre-
tary of State is the officer responsible for advising
and assistinji me in the foiniulation and control of
foreifrn policy. I look to him as the channel of
authority within tlie executive branch on foreign
policy as I do to the Secretaries of Defense and
Treasury in their respective fields.
3. The delegation to the State Dei)artnient of
responsibility for negotiations with foreign gov-
ernments is intended to give recognition to State
Department's central responsibility in this area.
Other agencies directly concerned with the sub-
stance of the negotiation, however, must continue
to carry substantial responsibility in such negotia-
tions. Moreover, it is assumed that these other
agencies will conduct day-to-day discussions with
representatives of the foreign governments in im-
plementing basic agreements reached with such
governments. Such discussions, of course, must be
in conformance with tlie foreign policy responsi-
bilities of the State Department and the chiefs of
our diplomatic missions.
4. It is imperative that we continue to coordi-
nate United States programs affecting other na-
tions. For this reason, the accompanying Execu-
tive order makes this program subject to my
previous instructions with respect to coordination
of T'uited States activities in foreign countries.
Under those instructions, the chief of the diplo-
matic mission is the principal officer of the United
States in each country and has full responsibility
and authority for assuring effective action in that
country.
5. In order to coordinate most effectively the
various agricultural surplus disposal programs
abroad, I shall expect the Secretary of Agricul-
ture to utilize to the maximum extent practicable
the facilities, services and experience of the For-
eign Operations Administration.
6. I am requesting the Secretary of Commerce
to provide the focal point in the Government for
assisting private enterprise with respect to barter
transactions referred to in the act. This arrange-
ment would be one more step toward assuring the
maximum utilization of private channels in the
execution of tliis program.
7. It is contemplated that the Office of Defense
Mobilization shall utilize the facilities and services
of the General Services Administration for the
purchase and handling of materials under section
104(b) of the act.
In January of this year, I stated in my message
on Agriculture that surplus agricultural stocks can
be used for constructive purposes that will benefit
the people of the United States and our friends
abroad. Enactment of this legislation is a major
steji forward in achieving that broad objective.
With effective administration, mobilizing the total
resources of Government and private channels of
trade, we shouhl make substantial strides towards
aciiieving the above goals.
I have forwarded an identical letter to the other
officers of the Government jjrincipally concerned
with carrying out the Executive order.
Sincerely,
DwaoHT D. EISE^•H0^v?:R
EXECUTIVE ORDER 10560 <
ADMIXISTUATION OF TIIP: AGRICULTUKAI. TRADE
DEVELOPMENT AND ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1954
By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 301
of title 3 of the United State.s Code (6.1 Stat. 71."?) and
as President of the I'nited .States, it is ordered as follows :
Section 1. Department of Agriculture. Except as other-
wise provided in this order, the functions conferred upon
the President by Title I of the Agricultural Trade iH'vt'lui)-
nient and Assistance Act of 1954 are hereby delegated to
the Secretary of Agriculture.
Section 2. Foreign Operations Administration. The
functions conferred upon the President by Title II of the
Act are hereby delegated to the Director of the Foreign
Operations Administration.
Section 3. Department of State, (a) The functions of
negotiating and entering into agreements with friendly
nations or organizations of friendly nations conferred
upon the President by the Act are hereby delegated to the
Secretary of State.
(b) All functions under the Act, however vested, dele-
gated, or assigned, shall be subject to the responsibilities
of the Secretary of State with respect to the foreign policy
of the United States as such policy relates to the said
functions.
(e) The provisions of Part III of Executive Order No.
1047G of August 1, 19.53 (18 F. R. 4537, ff.)," are hereby
extended and made applicable to functions provided for in
the Act and to United States agencies and personnel con-
cerned with the administration abroad of the said func-
tions.
Section 4. Foreign eurrencies. (a) There are hereby
deleg.Ttcd to the Director of the Bureau of tl^e Budget (1)
so much of the functions conferred upon the President
by the Act as consists of fixing from time to time the
amounts of foreign currencies which accrue under Title I
of the Act to be used for each of the several purposes de-
scribed in paragraphs (a) to (h). inclusive, of section 104
of the Act, and (2) the function conferred upon the Presi-
dent by the last proviso in section 104 of the Act of waiv-
• 19 Fed. Reg. 5927.
' Bulletin of Aug. 24, 1953, p. 240.
Ocfofaer 4, 7954
501
ing the applicability of section 1415 of the Supplemental
Appioiiriation Act, 1953.
( 1) ) The Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized
to prescribe regulations governing the purchase, custody,
deposit, transfer, and sale of foreign currencies received
under the Act.
(e) The foregoing provisions of this section shall not
limit section 3 of this order and the foregoing subsection
(h) shall not limit subsection (a) above.
(d) Purposes described in the lettered paragraphs of
section 104 of the Act shall be carried out, with foreign
currencies made available pursuant to section 4 ( a ) of this
order, as follows :
(1) Those under section 104 (a) of the Act by the
Department of Agriculture.
(2) Those under section 104 (1)) of the Act by the
Office of Defense Mobilization. The function, conferred
upon the President by that section, of determining from
time to time materials to be purchased or contracted for
for a supplemental stockpile is hereby delegated to the
Director of the Office of Defen.se Mobilization.
(3) Those under section 104 (c) of the Act by the
Department of Defense.
(4) Those under sections 104 (d), (e), and (g) of the
Act by the Foreign Operations Administration. The
function, conferred upon the President by section 104 (g)
of the Act, of determining the manner in which the loans
provided for in the said section 104 (g) shall be made,
is hereby delegated to the Director of the Foreign
Operations Administration.
(5) Those under section 104 (f) of the Act by the
respective agencies of the Government having authority
to pay United States obligations abroad.
(6) Those under section 104 (h) of the Act by the
Department of State.
Section 5. Reports to Congress. The functions under
section 108 of the Act, with resi)ect to making reports to
Congress, are reserved to the President.
Section 6. Definition. As used in this order the term
"the Act" means the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480, approved July 10,
1954, 68 Stat. 454) and includes, except as may be in-
appropriate, the provisions thereof amending other laws.
X^ Cj-s-^- fc-/^0'C<-<-u,. A.rt<*.^
The White House,
September 9, 195.'i.
Sweden Removes Import License
Requirements on Some Items
Press release 533 dated September 25
The following joint state?}ient of the Depart-
ments of Commerce and State was released on
September 25 :
The U.S. Government notes ■with satisfaction
the Swedish Government's decision to liberalize
its dollar trade effective October 1, by removing
import license requirements from a large number
of commodities which until now have been subject
to tight licensing and foreign exchange control.
This free list covers about 45 percent of total
Swedish imports in 1953.
Simultaneously, the Swedish Government an-
nounced that goods which are not on this free list
but are free-listed for Western European and
certain otlier countries (Oeec' free list) will be
imported from the dollar area in greater tjuan-
tities, either directly from the dollar area or in-
directly from those non-dollar areas. The Swedish
Government also announced that it M-ill continue
' Organization for European Econ(miic Cooperation.
502
to investigate the possibility of adding other items
to the dollar free list.
While all details are not yet available, it is un-
derstood that the dollar free list is composed of
raw materials, semimanufactures, and a large
number of finished goods. Included in the list
among other items are almost all chemical prod-
ucts, all hides and skins, rubber products, wood
goods, all paper other than newsprint, textile raw
materials, yarn, cord fabrics, shoes, hats, and stone,
clay, and glass products of various kinds.
Extensive free-listing is also applicable to en-
gineering products. All manufactures of iron and
metal, the greater part of iron and steel products,
and all machines, apparatus, and instruments,
with the exception of cameras, projectors, and
musical instruments, are free-listed. Also in-
cluded are equipment for railways, streetcars, mo-
torcycles, and bicycles. In the field of foodstuflfs,
imports are free-listed among otliers for dried
fruits and raisins, rice, canned fish and canned
fruits, juices, and a number of other products.
Finally, the list includes raw materials for plas-
tics and a large number of products of less im-
portance such as small boxes, handbags, fishing
tackle, tobacco pipes, fountain pens, and many
Department of State Bulletin
otlier consumer goods. It is important to note
that the free list inehides a preat majority of tlie
commodities on wliich Sweden granted tariff con-
cessions to the United States under the (Jcneral
Agieement on Tariffs and Trade.
Sucli details as are now available can be ob-
tained from the European Division, Bureau of
Foreign Commerce, Department of Commerce,
"Washington '2o, D. C, and from all field offices of
the Department of Commerce, wliich will also liave
the information on additional details to be released
later bv the Swedish Government.
In announcing these actions, the Swedish Gov-
ernment referred to the discussions which have
lately taken i)lace in Western Europe on the prob-
lem of attaining a more general system of cur-
rency convertibility. Sweden thus joins a number
of other Western European countries in efforts to
improve productivity and reduce costs and prices
by increased competition. This voluntary action
by the Swedish Government is commendable not
only as an aid to expanded dollar trade with Eu-
rope, which the United States Govermnent values
highly, but also as another example of construc-
tive policy by countries whose financial positions
permit measures in the direction of freer trade.
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings >
Adjourned During September 1954
XXVII Art Biennale
XV International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art
UNESCO International Seminar on Adult Education in Rural Areas .
U.N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri-
tories: 5th Session.
8th Edinburgh Film Festival
International Scientific Radio Union: 11th General Assembly . .
Congress of the Life-Saving Federation
Wmo Executive Committee: 5th Session
Interparliamentary Union: 43d Conference
UNESCO Regional Seminar on the Arts and Crafts in General
Education and Community Life.
U.N. World Conference on Population
International Mathematical Union: 2d General Assembly ....
International Elect rot echnical Commission: 50th.\miiversarv Meeting .
International Society of Cell Biology: 8th International Congress .
Fao Third Regional Meeting on Food and .Agricultural Programs
and Outlook in Latin .\merica.
First International Congress and Second International Seminar
on Vocational Guidance.
10th International Congress of Mathematicians
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Conference
International Sugar Council: Executive Committee Meeting . . .
IcAO Legal Committee: 10th Session
International Sugar Council: Statistical Committee Meeting . .
International Sugar Council: 1st Meeting of 2d Session
Itu International Radio Consultative Committee (Ccir) : Study
Group IX
Who Regional Committee for the Western Pacific: 5th Session . .
27th International Congress of Industrial Chemistry
Venice lune-Sept. 30
Venice July 6-Sept. 7
Denmark Aug. 14-Sept. 4
New York Aug. 20-Sept. 13
Edinburgh Aug. 22-Sept. 12
The Hague Aug. 23-Sept. 2
Algiers Aug. 24-Sept. 5
Geneva Aug. 25-Sept. 11
Vienna Aug. 27-Sept. 2
Tokyo Aug. 28-Sept. 25
Rome Aug. 31-Sept. 10
The Hague Aug. 31-Sept. 1
Philadelphia Sept. 1-16
Leiden Sept. 1-7
Buenos Aires Sept. 1-10
Bonn Sept. 1-15
Amsterdam Sept. 2-9
Manila Sept. 6-8
London Sept. 6-10
Montreal Sept. 7-28*
London Sept. 7-10
London Sept. 8-10
Geneva Sept. 10-22
Manila Sept. 10-16
Brussels Sept. 11-19
' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences Sept. 24, 1954. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following
is a list of abbreviations: L'nesco, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; U.N., United
Nations; Wmo, World Meteorological Organization; Fao, Food and Agriculture Organization: Icao, International Civil
.\viation Organization; Itu, International Telecommunication Union; Ccir, International Radio Consultative Committee
(C'omit6 consultatif internationale des radio communications); Who, World Health Organization; Paso, Pan American
Sanitary Organization; Ecafe, Economic Commission for .Asia and the Far East; Ilo, International Labor Organization;
Gatt, General .Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; Icem, Intergovernmental Committee for European .Migration; Nato,
North -Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Ocfober 4, 1954
503
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
Adjourned During September 1954 — Continued
Fao Meeting on Desert Locust Control Rome Sept. 13-17
International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics: 10th General Rome Sept. 14-29
Assembly
International Technical Committee for the Prevention and Extin- Rouen Sept. 16-19
guishing of Fire: Meeting of Permanent Council
International Federation for Documentation: 21st Conference . . . Belgrade Sept. 19-26
Fao Committee on Commodity Problems: 24th Session Rome Sept. 20-25
IX International Exposition of Preserved Foodstuffs and Packing . Parma (Italy) Sept. 20-30
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and Inter- Washington Sept. 24-29
national Monetary Fund: 9th Axmual Meeting of Boards of
Governors
In Session as of September 30, 1954
International Exposition and Trade Fair Sao Paulo Aug. 21-
Unesco International Seminar for Museum Staff and Educators . . Athens Sept. 12-
Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Ottawa Sept. 20-
Southeast Asia ("Colombo Plan"): Officials Meeting.
IcAO Air Navigation Commission: 17th Session Montreal Sept. 21-
U.N. General Assembly: 9th Regular Session New York Sept. 21-
IcAO Air Transport Committee: 23d Session Montreal Sept. 27-
Fao Council: 20th Session Rome Sept. 27-
IcAO Council: 23d Session Montreal Sept. 28-
Nine-Power Conference London Sept. 28-
Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1954
International Congress of Chronometry Paris Oct. 1-
International Philatelic and Postal Exhibition New Delhi Oct. 1-
Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Ottawa Oct. 4-
Southeast Asia ("Colombo Plan"): Ministerial Meeting
Fao Working Party on Fertilizers: 4th Meeting Tokyo Oct. 4-
Fao Working Party on Rice Breeding: 5th Meeting Tokyo Oct. 4-
Paso Executive Committee: 23d Meeting Santiago Oct. 4-
International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 42d Annual Paris Oct. 4-
Meeting.
Itu International Telephone Consultative Committee: XVII Pie- Geneva Oct. 4-
nary Assembly
IcAO North Atlantic Regional Air Navigation Meeting: 3d Session . Montreal Oct. 5-
10th General Conference on Weights and Measures Paris Oct. 5-
Unesco Seminar for Leaders of Youth Movements Habana Oct. 5-
Caribbean Commission - Unesco Joint Conference on Education Port-au-Spain Oct. 6-
and Small-Scale Farming in Relation to Community Develop-
ment
2d International Meeting of Communications Genoa Oct. 6-
U.N. ECAFE Subcommittee on Electric Power: 4th Session . . . Tokyo Oct. 6-
Paso 14th Pan American Sanitary Conference and 6th Meeting of Santiago Oct. 7-
the Regional Committee of Who
General Assembly of the International Commission of Criminal Rome Oct. 9-
Police: 23d Session
Fao International Rice Commission: 4th Session Tokyo Oct. 11-
Ilo Iron and Steel Committee: 5th Session Geneva Oct. 11-
South Pacific Commission: 13th Session Noumda (Now Caledonia) . Oct. 11-
International Wheat Council: 16th Session London Oct. 12-
U.N. ECAFE Railway Subcommittee: 3d Session and Working Tokyo Oct. 13-
Party on Prevention and Speedy Disposal of Claims.
Southeast Asia Communications Coordinating Meeting Bangkok Oct. 18-
Paso Executive Committee: 24th Meeting Santiago Oct. 22-
International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 2d Meeting . . Vancouver Oct. 25-
Ilo Metal Trades Committee: 5th Session Geneva Oct. 25-
U.N. Ecafe Working Party of Experts on the Aspects of Economic Bangkok Oct. 25-
Development Programs.
GATTylfi Hoc Committee for Agenda and Intersessional Business . . Geneva Oct. 26-
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: 9th Session of Contracting Geneva Oct. 28-
Parties.
International Exposition in Bogotd Bogota Oct. 29-
Unesco Executive Board Rio de Janeiro Oct. 31-
U.N. EcAFB yld //oc Working Party of Senior Geologists on the Prepa- Bangkok Nov. 1-
rations of a Regional Geological Map for Asia and the Far East.
UNESCO Budget Committee Montevideo Nov. 1-
Unesco Executive Board Montevideo Nov. 1-
Fao European Forestry Commission and ^\'orkiIlg Party on Af- Geneva Nov. 3-
forestatioii.
14t}i International (^ongress of Military Medicine and Pharmacy . . Luxembourg Nov. 7-
504 Department of State Bulletin
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
Scheduled October l-December 31, 1954 — Continued
Iiiternatioiiiil Philatclicftl Kxpositioii
Fao 3d Inlor-Amoricaii Meeting on Livestock Production
Ilo Governing Body: 127th Session
U.N. EcAFE Mineral Resources Subcommittee: Ist Session . . . .
Fag Meeting on Economic Aspects of the Uicc Situation
Unksco General Conference: 8th Session
Third Inter-American .Vccounting Conference
Inter-.\merican Commission of Women : 10th General Assembly . .
Customs Cooperation Council
IcAo Special Kuropean-. Mediterranean Communications Meeting .
Meeting of Ministers of Finance or Economy (4th Extraordinary
Meeting of Inter-American Economic and Social Council).
IcEM Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Draft Rules and Regulations . . .
International Sugar Council: Statistical (committee
International Sugar Council: Executive Committee
Ilo 8th International Conference of Labor Statisticians
International Sugar Council: Second Se.ssion
IcEM Subcommittee on Finance: 6th Session
Caribbean Commission: 19th Meeting
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration: 8th Ses-
sion.
Nato Ministerial Meeting of the Council
Fao Fourth World Forestry Congress
Inter-American Seminar on Secondary Education
Siio Paulo . .
Uuenos Aires
Home . . . .
Bangkolc . . .
Rangoon . . .
Montevideo . .
Sao Paulo . .
Port-au-Prince
Brussels . . .
Paris
Rio de Janeiro
Geneva
London
London
Geneva
London
Geneva
Cayenne (French Guiana)
Geneva
Paris
Dehra Dun (India)
Santiago
Nov.
7-
Nov.
8-
Nov.
8-
Nov.
8-
Nov.
11-
Nov.
12-
Nov.
14-
Nov.
14-
Nov.
15-
Nov.
16-
Nov.
22-
Nov.
22-
Nov.
22-
Nov.
23-
Nov
23-
Nov.
24-
Nov.
2.')-
Nov.
29-
Nov.
30-
November*
Dec.
11-
Dec.
29-
Chinese Communist^^ Attacks
on Free World Shipping
Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
UjS. Representative to the United Natio-ns^
I am making public today for the first time an
official list, recently completed, which shows that
the shooting down of an unarmed British airliner
off Hainan Island last July 22 - was but the latest
of at least 39 warlike acts by the Chinese Com-
munists against the ships and aircraft of free na-
tions in the last 4 years. This is issued for the
information of the public. It speaks for itself.
Wlien the attack off Hainan took place, not only
the United States and Britain, whose citizens lost
their lives, but people all over the world were
alarmed at this action against himianity and in-
ternational law. My purpose in making public
this list of 38 additional attacks is to show that the
Hainan shooting was no isolated incident but part
of a pattern of constant aggressive pressure
against the free world.
' Issued by the U. S. Mission to the United Nations on
Sept. 19 (U.S.AJ.N. press release 1956 dated Sept. 17).
'Bulletin of Aug. 2, 1954, p. 165, and Aug. 9, 1954,
p. 196.
This tabulation shows 26 incidents involving the
British flag, 5 involving the United States, 2 in-
volving Denmark, 2 involving Panama, and one
each involving Norway, France, and Portugal.
In turn, this series of acts of piracy must be
viewed as part of a still larger pattern. I refer to
the Chinese Communist record in Korea ; the cam-
paigns of extermination against the Chinese people
themselves, in which millions have lost their lives;
the boast of the Chinese Communist leaders that
tliey have the second largest army in the world —
second only to the Soviet Union. Within this
larger pattern, the many violent actions off the
Cliinese coast over the past 4 years seem to reveal
the basic character of the Red Chinese regime —
a regime committed to any means whatever, but
especially to violence, in order to achieve its aims
of conquest.
From July 1950 through June 1954 the Chinese
Communists made 38 attacks on foreign ships and
aircraft, as follows :
1950
July 20, 1950: British S.S. 7'afc Shing was fired on by Chi-
nese Communist shore batteries in the vicinity of Lafsanii,
the ship's location possibly within 2 miles of Lafsami.
July 2//, I'JSO: The Panamanian ship S.S. Flyiny Dragon
was fired on by Chinese Communist shore batteries on
Lafsami. The ship was hit.
Ocfober 4, 7954
505
August 2, 1950: An Air France plane was fired on by Chi-
nese Communist A/A guns, Ladrone Island.
August 3, 1950: The 300-ton British freighter Namhee was
fired on by Chinese Communist shore batteries on the Nam
Shan Islands. There were no hits and no casualties.
August 6, 1950: The American ship S.S. Steel Rover was
fired on by Chinese Communist shore batteries in the Lama
Island group ; the ship was just entering Hong Kong.
Auffiist 7, 1950: The British ship S.S. Haiiii Sung was fired
on by Chinese Communist shore batteries in the Lama
Islands ; the ship was just outside Hong Kong waters ;
two British oflicers were slightly wounded.
August S, 1950: The Norwegian ship S.S. Pleasantville
was fired on by Chinese Communist shore batteries in the
Lama Islands. The ship was just outside Hong Kong.
August 13, 1950: A Pacific Overseas Airways plane, under
U.S. flag, was fired on by Chinese Communist machine
guns from an island near Macao.
August n, 1950: The British destroyer Concord was re-
peatedly shelled by Chinese Communist batteries on the
Lama Islands, then by batteries on the Ling Ting Islands.
One enlisted man was wounded.
September 16, 1950: The British ship S.S. Sing Hing was
fired on by Chinese Communist shore batteries from the
Lama Island group.
September 17, 1950: The British ship S.S. Mahadevi was
fired on by Chinese Communist shore batteries in the Lama
Island group.
October 7, 1950: The Danish S.S. Emilie Maersk was flred
on by Chinese Communist shore batteries on the Lama
Island group.
November 7, 1950: Portuguese sloop Ooncalo Velho was
flred on by Chinese Communist shore batteries on the
Lafsami Islands. The ship was just outside Hong Kong
waters on the regular Hong Kong-Macao route.
December S, 1950: A Panamanian flagship was shelled by
Chinese Communist shore batteries off Wu Tu Island,
near Amoy. No damage, no casualties.
December 9, 1950: The British tug Allegiance was fired on
by shore batteries at Putao (Pak Leak) Island, in the
Wan Shan Island group. The tug was returning from
the rescue of the Philippine S.S. Joseph S. The master
and two crew members were slightly injured.
1951
February IS, 1951: The British-registered Caltex II, a
motor vessel, was shelled by Chinese Communist shore
batteries on Ling Ting Island. The ship was outside
Hong Kong waters. The British master and British chief
officer were injured.
April 10, 1951: The British ship Jade Leaf on its way from
Hong Kong to Chuen Chow was forced by weather con-
ditions to anchor near Namao Island, off Swatow. The
master did not know that the area was prohibited. The
ship was fired on by Chinese Communist shore-battery
machineguns. The ship was bit once and there were no
casualties. Later, while entering Swatow, the ship was
buzzed by unidentified planes.
April 1(1, 1951: Chinese Communist .shore batteries on
outer Ling Ting Islands fired on the British S.S. Victoria
Peak causing some of the cargo to ignite.
May 3, 1051: The British tug, Caroline Holler, while tow-
ing barge, was fired on by Chinese Communist shore bat-
teries on the Ling Ting islands.
June 8, 1951: The British S.S. Edith Mollcr was shelled
li.v Cbine.se Communist armed junk and shore batteries
near Hong Kong.
June S. 1951: The Danish ship Marieskov. while going
up the Pearl River estuary, was shelled by Chinese Com-
munist island batteries.
August 12, 1951: Enroute Hong Kong to Chuanchow, the
British S.S. Jade Leaf took shelter in Tang Sang harbor.
The ship, being mistaken for Nationalist, was attacked
by the Chinese Communists. The attack resulted in the
killing of the boatswain.
September 2, 1951: Between Hong Kong and Macao, the
British flag r» Hen, on the regular Hong Kong-Macao
run, was fired on by a Chinese small craft.
A vessel off Swatow fired on a U.S.
Tiovember 26, 1951:
Navy plane.
1952
Januanj 1952: The Asiatic Petroleum Company's oil
lighter BPM 88, sailing under British flag, was intercepted
and detained by the Chinese Communists, on the fringe
of Hong Kong territorial waters.
September 25, 1952: On the regular Hong Kong-Macao
route the British flag S.S. Tak Shing was fired on and
detained by an armed Chinese Communist naval vessel.
The Tak Shing was taken to Lafsami Island where two
passengers were removed.
Scjitember 25, 1952: In answer to the distress call, the
H.M.S. Mounts Bay and consort arrived to give escort
to the Tak Shing to Hong Kong. While still in British
territorial water, 4 miles from Lafsami. Chinese Com-
munist shore batteries fired on the Mounts Bay. The
Mounts Bay returned fire and silenced the batteries.
October 13, 1952: While pursuing a susijected smuggling
junk, a Hong Kong revenue launch in the vicinity of
Ling Ting Island was fired on by a Chinese Communist
shore battery.
November 2, 1952: A Chinese Communist armed junk took
into custody two British seamen in a whale boat sailing
around Hong Kong Island — about half way between Lama
Island and the Ling Ting Islands. The men were taken to
Canton, questioned intensively, and were returned to
Hong Kong on Jlarch 19, 1953, having been detained for
more than 4 months.
1953
January IS, 1953: Chinese Communist A/A fire off Swatow
shot down U.S.N. Neptune plane. U.S.C.G. Mariner
crashed taking off after rescue. U.S. destroyer flred on by
506
Department of State Bulletin
shore batteries, later chased by hostile craft. Total cas-
ualties were eleven missing.
iliirrh it, lOoS: Chinese Communist gunlmnt seized U.S.
yaclit Kelt about 5 miles west of Lantau Island, 6-7 miles
north of Lafsanii. The following' Americans were taken
Into custody and not released until September VXA:
Rlcliiird Applcgate, Henjamiu Krasner, and Donald Dixon.
Tlircc t'binese, who were with the Americans, have not
been released.
April SO, li>')3: A Chinese Communist fiuulioat attacked
a British-registered motor junk in international waters
near Soko Island and Sans Lau I'oint off the southwest
tip of Lantau Island. After taking refuge in British
waters, a Ciiinese Communist sunlioat and four Commu-
nists in naval uniform pursued the Junk and after some
shootinv: took it. The Horn; Kong Marine Department
later rescued the crew.
3Iay 25, 1953: As it was leaving Amoy, the British S.S.
yiiicloik- received small arms fire from Communist-held
Hu Hsu Island.
June 30. 1953: At Scrag Point Chinese Communist shore
batteries fired on the S.S. HiidraJuck of British registry.
September 9, 1953: A Chinese Communist gunboat tired on
Hong Kong ML 1323 in disputed waters in the Pearl River
estuary. Resulting casualties : 6 British navy crew mem-
bers and one captain of the Royal Hong Kong defense force
killed.
yoveniber 11, 1953: Chinese Communist shore batteries
fired on S.S. Inchulva, under British flag, while entering
Wenchow.
yorember 12, 1953: The S.S. Inehuh-a again attempted to
enter Wenchow. It was again shelled with no damage.
1954
June i. 1954: Chinese Communists took British forces
yacht Elinor which, while on a pleasure cruise, entered
Chinese Communist waters through navigational error.
2 officers and 7 men aboard were detained tiU July 10.
Chinese Representation
in the United Nations
Statement by Ambassador Lodge
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly^
Madam President, let me first of all express on
behalf of the United States appreciation for the
statesmanlike address with which you have just
favored us, and let me say too that we take great
satisfaction in the way in which you have con-
ducted yourself as president of this General As-
sembly during the year just ending.
Let me also, as representing tlu' host country,
extend a cordial welcome to the delegates and the
alternates, expressing the hope that your stay here
will be fruitful and enjoyable.
Now, Madam President, for reasons which are
well known, the United States will not engage in
a discussion of the substance of this question that
has been raised by the representative of the Soviet
Union. Indeed, we will make a motion as fol-
lows : I move that the Assembly decide not to con-
sider at its Ninth Session during the current year
any proposals to exclude the representatives of the
Government of the Republic of China or to seat
representatives of the Central People's Govern-
ment of the People's Republic of China.
Logically, this motion takes precedence over the
Soviet proposal,'-' and therefore I ask that rule 93
of the Rules of Procedure be invoked. This rule
reads as follows : "If two or more proposals relate
to the same question, the General Assembly shall,
unless it decides otherwise, vote on the proposals
in the order in which they have been submitted.
The General Assembly may after each vote on a
proposal decide whether to vote on the next pro-
posal." Tliat is the end of rule 93.
That rule, you will observe, gives the Assembly
the power to decide questions of precedence, and
I accordingly ask the Assembly to decide to vote
first on my motion. Put that first, and then I will
ask to vote on the motion itself.
I therefore ask the chair to put the following
proposal to the Assembly, that the Assembly de-
cides to consider first the motion just offered by
the representative of the United States. Then
after that motion has been voted on, it would then
be in order to vote on the substantial proposal
which I have made.*
' Made at the opening session of the Ninth General As-
sembly on Sept. 21 (U.S./U.N. press release 1958).
Ocfober 4, 1954
'The Soviet draft resolution (U.N. doc. A/L. 176)
proposed that representatives of the People's Republic
of China take the seat of China in the General Assembly
and in other organs of the United Nations.
'The Assembly decided to consider the U.S. motion
first, by a vote of 45-7 (Burma. Byelorussia, Czecho-
slovakia, Poland, Sweden, Ukraine, U.S.S.R.), with 5
abstentions. The U.S. draft resolution (U.N. doc. A/L.
177) was then approved by a vote of 43-11 (Burma,
Byelorussia, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, India, Norway.
Poland, Sweden, Ukraine, U.S.S.R., Yugoslavia), with
G abstentions.
507
TREATY INFORMATION
Status of Tariff Concessions
Under GATT
Press release 517 dated September 20
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
Public views were requested on September 21
regarding the status of tariff concessions granted
in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
in view of the jjossibility of modification of article
XXVIII of the agreement.
Article XXVIII, as it stands at present, pro-
vides that on or after July 1, 1955, any country
may withdraw tariff commitments with regard to
any particular product. However, a country
wishing to withdraw a concession first must try to
reach some basis of agreement with other inter-
ested contracting parties concerning such with-
drawal. A possible basis for agreement would be
the granting of new concessions as compensation
for the withdrawn concession. If such efforts to
arrive at agi-eement fail, the country can never-
theless proceed with its intended action and the
other interested country then becomes free to with-
draw equivalent concessions in order to restore
balance in the agreement.
Because of concern that extensive use of the uni-
lateral procedure might lead to a rather rapid
increase in world tariffs, the date at which this pro-
cedure might become available, which originally
■was January 1, 1951, has twice been postponed.
Proposals to modify the application of article
XXVIII are expected to be made at the coming
Ninth Session of the General Agreement which
opens on October 28.
Interested persons may express views with re-
gard to any aspect of this matter, including the
general question of modification of the article, as
well as possible changes in individual concessions
which the United States has received or granted.
Such views will be carefully considered before a
final decision is reached as to the U.S. position.
Certain views on this subject were presented at the
hearings on the Gatt review of September 13
through September 17, held by the U.S. delega-
tion to tlie review session.^ These views will be
made available to the trade-agreements organiza-
tion for consideration along with information and
views presented at the coming hearings.
Written views should be submitted to the Com-
mittee for Reciprocity Information, the interde-
partmental organization which receives views with
regard to trade agi'eement matters, by October 18.
Public hearings will also be held by the committee,
opening on October 18 in the auditorium of the
National Archives Building, Eighth Street and
Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C. Appli-
cations for appearances before the committee
should be made by October 6 and should be accom-
panied by a written brief or by a preliminary out-
line indicating as specifically as possible the sub-
ject on which the individual wishes to be heard.
A written brief must in all cases be submitted be-
fore the individual makes his appearance. Appli-
cations to be heard should be made to the Chair-
man, Committee for Reciprocity Information,
Tariff Commission Building, Washington 25,
D.C.
Article XXVIII now provides, in effect :
1. On or after July 1, 1955,- any contracting
party may, by negotiation and agreement with any
other contracting party with which such treatment
was initially negotiated, and subject to consulta-
tion with such other contracting parties as the con-
tracting parties determine to have a substantial
interest in such treatment, modify, or cease to ap-
ply, the treatment which it has agreed to accord
under article II to any product described in the
appropriate schedule annexed to the General
Agreement. In such negotiations and agi-eement,
which may include provision for compensatory ad-
justment with respect to other products, the con-
tracting parties concerned shall endeavor to main-
tain a general level of reciprocal and mutually ad-
vantageous concessions not less favorable to trade
than that provided for in the agreement.
2. (a) If agreement between the contracting
parties primarily concerned cannot be reached, the
contracting party which proposes to modify or
cease to apjily such treatment shall, nevertheless,
be free to do so, and if such action is taken tlie con-
' For .\ssislaut Secretary Waugh's statement at the
opening of the review session, see Bulljh'in of Sept. 27,
1954, p. 458.
'■' The appliiable date in the case of Brazil is .Ian. 1, 1054.
508
Department of State Bulletin
tracting party with which such treatment was ini-
tially iiegotiuteil, and the other contracting parties
detorniined under paragraph 1 of this article to
have a substantial interest, shall then bo free, not
later than C months after such action is taken, to
withdraw, upon the ex[)iration of 30 days from the
day on which written notice of such witiulrawal is
received by tlie contracting parties, substantially
equivalent concessions initially negotiated with the
contracting party taking such action.
(b) If agreement between the contracting par-
ties primarily concerned is reached but any other
contracting party determined under paragraph 1
of this article to have a substantial interest is not
satisfied, such other contracting party shall be free,
not later than 6 months after action under such
agreement is taken, to withdraw, upon the expira-
tion of 30 days from the day on which written no-
tice of such withdrawal is received by the contract-
ing parties, substantially equivalent concessions
initially negotiated with a contracting party tak-
ing action under such agreement.
NOTICE ISSUED BY
INTERDEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE
Pursuant to section 4 of the Trade Agreements Act
approved June 12, 11):{4, as amended (48 Stat. (pt. 1) 945,
ch. 474; 65 Stat. 73, ch. 141), and pursuant to paragraph
4 of Executive Order 10082 of October 5, 1949 (3 CFR,
1949 SUPP; p. 126), notice is hereby given by the Inter-
departmental Committee on Trade Agreements that, in
connection with the forthcoming review and renegoti-
ation of the General .Agreement ou Tariffs and Trade
with a view to strengthening that agreement, it is intended
that consideration will be given to enhancing the tirmness
of the tariff concessions. In particular, consideration
would be given the modification of the application of the
provisions of article XXVIII of the General Agreement
by extension of the date after which such provisions may
be invoked, or otherwise.
Article XXVIII, which is one of the most important
provisions of the General Agreement in relation to the
firmness of the concessions on individual products, pro-
vides that these concessions, originally negotiated in the
case of the United States at Geneva in 1947, at Annecy
in 1949, or at Torquay in 1950 to 1951, may he modified
or withdrawn on or after a specified date, following con-
sultation and negotiation with other contracting parties,
without the necessity of terminating the entire agree-
ment. The article envisages that the balance tietweon the
concessions granted by the various contracting parties
shall be maintained, preferalily through the negotiation
of new concessions in compensation for any modifications
or withdrawals made, but through retaliatory modifica-
tions by other parties if agreement cannot be readied on
new concessions. The date on and after which the pro-
visions of article XXVIII may now he invoked Is July 1,
1955, except for concessions in Schedule III (Brazil) and
concessions initially negotiated by other contracting
parlies with Brazil as to which such provisions may now
be invoked. No modillcation of article XXVIII would
affect the right of any contracting party to withdraw or
modify individual concessions pursuant to artU-le XIX
(commonly called "the escape clau.se") of the General
Agreement.
Pursuant to section 4 of the Trade Agreements Act, as
amended, and paragraph 5 of Kxecutive Order 10082,
information and views as to any asi)ect of the proposals
announced in this notice may be submitted to the Com-
mittee for Reciprocity Information in accordance with
the announcement of this date issued by that committee.
Information and views submitted, orally or in writing,
to the chairman of the United Stales delegation for the
review and renegotiation of the General Agreement, in
connection with the hearings held under his direction
from September 13 through Sopteniher 17, 19.54, will be
made available to the Committee for Reciprocity Infor-
mation.
By direction of the Interdepartmental Committee on
Trade Agreements this 21st day of September, 19.54.
Caul D. Corse
Chairman, Interdepartmental
Committee on Trade Agreements
NOTICE ISSUED BY COMMITTEE
FOR RECIPROCITY INFORMATION
The Interdepartmental Committee on Trade Agree-
ments has issued on this day a notice of intention to con-
sider possible modification of the firmness of the tariff
concessions in the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade.
The Committee for Reciprocity Information hereby
gives notice that all applications for oral presentation of
views in regard to the foregoing proposals shall be sub-
mitted to the Committee for Reciprocity Information not
later than 12 : 00 noon October 6, 19.'54, accompanied by a
written brief or by a preliminary outline indicating the
subject as specifically as possible on which the indi-
vidual wishes to be heard. A written brief must, in all
cases, be submitted before the individual makes his oral
appearance. Communications shall be addressed to
■■The Committee for Reciprocity Information, Tariff
Commission Building, Washington 25, D.C." Fifteen
cojues of written statements, either typed, printed, or
duplicated shall be submitted, of which one copy shall
be sworn to.
Written statements submitted to the Committee, except
information and business data proffered in confidence,
shall be open to inspection by interested persons. Infor-
mation and business data proffered in confidence shall
lie submitted in separate pages clearly marked "For of-
ficial use only of Committee for Reciprocity Information."
Public hearings will be held before the Committee for
Reciprocity Information, at which oral statem(>nts will
he heard. The first hearing will he at 10: IX) a. m. on
Ocfober 4, 7954
509
October IS, 1954 in the auditorium of tbe National
Archives Building, 8th and Pennsylvania Aveuue, North-
west, Washington, D. C. Witnesses who make applica-
tion to be heard will be advised regarding the time of
their individual appearances. Appearances at hearings
before the Committee may be made only by or on behalf
of those persons who have, prior to that appearance,
filed written briefs and who have within the time pre-
scribed made written application for oral presentation of
views. Statements made at the public hearings shall be
under oath.
Copies of the notice issued today by the Interdepart-
mental Committee on Trade Agreements may be obtained
from the Committee for Reciprocity Information, Tariff
Commission Building, Washington 25, D. C. and may be
inspected in the Field Offices of the Department of Com-
merce.
By direction of the Committee for Reciprocity Informa-
tion this 21st day of September 1954.
Edwabd Taedlet
Secretary, Committee lor
Reciprocity Information
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
exchange of notes at Canberra September 3, 1954. En-
tered into force September 3, 1954.
El Salvador
Cooperative program agreement for agricultural develop-
ment, pursuant to the general agreement for technical
cooperation of April 4, 1952 (TIAS 2527). Signed at
San Salvador July 16, 1954.
Entered into force: August 10, 1954 (the date notifica-
tion of ratification was given the United States by El
Salvador).
Agreement for a cooperative program of productivity,
pursuant to the general agreement for technical co-
operation of April 4, 1952 (TIAS 2527). Signed at San
Salvador August 31, 1954. Enters into force on date
that notification Is given the United States of publica-
tion of the agreement in the Diario Oflrial of El
Salvador.
Greece
Agreement to correct certain errors in the English text
of the convention of February 20, 1950 (TIAS 2901)
for the avoidance of double taxation and the j)reveution
of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on the estates of
deceased persons. Effected by exchange of notes at
Athens August 3 and 19, 1954. Entered into force
August 19, 1954.
Germany
Agreement on German external debts. Signed at London
February 27, 1953. Entered into force Septemlier 16,
1953. TIAS 2792.
Ratification deposited: Spain, August 25, 1954.
Narcotics
Protocol for limiting and regulating the cultivation of the
poppy plant, the production of, international and whole-
sale trade in, and use of opium. Dated at New York
June 23, 1953.'
Accession deposited: Cuba, September 8, 1954.
BILATERAL
Australia
Agreement amending article 5 of the agreement of Novem-
ber 26, 1949 (TIAS 1994) for the use of funds made
available in accordance with the agreement on settle-
ment for lend-lease, reciprocal aid, surplus war property
and claims of June 7, 1946 (TIAS 1528). Effected by
' Not in force.
Mexico
Agreement for a cooperative project with Escuela Superior
de Agricultura "Antonio Narro," pursuant to the general
agreement of June 27, 1951 (TIAS 2273), as amended.
Effected by exchange of notes at Mexico June 17, 1954.
Entered into force June 17, 1954.
Panama
Agreement extending tbe modus rivcndi signed Septem-
ber 14, 1950 (TIAS 2481), providing for maintenance
of the Boyd-Roosevelt Highway pending entry into
force of the highway convention, also signed September
14, 1950. Effected by an exchange of notes at Panama
August 12, 26, and 30, 1954. Entered into force August
30, 1954.
Viet-Nam
Agreement relating to duty-free entry and defrayment of
inland transportation charges on relief supplies and
packages for Viet-Nam. Effected by exchange of notes
at Saigon August 20 and 26, 1954. Entered into force
August 26, 1954.
510
Department of State Bulletin
J
October 4, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 797
Agricnilnra. Admlnlslruilon of Agricultural Tnds Development
luul AsslsUinco Act of 19M 498
American Principles
Piirliii'rslilp (or ri<aci> (Dulles) 471
U. 8. Pro(;rani for Return of Historic Objects to Countries of Origin,
1944-19M (Hull) 493
Atomic Energy
Corri'spomli'iia' With Soviet Vnlon on Atomic Pool Proposal (toits
of corrt»sponiJeiice> 478
Partnership for Peai-o (Dulles) 471
Statement by Ambassador Lodge on Atomic Pool Proposal 475
V. 3. Request to Secretarj'-Clencral for Agenda Item on Atomic Energy
(Lodge) 474
AiulrU. First U. S. Flood Relief Cargo t«aves for Austria 490
Bulgaria. Anniversary of Death of Bulgarian Patriot (Smith) ... 490
China
Chinese Communist Attacks on Freie World Shlpiilng (Lodge) ... 505
Chinese Representation in the I'nlted Nations (Lodge) 607
Shipmcnis to Hong Kong 492
Economic Affairs
Administration of -Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act of 1954 498
Chinese Communist Attacks on Free World Shipping (Lodge) ... 105
Shipments to Hong Kong 492
Status of Taria Concessions Under OATT 508
Sweden Removes Import License Requirements on Some Items ... 502
Europe
Nine-Power Conference on European Security (Dulles) 489
C. S. Program for Return of Historic Objects to Countries of Origin,
1»44-1954 (HaU) 491
France. C S.-French Talks on Indochina 491
Germany. Nine-Power Conference on European Security (Dulles) . . 489
Indochina. ('. S.-French Talks on Indochina 461
International Organizations and Meetings
Calendar of .Meetings 503
Nine-Power Conference on European Security (Dulles) 489
Iran. Iranian Message of Sympathy Concerning Hurricane Damage
(tests of letters) 491
Japan. Death of Japanese Fisherman (Allison) 492
Liberia. Visit of President Tubman 491
Military AITalrs. Chinese Communist .Attacks on Free World Ship-
ping (Lodge) 505
Mutual Security. First C. S. Flood Relief Cargo Leaves for Austria . 490
Pakistan. U. S.-Pakistan Friendship (Hildreth) 492
Presidential Documents
Administration of .Agricultural Trade Development and -Assistance
Act of 19.V1 498
Iranian Message of Sympathy Concerning Hurricane Damage ... 491
Publications. BrixETiN Marks Twenty-fifth .Anniversary .... 477
State, Department of. Buu-ETIN Marks Twenty-fifth .Anniversary . 477
Sweden. Sweden Removes Import License Requirements on Some
Items 502
Treaty Information
Current Treaty .Actions 510
Status of Tariff Concessions Under OATT 608
V. 8. S. R. Correspondence With Soviet Union on Atomic Pool
Proposal (te.vts of correspondence) 478
United Nations
Chinese Communist -Attacks on Free World Shipping (Lodge) ... 505
Chinese Representation in the United Nations (Lodge) 507
Partnership for Peaci- (Dulles) 471
Statement by Anil>u.s.sadur Lodge on Atomic Pool Proposal .... 47S
U. S. Roi|ue.st to Secretary.Qeneral for Agenda Item on Atomic
Energy (Lodge) 474
Namt Index
Alllsiin, Jiihn M 492
Bohlen, Charles E 489
Corse. Carl D 809
Dullas, Secretary 471,478,479,480,484,489
ELsenhower, President 491, 498, 600
Grrimykii, Andrei 488
Hall, Arilelia R 493
Hlldroth, Horace A 492
Lodse, Henry Cabot, Jr 474,47S,50(,»7
Merchant, Livingston T 48t
-Molotov, V. M 479,480,482
Pahlavi. RezB Shah 401
Smith, Waller HedoU 490
Tubman, William V. 8 491
Yardley, Edward 609
Zaroubln,Ooorgi 478,480
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 20-26
Releii.si's limy be (ilitaiiiecl fioin tlie News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Subject
Robertson and Laurel : Philippine
trade.
Request for views on Gatt.
Bohan : Economic relations with Latin
America.
Pre.sident Tubman's visit.
Educational exdiange.
Educational exchange.
Smith : Anniversary of Petkov's death.
Hildreth : I'.S.-Pakistan.
Allison: Deatli of Japanese fisherman.
Dulles: Partnership for peace.
Visit of Jlayor of Paris.
Claim against U.S.S.R. for B-2}).
Delegation to Sl-jxiwer talks in London.
U.-S.-Krench talks on Indochina.
Dulles : Departure for London.
Correspondence with U.S.S.R. on
atomic pool.
Legation in Libya made Embassy.
Liberalization of Sweden's dollar trade.
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
t516
9/20
517
9/20
t518
9/21
519
9/21
•.520
9/21
•,521
9/21
522
9/22
523
9/22
524
9/23
525
9/23
•526
9/24
t527
9/25
528
9/24
529
9/25
.530
9/25
531
9/25
t532
9/25
533
9/25
O. S. fiOVCRKMENT PRINTIH6 OFPICCi It94
United States
Government Printing Office
DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
Washington 25, D. C.
PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID
PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, S300
(GPOl
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Foreign Relations of the United States . . .
the basic source of information on U.S. diplomatic history
1937, Volume IV, The Far East
the
Department
of
State
Documents published in this volume deal chiefly with prob-
lems arising from the outbreak of undeclared war between
China and Japan in July 1937, especially with efforts by the
United States and other powers to restore peace. This is the
second of two volumes dealing with the Far East crisis in 1937,
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1937, Volume III, The
Far East, having been released in June.
In 1937 China faced Japan, with the Soviet Union watching
from the sidelines and discussing developments with other
powers. Nine hundred pages of contemporary papers deal
with not only efforts to end the undeclared war but also other
phases of the war itself and repercussions affecting the United
States.
The principal chapter of this volume relates to a conference
called at Brussels under the terms of the Nine Power Treaty of
February 6, 1922, regarding China to explore the possibility of
peaceful solution of the conflict between Japan and China.
Chapters are also included on American relations with China,
Japan, and Siam (Thailand).
Copies of this volume may be purchased from the Superin-
tendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washing-
ton 25, D. C, for $4 each.
Order Form
To: Supt. of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Enclosed find:
Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of tfie United States,
1937, Volume IV, The Far East.
Name:
Street Address:
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(casli, cheek, or
money order).
^/te/ ^eft€ty7(t}nent ^^ b^tcfyt^/
Vol. XXXI, No. 798
October 11, 1954
^BNT o^
FINAL ACT OF LONDON CONFERENCE 515
THE AMERICAN MEMORIAL LIBRARY AT BERLIN •
by Ambassador Janies B. Conant 531
U.S. RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA •
by Ambassador Merwin L. Bohan 535
COOPERATING TO IMPROVE FREE WORLD'S
ECONOMY • Statement by Secretary of the Treasury
Humphrey 548
For index see inside back cover
''->T.. O' '
^,? Qe/iarttnott c/ Cnate
bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 798 • Publication 5610
Ocl(her 11, 1954
For snle by tlie Superintendent of Documents
U.S. aoverniiient Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Peice:
62 issues, domestic $7..50, foreign $10.2.'>
Smgle copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
lieen approved by the Director of the
Dureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
iN'oU': Contents of this publication arc not
eopyrlKhted anil iti^nis coiil.niied lierein may
he reprinted. Citation of the Dui'ahtment
or SlATK 1U'U.ET1N as tile .sourcc will t>e
aplJreclated.
The Utpiirtnicnl of State BVLLETIl^,
a iieehly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public end interested aaencies of the
Government ivith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the uork of the
Department of Slate and the Foreign
Service. The BILLET I. \ includes
selected press releases on foreign
policy, issued by the Uhite House
and the Department, and statements
„n,l addresses made by the Vresident
and by the Secretary of Stale and
other officers of the Deparlmenl, as
well as special articles on tnirious
phases of international affairs ami ihe
functions of the Department. Infor-
malion is included concerning treaties
and inurnational agreements to
lihich Ihe Lnited Slates is or may
become a party and treaties of general
inl{-rtuilii>nal irtteresl.
l-ublicalions of the Dei>arlmenl. as
tvell as legislutive material in the field
of inlcrnalional relations, are listed
rurrcnily.
Agreement on Restoration of German Sovereignty and
German Association with Western Defense System
FINAL ACT OF THE NINE-POWER CONFERENCE
HELD AT LONDON, SEPTEMBER 28-OCTOBER 3
The Conference of the Nine Powers, Belgium,
Canada, France, German Federal Republic, Italy,
Luxembourg, Netherlands, United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United
States met in London from Tuesday September
Twenty-eighth to Sunday October Third. It
dealt with the most important issues facing the
"Western world, security and European integra-
tion within the framework of a developing Atlan-
tic community dedicated to peace and freedom.
In this connexion the Confei'ence considered how
to assure the full association of the German Fed-
eral Republic with the West and the German de-
fence contribution.
Belgium was represented by His Excellency
Monsieur P-H. Spaak.
Canada was represented by the Plonourable
L. B. Pearson.
France was represented by His Excellency Mon-
sieur P. Mendes-France.
The Federal Republic of Germany was repre-
sented by His Excellency Dr. K. Adenauer.
Italy was represented by His Excellencj' Pro-
fessor G. Martino.
Luxembourg was represented by His Excellency
Monsieur J. Bech.
The Netherlands was represented by His Ex-
cellency J. W. Beyen.
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland was represented by Rt. Hon. A.
Eden, M. C, M. P.
The United States of America was represented
by the Honourable J. F. Dulles.
All the decisions of the Conference formed part
of one general settlement which is, directly or in-
directly, of concern to all the Nato powers and
which will therefore be submitted to the North
Atlantic Council for information or decision.
I. Germany
The Governments of J''rauce, the United King-
dom and the United States declare that their
policy is to end the Occupation regime in the Fed-
eral Republic as soon as possible, to revoke the
Occupation Statute and to abolish the Allied High
Commission. The Three Govermnents will con-
tinue to discharge certain responsibilities in Ger-
many arising out of the international situation.
It is intended to conclude, and to bring into
force as soon as the necessary parliamentary pro-
cedures have been completed, the appropriate in-
struments for these purposes. General agree-
ment has already been reached on the content of
these instruments and representatives of the Four
Governments will meet in the very near future
to complete the final texts. The agreed arrange-
ments may be put into effect either before or si-
multaneously with the arrangements for the Ger-
man defence contribution.
As these arrangements will take a little time to
complete, the Three Governments have in the
meantime issued the following Declaration of In-
tent:
Recognising that a great country can no longer be
deprived of the rights properly belonging to a free and
democratic people ; and
Uesiring to associate the Federal Republic of Ger-
many on a footing of equality with tlieir efforts for
peace and security.
The Governments of France, the United Kingdom,
the United States of America desire to end the Occu-
pation rC'gime as soon as possible.
The fulfilment of this policy calls for the settlement
of problems of detail in order to liquidate the past and
October 11, 1954
515
to prepare for the future, and requires the completion
of appropriate Parliamentary procedures.
In the meantime, the Three Governments are instruct-
ing their High Commissioners to act forthwith in ac-
cordance with the spirit of the above policy. In
particular, the High Commissioners will not use the
powers which are to be relinquished unless in agree-
ment with the Federal Government, except in the
fields of disarmament and demilitarisation and in cases
where the Federal Government has not been able for
legal reasons to take the action or assume the obliga-
tions contemplated in the agreed arrangement.
II. Brussels Treaty
The Brussels Treaty will be strengthened and
extended to make it a more effective focus of Eu-
ropean integration.
For this purpose the following arrangements
have been agreed upon :
(a) The German Federal Kepublic and Italy
will be invited to accede to the Treaty, suit-
ably modified to emphasise the objective of
European unity, and they have declared
themselves ready to do so. The system of
mutual automatic assistance in case of at-
tack will thus be extended to the German
Federal Republic and Italy.
(b) The structure of the Brussels Treaty will
be re-inforced. In particular the Consulta-
tive Council provided in the Treaty will
become a Council with powers of decision.
(c) The activities of the Brussels Treaty Or-
ganisation will be extended to include fur-
ther important tasks as follows :
— The size and general characteristics of the
German defence contribution will conform
to the contribution fixed for Edc.
— The maximum defence contribution to
Nato of all members of the Brussels Treaty
*FoUowing are the texts of Annexes I and II to Article
107 of the European Defense Community Treaty.
Annex i to Article 107
1. War iceapons.
a. Portable firearms, with the exception of hunt-
ing weapons and calibres less than 7mm.
b. Machine guns.
c. Anti-tank weapons.
d. Artillery and mortars.
e. Anti-aircraft weapons (D.C.A.).
f. Smoke-screen, gas and flame producing
apparatuses.
2. Munitions and rockets of all types for military use.
a. Munitions for war weapons defined in Para-
graph 1 hereinabove and grenades.
b. Self-propelled weapons.
c. Torpedoes of all types.
d. Mines of all types.
e. Bombs of all types.
3. Powder and explosives for military use, including
materiel primarily used for propulsions hy rockets.
Exempted will be products principally for civilian
use, specifically :
Pyrotechiiical compounds ;
Priming explosives :
Fulminate of mercury ;
Nitride of lead ;
Triuitroresorcinate of lead ;
Tetrazene ;
Chlorated Explosives;
Nitrate exjilosives with dinitrotoluene, or with
dinitronaplitlialine ;
Hydrogen-peroxide at less than 60%;
Nitrocelluloses;
Black powder ;
516
Nitric acid at less than 99% ;
Hydrate of hydogine at less than 30%.
4. Armored equipment.
a. Tanks.
b. Armored vehicles.
c. Armored trains.
5. Warships of all types.
6. Military aircraft of all types.
7. Atomic weapons.
,1 According to definitions
8. Btologtcal loeapons^l ^.^^^ .^ ^^^^^ ^^
9. Chemical weapons.' J jjereinbelow.
10. Constituent parts which can be used only in the
construction of one of the items enumerated in groups
1, 2, 4, 5, and G hereinabove.'
11. Machines which can be used only for the manufac-
ture of one of the items enumerated in groups 1, 2, 4, 5,
and 6 hereinabove.'
Annex II to Article 107
The present annex shall be deemed to include the
weaiHjns defined in Paragraphs I-VI and the manufac-
turing facilities especially designed for their production.
Nevertheless, the provisions of Paragraphs II-VI of this
annex sliall be deemed to exclude any device or assembly,
apparatus, production facilities, product and agency uti-
lized for civilian purposes or serving research for sci
' The Commissariat may exempt from the requirement
of authorization chemical and liiohigical substances the
use of which is primarily civilian. If the Commissariat
decides that it is unable to grant such exemptions, it shall
limit the control which it exercises solely to the use of
such substances.
'The prdduction of models of, and the technical re-
search concerning, the materials defined in paragraphs 10
and 11 hereinabove are not subject to the apiiropriate
provisions of Article 107.
Deparimenf of State Bulletin
Organisation will be determined by a spe-
cial agi'eenient fixing levels which can only
be increased by unanimous consent.
— The strength and armaments of the in-
ternal defence forces and the police on the
Continent of the countries members of the
Brussels Treaty Organisation will be fixed
by agreements within that Organisation
having regard to their proper function and
to existing levels and needs.
The Brussels Treaty Powers agree to set up, as
part of the Brussels Treaty Organisation, an
Agency for the control of armaments on the Con-
tinent of Europe of the continental members of
the Brussels Treaty Organisation. The detailed
provisions are as follows.
1. The functions of the Agency shall be
(a) to ensure that the prohibition of the manu-
facture of certain types of armaments as agreed
between the Brussels Powers is being observed;
(b) to control the level of stocks held by each
country on the Continent of the types of arma-
ments mentioned in the following paragraph.
This control sluill extend to production and im-
ports to the extent required to make the control
of stocks effective.
2. The types of annaments to be controlled under
1 (b) above shall be
(a) weapons in categories I, II and III listed
in Annex II to Article 107 of the Edc Treaty;*
(b) weapons in the other categories listed in
Annex II to Article 107 of the Edc Treaty.
(c) A list of major weapons taken from Annex
I to the same Article to be established hereafter
by an expert working group.
Measures will be taken to exclude from control
entifle, medical and Industrial purposes in the spheres of
pure and applied science.
I. Atomic Weapons.
a. An atomic weapon is defined as any weapon
which contains, or is designed to contain or utilize,
nuclear fuel or radioactive isotopes and whicli, by
explosion or other uncontrolled nuclear transfor-
mation of the nuclear fuel, or by radioactivity of
the nuclear fuel or radioactive isotopes, is capable
of mass destruction, mass injury or mass poison-
ing.
b. Furthermore, any part, device, assembly or ma-
terial especially designed for, or primarily useful in,
any weapon as set forth under Paragraph a, shall
be deemed to be an atomic weapon.
c. Any quantity of nuclear fuel produced in any
one year in excess of 500 grammes will be consid-
ered material especially designed for, or primarily
useful in, atomic weapons.
d. Nuclear fuel as used in the preceding definition
includes plutonium. Uranium 2.S.3, Uranium 2.35
(including Uranium 235 contained in Uranium en-
riched to over 2.1 per cent by weight of Uranium
2.35) and any other material capable of releasing
substantial quantities of atomic energy through
nuclear fission or fusion or other nuclear reac-
tion of the material. The foregoing materials shall
be considered to be nuclear fuel regardless of the
chemical or physical form in which they exist.
II. Chemical Weapons.
a. A chemical weapon is defined as any equipment
or apparatus expressly designed to use, for mili-
tary purposes, the asphyxiating, toxic, irritant,
paralysant, growth-regulating, anti-lubricating or
catalyzing properties of any chemical substance.
b. Subject to the provisions of Paragraph c, chem-
ical substances, having such properties and capable
of being used in the equipment or apparatus re-
ferred to in Paragraph a, shall be deemed to be
included in this definition.
e. Sucli apparatus and such quantities of the chem-
ical substances as are referred to in Paragraphs
a and 6 which do not exceed peaceful civilian re-
quirements shall be deemed to be excluded from
this definition.
III. Biological Weapons.
a. A biological weapon is defined as any equipment
or apjiaratns expressly designed to use, for mili-
tary purposes, harmful in.sects or other living or
dead organisms, or their toxic products.
b. Subject to the provisions of Paragraph c, in-
sects, organisms and their toxic products of such
nature and in such amounts as to make them capa-
ble of being used in the equipment or apparatus
referred to in a shall be deemed to be included in
this definition.
c. Such equipment or apparatus and such quanti-
ties of the insects, organisms and their toxic prod-
ucts as are referred to in I'aragraphs <i and 6 which
do not exceed peaceful civilian requirements shall
be deemed to be excluded from the definition of
biological weapons.
IV. Long-range Missiles, Guided Missiles and Influence
Mines.
a. Subject to the provisions of Paragraph d, long-
Footnote continued on newt page.
Oc/ofaer 7 J, 1954
517
materials and products in the above lists for
civil use.
3. As regards the weapons referred under para-
graph 2 (a) above when the countries which have
not given up the right to produce them have passed
the experimental stage and start effective pro-
duction, the level of stocks that they will be al-
lowed to hold on the Continent shall be decided
by the Brussels Treaty Council by a majority vote.
4. The continental members of the Brussels Treaty
Organisation agi'ee not to build up stocks nor
range missiles and guided missiles are defined as
missiles such that the velocity or direction of mo-
tion can be influenced after the instant of launching
by a device or mechanism inside or outside the
missile, including V-type weapons developed in the
recent war and subsequent modifications thereof.
Combustion is considered as a mechanism which
may influence the velocity.
b. Subject to the provisions of Paragraph d, influ-
ence mines are defined as naval mines which can
be exploded automatically by influences which ema-
nate solely from external sources, including influ-
ence mines developed in the recent war and
subsequent modifications thereof.
c. Parts, devices or assemblies specially designed
for use in or with the weapons referred to in Para-
graphs a and 6 shall be deemed to be included in
this definition.
d. Proximity fuses, and short-range guided missiles
for anti-aircraft defense with the following maxi-
mum characteristics, are regarded as excluded from
this definition :
Length, 2 meters ;
Diameter, 30 centimeters ;
Velocity, GGO meters per second ;
Ground range, 32 kilometres ;
Weight of war-head, 22.S kilogrammes.
V. Naval Vessels other than Minor Defensive Craft.
Naval Vessels other than minor defensive craft
mean :
a. Warsliips over l,.50O tons displacement.
b. Submarines.
c. All war.ships powered by means otlier than steam,
diesel or petrol engines or gas turbines or jets.
VI. Military Aircraft.
Complete military aircraft and components thereof,
as listed below: —
a. Air frames — center section spars, wing panel
spars, longerons.
I). Jet engines — centrifugal iniiicllors, turbo discs,
burners, axial flow center shafts,
c. Reciprocating engines — cylinder blocks, super-
charger impellors.
to produce the armaments mentioned in para-
graph 2 (b) and (c) beyond the limits required
(a) for the equipment of their forces, taking into
account any imports including external aid, and
(b) for export.
5. The requirements for their Nato forces shall
be established on the basis of the results of the
Annual Review and the recommendations of the
Nato military authorities.
6. For forces remaining under national control,
the level of stocks must correspond to the size and
mission of those forces. That level shall be noti-
fied to the Agency.
7. All importations or exportations of the con-
trolled arms will be notified to the Agency.
8. The Agency will operate through the examina-
tion and collation of statistical and budgetary
data. It will undertake test checks and will make
such visits and inspections as may be required to
fulfil its functions as defined in paragraph 1
above.
9. The basic rules of procedure for the Agency
shall be laid down in a Protocol to the Brussels
Treaty.
10. If the Agency finds that the prohibitions are
not being observed, or that the appropriate level
of stocks is being exceeded, it will so inform the
Brussels Council.
11. The Agency will report and be responsible to
the Brussels Council, which will take its decisions
by a majority vote on questions submitted by the
Agency.
12. The Brus-sels Council will make an Annual
Report on its activities concerning the control of
armaments to the Delegates of the Brussels Treaty
Powers to the Consultative Assembly of the Coun-
cil of Europe.
13. The Governments of the U.S.A. and Canada
will notify the Brussels Treat}' Organisation of
the military aid to be distributed to the continental
members of tliat Organisation. The Organisation
may make written observations.
14. Tlie Brussels Council will establish a Work-
ing Group in order to study the draft directive
presented by the French Government and any
other papers which may be submitted on the sub-
ject of armaments production and standardisation.
15. The Brussels Treaty Powers have taken note
518
Department of Slate Bulletin
of the following Declaration of the Chancellor of
the Federal Republic of Germany and record their
agreement with it :
The Federal Chancellor Declares :
(hat the Federal Republic undertakes not to manu-
facture in its territory any atomic weapons, chemi-
cal weapons or biological weapons, as detailed in
paragraphs I, II and III of the attached lists;
that it undertakes further not to manufacture in
its territory such weapons as those detailed in
paragraphs IV. V and VI of the attached list.
Anj' amendment to or cancellation of the substance
of paragraphs IV, V and VI can, on the request
of the Federal Republic, be carried out by a resolu-
tion of the Brussels Council of Ministers by a two-
thirds majority, if in accordance with the needs
of the armed forces a request is made by the com-
petent supreme commander of Nato ;
that the Federal Republic agrees to supervision by
the competent authority of the Brussels Treaty
Organisation to ensure that these undertakings are
observed.
List Appended to the Declaration by the Federal
Chancellor
This list comprises the weapons defined in paragraphs
I to VI and the factories earmarked solely for their pro-
duction. All apparatus, parts, equipment, installations,
substances and organisms which are used for civilian
purposes or for scientific, medical and industrial research
in the fields of pure and applied science shall be excluded
from this definition.
I. Atomic iceapons
Text as in Annex II paragraph I to Article 107 of
the EDC Treaty with the deletion of (c).
II. Chemical weapons
III. Biological iceapons
IV. Long distance tnissilcs,
guided missiles,
magnetic and influence
mines
V. M'arships, tcith the exception of smaller ships for
defence purposes
"Warships, with the exception of smaller ships for
defence purposes are:
(a) Warships of more than 3,000 tons displacement.
(b) Submarines of more than S.'JO tons displace-
ment.
(c) All warships which are driven by means other
than steam, Diesel or petrol engines or by gas tur-
bines or by jet engines".
VI. Bomber aircraft for strategic purposes
The closest possible co-operation with Nato
shall be established in all fields.
Texts as in Annex II,
paragraphs II, III
and IV to Article 107
of the EDC Treaty.
Results off London Conference
Statciiiitit hi) Secretary Dulles'
The London Conference produced solid results.
It worked out a system, in place of the European
Defense Community, which can preserve and
strengthen the Atlantic community by giving it a
hard core of lOuropean unity. Thus, It salvages
many of the values of the Koc plan and will give
opportunity for the otlicr values to be achieved by
furlher effort. The fact that all of this was done,
and done within 33 days of the rejection of Edc,
shows the vitality of the Atlantic community.
Under this new plan :
German sovereignty will be restored, and begin-
ning today the Allied High Commissioners will
forego tlie exercise of most of their occupation
rights.
Germany will join Nato and make its indispensa-
ble contribution to the defense of the West. This
will be done within a Continental .system of arma-
ment controls.
Western unity will be developed within the
framework of the Brussels Treaty. The treaty
members will become identical with the projected
membership of Edo, the United Kingdom being an
additional member. Their Council will have broad
authority and can act in many important matters
by a majority vote. Thus national authority gives
way to European authority.
The United Kingdom has made a momentous
long-term commitment of its military forces to the
continent of Eurojje.
JIuch of what was agreed on will, of course, re-
quire further approvals by other nations and by
parliaments.
When I went to London, I said that the initiative
rested with the European powers.' They had exer-
cised that initiative.
The result is what the Europeans decided on for
themselves. The United States will, I hope, co-
operate with the result, because to do so will be very
much in our national interests.
' Made at Washington National Airport on Oct. 4
(press release 547).
' BtnxETiN of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 489.
III. United States, United Kingdom and Canadian
Assurances
The United States Secretary of State set forth
the willingness of the United States to continue
its support for European unity, in accordance
with the following statement.
If, using the Brussels Treaty as a nucleus, it is possible
to find in this new pattern a continuing hope of unity
among the countries of Europe that are represented here,
October 11, 1954
519
and if the hopes that were tied into the European De-
fense Community Treaty can reasonably be transferred
into the arrancrements which will be the outgrowth of
this meeting, then I would certainly be disposed to recom-
mend to the President that he should renew the assurance
offered last spring in connection with the European De-
fense Community Treaty to the effect that the United
States will continue to maintain in Europe, including
Germany, such units of its armed forces as may be neces-
sary and appropriate to contribute its fair share of the
forces needed for the joint defense of the North Atlantic
area while a threat to the area exists and will continue
to deploy such forces in accordance with agreed North
Atlantic strategy for the defense of this area.
The United Kingdom confirmed its active par-
ticipation in the Brussels Treaty Organisation and
gave the follo^Ying assurance about tlie mainte-
nance of United Kingdom forces on the continent
of Europe.
The United Kingdom will continue to maintain on the
mainland of Europe, including Germany, the effective
strength of the United Kingdom forces now assigned
to Saceur, four divisions and the Tactical Air Force,
or whatever Saceur regards as equivalent fighting ca-
pacity. The United Kingdom undertakes not to with-
draw those forces against the wishes of the majority
of the Bru.ssels Treaty Powers, who should take their
decision in the knowledge of Sacexjb's views.
This undertaking would be subject to the understand-
ing that an acute overseas emergency might oblige Her
Majesty's Government to omit this procedure.
If the maintenance of United Kingdom forces on the
mainland of Europe throws at any time too heavy a strain
on the external finances of the United Kingdom, the
United Kingdom will invite the North Atlantic Council
to review the financial conditions on which the forma-
tions are maintained.
Canada reaffirmed in the following statement
its resolve to discharge the continuing obligations
arising out of its membership in Nato and its sup-
port of the objective of European unity.
As far as we are concerned, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation remains the focal point of our participation
in collective defence and of our hope for the development
of closer cooperation with the other peoples of the Atlan-
tic community. As such, it remains a foundation of Ca-
nadian foreign policy. While we emphasise, then, our
belief in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation we wel-
come the proposed extension of the Brussels Treaty. We
shall look forward to a growing relationship, within the
framework of Nato, with the new Briissels Treaty Or-
ganisation, composed of countries with whom we are
already bound by such close ties.
IV. NATO
Tlie powers present at tlie Conference which
are members of Nato agreed to recommend at the
next ministerial meeting of the North Atlantic
Council that the Federal Eepublic of Germany
should forthwith be invited to become a member.
They further agreed to recommend to Nato that
its machinery be reinforced in the following
resi^ects :
(a) All forces of Nato countries stationed on
the Continent of Europe shall be placed under
the authority of Saceue, with the exception of
those which Nato has recognised or will recognise
as suitable to remain under national command.
(b) Forces placed under Saceur on the Conti-
nent shall be deployed in accordance with Nato
strateg)'.
(c) The location of such forces shall be deter-
mined by Sacetjr after consultation and agree-
ment with the national authorities concerned.
(d) Such forces shall not be redeployed on the
Continent nor used operationally on the Conti-
nent witliout his consent, subject to appropriate
political guidance from the North Atlantic Coun-
cil.
(e) Forces placed under Saceur on the Conti-
nent shall be integrated as far as possible con-
sistent with military efficiency.
(f ) Arrangements shall be made for the closer
coordination of logistics by Saceur.
(g) The level and effectiveness of forces placed
under Saceur on the Continent and the arma-
ments and equipment, logistics, and reserve for-
mations of those forces on the Continent shall be
inspected by Saceur.
The Conference recorded the view of all the
govermnents represented that the North Atlantic
Treaty should be regarded as of indefinite dura-
tion.
V. Declaration by the German Federal Government
and Joint Declaration by the Governments of France,
United Kingdom and United States of America
The following declarations were recorded at the
Conference by the German Federal Chancellor
and by the Foreign INIinisters of France, United
Kingdom and United States of America.
Declaration by German Federal Republic
The German Federal Republic has agreed to
conduct its policy in accordance with the prin-
ciples of the Charter of the United Nations and
accepts the obligations set forth in Article 2 of
the Charter.
520
Department of State Bulletin
Upon lier accession to the Nortli Atlantic Treaty
and tlie Brussels Treaty, the German Federal Re-
public declares that she will refrain from any
action inconsistent with the strictly defensive
character of the two treaties. In particular the
Gennan Federal Republic undertakes never to
have i-ecouree to force to achieve the reunification
of Germany or the modification of the present
boundaries of the Gernum Federal Republic, and
to resolve by peaceful means any disputes which
may arise between the Federal Republic and other
States.
Declaration hy the Governments of United States
of America, United Kingdom and France
The Governments of the United States of Amer-
ica, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland and the French Republic,
Beino; resolved to devote their eft'orts to the
strengthening of peace in accordance with the
Charter of the United Nations and in particular
with the obligations set forth in Article 2 of the
Charter
(i) to settle their international disputes by
peaceful means in such a manner that in-
ternational peace and security and justice
are not endangered;
(ii) to refrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force against
the territorial integrity or political inde-
pendence of any State, or in any other
manner inconsistent with the purposes of
the United Nations;
(iii) to give the United Nations every assist-
ance in any action it takes in accordance
with the Charter, and to refrain from giv-
ing assistance to any State against which
the United Nations take preventive or en-
forcement action;
(iv) to ensure that States which are not Mem-
bers of the United Nations act in accord-
ance with the principles of the Charter so
far as may be necessary for the mainte-
nance of international peace and security.
Having regard to the purely defensive character
of the Atlantic Alliance which is manifest in the
North Atlantic Treaty, wherein they reaffirm
their faith in the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and their desire
to live in peace with all peoples and all Govern-
ments, and undertake to settle their international
disi)utes by peaceful means in accordance with the
principles of the Charter and to refrain, in accord-
ance with those principles, from the threat or use
of force in their international relations,
Take note that the German Federal Republic
has by a Declaration dated October 3rd accepted
tlie obligations set forth in Article 2 of the Char-
ter of the United Nations and has undertaken
never to have recourse to foice to achieve the
reunilication of Germany or the modification of
the present boundaries of the German Federal Re-
public, and to resolve by peaceful means any dis-
putes which may arise between the Federal Re-
public and other states:
Declare that
1. They consider the Government of the Federal
Republic as the only German Government freely
and legitimately constituted and therefore en-
titled to speak for Germany as the representative
of the German people in international aifairs.
2. In their relations with the Federal Republic
they will follow the principles set out in Article 2
of the United Nations Charter.
3. A peace settlement for the whole of Germany,
freely negotiated between Germany and her for-
mer enemies, which should lay the foundation of a
lasting peace, remains an essential aim of their
policy. The final determination of the bound-
aries of Germany must await such a settlement.
4. The achievement through peaceful means of
a fully free and unified Germany remains a fun-
damental goal of their policy.
5. The security and welfare of Berlin and the
maintenance of the position of the Three Powei-s
there are regarded by the Three Powers as essen-
tia] elements of the peace of the free world in the
present international situation. Accordingly
they will maintain armed forces within the terri-
tory of Berlin as long as their responsibilities re-
quire it. They therefore reaffirm that they will
treat any attack against Berlin from any quarter
as an attack upon their forces and themselves.
6. They will regard as a threat to their own
peace and safety any recourse to force which in
violation of the principles of the United Nations
Charter threatens the integrity and unity of the
Atlantic alliance or its defensive purposes. In the
event of any such action, the three Governments,
October 11, 1954
521
for their part, will consider the offending govern-
ment as having forfeited its rights to any guar-
antee and any militai-y assistance provided for in
the North Atlantic Treaty and its protocols. They
will act in accordance with Article 4 of the North
Atlantic Treaty with a view to taking other
measures which may be appropriate.
7. They will invite the association of other
member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganisation with this Declaration.
VI. Future Procedure
The Conference agreed that representatives of
the governments concerned should work out ur-
gently the texts of detailed agreements to give
effect to the principles laid down above. These
will be submitted, where appropriate, to the North
Atlantic Council, and to the four Governments
directly concerned with the future status of the
Federal Kepublic. The Conference hoped that it
would be possible to hold a ministerial meeting
of the North Atlantic Council on October 22 to
decide on the arrangements affecting IS.' ato. This
will be preceded by meetings of the four Foreign
Ministers on the question of German sovereignty
and of the nine Foreign Alinisters.
These agreements and arrangements constitute
a notable contribution to world peace. A West-
ern Europe is now emerging which, resting on
the close association of the United Kingdom with
the Continent and on growing friendship between
the participating countries, will re-inforce the
Atlantic community. The system elaborated by
the Conference will further the development of
European unity and integration.
ANNEX
Draft Declaration and Draft Protocol
to Brussels Treaty
The Governments of Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands and the United Kingdom, parties to the
Brussels Treaty of March 17, 1948, for collaboration in
economic, social and cultural matters and for legitimate
collective self-defence,
Aware that the principles underlying the association
created by the Brussels Treaty are also recognised and
applied by the Federal Republic of Germany and Italy,
Noting with satisfaction that their devotion to pence
and their allegiance to democratic institutions constitute
common bonds between the countries of Western Europe,
522
Convinced that an association with the Federal Republic
of Germany and Italy would represent a new and sub-
stantial advance in the direction already indicated by the
treaty.
Decide,
In application of Article IX of the treaty, to invite the
Federal Republic of Germany and Italy to accede to the
Brussels Treaty, as revised and completed by the protocol
(and list of agreements and documents to be specified in
the final text).
DRAFT PROTOCOL TO THE BRUSSELS TREATY
H. M. King of the Belgians, the President of the French
Republic, President of the French Union, H. R. H. the
Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, H. M. the Queen of the
Netherlands, H. M. the Queen of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland and of her other
realms and territories, head of the Commonwealth, parties
to the Treaty of Economic, Social and Cultural Collabora-
tion and Collective Self-Defence, signed at Brussels on
March 17, 1948, hereinafter referred to as the treaty, on
the one hand,
And the President of the Federal Republic of Germany
and the President of the Italian Republic on the other
hand,
Inspired by a common will to strengthen peace and
security,
Desirous to this end of promoting the unity and of
encouraging the progressive integration of Europe,
Convinced that the accession of the Federal Republic
of Germany and the Italian Republic to the treaty will
represent a new and substantial advance towards these
aims:
Article I
The Federal Republic of Germany and the Italian Re-
public hereby accede to the treaty, as revised and com-
pleted by the present protocol (and the list of agreements
and documents).
Article II
(A) The subparagraph of the preamble to the treaty
"to take such steps as may be held necessary in the event
of renewal by Germany of a policy of aggression" shall
be modified to read :
"To promote the unity and to encourage the progressive
integration of Europe."
(B) The following new article shall be inserted in the
treaty as Article IV :
"IV. In execution of the treaty, the high contracting
parties and any organs established by them under the
treaty shall work in close cooperation with the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization."
The present Article IV of the treaty and the succeeding
articles shall be renumbered accordingly.
(C) Article VIII. formerly Article VII, of the treaty,
shall read :
"For the purpose of consulting together on all questions
dealt with in the present treaty and its protocol and the
agreements and other documents set out in Article I above
and of strengthening peace and security and of promoting
Department of State Bulletin
unit}- and of encouraging the proRresslve integration of
Kumpe and closer cooporation between nieiul)er states
ami witli otlier Kuropean organisations, tlie liigh eontract-
InK parties will create a conncil, which shall he so or-
^'anised as to he ahle to exercise its functions continu-
ously. The council shall meet at such tlmea as it shall
deem fit.
"At the request of any of the hijjh contracting parties,
the council shall be immediately convened In order to per-
mit the hijjh contracting parties to consult with re^-ard to
any situation which may constitute a threat to peace, in
whatever area this threat should arise, or with regard to
any situation constituting a danger to economic stability."
Abticle III
The present protocol and the aRreements set out in
Article II above shall be ratilled and the Instruments of
ratification shall be deposited as soon as possible with
the Belsian Government. They shall enter into force
upon the date of deposit of the last instrument of rati-
fication.
ANNEX
Statement by the United States Secretary of State
(The Hon. John Foster Dulles) at the Fourth Ple-
nary Meeting [September 29]
At the time when we thought that the European
Defense Community Treaty would promptly be
put to a vote of the French Parliament — that was
some time last spring — the United States indi-
cated that it would be prepared to make a dec-
laration with respect to its intentions as to the
maintenance of armed forces in Europe in the
event that the European Defense Community
Treaty should come into force. The text of that
message ^ was communicated to the six nations
that were signatory to the European Defense Com-
munity Treaty, and also to the United Kingdom.
The essence of that declaration was that the
United States would continue to maintain in
Europe, including Germany, such units of its
armed forces as may be necessary to contribute its
fair share of the forces needed for the joint defense
of the North Atlantic area while the threat to that
area exists, and that we would continue to main-
tain such forces in accordance with the agreed
North Atlantic strategy for the defense of this
area. There were other provisions of that declara-
tion. In fact, there were six, one of which related
' Bulletin of Apr. 26, 1954, p. 619.
Ocfober 7 J, 1954
to treating the North Atlantic Treaty as a treaty
of indefinite duration, rather thmi only for a fixed
period of years.
I do not need, I tiiink, to read the full text of
that declaration, because it has, as I say, been
communicated to all of the governments who are
rcprcsenteil here. You doubtless are already fa-
miliar with, and can readily consult, the text which
was sent to you at that time. That declaration
was made, as I say, in anticipation of the coming
into force of the European Defense Community
Treaty. The declaration was made after consul-
tation with tlie leaders of both parties in the Con-
gress of the United States. It would have been
as solemn and definitive an obligation as the
United States is constitutionally capable of mak-
ing in this matter.
I should perhaps explain that under our con-
stitutional system the President of the United
States is Commander in Chief of the Armed
Forces of the United States and, as such, has the
right to determine their disposition. That is a
right which cannot be impaired by action of the
Congress. Also, while Congi-ess has no authority
to deprive the President of his right as Comman-
der in Chief of the Armed Forces to make such
disposition of those forces as he believes to be in
the interest of the security of the United States,
it is equally the case that one President of the
United States is not constitutionally able to bind
his successors in this matter.
Each President of the United States comes into
office enjoying the right to dispose of the armed
forces of the United States as he thinks best serves
the interests of the United States in accordance
witli the advice which he gets from his military
advisers.
Therefore it is not constitutionally possible for
the United States by treaty, by law, or in any
other way to make a legally binding, fixed com-
mitment to maintain any predetermined quota of
armed forces in any particular part of the world
for any particular period of time.
It is nevertheless possible for the President to
define a policy which in his opinion makes it ap-
propriate to maintain certain elements of the
armed forces of the United States in certain areas
in pursuance of that policy. And if the policy is
a basic and fundamental one, it is extremely un-
likely that that allocation of forces would be al-
tered. Now, this declaration that I refer to was
523
designed to involve an exercise, to the fullest
degree possible under our constitutional system, of
the determination of our Government to support
the European Defense Community bj' contributing
armed forces which would be subject to integration
with its forces, and that declaration was made with
the confidence that the policy that it reflected
would be pursued because of the very great interest
which the United States has in the creation of
unity in Europe, and the fact that our Nation
has historically shown its willingness to make tre-
mendous contributions if, in its opinion, that will
aid in the real unification of Europe.
I might recall that the European Recovery
Plan — the Marshall plan as it was called — was
made pursuant to a congressional act which said
that the purpose was to projnote the unification of
Europe. The North Atlantic Treaty was an en-
gagement which was quite unprecedented for the
United States. It was quite unprecedented for
the United States to make that kind of long-range
alliance with other countries. That was directly
contrary to our earlier policies which had been
pursued for over 100 years. That action was taken
only after the European countries themselves had
first come together under this Brussels Treaty
which we are talking about so much today. It was
the encouragement which came from that which
very largely led to our going on and joining in
the commitments of the North Atlantic Treaty.
The first action taken to provide military aid to
Europe was under the Military Defense Assistance
Act of 1949. The language of it was that it was
designed to promote the integration of the defense
of Europe. I think that the history of our action,
both our positive action and negative action, shows
that we respond in many ways like a barometer
to the climate which exists in Europe. If the cli-
mate is one of unity and cohesion, our assistance
and aid of every kind goes out. If the climate is
one of dissension, disunity, revival of threats of
war, perpetuation of the cycle of recurrent war,
then our tendency is to withdraw. Tlie declara-
tion which we felt able to make in support of the
Eurojiean Defense Community was on the assump-
tion that tliat was a permanent act which would
tie together organically tlie countries of Europe
which in the past have been separate and among
whom war has been bred. We felt that it tied
them together so iiermanently, so organically, that
we could regard that old chapter as a closed chap-
ter and could hopefully commit our strength to
Europe in the confidence that our soldiers over
here in Europe wotild be in a structure which was
safe and sound, that we were not putting our troops
in the midst of what has historically been the
world's worst fire hazard.
Now, a committal of that character is not lightly
made, and I would say in all frankness that as the
situation stands today it would not be possible for
the President of the United States to renew that
committal. Tliere has been a great wave of dis-
illusionment wliich has swept over the United
States, and it is pai-ticularl}' manifest in the Con-
gress— a great wave of disillusionment over what
has happened, and a feeling that, after all, the sit-
uation in Europe is pretty hopeless and the United
States had better not make any long-term com-
mittals to be part of it.
That conclusion is so disastrous in my opinion
both for the nations of Europe and for the United
States that I hope most ardently that what is done
here will make it possible to come to a different
conclusion, and that it will change the atmosphere,
the feeling, in tlie United States to a degree which
will permit of a renewal of the pledge by the
United States to maintain in Eiu'ope such elements
of its armed forces as may be necessary or appro-
priate to contribute our fair share of what is
needed for the common defense of this North At-
lantic area while the threat to that area exists. I
cannot say at this moment that a renewal of that
commitment is possible. I can say, and must re-
peat, that, as things stand today, it is not possible.
But if, out of the elements of the situation with
which we are dealing — if, using the Brussels
Treaty as a nucleus, it is possible to find in this
new pattern a continuing hope of unity among the
countries of Europe that are represented here, and
if the hopes that were tied into the European De-
fense Community Treaty can reasonably be trans-
ferred into the arrangements which will be the
outgrowth of this meeting, then I would certainly
be disposed to recommend to the President that he
should renew a pledge comparable to that which
was offered in connection with the European De-
fense Community Treaty.
Obviously the context of the pledge would have
to be changed, because in the form in which it was
given it related distinctively to the European De-
fense Community Treaty.
Just what rejjhrasing would be required to give
524
Deparfment of Slafe Bulletin
it the new look tlmt would be appropriate to the
new situation, that is a matter which I have not
studied and which could not usefully be studied
until we know whether or not a promise of fjenuino
and durable unity will come oiit of the delibera-
tions of this gathering and those which may suc-
ceed it.
That, Mr. Chairman, is as clear a statement as
I can make today of the position of my Govern-
ment in relation to this matter. We are extremely
anxioTis to contribute all that we can from a mate-
rial and constitutional standpoint to promote the
kind of unification which will above all ciul a
situation which has led to recurrent wars which
have weakened and ilrained the Western nations
so that our whole Western civilization is in jeop-
ardy as never before in a thousand years.
In reason you can count on us. I think that
what we have done since the end of the war in
terms of economic contribution, militarj' contri-
butions, the willingness to contribute our best and
ablest brains in terms of both military and eco-
nomic matters, all of that I think is a proof which
cannot be challenged as to what our disposition is
in this matter. You can be confident that that dis-
position will be reflected by genuine support to the
extent that is appropriate if there is, on this side,
the movement toward unity, if there is a beacon
light still ahead, if we do not feel that we have
come to a watershed where efforts toward unity
finally are ended and we are going down on the
other side into the abyss of continuing disunity.
I do not think that is going to happen. If it does
not happen, then you can count on the United
States' acting in support of what the European
countries do. I believe that you will find that the
American flag, with all it symbolizes, will con-
tinue to fly alongside of your own here in Europe.
Statement by the United Kingdom Secretary of
State (The Rt. Hon. Anthony Eden, M. P.) at the
Fourth Plenary Meeting [September 29J
Gentlemen, I think we all feel that we have just
listened to a statement from the United States
Secretary of State of very rare quality and much
valued frankness. What he has said to us, those
of us who are European, is I think all that in
present conditions we could possibly expect from
the United States.
As we survey these post-war years we, I fear,
too readily at times take for granted what this
generous brother has done for us in Europe at a
time when but for his help all must have collapsed
in confusion and, perhaps, into communism also.
On behalf of tlie country I represent here, 1 would
like to assure him that what the United States has
done are not— "All good deeds past, forgot as
soon as done" — but will be remembered with
thankfulness, and not for our own sakes alone.
So I would like to tell Mr. Foster Dulles that the
words he has said, so far as our Government are
concerned, will be examined with gratitude and
with understanding, and that we shall do our
best — I believe this conference will do its best —
to prove worthy of that greater confidence the
United States will show as we establish our ability
to prove our unity and our strength.
Now in all this I am conscious that my own
countiy has a part to play. I do not want to go
back over the full history of past declarations and
past undertakings, though there are perhaps one
or two that I ought to mention if the setting of
what I want to say this afternoon is to be under-
stood. We gave, as the United States Govern-
ment gave, a series of undertakings to the Edc.
AVe gave them by treaty, we gave them by agree-
ment, we gave them by declarations, and, as I
have already informed my colleagues, we stand by
those undertakings and we are ready to reaffirm
them. They are not, I think, unimportant, but
some of them are, it is true, inapplicable in the
absence of Edc. Some of those that have as a result
of the disappearance of Edc now disappeared
may, and probably will, be covered by the pro-
posals which this conference is now considering.
The provision of automatic military assistance,
for instance, which was contained in our treaty
with Edc will be reproduced, I trust, by the pro-
posed enlargement of the Brussels Treaty. Co-
operation between the armed forces ; the deploy-
ment and integration of those forces; consulta-
tion about the level of forces, will all now take
place, though perhaps within a different frame-
work.
I am very conscious, and so are my colleagues,
that there is one particular plane on which many
of you here would wish us to make our position
clearer, and where, if we were able to do so, it
might assist the work of this conference. This
relates to the maintenance of British forces on the
October 7 J, 1954
525
continent of Europe, and in respect of that I have
a new proposal to put to my colleagues. The
United Kingdom will continue to maintain on the
mainland of Europe, including Germany, the ef-
fective strength of the United Kingdom forces
which are now assigned to Saceub — four divisions
and the tactical Air Force — or whatever Saceuk
regards as equivalent fighting capacity.
The United Kingdom undertakes not to with-
draw those forces against the wishes of the major-
ity of the Brussels Treaty Powers, who should
take their decision in the knowledge of Saceuk's
views. This undertaking would be subject to the
understanding that an acute overseas emergency
might oblige Her Majesty's Government to omit
this procedure. If maintenance of the United
Kingdom forces on the mainland of Europe
throws at any time too heavy a strain on the ex-
ternal finances of the United Kingdom, then we
would invite the North Atlantic Council to re-
view the financial conditions on which the forma-
tions are maintained.
My colleagues will realise that what I have
annoimced is for us a very formidable step to
take. You all knoAv that ours is above all an
island story. We are still an island people in
thought and tradition, whatever the modern facts
of weapons and strategy may compel. And it has
been not without considerable reflection that the
Government which I represent here has decided
that this statement could be made to you this
afternoon. I want only to add this : we are mak-
ing it in just the same spirit as Mr. Dulles spoke
just now, because we hope that by doing so we
shall make a contribution to enable this confer-
ence to succeed, and recreate confidence on this
European continent, and make it possible for us
to show an example of unity to the world. Of
course, you will understand that what we have
just said, and the undertaking we are prepared to
give, does depend on the outcome of our work.
If we succeed here, then this undertaking stands ;
if we do not, H. M. Government could not regard
itself as committed to what I have said this
afternoon. That applies to the whole of our woi'k,
all the work that we are doing here. So I can
only conclude by saying I hope the conference will
consider that what we have said will be a con-
tribution to bring us at least a stage nearer the
successful conclusion of our labours.
Statement by the Canadian Minister for External
Affairs (The Hon. Lester Pearson) at the Fourth
Plenary Meeting [September 29]
Mr. Chairman, this item on the agenda, which
I apologise for returning to — item 5 — is headed
"United Kingdom and United States Declara-
tions." I assume that under it I would be quite
in order in expressing great appreciation for the
statements which have been made by you and by
Mr. Dulles this afternoon, and I hope I would
not be ruled out of order if I make a short declara-
tion on behalf of my own country.
Your statement, Mr. Chairman, if I may say so,
was one of historic importance. If it is thought,
as it sometimes is, that the United Kingdom looks
across the Channel more intensely in war than in
peacetime, that feeling certainly must have been
removed by your statement earlier this afternoon.
To me it was all the more impressive because I
recognise that the source of the power and the
glory of this island has been its vision across the
seas.
The statement of Mr. Dulles was also impor-
tant, not only for the development of European
unity but for that larger Atlantic Connnunity de-
velopment with which we are all concerned. In-
deed, as I see it, European unity cannot be ef-
fectively secured miless the lines not only across
the Channel but across the Atlantic are strong and
unbroken. My country has a part to play in this
Atlantic aspect of the problem. Therefore, we
accept the continuing obligations arising out of
our membership of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, and we are resolved to continue to
do our best to discharge them. The disappearance
of Edc does not, we think, affect those obliga-
tions, because Edc — though we were indeed dis-
appointed in its disappearance — because Edc,
as we saw it, was a means to an end and not an end
in itself. We are here to find an alternative
method to accomplish the same purpose. That
alternative method, that alternative arrangement,
must include the association of Germany not only
with the defence of Europe and the West, but —
and this is, I am sure, equally important — with the
development of the Atlantic Community ; an asso-
ciation to be brought about in such a way that the
fears that we have inlierited from the unhappy
past will be replaced by a new and better hoi^e for
the future.
So new methods are being discussed this week
526
Deparfment of State Bulletin
ami new solutions aro bein_£j sought. As far as we
are concerned, however, the Nortii Atlantic Treaty
Organization remains the focal point of our par-
ticipation in collective defence and of our hope
for the development of closer co-operation with
the other peoples of the Atlantic Community. As
such, it remains a foundation of Canadian foreign
polic}'. Indeed, enduring and whole-hearted sup-
port for Nato is for us a policy above politics on
which I think our friends can rely.
That support in defence niattere is now worked
out each year by consultation through the ap-
propriate agencies of our organization — that is,
Nato. Apart from mutual aid, it now takes the
form of naval forces, an infantry brigade group,
and an air division of 12 jet fighter squadrons sta-
tioned in Europe. We will continue to assist in
the common defence through the existing Nato
procedures until better ones are agreed on. The
presence of these Canadian forces on the Euro-
pean continent is not only a measure of our mili-
tary contribution to the common defence but an
evidence of our belief in the future of the North
Atlantic Community.
"While we emphasize, then, our belief in the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, we welcome
the proposed extension of the Brussels Treaty.
We shall look forward to a growing relationship
within the framework of Nato to the Brussels
Treaty countries with whom we are bound by such
close ties.
We are sure, and I hope our confidence will be
realized — I know it will — that these new arrange-
ments through Brussels can be developed without
weakening or diminishing Nato in any way in its
essential functions, because Nato, with Ger-
many associated with it under agreed arrange-
ments, should, we think, be a stronger force than
ever against war, and for the progressive develop-
ment of the Atlantic Community.
We are also certain, Mr. Chairman, that in this
development the United States, which has played
such a magnificent, generous, and indeed essential
part, will continue to be able to do so. Mr. Dulles
has given us hope in that regard this afternoon.
We Canadians, being neighbours of the United
States, know as well as anybody else that that
country does not fail to accept and to meet, suc-
cessfully, any great international challenge which
faces it. We are certain that in the days ahead
it will continue to meet the challenge of assist-
ing in the development of European unity and the
Atlantic Conununity — and the two go together.
The work, then, which we are doing this week
must, in order to succeed, nuike possible the con-
tinued contribution of the United States to these
great objectives. If that is done, and I know it is
going to be done, it will also, I assure you, make
it much easier for my own country to continue to
do its share.
ANNEX
Conference Paper on a German Defence Contribu-
tion and Arrangements To Apply to SACEUR's
Forces on the Continent
The nine Governments represented at the London Con-
ference agree to instruct representatives to draw up in
Paris, in concert with the military and civilian agencies
of NATO through the Secretary General, detailed proposals,
for approval by the North Atlantic Council, for a German
defence contribution and arrangements to be applied to
Saceue's forces on the Continent. These detailed pro-
posals shall be based on the following principles agreed
between the nine Governments :
1. (a) The seven Brussels Treaty Powers will conclude
a special agreement setting out the forces each of them
will place under SACEim on the Continent.
(b) The German contribution shall conform in size and
general characteristics to the contribution fixed for the
Edc brought up to date and adapted as necessary to make
it suitable for Nato.
( c ) The terms of this special agreement will be agreed
with the other Nato countries.
(d) If at any time the Nato Annual Review recom-
mends an increase above the figures in the Brussels Special
Agreement such increase will require the unanimous ap-
inoval of the Brussels Powers expressed in the Brussels
Council or in Nato.
(e) The Brussels Powers will ask that arrangements
be made for Saceub to designate a high-ranking officer
who will be instructed to transmit regularly to the Brus-
sels Treaty Organisation information acquired as indi-
cated in 3 (f) below in order to permit that Organisation
to establish that the figures agreed among the Brussels
Powers are being observed.
2. All forces of Nato countries stationed on the Conti-
nent of Europe shall be placed under the authority of
Saceiue, with the exception of the forces which Nato has
recognised or will recognise as suitable to remain under
national command. The strength and armaments on the
Continent of the internal defence forces and of the police
belonging to the members of the Brussels Treaty Organi-
sation shall be fixed by agreements made within this Or-
Oc/ofaer 11, 1954
527
ganisation, taking into account the tasli for which they
are intended and on the basis of existing levels and needs.
3. Arrangements to apply to Saceub's forces :
(a) Force-S placed under Saceue on the Continent shall
be deployed in accordance with Nato strategy.
(b) The location of such forces shall be determined by
SACEiTi after consultation and agreement with the national
authorities concerned.
(c) Such forces shall not be redeployed on the Conti-
nent nor used operationally on the Continent without his
consent subject to appropriate political guidance from the
North Atlantic Council.
(d) Forces placed under Saceur on the Continent shall
be integrated as far as possible consistent with military
efficiency.
(e) Arrangements shall be made for the closer co-ordi-
nation of logistics by Saceur.
(f) The level and effectiveness of forces placed under
Saceur on the Continent and the armaments, equipment,
logistics and reserve formations of those forces on the
Continent shall be inspected by Saceur.
Treaty of Economic, Social and Cultural Collaboration and Collective Self-Defence^
BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, BELGIUM,
FRANCE, LUXEMBOURG, AND THE NETHERLANDS
Brussels, 17th March, 1948
His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium,
the President of the French Republic, President of the
French Union, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess
of Luxembourg, Her Majesty the Queen of the Nether-
lands and His Majesty The King of Great Britain, Ire-
land and the British Dominions beyond the Seas,
Resolved
To reaffirm their faith in fundamental human rights,
in the dignity and worth of the human person and in
the other ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United
Nations ;
To fortify and preserve the principles of democracy,
personal freedom and political liberty, the constitutional
traditions and the rule of law, which are their common
heritage ;
To strengthen, with these aims in view, the economic,
social and cultural ties by which they are already
united ;
To co-operate loyally and to co-ordinate their efforts
to create in Western Europe a firm basis for European
economic recovery ;
To afford assistance to each other, in accordance with
the Charter of the United Nations, in maintaining inter-
national peace and security and in resisting any iwlicy
of aggre.ssion ;
To take such steps as may be held to be necessary in
the event of a renewal by Germany of a policy of
aggression ;
To associate progressively in the pursuance of these
aims other States inspired by the same ideals and ani-
mated by the like determination ;
' Reprinted from Bui-letin of May 9, 1948.
Desiring for these purposes to conclude a treaty for
collaboration in economic, social and cultural matters
and for collective self-defence ;
Have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries :
His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium
His Excellency Mr. Paul-Henri Spaak, Prime Minister,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
His Excellency Mr. Gaston Eyskens, Minister of Finance,
The President of the French Republic, President of the
French Union
His Excellency Mr. Georges Bidault, Minister of For-
eign Affairs, and
His Excellency Mr. Jean de Hauteclocque, Ambassador
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the French Re-
public in Brussels,
Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg
His Excellency Mr. Joseph Bech, Minister of Foreign
Affairs, and
His Excellency Mr. Robert Als, Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of Luxembourg in Brussels,
Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands
His Excellency Baron C. G. W. H. van Boetzelaor van
Oosterlidut. Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
His Excellency I'.aron Binnert I'hilip van Harinxnia thoe
Slooten, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
tiary of the Netherlands in Brussels,
His Majesty the King of Great Britain, Ireland and the
Briti.sh Dominions beyond the Seas for the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
528
Department of State Bulletin
ThP Right Honournhle Ernest Bevin, Member of Parlia-
ment, I'rincipul Stx'refary of State for Foroltjn AlTnlrK,
and
His Exceliency Sir Oeorge William Remlt-l, K. C. M. O.,
Ambassador Extraordinary and I'lenipotentlary of
His Britannic Majesty in Brussels,
who, liaving exhibited their full powers found in good
and due form, have agreed as follows:
Abticle I
Convinced of the dose comnumity of their interests
and of the necessity of uniting in order to promote the
economic recovery of Europe, the High Contracting Par-
ties will so organize and coordinate their economic
activities as to produce the best possible results, by the
elimination of coiifiict in their economic policies, the
co-ordination of production and the development of com-
mercial exchanges.
The co-operation provided for in the preceding para-
graph, which will be eflfwted through the Consultative
Council referred to in Article VII as well as through
other bodies, shall not involve any duplication of, or
prejudice to, the work of other economic organizations
in which the High Contracting Parties are or may be
represented but shall on the contrary assist the work
of those organizations.
Abticle II
The High Contracting Parties will make every effort
in common, both by direct consultation and in specialized
agencies, to promote the attainment of a higher standard
of living by their peoples and to develop on correspond-
ing lines the social and other related services of their
countries.
The High Contracting Parties will consult with the
object of achieving the earliest possible application of
recommendations of immediate practical interest, relat-
ing to social matters, adopted with their approval in the
specialized agencies.
They will endeavour to conclude as soon as possible
conventions with each other in the sphere of social
security.
Abticle III
The High Contracting Parties will make every effort
in common to lead their peoples towards a better un-
derstanding of the principles which form the basis of their
common civilization and to promote cultural exchanges by
conventions between themselves or by other means.
Abticle IV
If any of the High Contracting Parties should be the
object of an armed attack in Europe, tlie other High Con-
tracting Parties will, in accordance with the provisions of
Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, afford
the party so attacked all the military and other aid and
assistance in their power.
Abticle V
All measures taken as a result of the preceding Article
shall be immediately reported to the Security Council.
They .shall be terminated as soon as the Security Council
has taken the measures necessary to maintain or re-
store international i)eac(? and .security.
The present Treaty does not prejudice in any way the
obligations of the High Contracting Parties under the
provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. It shall
not be interpreted as affecting in any way the authority
and responsibility of the Security Council under the
Charter to take at any time sucli action as It deems
necessary in order to maintain or restore international
peace and security.
Abticle VI
The High Contracting Parties declare, each .so far as
he is concerned, that none of the international engage-
ments now in force between him and any other of the
High Contracting Parties or any third State is in con-
tlict with the provisions of the present Treaty.
None of the High Contracting Parties will conclude any
alliance or participate in any coalition directed against
any other of the High Contracting Parties.
Abticle VII
For the purpose of consulting together on all the ques-
tions dealt with in the present Treaty, the High Contract-
ing Parties will create a Consultative Council, which shall
be so organized as to be able to exercise its functions con-
tinuouslj'. The Council shall meet at such times as it
shall deem fit.
At the request of any of the High Contracting Parties,
the Council shall be immediately convened in order to
liermit the High Contracting Parties to consult with
regard to any situation which may constitute a threat to
peace, in whatever area this threat should arise; with
regard to the attitude to be adopted and the steps to be
taken in case of a renewal by Germany of an aggressive
policy ; or with regard to any situation constituting a
danger to economic stability.
Abticle VIII
In pursuance of their determination to settle disputes
only by peaceful means, the High Contracting Parties will
apply to disputes between themselves the following pro-
visions :
The High Contracting Parties will, while the present
Treaty remains in force, settle all disputes falling within
the scope of Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the
International Court of Justice by referring them to the
Court, subject only, in the case of each of them, to any
reservation already made by that Party when accepting
this clause for compulsory jurisdiction to the extent
that that Party may maintain the reservation.
In addition, the High Contracting Parties will submit
to conciliation all disputes outside the scope of Article
36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the International Court
of Justice.
In the case of a mixed dispute involving both questions
for which conciliation is appropriate and other questions
for which judicial settlement is appropriate, any Party
to the dispute shall have the right to insist that the
judicial settlement of the legal questions shall precede
conciliation.
October 11, 1954
317473—54 3
529
The preceding provisions of this Article in no way
affect the application of relevant provisions or agree-
ments prescribing some other method of pacific settlement.
Article IX
The High Contracting Parties may, by agreement, invite
any other State to accede to the present Treaty on con-
ditions to be agreed between them and the State so
invited.
Any State so invited may become a Party to the
Treaty by depositing an instrument of accession with
the Belgian Government.
The Belgian Government will inform each of the
High Contracting Parties of the deposit of each instru-
ment of accession.
Aetiole X
The present Treaty shall be ratified and the instru-
ments of ratification shall be deposited as soon as
possible with the Belgian Government.
It shall enter into force on the date of the deposit of
the last instrument of ratification and shall thereafter
remain in force for fifty years.
After the expiry of the period of fifty years, each of the
High Contracting Parties shall have the right to cease
to be a party thereto provided that he shall have previ-
ously given one year's notice of denunciation to the
Belgian Government.
The Belgian Government .shall inform the Govern-
ments of the other High Contracting Parties of the
deposit of each instrument of ratification and of each
notice of denunciation.
In witness whereof, the above-mentioned Plenipoten-
tiaries have signed the present Treaty and have aflSxed
thereto their seals.
Done at Brussels, this seventeenth day of March 1948,
in English and French, each text being equally authentic,
in a single copy which shall remain deposited in the
archives of the Belgian Government and of which certi-
fied copies shall be transmitted by that Government to
each of the other signatories.
For Belgium :
(L. s.) P. H. Spaak.
(L. s.) Gaston Etskens.
For France :
(L. S.) G. BiDAULT.
(L. S.) J. DE HAUTECLOCQTTE.
For Luxembourg :
(l. s.) Joseph Bech.
(l. s.) Robeet Als.
For the Netherlands :
(l. s.) W. van Boetzelaer.
(l. s.) van Hakinxma thoe Slooten.
For the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland :
(l. 8.) Ernest Bevin.
( L. 8. ) George Rendel.
Understanding U.S. Foreign Policy
Statement hy Under Secretary Smith ^
For some years I have been looking forward
to leading what you might call a normal existence.
But now that the time for my actual retirement
from Government service has come, I realize how
much I am going to miss it.
Aside from the satisfaction one gets from try-
ing to do something for our country, there are the
personal htmian relationships. During more
years of service than I like to say — in the Army,
in the Intelligence Service, as an Ambassador in
the field, and, finally, in the Department of State —
I have worked with the very splendid people in
all of those services. And I must take this oppor-
tunity to pay tribute to the dedicated and devoted
men and women who are serving the Government
in and out of uniform. At the same time, I wish
that more of our young people who are about to
enter active life could realize the richness of ex-
perience and the satisfaction that comes with such
service. I feel so strongly about this that I have
told the President and Secretary Dulles that even
though I am retiring to private life I am myself
ready to assist at any time and in any way I can.
These are difficult days for our country and for
the whole free world even though we are having
and will have our diplomatic victories. I know
myself that the best planning and the best execu-
tion of planning cannot attain really good
or really definite results without the understand-
ing and support of the American people generally.
And so my parting thought and indeed my appeal
to each of you who hears me is this :
Take a real interest in what the Department of
State is doing to safeguard the ideals of America
and its security throughout the world.
Think seriously and sympathetically about the
problems it faces in its unending task of working
for peace and security for ourselves and for man-
kind generally.
If you can, take an active part in groups and
associations dedicated to the achievement of these
goals.
And finally and most important of all, try to
realize that some of the most important successes
'Made on Oct. 1 (press release 545) on the eve of his
retirement.
530
Department of State Bulletin
in the conduct of foreign policy are those that can't
be talked about.
The President and his Secretary of State, who
are charged with the direction of our foreign
policy — I should say our nonpartisan foreign pol-
icy, because basically it is nonpartisan — are tire-
less in their efforts to make of this world a better
place to live in freedom, in security, and with an
ever-expanding opportunity for constructive and
rewarding work. They and the career services
which assist them deserve all you can give them
in the way of understanding and of support.
The American IMemorial Library— A Monument to the Spirit of Berlin
by James B. Conant
U. S. High Commissioner for Oermxiny '
When, 2 years ago, I came to Berlin for the first
time after the war, the conferences I had there in-
cluded a number of meetings with businessmen
and trade-union leaders. At those meetings it
was time and again pointed out to me how much
the strength of Berlin depended on its economic
rehabilitation. "Berlin needs orders," was what
everyone kept telling me. Today we may state
with some satisfaction that, despite the continuous
influx of refugees from the East, economic con-
ditions in Berlin are steadily improving and the
number of unemployed is today smaller than it
has been since the war.
Wlien I asked what contribution the free world
could make toward further reinforcing Free
Berlin to enable it to fulfill its unique task, I re-
ceived a somewhat different reply. I was told
that Berlin should also be promoted as a cultural
center. The building which we are dedicating to-
day is a symbol of our joint efforts in that field.
We all know that we must not direct our attention
exclusively to material things, and that the ex-
istence of Berlin as an outpost of the free world
is guaranteed not only by a sound economy but
above all by a prospering cultural life. We all
are looking forward with confidence to the day
•when Berlin will resume its proper position and
' Traiislatiuu of an address made at the opening cere-
monies for the American Memorial Library at Berlin on
Sept. 17 (Hicoo press release).
again become the capital of a Germany reunited
in peace and freedom. Until that day it will re-
main the duty of the free M'orld, especially of the
Federal Republic and the three protecting powers
which are present here, to do everytliing to re-
inforce and support Berlin as a symbol of liberty.
This applies not only to the economic and military
spheres but also to the intellectual sphere.
This library, which is located so close to the
sector border, reminds us how important it is, at
this time of difficulties and tensions, to remember
the gi'eat cultural values of our free Western cul-
ture in a divided world. This library is intended
to show the importance of Berlin as one of the
great intellectual centers of resistance against
slavery.
Cultural^Tradition'of^Berlin
At the same time, this library is intended to
continue the great cultural tradition of this city,
which has for centuries played a prominent part
in the intellectual life of Germany. In the 18th
century King Frederick I of Prussia tried to make
Berlin the Athens of the North. The Charlotten-
burg Castle was built as a "little Versailles" for
Queen Sophie Charlotte. Gottfried Leibniz
headed the Prussian Academy. At the begimiing
of the 18th century Johann Joachim Winckel-
mann, the man who made a decisive contribution
toward the understanding of Greek culture, was
Ocfober I?, 1954
531
a student of a local gymnasium. Later on Fred-
erick the Great tried to have Kant, the great
philosopher, come to Berlin, and when during a
cabinet meeting he received word that Johann
Sebastian Bach had come to Berlin for a visit, he
said to his ministers : "Let us interrupt our meet-
ing and see whether we can make old Bach play
for us."
I would like to recall to your mind the cultural
life of Berlin in the 19th century, when the famous
Friedrich-Wilhelm University was founded and
Wilhelm von Humboldt was Prussian Minister of
Education. His famous brother, Alexander von
Humboldt, the scientiest and explorer, is also not
forgotten.
And who could forget the names of those who
helped shape the cultural and intellectual life of
Berlin in this century : Friedrich Meinecke, the
historian ; Karl Justi, the expert on the history of
art; Alfred Kerr, the art critic; the great Max
Liebermann; Else Lasker-Schuler, the poetess;
and Kurt Tucholsky, just to name a few.
But these impressive cultural achievements of
Berlin in the past should not lead us to forget the
present. All those who come to Berlin are sur-
prised to see that the cultural life of Berlin is so
vigorous despite all this city went through, despite
all the distress and restrictions which result from
its island position. Xo other German city has so
many theaters, opera houses, universities, libraries,
etc. No other German city has attracted since the
war so many artists from all over the world as has
Berlin on the occasion of its Festival Weeks. The
Free University of Berlin was founded despite, or
even as a result, of the blockade. The Berlin Phil-
harmonic OrchcvStra is one of the most famous or-
chestras in the world. The compositions of Boris
Blacher, director of the Berlin conservatory, have
become known in countless other countries; his
newest composition was recently played for the
first time in America. His predecessor, Werner
Egk, is equally responsible for Berlin's reputation
as a city of music.
Most of the schools of Berlin have been recon-
structed and offer thousands of refugee children
an education in an atmosphere of freedom. The
Teclmical University has steadily gained in impor-
tance and its reconstruction is making good prog-
ress. The students and professors of the Free
University are doing pioneer work in developing
new methods of education. The School for Peda-
gogics, the School of Fine Arts, and the School
of Political Science are in every respect the equals
of similar institutions in the Federal Republic.
Finally, within the framework of this understand-
ably incomplete enumeration, I would like to refer
to the reconstruction of a large part of the Berlin
Art Library. It would be futile to try to name all
those who contributed toward the cultural resurg-
ence of Berlin; however, the Senator for Public
Education, Professor Dr. Tiburtius, and his pre-
decessor, the late Stadtrat May, must not go with-
out mention.
Origin of Library Plan
Today we are dedicating a library which, we
hope, will take its place among the great cultural
institutions of Berlin. It has been named the
American Memorial Library. To whose memory
is it dedicated ? Let me briefly recall the history
of the plan to build this library. When in 1951
certain Amei'ican funds were made available to the
Berlin aid program, it was suggested that these
funds should be used above all for projects of cul-
tural importance. Thus, shortly after the block-
ade had been successfully ended, it was decided to
use a part of those American funds for construct-
ing a monument recalling German-American co-
operation in those difficult times.
The United States was not at all interested in
erecting a monument to itself in Berlin, a monu-
ment perhaps in the form of a huge eagle — the
heraldic emblem of the United States — or some
other colossal sculpture. What we envisaged was
a monument to remind coming generations of the
time when the fate of this city was the major con-
cern of all nations of the free world, of the time
when Americans could work and fight together
with the brave Berliners to break the ring of slav-
ery which threatened to strangle the city. We in-
tended to create a monimient of permanent value,
not so much in the material sense, but a monument
to the spirit this city displayed in those days of
extreme crisis. A German-American Committee
was set up to determine the most appropriate use
to be made of these funds. That Committee con-
sisted of representatives of the city council, of in-
dustry, the ti-ade unions, and of education. I am
especially pleased that it chose a library.
The unnatural division of the city was responsi-
ble for the insufficient number of libraries avail-
532
Department of Stale Bulletin
able to Berliners. Naturally, East Berlin has its
labraries too, but everyone knows that the reader
there is limited in his intellectual fare solely to
that provided by a single totalitarian regime.
The difference between Communist libraries
and the libraries of the free West is the difference
between a culture based on the totalitarian prin-
ciple of authority and a culture based on the prin-
ciple of fi-eedom. As long as the East-West ten-
sion exists, as long as the world remains divided
not only politically and economically but, above
all, in the cultural sphere, so long will this librai-y,
located within sight of the East, be a symbol of
the superiority of freedom of thought over the
spirit of slavery. I recall the words of your
unforgettable Mayor Renter which were enclosed
in the corneretone of this American Memorial
Library :
Founded at a time when the people of Berlin in the
free part of their city defended their right to freedom
and independence steadfastly and imperturbably, despite
severe afliictions, this building will remind the living and
coming generations of the unconquerable forces of the
free spirit and moral duty.
This library in which we have gathered has not
been built according to traditional architectural
plans. Certain experiences we have had in
America with the adaptation of the library system
to the requirements of our times have been taken
into account. We certainly do not pretend to
teach Europe a lesson on how to run a library.
'WHiat we have done in planning this type of library
is to adapt European tradition, which is much
older than ours in the United States, to present-
day American conditions, which, I believe, also
exist to a large extent in Europe.
Link With America
Incidentally, European and American ideas
concerning libraries were first brought together a
hundred years ago, when the first public library
of the United States was opened in Boston in 1854.
The spiritus rector of that library was George
Ticknor, of Harvard University, the University
with which I myself had the honor of being affili-
ated for so many years. Ticknor had traveled in
Germany, and it was the high level of German
public libraries which particularly impressed him
during a protracted sojourn in this country. So
he tried to achieve a similarly high standard for
the future American libraries. When the plans
Message From Secretary Dulles '
You are about to dedicate the American Memorial
liibrnry, n monument raised lu lionor of the men
who helped to keep freedom alive in Berlin. By
doing 80 they helped to make It possible for your
countrymen in the surrounding Soviet Zone to hold
steadfast to the spirit of that Western civilization
imd Christian culture wlilch binds us all together.
The Soviet refusal to permit the reunilleatlon of
Germany briufjs with it the danger that Communist
ideas will find acceptance among the people of the
Soviet Zone because they are the only ideas reaching
them.
No weapon against such a danger could be more
effective than a great library. Moreover, I am
confident that when, by unceasing efforts, a reunified
Germany shall have been achieved, this library will
serve as a souice of strength for the spiritual life
of a great unified nation.
' Delivered by Ambassador Conant to Mayor
Walther Schreiber of Berlin on Sept. 17.
for the public library in Boston were being pre-
pared, a conflict developed between Ticknor and
the then president of Harvard, Dr. Edward Ever-
ett. Everett insisted on libraries being exclu-
sively places of research work. Ticknor, on the
other hand, envisaged the inclusion of popular
literature, access to the stacks, and, in short, an
appeal to the public at large. Fortunately the
ideas of Ticknor prevailed and the Boston Public
Library, the first of its type in America, became
the predecessor of thousands of similar institu-
tions which served the scientist as well as the
simple citizen and student. As a boy I spent many
hours in the Boston Public Library, and the way
to go there was never too long for me.
Just as a hundred years ago Ticknor took home
German ideas to America, ideas which decisively
influenced the American library system, thus some
of his ideas have returned today to the country
where they originated.
The library which we are opening today is
dedicated to the principle of service to the public
at large. It applies to all strata of the population,
to the laborer as well as to the scientist, to the
specialist as well as to the juvenile for whom it
establishes a first contact with the cultural inherit-
ance of our civilization. In addition to serving
as a remembrance of German-American coopera-
tion at a time when this city gave proof of its will
to freedom, this American Memorial Library will
Oc/ober 11, 1954
533
serve that spirit which is best expressed by the
words of Jefferson which are inscribed at the
entrance to this library :
This Institution will be based on the illimitable free-
dom of the human mind. For here we are not afraid to
follow truth wherever it may lead, nor to tolerate error
so long as reason is left free to combat it.
The present ideological differences between the
free world and the world of slavery cannot be
characterized more clearly. The actuality of the
statement made by Jefferson shows that his words
are just as valid today as they were more than 150
years ago. And they will remain valid in the
future. Let us face the future in that spirit of
confidence which marks the words of Jefferson.
Having that confidence we can rest assured that
the day will come in which present differences
between the East and the "West in Germany will
be eliminated, in which the traces of temporary
partition will have disappeared in a Germany
reunited in freedom.
In dedicating this library, we honor the past
and face the future with confidence.
U.S.-French Talks on Indochina
Press release 542 dated September 29
Following is the text of the commimique based
upon the exchange of views September 27-29^ J95i,
between Acting Secretary Sinith, M. Guy La-
Chambre, French Minister of State for Relations
with the Three Associated States, and M. Edgar
Faitre, Finance Minister of France.
Representatives of the two Governments have
had very frank and useful talks which have shown
the community of their views, and are in full
agreement on the objectives to be attained.
The conclusion of the Southeast Asia Collective
Defense Treaty in Manila on September 8, 1954,
has provided a firmer basis than heretofore to as-
sist the free nations of Asia in developing and
maintaining their independence and security.
The representatives of France and tlie United
States wish to reaffirm the support of their Gov-
ernments for the principles of self-government.
independence, justice and liberty proclaimed by
tlie Pacific Charter in Manila on September 8,
1954.
The representatives of France and the United
States reaffirm the intention of their governments
to support the comjilete independence of Cam-
bodia, Laos, and Viet-Nam. Both France and
the United States will continue to assist Cambodia,
Laos, and Viet-Nam in their efforts to safeguard
their freedom and independence and to advance
the welfare of their peoples. In this spirit France
and the United States are assisting the Govern-
ment of Viet-Nam in the resettlement of the Viet-
namese who have of their own free will moved to
free Viet-Nam and who already number some
300,000.
In order to contribute to the security of the area
pending the further development of national
forces for this purpose, the representatives of
France indicated that France is prepared to retain
forces of its Expeditionary Corps, in agreement
with the government concerned, within the limits
permitted under the Geneva agi'eements and to an
extent to be determined. The United States will
consider the question of financial assistance for
the Expeditionary Corps in these circumstances
in addition to supjjort for the forces of each of
the three Associated States. These questions vi-
tally affect each of the three Associated States and
are being fully discussed with them.
The channel for French and United States eco-
nomic aid, budgetary support, and other assistance
to each of the Associated States will be direct to
that state. The United States representatives will
begin discussions soon with the respective govern-
ments of the Associated States regarding direct
aid. The methods for efficient coordination of
French and United States aid programs to each
of the three Associated States are under consider-
ation and will be developed in discussions with
each of these states.
After the bilateral talks, the chiefs of diplomatic
missions in Washington of Cambodia, Laos and
Viet-Nam were invited to a final meeting to have
an exchange of views and information on these
matters. The representatives of all five countries
are in complete agreement on the objectives of
peace and freedom to be achieved in Indochina.
534
Department of State Bulletin
U. S. Relations With Latin America
by Merwin. L. Bohan
VJS. Representative an the Inter- American Economic and Social Cotmcil ^
In tliese dark days of intercontinental nimor
and alarm, it is all too easy to forget that what
we so assiduously seek abroad — peace and under-
standing among nations — has already been sought
and found in our own Western Hemisphere. In-
deed, those of us who labor in the inter- American
vineyard are sometimes afraid that the very fact
that we have won our major objective in this area
makes our people a little less conscious of the
continued need to tend and nurture the solidarity
that has come to characterize the relations of the
21 American Republics — a solidarity which in the
political as in the economic field is of vital im-
portance to the United States. All of which
serves as explanation for my requesting your in-
dulgence in allowing me to spend a few minutes
in examining what Latin America is and what it
represents in terms of our present and future
scheme of things.
First as to what it is. It is a group of 20 sov-
ereign Republics which occupy almost one-fifth
of the world's land area. The countries compris-
ing it range in size from Brazil, which is so big
that it would take another Texas for the United
States to equal it, down to little El Salvador, which
would only make a good-sized western county.
Differences in race are almost as notable. In some
countries, such as Mexico, Guatemala, Peru, and
Bolivia, Indian blood predominates; in others,
such as Argentina and Uruguay, the population
is almost exclusively of European origin. In still
others, such as northeastern Brazil and in the
coastal fringes of the Caribbean, considerable Ne-
gro blood is to be foimd.
' Address made before the combined service clubs at
Madison, Wis., on Sept 21 (press release 518) .
In fact, I sometimes wonder if we do not do
a disservice to understanding in talking so much
about Latin America, for it has created in our
minds a concept of oneness and sameness which
the facts do not bear out. Strictly speaking, there
is no such thing as Latin America, but rather 20
sovereign and quite individualistic peoples. Even
among the 18 which once formed a part of the
Spanish Empire and thus have a common tongue
(Brazil speaks Portuguese; Haiti, French), the
differences are clearly apparent to even the most
superficial observer. This has been brought about
in part by differences in racial background but
mainly because economics has discouraged inter-
course and communication between the countries of
Latin America while encouraging it between each
of those countries and Europe and the United
States. In other words, each country — since the
passing of such continental figures as Bolivar and
San Martin — has worked out its destiny generally
uninfluenced by its sister Latin American Repub-
lics, and each has reacted, in its own individualis-
tic fashion, to the influences which have played
upon it from abroad.
Those influences, down to the outbreak of World
War I, were far stronger from Europe than from
the United States. As late as the 1920's, drawing
room French rather than counting house English
was the language of polite society. Paris re-
mained the center of the universe, and it was quite
generally accepted that the United States was the
land of crass materialism, home of the almighty
dollar.
In the brief span of 30 years, all of this has
changed. European influence has become more
nostalgia than substance; the dynamic forces of
today move along lines of longitude rather than
of latitude.
Ocfober 17, 1954
535
Political Solidarity
How has all this come about? It would be
quite natural — but also quite inaccurate — to seek
the answer among the cataclysmic changes of
World War II. That conflict merely magnified
the effects of a directional shift which began even
before World War I, accelerated during the 1920's,
and became dynamic in the 1930's. The triumph —
not of North American influence but of something
much finer that had been distilled during the thir-
ties— inter- American understanding — came at Rio
de Janeiro in 1942 when, under the awful shadows
of Pearl Harbor, the American Republics threw
in their lot together. After 1942 it could be fairly
said that political solidarity had been achieved
in the Western Hemisphere.
During the war this solidarity was reflected in
all fields. Latin American air bases played a vital
role in the success of the North African campaign,
radical increases were registered in the production
of strategic materials throughout the hemisphere,
and cooperative efforts effectively controlled
enemy espionage and propaganda activities.
But even before the coming of peace, the full-
ness of that understanding was being challenged.
Our wartime President had passed on; Sumner
Welles, the statesman who had given substance and
reality to the good-neighbor policy, had fallen
from power ; and United States interests, so closely
focused on Latin America during the early years
of the conflict, were now dispersed on a global
basis.
It is not to be wondered that many of our friends
and neighbors to the south misinterpreted our
policies, especially in the field of economic aid
for Europe and Asia, as indicating a cooling of
our interest in them. The more thoughtful real-
ized that the billions we were pouring into recon-
struction of the war-devastated areas were pro-
portionately as important to them as to us,
perhaps more so since fully one-half of their for-
eign commerce was with the areas of the world in
which United States aid was most heavily con-
centrated. But the caboclos of Brazil and the
rotos of Chile no longer felt as close as they once
did to their envied cousins in the fabulous land
to the north.
The currents of our relations during the post-
war years have ebbed and flowed — never regain-
ing the fullness of understanding achieved in the
early forties; never deteriorating to a point where
the gains of the late twenties and the 1930's were
too seriously compromised, for a reciprocal appre-
ciation of the interdependence of the countries of
the New World has taken deep and permanent
root in the consciousness of all Americans.
This state of things, favorable as it is if com-
pared to the early years of the century, is not a
good enough example of what the New World
has to teach the Old in terms of understanding
and cooperation among the nations. Sustained
improvement in our relationships, in the opinion
of many competent authorities, depends more on
economic than on political factors. Those that
hold this view point out that, once suspicion of
the United States was laid to rest in the thirties,
political underetanding was comparatively easy
since, revolutions and dictatorships notwithstand-
ing, liberty and the dignity of man are basic con-
cepts held in common by all 21 American Repub-
lics. In the economic field the problem is more
complicated. There are few common denomina-
tors to bridge the gulfs that tend to separate coun-
tries of such dissimilar stages of development and
levels of living.
Economic Approach
There is much to be said for the economic ap-
proach to better understanding. Latin America
is in the throes of a far-reaching economic and
social revolution. Everywhere government is
alive to the demands for a better and a fuller
life, and while many of the efforts to provide it
have set in motion self-defeating inflationary pres-
sures, the area as a whole has made giant strides
in the last decade.
This progress, however, merely whets desire.
Population growth is such that further advances
in the standard of living require a progressively
higher rate of economic development. To achieve
that higher rate in turn requires an ever-growing
volume of financial resources.
The domestic resources of the other American
Republics have provided fully 90 percent of the
financing of their economic development. The
balance has come from foreign private investment
and from public credit extended by the Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development
and our own Export-Import Bank. Domestic re-
sources, in turn, have been drawn in large measure
from the proceeds of exports. All of which ex-
plains the constant preoccupation of the other
536
Department of State Bulletin
American Republics witli such problems as the
prices of primary commodities, forei{;;n markets
for export products, and financial assistance in
the economic development process.
Vou will recall tiiat at the Tenth Inter-Amer-
ican Conference, held in Caracas, Venezuela, in
ilarch of this year, the United States did not
feel that it was in a position to come to grips
with the major economic problems of the other
American Republics.^ Indeed, the timing!; of the
Caracas meeting, from the standpoint of the
United States, was diflBcult, since several impor-
tant aspects of our foreign economic policies were
in the process of being defined. Dr. Milton Eisen-
hower's report and recommendations were under
consideration in the various interested depart-
ments of our Government; the Randall Commis-
sion had just reported; and Senator Capehart's
invaluable Latin American study hiul just been
made public.
For these reasons, many of the countries at-
tending the Inter- ^Vmerican Conference felt that
a later meeting, devoted to economic problems,
would be more fruitful of results. The United
States concurred in this reasoning, and it was
therefore agreed that there would be a meeting
of ministers of finance and econom}' in Brazil in
the fall of the present year. The definitive date
for the meeting has since been set for November
22.
Preparation for Rio IVIeeting
The Executive establishment has been deeply
concerned with the need for making the Confer-
ence a success, and the President, at the suggestion
of the Secretary of State, named a sub-Cabinet
committee shortly after the Caracas meeting to
thoroughly review United States policies. This
committee, under the chairmanship of Henry F.
Holland, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, has worked long and faithfully
and has made every effort to develop sound posi-
tions with respect to the problems which will be
brought up for discussion at Rio. As has already
been indicated, those problems will mainly con-
cern prices, markets, and financial cooperation.
The Latin Americans want (1) United States
assistance in assuring fair and equitable prices
for their raw materials; (2) assurances of stable
' For a report on the Conference, see Bxtlletix of Apr.
26. 10.^4, p. 634.
tariffs and an expanding United States market for
their products; and (.'I) financial and teciinical
cooperation in their economic development.
There will undoul)tedly be a different approach
to these problems, however, than has been the
case at previous conferences, where results were
often judged by the quantitative production of
resolutions and declarations couched in such gen-
eralized language as to satisfy the most diverse
and even conflicting views. At Rio there is every
reason to believe that specific proposals will be
advanced to deal with each of the more impor-
tant economic problems.
The most intensive preparations in the memory
of old conference hands are being made. A
special committee of the Inter- American Economic
and Social Council, which is supervising the
preparations, has met I'egularly twice a week since
March, even during the worst of the Washington
summer, wliich is, as many of you know, as tough
a test of sincerity of purpose as can be devised.
The staff of the Pan American Union has pro-
duced an impressive series of background reports,
while the Economic Commission for Latin Amer-
ica, under the leadership of Dr. Paul Probisch
and aided by a panel of Latin America's out-
standing economists, has been hard at work in de-
veloping material for the Conference. All of this
in addition to individual country preparations,
such as these I have already described in the case
of the United States.
There is no need for any particular crystal ball
to forecast some of the Latin American proposals
which will be introduced at Rio. Among them
the following merit mention :
1. Consultation in connection with the disposal
of agi'icultural surpluses ;
2. Consideration of possible measures to stabi-
lize prices of primary products including the use
of stockpiles to avoid extreme fluctuations in the
prices of strategic and other mineral products ;
3. Reduction of U.S. tariffs and avoidance of
restrictions on the importation of Latin American
products ;
4. Consideration of special treatment with re-
spect to trade for underdeveloped countries in
order to encourage economic development;
5. Utilization by the United States of income
taxes collected on the operations of U.S. firms in
Latin America to promote economic development
in that area ;
October 11, 1954
537
6. Establishment of a regional development in-
stitution to provide loan and equity capital for
private enterprise ;
7. Increased credit facilities for Latin America
by the International and Export-Import Banks ;
8. The setting up of target amounts for yearly
public and private investment, with public invest-
ment making good any deficit in the quota of pri-
vate investment.
The foregoing are by no means all the questions
that will be raised. The point to be kept in mind,
however, is that specific solutions rather than gen-
eral pronouncements will be sought at Kio.
It is clear that we cannot wholly satisfy all these
aspirations. In the case of prices, we have a mu-
tual interest in satisfactory price relationships
since this means prosperity for all concerned, but
we certainly do not have the resources to enter
into any global price-parity formulas or plans
involving vast financial commitments. We can
assist in efforts to diversify the economies of the
Latin American countries, thus lessening depend-
ence on one or a few export products, and possibly
take other measures to mitigate the effects of price
fluctuations. However, the best assurance we can
offer of relative stability and "fairness" of price
is to maintain the high level of United States
economic activity which is the major factor in
raw-material demand.
In the field of commercial policy, our record with
respect to Latin American products is a reassur-
ing one. Approximately four-fifths of our im-
ports from Latin America are on the free list and
therefore not subject to duty, while the average
rate on the balance is generally quite low, some-
what under 10 percent ad valorem. In addition,
during the past 20 years the United States has
probably done more than any major trading coun-
try of the world to reduce its tariffs.
There are other strong points in our position.
We are prepared at Eio to again reaffirm our deep
and abiding interest in the economic development
of our neighbors and our willingness to cooperate
with them in that field; we are prepared to im-
prove and expand our programs of technical co-
operation; and to reassure them as to the avail-
ability of sufficient public foreign credit resources
to meet new, foreseeable needs for the financing
of sound projects for which private capital is not
readily available and whose financing is within
538
the debt-carrying capacity of the borrowmg
country.
Continued consideration is being given in Wash-
ington to the policies the United States will follow
at Rio, and this is fortunate, since 7 weeks still
remain in which positive and constructive deci-
sions may be taken — a process which, I would
like to emphasize, does not, in the case of Latin
America, necessarily imply any demands on the
pocketbook of the American taxpayer. The other
American Republics are not seeking grants in aid
but cooperation of a kind that is mutually profit-
able to all the parties to it. The sound extension
of credit is not only a profitable course for debtor
and creditor alike but builds up consuming areas
wliich, in turn, mean greater markets for Ameri-
can products. Our foreign trade with Latin
America has grown from 1.7 billion dollars in 1938
to 6.9 billion in 1952, thus making it the principal
foreign trade area for the United States. It ac-
counts for between one-fifth and one-fourth of our
exports and supplies approximately a third of our
imports. Further, more private United States
investments are concentrated in Latin America
than in any other region of the world, the total
value of such investments now exceeding 6 billion
dollars.
I would like to conclude with the following
brief but eloquent quotation from Dr. Milton
Eisenhower's report to the President on United
States-Latin American relations :
Tbere is no doubt in my mind about the future of Latin
America. Her people are on the march. They are deter-
mined to improve their standards of living. They have
the resources and the manpovper to do so.
Latin America is destined to be an economically power-
ful area of the globe. While it will always have economic
relations with Europe and other parts of the world, its
firmest and most extensive relations can and should be
with the United States.
In the long view, economic cooperation, extended to help
the people of Latin America raise their level of well-being
and further their democratic aspirations, will redound to
their benefit and to ours.
Working together, the nations of this Hemisphere can,
if history should so decree, stand firmly against any enemy
in war, and prosper mightily together in times of peace.
Visit of President Magioire
White House press release dated September 21
The "White House announced on September 21
( hat President Eisenhower has invited President
Paul Magioire of the Republic of Haiti to make
Deporfmenf of State Bulletin
a state visit to tlie United States. President
Mngloire lias accepted tliis invitation and is ex-
pected to arrive in the United States on January
26, 19.")!'). It is anticipated that President Ma<;-
loire will remain in AVashington for 3 days, lie
will be accompanied by Mrs. Ma<;loire.
The visit is a further demonstration of the cor-
dial relations and historic friendship between the
United States and the Republic of Haiti. Presi-
dent Majiloire was elected in 1950 for a term
endinjr in 1957.
U.S., Canada Agree on Need for
Distant Early Warning Line '
On April 8, 1954, tlie Governments of Canada
and the United States issued a joint announcement,
which, after referring to the construction of the
Pinetree radar chain, announced plans for the es-
tablishment of a further radar system "generally
to the north of the settled territory in Canada."^
The Canadian Government subsequently decided
that it would be appropriate, as a part of its con-
tribution to the common defense requirements of
the two countries, for Canada to undertake respon-
sibility for financing, constinicting, and operating
this new system, which is generally referred to as
the "Mid-Canada Line."
During tlie time that plans for the Mid-Canada
Line have been under development, studies have
also been going on to determine the feasibility of
providing even earlier warning of the approach
of hostile aircraft.
As a result of these studies, the Canadian and
United States Governments have agreed in prin-
ciple that there is a need for the establishment of
a distant early warning line across the far north-
em part of North America and have directed that
detailed planning for siuh a line should be initi-
ated at once. The basis of participation by the
two countries in the construction and operation of
the line, and the division of costs, will be deter-
mined after the detailed plans have been consid-
ered and agreed.
In developing the complete system for warning
' ReleasPd to the press by the Department of Defense
on Sept. 27 ; released simultaneously by the Canadian
Government.
' Bulletin of Apr. 26, 1954, p. 639.
of the approach of hostile aircraft and for the
control of interceptor forces, the two Governments
have followed a policy of building outward from
the likely target areas. Thus the first step, which
lias now been largely completed, was the construc-
tion of the main control and warning radar instal-
lations in the continental United States and the
populated part of Canada. The second step,
which is now under way, is the provision of the
Mid-Canada Line. A third measure, the need for
which has now been agreed upon between the two
Governments, will be the provision of a distant
early warning line across the most northerly prac-
ticable part of North America. Portions of the
complete warning and control system in Canada
will be extended to seaward on both flanks of the
continent by the United States.
The establishment of these North American de-
fense installations is a costly and difficult task,
which is being undertaken because our security
requires it and is being accomplished successfully
because of the readiness of Canadians and Ameri-
cans to work together in a common cause.
Bill To Control Level of
Lake Michigan Vetoed
Statement iy the President
White House OflSce press release dated September 3
I have withheld my approval of H.R. 3300, "To
authorize the State of Illinois and the Sanitary
District of Chicago, under the direction of the
Secretary of the Army, to help control the lake
level of Lake Michigan by diverting water from
Lake Michigan into the Illinois waterway."
The bill would authorize the State of Illinois
and the Sanitary District of Chicago, under the
supervision and direction of the Secretary of the
Army, to withdraw from Lake Michigan, in addi-
tion to all domestic pumpage, a total annual aver-
age of 2,500 cubic feet of water per second into
the Illinois waterway for a period of 3 years. This
diversion would be 1,000 cubic feet per second
more tlian is presently permitted under a decree
of the Supreme Court of the United States dated
April 21, 1930. The bill also would direct the Sec-
retary of the Army to study the effect in tlie im-
provement in conditions in the Illinois waterway
Ocfober 11, J 954
539
by reason of the increased diversion, and to report
to the Congress as to the results of the study on or
before January 31, 1957, with his recommenda-
tions as to continuance of the increased diversion
authorized.
The bill specifies that the diversion would be
authorized in order to regulate and promote com-
merce, to protect, improve, and promote naviga-
tion in the Illinois waterway and Mississippi Val-
ley, to help control the lake level, to afford protec-
tion to property and shores along the Great Lakes,
and to provide for a navigable Illinois waterway.
No mention is made of possible improvement of
sanitary conditions or increase in hydroelectric
power generation on the waterway.
I am unable to approve the bill because (1)
existing diversions are adequate for navigation on
the Illinois waterway and Mississippi River, (2)
all methods of control of lake levels and protec-
tion of property on the Great Lakes should be con-
sidered before arbitrarily proceeding with the
proposed increased diversion, (3) the diversions
are authorized without reference to negotiations
with Canada, and (4) the legitimate interests of
other States affected by the diversion may be ad-
versely affected. I wish to comment briefly on
each of these points.
I understand that waterborne traffic on the Illi-
nois waterway has grown in the last 20 years from
200,000 tons to 16,000,000 tons annually. The
Corps of Engineers advises, however, that the
existing diversions of water are adequate for navi-
gation purposes in the Illinois waterway and the
Mississippi River. Surveys are now under way
by the International Joint Commission and the
Corps of Engineers to determine the best methods
of obtaining improved control of the levels of the
Great Lakes and of preventing recurrence of dam-
age along their shores. Reasonable opportunity
to complete these surveys should be afforded be-
fore legislative action is undertaken.
The diversion of Maters into and out of the
Great Lakes has historically been the subject of
negotiations with Canada. To proceed unilater-
ally in the manner proposed in H.R. 3300 is not
wise policy. It would be the kind of action to
which we would object if taken by one of our
neighbors. The Canadian Government protested
the proposed authorization when it was under con-
sideration by the Congress and has continued its
objection to this bill in a note to the Department
of State dated August 24, 1954.^ It seems to me
that the additional diversion is not of such national
importance as to justify action without regard to
the views of Canada.
Finally, as is clear from the report of the Senate
Committee, a major purpose of the proposal to di-
vert additional water from Lake Michigan into the
Illinois waterway is to determine whether the in-
creased flow will improve existing adverse sanita-
tion conditions. The waters of Lake Michigan are
interstate in character. It would seem to me that a
diversion for the purposes of one State alone
should be authorized only after general agreement
has been reached among all the affected States.
Officials of several States adjoining the Great
Lakes, other than Illinois, have protested approval
of the bill as being contrary to their interests and
not in accord with the diversion authorized under
the 1930 decree of the Supreme Court. Under all
of these circumstances, I have felt that the bill
should not be approved.
Austria Thanks U.S. for
Gift of Fodder Corn
White House Office press release dated September 4
The White House on Sefteniber 4 made puhlic
the following message to the President from
Theodor Koern£r, President of Austria.
Decision of United States Government to make
25,000 tons of fodder corn available for free dis-
tribution among Austrian flood victims ^ prompts
me to express deep-felt thanks to you, Mr. Presi-
dent, in my own name and in the name of the
Austrian people and at the same time to express
admiration for the material generosity and high
humanitarian spirit with which the American
people and government constantly display their
willingness to help the whole world. The gift
of fodder corn not only represents quantitatively
an extraordinai-y contribution for the relief of
the emergency caused by the disastrous flood but
will also contribute considerably toward over-
coming as rapidly as possible production diffi-
culties originating in the catastrophe.
' Not printed.
' Bulletin of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 490.
540
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
Loss of Americans and Japanese
in Hakodate Typhoon
Press release 540 dated September 28
FoUowinff is the text of a message from the
Prime Minister of Japan to Secretary DuUes, to-
gether with Acting Secretary Smith''s reply.
Prime Minister Yoshida to Secretary Dulles
Septejiber 27, 1954
The Honorable John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State.
On my arrival at Ottawa, I was ^-eatly shocked
to receive a report that some sixty United States'
Forces members and dependents perished in the
sinkinsj of the Toyamani at Hakodate last Sun-
day [September 2G]. I lament the loss of so
manj- American lives and hasten to express to you
my sincere condolences.
Shigeeu YosiiroA
Prime Minister of Japan
General Smith to Prime Minister Yoshida
September 28, 1954
His Excellency Siiigeru Yoshida
Prime Minister of Japan
Through the American Embassy.,
Ottawa.
I wish to thank you for your message to Secre-
tary Dulles regarding the loss of American lives in
the Hakodate typhoon. The people of the United
States share the deep sense of tragedy felt by you
and the Japanese people at this unpai-alleled
disaster. Your thoughtfulness is greatly ap-
preciated.
Walter Bedell Smith
Acting Secretary of State
Negotiations on Revision of
Philippine Trade Agreement
Press release 539 dated September 28
DEPARTMENT STATEMENT
The U. S. delegation for the Philippine trade ne-
gotiations issued formal notice on September 28
that it would hold hearings beginning at 10 a. m.,
November 1, 1954, in Washington, at the Tariff
Commission hearing room, with respect to possible
modification of the 1946 Agreement on Trade and
Related Matters between the two countries. A
preliminary announcement of these hearings was
made by the Department of State on August 11,
1954.'
The notice of the delegation states that applica-
tions for oral presentation of views and informa-
tion, as well as written briefs or statements, must
be presented to the delegation not later than 12
noon, October 22, and that only those persons will
be heard who by that date have presented written
briefs or statements and filed ai)plications to be
heard. The notice points out that the negotia-
tions will cover all aspects of the 194G agreement,
and particularly the provisions regarding tariff
preferences (article I), commodity quotas and
their allocation (articles II and III), exchange
rates and controls (article V), national treatment
for Americans in the development of Philippine
natural resources (article VII), and nondiscrimi-
nation and termination (article X).
Twelve copies of the written briefs or state-
ments are to be supplied to the delegation, either
typed, printed, or duplicated. One copy should
be swoi'n to. These communications should be
addressed to "The Chainnan, United States Dele-
gation for Philippine Trade Negotiations, De-
partment of State, Washington 25, D. C."
NOTICE OF HEARINGS
Notice is hereby given by the United States Delegation
for Philippine Trade Negotiations of intention to conduct
negotiations with tlie Republic of the Philippines for the
purpose of revising, subject to the approval of the Con-
gresses of the two countries, the Agreement on Trade and
Related Matters entered into between the United States
and the Philippines on July 4, 1946 pursuant to Public
Law 371 of the 79th U.S. Congress ("Philippine Trade
Act of 1946"). A continuation through December 31,
1955 of the reciprocal free trade provisions of the Agree-
ment was recently approved by the two Congresses (Pub-
lic Law 474 of the S3rd U.S. Congress) to permit time
for the consultations and negotiations to which this notice
refers.
The negotiations will cover all aspects of the 1946 Agree-
ment and particularly the provisions regarding tariff
preferences (Article I), commodity quotas and their al-
location (Articles II and III), exchange rates and con-
trols (Article V), national treatment for Americans in
the development of Philippine natural resources (Article
VII), and nondiscrimination and termination (Article X).
Any persons who have views or information which they
wish to present to the Delegation with respect to possible
' Bulletin of Aug. 23, 1954, p. 264.
October 71, 7954
541
modification of the 1946 Agreement in these or otlier re-
spects are invited to do so in tlie public hearings which
will be held before the Delegation beginning at 10 : 00
a. m., November 1, 1954. The Delegation will also re-
ceive information and views in writing. Presentations
will be given equal consideration, whether written or oral.
Anything which is confidential should be so labeled on
the cover sheet and separated from nonconfidential
material.
Applications for oral presentation, and the submission
of written statements or briefs, must be made to the Dele-
gation not later than 12 : 00 noon, October 22. All such
communications should be addressed to "The Chairman,
United States Delegation for Philippine Trade Negotia-
tions, Department of State, Washington, 25, D. C."
Twelve copies of written statements, either typed, printed
or duplicated, shall be submitted, of which one copy should
be sworn to.
Only those persons will be heard who have presented
written briefs or statements and filed applications to be
heard by the closing date indicated in the preceding para-
graph. The bearings will be held in the Hearing Room of
the Tariff Commission at 7th and F Streets, Washington,
D. C. Applicants for oral presentation will be advised
regarding the time of their individual appearance. State-
ments made at the public hearings shall be under oath.
By direction of the Chairman of the United States Dele-
gation for Philippine Trade Negotiations this twenty-
eighth day of September, 1954.
F. Patrick Kellt
Executive Secretary
United States Delegation for
Philippine Trade Negotiations
Formal Opening of
U.S.-Philippine Trade Talks
Press release 516 dated September 20
The folloioing remarhs were made l>y Walter S.
Roiertson, Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern
Affairs, and Senator Jose P. Laurel, Chairman of
the Philippine delegation, on the occasion of the
foi'mal opening of the U.S. -Philippine trade talks
on September W.
REMARKS BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY
ROBERTSON
President Eisenhower has asked me to extend
to you the warm greetings of the United States
Government as well as his personal felicitations
on this occasion signaling the opening of the dis-
cussions on the United States-Philippine Trade
Agreement.
Secretary of State Dulles also extends his greet-
ings and has asked me to convey to you his sincere
regrets at not being able to participate in this open-
ing ceremony. As you know, he has just made a
quick trip to Europe and will not be returning to
Washington before proceeding to the United Na-
tions General Assembly.
More than a year ago the President of the
Philippines requested a re-examination and read-
justment of the provisions of the 1946 Agreement
on Trade and Related Matters Between the
United States and the Republic of the Philippines.
President Eisenhower replied at that time that the
United States stood ready to give sympathetic
consideration to any specific proposals which the
Philippine Government might wish to advance.^
We are now about to commence our discussions.
I am confident that they will be frank and cordial
and that the results will be fruitful and will repre-
sent the best interests of our two countries.
I think these discussions are another example
of the close and friendly relations existing between
us. This is a relationship of free and sovereign
nations whicli sit down together and discuss
frankh' any differences in point of view and which
are prepared to reach an understanding in a spirit
of compromise and mutual trust.
Senator Laurel, it is indeed a pleasure and an
honor to welcome such a distinguished visitor from
your great Republic. We are well aware of your
years of devoted public service and of the esteem
in which you are held in your own country. I
should like to convey to you my own country's
high esteem and warm welcome.
REMARKS BY SENATOR LAUREL
In behalf of the Philippine Economic Mission,
I ackiiowledge with profound appreciation the
gi-eetings of the President and the Secretary of
State of the United States, which you have just
conveyed to us.
We particularly cherish the personal felicita-
tions from President Eisenhower, whose loj'al and
worthy services when we were still a Common-
wealth have forged an indissoluble bond of mutual
regard and affection between him and our people.
President Magsaysay has entrusted me with the
pleasant task of expressing the gratitude of the
Government and people of the Republic of the
Philippines to the Government and people of the
United States for their sympathetic attitude to-
542
' Bru-ETiN of Sept. 7, 1953, p. 316.
H&patimeni of State Bulletin
ward the revision of the 1046 A<;recinent on Trade
and Related Matters. This attitude was mani-
fested by the readiness with which President
Eisenliower approved the lioUling of these negotia-
tions and tlie speedy enactment by tlie Congress
of a statute in effect extending for 18 montiis the
free trade between our two countries in order to
facilitate the successful re-examination of said
trade agreement.
Secretary Robertson, I share your feeling of
confidence that these discussions will be conducted
in utmost candor and cordiality, which auger their
felicitous conclusion. The Philippine delegation
will participate in the discussions in a spirit be-
fitting the free and friendly collaboration wliich
exists between our two countries. I am sure we
shall be able to reach a satisfactory agreement
which will promote our common interests and
mutual advantage.
Secretary Robertson, I am deeply touched by the
kind words of welcome which you have addressed
to me personally. There is no more gratifying
experience for me than to be so warmly received
in this great country since I last came here as a
humble student 36 years ago.
Department Engages ANTA
Press release 541 dated September 29
The Department of State has engaged the Amer-
ican National Theatre and Academy to act as its
agent for the purpose of encouraging and facilitat-
ing tours abroad by American individuals and
groups in musical, theatrical, and other fields.
This project is an extension of the continuing
exchange programs handled by the International
Educational Exchange Service of the Department
of State.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Aviation
Protocol amending Article 45 of the Convention on Inter-
national Civil Aviation (TIAS 1581), relating to the
permanent seat of the International Civil Aviation Or-
ganization. Done at Montreal June 14, 1954. Enters
into forci' on date on wlilcli (ho forty-sfH'oiul instrument
of r:iIillciilloM is (Icpositcil with ICAO.
Narcotic Drugs
Protocol for limiting and rc^'uliitlnf; the <'iiltlvation of
thf poppy plant, th(? production of, international and
wholesale trade in, and use of opium. Dated at New
Vorlv Juno 23, li)53.'
Ratified by the President: September 14, 1954.
Slave Trade
Protocol amending the slavery convention signed at
Geneva SepK-niher 25, 1!)2C (40 Stat. 2183), and annex.
Done at New Yorlv December 7, lO.'iS.'
Sifiiiature (ad referendum) : Ecuador, September 7,
1954.
Telecommunications
International telecommunications convention. Signed at
Buenos Aires December 22, 1952. Entered into force
January 1, 1954.'
Ifiitiflriiliuiin deposited: Yugoslavia, August 16, 1954;
Franco and Al^'eria. and Overseas Territories of the
French Republic and Territories administered as such,*
August 19, 1954.
Final protocol to the international telecommunication
convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22, 1952.
Entered into force January 1, 19.54.'
Rntifieation deposited: Yugoslavia, August 16, 1954.
Additional protocols to the international telecommunica-
tion convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22,
1952. Entered into force December 22, 19.52.
Ratifieation deposited: Yugoslavia, August 16, 1954.
Trade and Commerce
Declaration regulating the commercial relations between
certain contracting parties to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade and Japan. Done at Geneva Octo-
ber 24, 19.53. Entered into force November 23, 1953 for
the United States. TIAS 2917.
Acceptance effective: Germany, September 2, 1954.
BILATERAL
Colombia
Agreement for a cooperative program of housing in Co-
lombia, pursuant to the General Agreement for Tech-
nical Cooperation dated March 5 and 9, 1951 (T1.\S
2231) . Effected by exchange of notes at Bogota June 24
and 30. 19.54. Entered into force June 30, 1954.
' Not in force.
' Not in force for the United States.
'These comprise: French Equatorial Africa (Gabon,
Middle-Congo, Oubangui-Chari, Chad) ; French West
Africa (Senegal, French Sudan, French Guinea, Ivory
Coast, Niger, Haute-Volta, Dahomey, Mauretania) ;
French Somaliland ; French Settlements in India ; French
Settlements in Oceania ; Madagascar and Dependencies ;
New Caledonia and Dependencies; Saint Pierre and Ml-
quelon Islands ; Territories under French Trusteeship
(Cameroon, Togo).
October 11, 1954
543
Germany
Convention for the avoidance of double taxation with
respect to taxes on income. Signed at Washington July
22, 1954.
Ratified hy the President: September 22, 1954.
Guatemala
General agreement for technical cooperation. Signed at
Guatemala City September 1, 1954. Entered Into force
September 1, 1954.
Peru
Agreement terminating the agreement of April 1 and 9,
1952 (TIAS 2723), as amended, providing for an agri-
cultural experiment program in Peru. Effected by
exchange of notes at Lima April 27 and May 11, 1954.
Termination became effective May 18, 1954.
FOREIGN SERVICE
First Foreign Service Officers
Under New Program Take Oath
Press release 543 dated September 30
The first group of Foreign Service officers to be ap-
pointed under the Secretary of State's integration pro-
gram received their oath of office on September 30. The
program calling for the integration of the Departmental
and Foreign Service was one of the recommendations
advanced by the Secretary's Public Committee on Per-
sonnel, headed by Henry M. Wriston.
Following are the names and home towns of the officers
appointed :
Harlan P. Bramble, Portland, Oreg.
W. Clyde Dunn, Chapel Hill, N. C.
Richard B. Freund, Chicago, 111.
Paul T. Meyer, East Orange, N. J.
Harry K. Baker, Chevy Chase, Md.
Douglas N. Batson, Poplarville, Miss.
James H. Boughton, Westport, Conn.
Louis Mason Drury, Chevy Chase, Md.
Tobias J. Boyd, Johnstown, Pa.
Delbert D. Mehaffy, Mediapolis, Iowa.
Joseph B. Tisinger III, Takoma Park, Md.
Bett.v-Jane Jones, Milwaukee, Wis.
Gloria E. Abiouuess, Norfolk, Va.
Legation in Libya Elevated to Embassy
The United States announced on September 25 (press
release 532) the elevation of its Legation in Libya to
the status of an Embassy.
At the same time, the White House announced tliat the
President has named John L. Tappin to be U.S. Am-
bassador to Libya. He succeeds Henry S. Villard, who
has served as Minister of the United States to Libya
since February 1952 and who has recently been ap-
pointed Principal Political Adviser on Near Eastern and
African Affairs to the U.S. delegation of the Ninth Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations.
Consular Offices
The consulate at Tananarive, Madagascar, was closed
to the public on July 1, 1954, and officially closed on Au-
gust 31, 1954.
Recess Appointments
The President on September 25 made the following
recess appointments :
Robert F. Woodward to be Ambassador to Costa Rica.
Robert C. Hill to be Ambassador to El Salvador.
John L. Tappin to be Ambassador to the United King-
dom of Libya.
PUBLICATIONS
Foreign Relations Volume
Press release 511 dated September 16
The Department of State on September 25 re-
leased Foreign Relations of the United States,
1937, Volume IV, The Far East. Documents
published in this volume deal chiefly with prob-
lems arising from the outbreak of undeclared war
between China and Japan in July 1937, especially
with efforts by tlie United States and other powers
to restore peace. This is the second of two vol-
umes dealing with the Far East crisis in 1937,
Foreign Relatione of the United States, 1937, Vol-
utne III, The Far East, liaving been released last
June 26.'
In 1937 China faced Japan, with the Soviet
Union watching from the sidelines and discussing
developments with other powers. Nine hundred
pages of contemporary papers deal with not only
efforts to end the undeclared war but also other
phases of the war itself and repercussions affect-
ing the United States.
A conference was called at Brussels under the
terms of the Nine Power Treaty of February 6,
544
' Bulletin of July 12, 1954, p. 73.
Oepar/menf of State Bulletin
1922, rejrard'mir Chiiii), to exi>1oro the pcissibility
of peiK'cful solution of the conflict between Japan
anil China. Tliis conference forms the principal
diapter in this second volume on the Far East in
1937. Chapters are also included on American
relations with China, Japan, and Siam (Thai-
land).
As long ago as 1937 the role played by Soviet
diplomacy and Communist intrigue in China was
emerging.
Ambassador Nelson T. Johnson at Nanking
cabled on January 12 that the Chinese military at
Sianfu — where Generalissimo Cliiang Kai-shek
had been kidnapped a month before and released
under mysterious circumstances — "had linked
themselves closely with the Communists in a com-
mon purpose to fight the National Government"
(p. 553). In the spring months Red propaganda
agencies were discovered to be using "American
ownership, real or simulated," as protection
against Chinese jurisdiction (pp. 692-9-1).
On May 12, however, Mr. Johnson mentioned
"General Chiang Kai-shek's reported willingness
to come to a working agreement with the Commu-
nist forces in the northwest" (p. 597), and on
June 25 Consul General C. E. Gauss, at Shang-
hai wrote (p. 688) :
As the Department Is aware from political reports from
China, some sort of rapprochement has taken place be-
tween the Chinese Communists and the Kuomintang and
Nanking Government.
^Ir. Gauss noted further that "the activities and
support of the Third Internationale (at Moscow)
are being directed away from criticism and at-
tack on the National Government of China toward
the development of a 'popular front' of opposition
to Japan."
By November 3 Ambassador Johnson could re-
port that official Chinese sources hoped for a
Soviet -Japanese nonaggression pact similar to the
Soviet-Chinese pact of August 21 (p. 151). The
same sources argued that "communism internally
is a domestic Chinese problem" — contrary to usual
Japanese announcements.
President Roosevelt's "quarantine" speech at
Chicago on October 5 brought various reactions
abroad. Ambassador Joseph E. Davies at Moscow
sent telegrams on Soviet comment (pp. 87-8, 100-
1, 119-20). Dated between October 18 and 29,
these indicated press and official pleasure over the
chance of United States exercising restraint upon
Japati. Soviet Foreign Commissar Litvinov de-
clared that "the Soviet Union was prepared to
take a strong position if it were in cooperation
with the United States, France, and England"
(p. 120).
On November 10 Ambassador William C. Bul-
litt at Paris cabled a report of an interview wifli
French Premier Chautemps (pp. 172-4), in wliich
the latter spoke as follows :
I understand how much the President may desire to
do something today to preserve peace ; but I should in-
finitely rather have liim say nothing than make speeches,
like his speech at Chicago, which aroused immense hojM's
when there is no possibility that in the state of American
opinion and the state of mind of the Senate he can fol-
low up such speeches by action. Such a policy on the
part of the United States merely leads the dictatorships
to believe that the democracies are full of words but are
unwilling to back up their words by force, and force is
the only thing that counts today in the world (p. 173).
On November 16 Japanese Embassy Counselor
Suma told Assistant Secretary of State Hugh R.
Wilson (pp. 194r-6) what Japan thought of the
situation: "the Chicago speech of the President
and the association by the State Department of the
United States with the action of tlie League (of
Nations) had shaken Japan's belief in our friend-
ly attitude; nevertheless, the President had fol-
lowed his Chicago speech by a fireside talk (Octo-
ber 12), which had done much to restore the
friendly sentiments of the Jaj)anese for us"
(p. 194).
An interesting account of the relationship be-
tween American press representatives and dele-
gates attending the Brussels Conference is given in
a telegram on November 21 from Norman H.
Davis, Chairman of the American delegation (pp.
221^). As Mr. Davis noted, it was difficult to
explain that the United States only intended "to
seek with all the other powers at the Conference
a peaceful solution of the conflict in the Far East"
(p.222).
Aside from discussions at Geneva and Brussels,
the new volume contains chapters on protection
of American rights in the area of the undeclared
war, sinking by Chinese and Japanese action re-
spectively of the liner President Hoover and the
gunboat Panay, assistance of various kinds to
China, representations to China on behalf of
Americans, narcotic traffic in China, Japanese
Army pressure on their government, representa-
tions to Japan in regard to oil, fisheries, and other
Oc/ofaer n, 1954
545
interests, Japan's ban on U.S. naval visits to the
Pacific mandated islands, Japanese aid in search
for the missing Amelia Earhart plane, and a new
friendship treaty with Siam.
A final volume for 1937, that on the American
Kepublics, will appear shortly.
Copies of this volume (IV, 911 pp.) may be
purchased from the Superintendent of Documents,
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C,
for $4 each.
Recent Releases
For sale 'by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept i« the case of free publications, ivhich may be obtained
from the Department of State.
Technical Cooperation— Jordan Program. TIAS 2S19.
Pub. 5238. 5 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Jordan, amend-
ing agreement of February 12, 1952, as amended — Signed
at Amman Apr. 7, 195.3.
Mutual Aid Settlement — Release of Netherlands Obliga-
tions on Behalf of Indonesia Under Agreement of May
28,1947. TIAS 2820. Pub. 5239. 5 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States, the Netherlands,
and Indonesia. Exchange of note.s — Signed at The Hague
Sept. 17 and Djakarta Oct. 15, 1952, and at Washington
Apr. 8, 1953.
Technical Cooperation Program. TIAS 2821. Pub. 5240.
2 pp. 5<t.
Agreement between the United States and Lebanon,
amending agreement of June 26, 1952 — Signed at Beirut
Apr. 14, 1953.
Air Transport Services — Nonassertion of Sovereign Im-
munity From Suit. TIAS 2828. Pub. 5248. 2 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and the Netherlands.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington June 19, 1953.
€Iobal Relations of the United States. Pub. 5536. Gen-
eral Foreign Policy Series 91. 12 pp. 100.
An article (Department of State Bulletin reprint), with
maps and illustrations, by S. Whittemore Boggs on the
study of the spherical surface of the globe in relation to
tJie comprehension and better understanding of many
world problems and cultural relationships.
Intervention of International Communism in Guatemala.
Pub. 5556. Inter-American Series 48. 95 pp. 35^.
A description of the growth of International communism
in Guatemala and its attempt to get a foothold in the
Western Hemisphere by gaining control of the political
institutions of an American Republic.
People to People — Diplomacy. Pub. 5492. International
Information and Cultural Series 36. 29 pp. 200.
A report on the conduct of the International Educational
Exchange Service in carrying out its program of leader-
ship, as authorized by the Congress, in coordinating the
exchange of foreign policy objectives of government and
private agencies.
546
U.S. Participation in the V.'N. — Report by the President
to the Congress for the Year 1953. Pub. 5459. Interna- 1
tional Organization and Conference Series III, 100.
277 pp. 700.
An annual report, with tables and charts, on the im-
portant part the United States has played in the activities
of the United Nations system and of its efforts to trans-
late the terms and objectives of the charter into reality.
Technical Cooperation — Public Health and Sanitation
Program. TIAS 2756. Pub. 5366. 4 pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States and Iraq. Effected
by exchange of notes — Dated at Baghdad June 9 and
July 27, 1952.
Technical Cooperation — Economic Development Program.
TIAS 2757. Pub. 5307. 6 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Iraq. Effected
by exchange of notes — Dated at Baghdad October 23 and
November 16, 1952.
Technical Cooperation — Water Resources Development
Program. TIAS 2758. Pub. 5415. 5 pp. 5<».
Agreement between the United States and Iraq. Effected
by exchange of notes — Dated at Baghdad December 11,
1951, April 28 and May 21, 1952.
German External Debts. TIAS 2792. Pub. 5230. 355
pp. $1.
Agreement, with annexes and appendices, between the
United States and Other Governments — Signed at London
February 27, 1953.
Settlement of United States Claim for Postwar Economic
Assistance to Germany. TIAS 2795. Pub. 5286. 15 pp.
10«!.
Agreement between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany — Signed at London February 27,
1953.
Technical Cooperation — Application to Eritrea of Pro-
gram for Technical and Science Education. TIAS 2803.
Pub. 5204. 2 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia.
Effected by exchange of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa
June 19 and 25, 1953.
Technical Cooperation — Application to Eritrea of Agri-
cultural Education Program. TIAS 2805. Pub. 5266.
1 p. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia —
Signed at Addis Ababa June 25, 19,53.
Technical Cooperation — Program of Agriculture. TIAS
2806. Pub. 5267. o pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia.
Effected by exchange of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa
June 23 and 30, 1953.
Mutual Defense Assistance — United States Military
Assistance Advisory Group to Saudi Arabia. TIAS 2812.
Pub. 5227. 10 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Saudi Arabia,
implementing agreement of June IS, 1951. Effected by
exchange of notes — Signed at Jidda June 27, 1953.
Air Transport Services. TIAS 2813. Pub. 5228. 29 pp.
150.
Agreement, with annex and exchange of notes between
the United States and Venezuela — Signed at Caracas
August 14, 1953.
Department of State Bulletin
Technical Cooperation— Well Drilling Under Program
for Water Resources Development. TIAS -">1 1. Pub.
521)1. 3 pp. r)(f
ARrcement between the United States and Ethiopia.
EiTooted by exchange of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa
J\im' 27 and .'{O. 1053.
Economic Cooperation. TIAS 281C. Pub. 523.''>. 8 pp.
10(^.
Agreement between the United States and the United
Kingdom of Great Britain anil Northern Ireland, pur-
suant to agreement of July 0, 1948, as amended. Effected
bv exchange of notes — Signed at Loudon B'ebruary 25,
litSS.
Training Program in the United States of America for
Japanese National Safety Force Officers. TI.VS '-'SIT.
Pub. 5236. 4 pp. 5(?.
Agreement between the United States and Japan. Ef-
fei'ted l)v esi'hange of notes — Signed at Tokyo March 17
and IS, 1953.
Economic Cooperation — Guaranties under Public Law
472, 80th Congress, as Amended. TIAS 2818. Pub. 5237.
4 pp. 5(.
Agreement between the United States and Haiti. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes — Signed at Washington March
13 and April 2, 1953.
Agricultural Experiment Station in El Salvador. TIAS
2S22. I'vib. .".L'4.j. 3 pp. uf.
Agreement between the United States and El Salvador,
extending Memorandum of Understanding of October 21,
1942, as amended and extended. Effected by exchange
of notes — Signed at San Salvador April 16 and 21, 19.53.
Agricultural Experiment Station in El Salvador. TIAS
2823. Pub. 5240. 3 pp. 5f.
Agreement between the United States and El Salvador,
extending Memorandum of Understanding of October 21,
1942, as amended and extended. Effected by exchange
of notes — Signed at San Salvador June 30, 19.53.
Civil Aviation Mission to Panama. TIAS 2824. Pub.
5241. 4 pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States and Panama,
amending and extending agreement of March 31, 1949.
Effected by exchange of notes — Signed at Panama April
14 and aiay 8, 1953.
Economic Cooperation. TIAS 2826. Pub. .5243. 4 pp.
.\greemont between the United States and Portugal,
amending agreement of September 28, 1948, as amended.
Effected by exchange of notes — Signed at Washington May
22 and 25, 1953.
Technical Cooperation — Agriculture and Natural Re-
sources Development Programs. TIAS 2827. Pub. 5247.
8 pp. ]l»'\
Agreement between the United States and Colombia. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes — Signed at Bogotd May 25,
and June 9, 1953.
International Recognition of Rights in Aircraft. TI.VS
2S47. Pub. .".^'^s. 17 p. 10^
Convention between the United States and Other Govern-
ments. Opened for signature at Geneva June 19, 1948 —
Entered into force with respect to the United States
September 17, 1953.
The Philippines— 1954. Pub. 5.508. Far Eastern Series
(!(). 1 1 pp. iOif.
A backurdunil suniniiiry im llie Philippines since gaining
its inilependence on .luly 4, 194(>, its strate;,'lc Importance
to the frc'e nations of the world, and Us ^'rowing influence
in the Far Fast as a const ruelive and effective democratic
counterforce to the spread of communism.
The Record on Disarmament. Pub. 5581. International
Organization and Conference Series III, 102. 20 pp. 15^.
A report of the U.S. Deputy Representative to the Dis-
armament Commission on the London meeting of the
Subcommittee of Five on the Disarmament Commission
meetings from May 13 to June 22, 1954.
The United Nations — An Appraisal for 1954. Pub. 5554.
International Organlzution and Conference Series III,
101. 22 pp. 150.
A balance sheet of the costs, accomplishments, and aims
of the LInited Nations, its importance as a forum for
world opinion, and its effective part in the progress of
the free world in its fight for peace and the common bene-
lit of all mankind.
Aerial Mapping Project in Thailand. TIAS 2759. Pub.
5371. 3 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Thailand. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Bangkok November 8 and De-
cember 3, 1952.
Validation of Dollar Bonds of German Issue. TIAS 2793.
Pub. 5212. 02 pp. 300.
Agreement between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany — Signed at Bonn February 27, 1953.
Confirmation of Effectiveness in Berlin. Exchange of
notes — Si^Tied at Washington February 25 and April 9,
1954.
Certain Matters Arising From the Validation of German
Dollar Bonds. TIAS 2794. Pub. 5280. 11 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany — Signed at Bonn April 1, 1953.
Confirmation of Effectiveness in lierlin. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Washington February 25 and April 9,
1954.
Settlement of Indebtedness of Germany for Awards
Made by the Mixed Claims Commission. TIAS 2796.
Pub. 5287. 15 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany — Signed at London February 27,
19.53.
International Wheat Agreement. TIAS 2799. Pub. 5183.
175 pp. 500.
A.u'reement between the United States and Other Govern-
ments, revising and renewing agreement of March 23,
1949 — Open for signature at Washington April 13-27,
19.53.
Technical Cooperation— Program of Agriculture. TIAS
2829. I'ub. 5249. 8 pp. 100.
Agreement, with Memorandum of Understanding, between
the United States and Liberia — Signed at Monrovia June
■S.). 19.53.
Army Mission to El Salvador. TIAS 2825. Pub. 5242.
19 pp. 150.
.Vgreement between the United States and El Salvador —
Signed at San Salvador May 21, 1953.
Ocfober J?, 1954
547
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Cooperating To Improve
Free World's Economy
Statement by George M. Humphrey
Secretary of the Treasury ^
At the opening of the meeting it was my priv-
ilege to bring you the welcome of the President
of the United States in behalf of the American
people. Now I should lili:e to express my own
gratification at being with you again and rep-
resenting the United States in the second of these
annual meetings which have been held since I be-
came Secretary of the Treasui-y. It is a great
pleasure to renew our pleasant associations and to
have the opportunity to discuss problems of mu-
tual interest with you.
Since our last meeting the free world has con-
tinued to advance toward our common objectives
of a healthier and wider flow of trade and money.
The President of the United States in his March 30
message to our Congi-ess has set the guidelines for
our foreign economic policy.^ Last month he em-
phasized that this message remains firmly our po-
sition. Our objective is "to obtain, in a manner
that is consistent with our national security and
profitable and equitable for all, the highest pos-
sible level of trade and the most efficient use of
capital and resources." Greater freedom from
restrictions and controls and the increased
efficiencies which arise from expanding markets
and the freer play of economic forces are essential
to the attainment of this higher trade level.
During the past year genuine progress has been
made in removing restrictions and strengthening
our economies. Production and trade remain at
high and sounder levels. Good money policies are
more widespread. Price levels have become more
' Made before the opening joint session of the Boards
of Governors, International Monetary Fund and Interna-
tional Banlc for Reconstruction and Development, Wash-
ington, D. C, on Sept. 24. Mr. Humphrey is the Gover-
nor for the United States.
' Bulletin of Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602.
stable. Balances of international payments are
in better equilibrium. Currency convertibility —
a most desirable condition for a freer and healthier
international trade — has become a nearer prospect,
as the Fund report points out.
I think it is worthy to note how far the trade-
agreements program of the United States has
moved to reduce our tariffs and eliminate restric-
tions against imports through the negotiation of
reciprocal agreements. During 1953, only 45 per-
cent of the total value of our imports were subject
to any import duties. Fifty-five percent were duty
free. The duties collected on our dutiable imports
represented only 12 percent of their value. To
some extent, of course, the ratio of the duties col-
lected to the value of imports reflects a rise in the
prices of imported articles. Nevertheless, it is
clear that the average cost, to the rest of the world,
of sending their goods to us is now comparatively
low.
The United States has taken and will continue
to take its part in trying further to remove un-
necessary restrictions on international trade under
the program set forth by the President in his
March 30 message to our Congress, and our most
recent moves towai'd customs reform are another
step in that dii'ection.
In view of tlie stronger international position
of many otlier countries, we should reasonably
look forward to gradual further lifting of their
present restrictions on their trade with the rest
of the world and with us.
I think it is generally recognized that probably
the greatest contribution which the United States
can make to expanding and profitable interna-
tional trade is a healthy and growing economy at
a higli level of activity here in the United States.
This helps sustain a high level of demand for the
world's goods and so fosters trade on a mutually
beneficial basis. To sustain a high level of eco-
nomic activity in this country is the keystone of
our policy.
Over the long term, economic progress must be
based upon a substantial tlow of new private in-
vestment, both national and international. The
548
Department of State Bulletin
Message From President Elsenhower
The iolhiiriny Utter from llii- i'n\siiltnt was read
by Secretary of the Treamiry Qeorge M. Humphrey
to the openitiff scsnion of the annual meeting of
Boards of Governors, International Hank for He-
constriietion and Development and the Interna-
tional Monetary Fund, on September 2i:
I am delighted to send greetings to the Boards of
Governors of the International Bank for Uecon-
structiou and Development and the International
Monetary Fund at their Ninth Annual Meeting in
Washington.
The International Bank and tlie International
Monetary Fund during the past year have again
demonstrated that they are active and effective in-
struments in promoting international cooperation
toward the well-being of tlie free world. The
United States heartily approves the Funti's efforts
to free the world from restrictions on the flow of
trade and money and to foster sound monetary ix)l-
icies and currency convertibility. The Bank has
notably aided the member countries in their eco-
nomic development and has helped promote condi-
tions under which greater flow of private invest-
ments can take place.
The Kimd and the Bank have our best wishes for
success and the assurance of our support. I antici-
pate with confidence a successful year for both
institutions.
International Bank in its relatively brief career
has done much to improve the climate for invest-
ment. Its loans for the development of basic fa-
cilities in the member countries have provided the
groundwork for other forms of investment. The
bank can be an important supplement to the flow
of private investment, but it cannot be a substitute
for it.
In 1953 the International Bank disbursed $240
million in loans to member coimtries. By way of
comparison, the outflow of private capital from
the United States has been about $900 million a
year for the last 6 years. In addition, the sub-
sidiaries abroad of American companies have re-
invested earnings at an average rate of about $600
million a year.
To complete the picture, the U.S. Government
has lent over $-100 million a year net of repay-
ments. All in all, these various sources — the In-
ternational Bank, private U.S. investors, and the
U.S. Government — have added more than $2 bil-
lion a year to the capital available to foreign coun-
tries. Three-fourths of this lias come from pri-
vate investors. Naturally the great bulk of this
investment has been nuide in those countries wiiere
experience has shown the principal is most safe
and where reasonable retinii of earnings can be
best assured.
All countries must of course rely upon domes-
tic savings for the great bulk of their economic
development. The encouragement of savings and
of capital formation at home and tiie investment
of these savings at home in productive enterprise,
as well as investment from abroad, are dependent
on sound monetary and investment policies and
assurance of safety of principal and fair treat-
ment of investors, which give people confidence in
their currency and in the preservation of its value.
I am sure the discussions we shall have during the
next few days will help to assess the importance of
these elements in vigorous and successfid inter-
national investment.
I am looking forward to hearing the views of
the other Governors on the problems of inter-
national exchange and capital investment and the
related matters, which are the occasion for our
annual meetings. I know that during these meet-
ings we will all become better acquainted and have
the oi)])()rtunity to obtain a better understanding
of our mutual interests and problems, which we
can all approach in a real spirit of optimism so
amply justified by the widespread improvement
in economic conditions in the free world.
Current U. N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography'
General Assembly
International Law Commission. Sixth session. Nation-
ality Including Statelessness. Survey of the Problem
of Multiple Nationality (Prepared by the Secretariat).
A/CN.4/84. May 14, 1954. 149 pp. mimeo.
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly : Item Pro-
posed by Afghanistan, Burma, Egypt, India, Indo-
nesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, the Philippines,
Saudi Arabia, Syria, Thailand and Yemen. The
Tunisian Question. A/2683, July 29, 1954. 6 pp.
mimeo.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 29(50 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
niav be omsulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States.
October 11, 1954
549
Question of Defining Aggression. Comments received
from Governments regarding tbe report of the Special
Committee on tlie Question of Defining Aggression.
A/2689. August 6, 1954. 14 pp. mimeo.
Report of ttie International Law Commission Covering
the Worli of its Sixtli Session. A/CN.4/88. August
5, 1954. 60 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self -Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted Under
Article 73e of the Charter : Report of the Secretary-
General. A/2655. August 11, 1954. 12 pp. mimeo.
Economic Development of Under-Developed Countries.
Special United Nations Fund for Economic Develop-
ment. A/2646/Add. 2. July 23, 1954. 30 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted Under
Article 73e of the Charter. Report of the Secre-
tary-General. A/2657/ Add. 3. August 13, 1954. 75
pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self -Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted
Under Article 73 e of the Charter: Report of the
Secretary-General. Summary of information trans-
mitted by the Government of Australia. A/2651.
August 20, 1954. 11 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self -Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted
Under Article 73 e of the Charter: Report of the
Secretary-General. Summary of information trans-
mitted by the Government of Belgium. A/2652.
August 11, 19.54. 20 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted
Under Article 73 e of the Charter: Report of the
Secretary-General. Summary of information trans-
mitted by tlie Government of Denm;ul£. A/2653.
August 17, 1954. 27 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted
Under Article 73 e of the Charter: Report of the
Secretary-General. Summary of information trans-
mitted by the French and British Governments in
respect of New Hebrides. A/2654/Add.l. August 13,
1954, 10 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self -Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted
Under Article 73 e of the Charter: Report of the
Secretary-General. Summary of information trans-
mitted Ijy the British Government. A/2657/Add.l.
August 12, 1954. 69 pp. mimeo.
Information from Nou-Self-Governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted
Under Article 73 e of the Charter: Report of the
Secretary-General. Summary of information trans-
mitted by the British Government. A/2657/ Add.2.
August 13, 1954. 74 pp. mimeo.
Question of Organizing an International Professional
Conference To Prepare the Final Text of an Interna-
tional Code of Ethics for the Use of Information
Personnel. Report of the Secretary-General.
A/2691. August 16, 1954. 12 pp. mimeo.
Constitutions, Electoral Laws and Other Legal Instru-
550
ments Relating to PoUtical Rights of Women.
Memorandum liy the Secretary-General. A/2692.
August 18, 1954. 52 pp. mimeo.
Election of Five Members of the International Court of
Justice. List of Candidates Nominated by the
National Groups. Note by the Secretary-General.
A/2695. S/32S1. August 20, 1954. 36 pp. mimeo.
Appointments To Fill Vacancies in the Membership of
Subsidiary Bodies of the General Assembly. United
Nations Administrative Tribunal. Note by the Sec-
retary-General. A/2699. August 23, 1954. 2 pp.
mimeo.
Questions Relating to Economic Development. Memo-
randum by the Secretary-General. A/2702. August
23, 1954. 3 pp. mimeo.
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly: Item
Proposed by Greece. Application, Under the Aus-
pices of the United Nations, of the Principle of Equal
Rights and Self-Detennination of Peoples in the Case
of the Population of the Island of Cyprus. Letter
dated 16 August 1954 to the Secretary-General from
the President of the Council of Ministers of Greece.
A/2703. August 20, 1954. 7 pp. mimeo.
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly : Item Pro-
posed by Burma. Complaint by the Union of Burma
Regarding Aggression Against it by the Government
of the Republic of China. Letter dated 20 August
1954 from the Permanent Representative of Burma
to the United Nations, addressed to the Secretary-
General. A/2704. August 20, 1954. 2 pp. mimeo.
Freedom of Information: Report of the Economic and
Social Council. Note by the Secretary -General.
A/2705. August 23, 1954. 2 pp. mimeo.
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly : Item Pro-
posed by Australia. Admission to the United Nations
of Laos and Cambodia. Cablegram dated 22 August
1954 from the Minister for External Affairs of
Australia, addressed to the Secretary-General.
A/2709. August 23, 1954. 1 p. mimeo.
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly : Item Pro-
posed by Costa Rica. Establishment of a World Food
Reserve. Letter dated 22 August 1954 from the
Permanent Representative of Costa Rica to the United
Nations, addressed to the Secretary-General.
A/2710. August 23, 1954. 7 pp. mimeo.
Disarmament Commission
Letter Dated 22 July 1954 from the Representative of
India to the Chairman of the Disannament Com-
mission. DC/54, July 23, 1954. 1 p. mimeo.
Fourth Report of the Disarmament Commission. DC/55,
July 29, 19.54. 9 pp. mimeo.
Security Council
Report by the Chief of Staff of the Truce Supervision
Organization to the Secretary-General C<mcerning
the Jerusalem Incident. S/3278. August 6, 1954.
27 pp. mimeo.
Deparfment of State Bulletin
October 11, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 798
American Repuhllca. U.S. Kelatloiis Wlih Latin Araerlra (Bohan) . 535
Aslii. Foreign Kolatlons Volume m
Auairla. Austria Thanks U.S. for Gift of Fodder Corn MO
Canada
Bill To Control Ixsvol of Lake Michigan Vetoed (Elsenhower) .... 531)
U.S., Canada Agree on Need for Distant Early Warning Line .... S39
Omgreas, The. Dill To Control Level of Lake Michigan Vetoed
(Elsenhower) 539
Economic Affairs
Cooreratlng To Improve Free World's Economy (Humphrey, Elsen-
hower) 548
Pormid Opening of U.S.-Phlllpplne Trade Talks 542
Negotiations on UevLslon of Philippine Trade .Agreement .Ml
D. S. Relations With Latin America (Bohan) 535
Edncallonal Exchange. Department Engages AXT.\ 543
Eurupv
Asrcement on Uestoratlon of German Sovereignty and German A.vso-
i iiitlon With Western Defense System (text of Final .\ct of London
Conference and statements by Dulles) 515
Text of 194S Brussels Pact 628
Foreign Scrrice
ConsiilLir Ollices 544
First Foreign Service OIHcers Under New Program Take Oath ... 544
Legation In Libya Elevated to Embassy 544
Recess Appointments (Hill, Tappln, Woodward) 544
France. U.S.-French Talks on Indochina (text of communique) . . 534
Gcmiany
Agreement on Restoration of German Sovereignty and German Asso-
ciation With Western Defense System (text of Final Act of London
Conference and statements by Dulles) 515
The American Memorial Library — A Monument to the Spirit of
Berlin (Conant) 531
Haiti. Visit of President Maglolre 538
Indochina. U.S.-French Talks on Indochina (text of communique) . 634
International Organizations and Meetings. Cooperating To Improve
Free World's Economy (Uumphrey. Elsenhower) 548
Japan. Loss of Americans and Japanese in Hakodate Typhoon (texts
of messages) s-ll
Libya. Legation in Libya Elevated to Embassy 544
Mutual Secorily
Agreement on Restoration of German Sovereignty and German Asso-
ciation With Western Defense System (text of Final Act of London
Conference and statements by Dulles) 515
U. S., Canada .\eree on Need for Distant Early Warning Line. ... 539
Philippines, The
Formal Opening of U.S.-Phillpplne Trade Talks 542
Negotiations on Revision of Philippine Trade Agreement Ml
Presidential Documents. BlU To Control Level of Lake Michigan
\etocJ 539
Publications
Foreign Relations Volume 544
Recent Releases 546
U. N. Documents 549
Slate, Department of. Understanding U.S. Foreign Policy (Smith) . 530
Treaty InTomiation
Agreement on Restoration of German Sovereignty and German Asso-
ciation With Western Defense System (text of Final Act of London
Conference and statements by Dulles) 615
Traaly Informallon— Oontlnuod
Current Actions 543
Formal Oiwnlng of U.S. •I'hlllpplno Trade Talks 542
Negotiations on Itcvlsiiin of Phlltppino Trade Agreement Ml
Text of IU48 Brussels Pact 628
Dolled Nallons. Current U. N. Dooumonts 64l>
Name Indtx
Bohan, Merwln L .' 535
Conant, Jamo8 B 631
Dulio.'!, Secretary 619,623,633
Eden, Anthony 626
Ki.sonhowor, President 519, M9
Faure, Edgar 634
Hill, Robert 0 M4
Humphrey, George M M8
Kolly, F. Patrick S'l
Kocrnor, Tlwodor 640
LaOhambre, Guy 534
I.aur.'l, Jiis6 P 542
Maglolre, Paul 638
Pearson, Lester B 526
Robertson, Walter S M2
Smith, Walter Bedell 630,634,M1
Tappin, John L 544
Woodward, Robert F M4
Yoshida, Shigeru 541
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 27-October 3
Releases may be obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Wasliington 2.'5, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to September 27 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 511
of September 16, 51G of September 20, 518 of Sep-
tember 21, and 532 of September 25.
Subject
East German refugees.
Note on Noel Fields.
Note on Hermaun Field.
Educational exchange.
Educational exchange.
Notice on Philippine trade hearings.
Correspondence with Yoshida.
Contract with .\NTA.
U.S.-French talks on Indochina.
First FSO's under new program.
Educational exchange.
Smith : Retirement statement.
Barbour : International Peasant Union.
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
•534
9/27
t535
9/28
t536
9/28
♦537
9/28
•538
9/28
539
9/28
540
9/28
541
9/29
542
9/29
543
9/30
•544
10/1
545
10/1
t546
10/2
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Intervention of International
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Publication 5556
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Nearly 100 pages of official statements and documents tell the
story of the recent intervention of the international Communist
movement in Guatemala.
Part One of this publication consists of statements by Secre-
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\ I SiTP gether with the Caracas Declaration of Solidarity and U.S.
y lulw Senate Concurrent Resolution 91, reaffirming United States
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Part Two represents a case history of a bold attempt on the
part of international communism to get a foothold in the West-
ern Hemisphere by gaining control of the political institutions
of an American Republic. The situation in Guatemala has
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Copies may be purchased from the Superintendent of Docu-
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Vol. XXXI, No. 799
October 18, 1954
FOUR-POWER AGREEMENT ON TRIESTE 555
THE DEFENSE OF EUROPE: A PROGRESS REPORT •
by Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther 562
EUROPEAN COMMAND REPORTS ON OFFSHORE
PROCUREMENT PROGRAM 567
PROBLEIMS IN THE FAR EAST • by Everett F. Drumright . 571
THE CONCEPT OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN
AMERICAN THOUGHT • by Waltvorth Barbour .... 576
For index see inside back cover
"■«»«• o»
^^-^^^. bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 799 • Publication 5616
October 18, 1954
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approved by the Director of the Bureau of
the Budget (January 22, 1962).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
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special articles on various phases of
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Publications of the Department, as
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Four-Power Agreement on Trieste
PreBs release 554 dated October 5
ANNOUNCEMENT OF AGREEMENT
At noon today in London a Memorandum of
Undei-standing on Trieste was initialed by repre-
sentatives of the Governments of the United
States, the United Kingdom, Italy and Yugo-
slavia. Llewellyn E. Thompson, United States
Ambassador to Austria, initialed the Memo-
randum of t'nderstanding for the United States
and Mr. Geoffrey Harrison. Assistant Under-Sec-
retary of State in the British Foreign Office, in-
itialed for the United Kingdom. The Ambassa-
doi-s of Italy and Yugoslavia in London, Signer
Manlio Brosio and Dr. Vladimir Velebit, initialed
the document for their two Governments. The
text of the Memorandum of LTnderstanding is
being communicated to the Security Council of
the United Nations.
Today's initialing came as a successfid conclu-
sion to conversations among the four Govermnents
which have been carried on for eight months in
an endeavor to work out arrangements for the
Free Territory' of Trieste wliich would be accept-
able to the Governments of Italy and Yugoslavia.
The United States Government welcomes the
understanding reached today which it believes will
lead to improved relations and closer cooperation
between Italy and Yugoslavia. The United
States Government takes this opportunity to de-
clare it will give no support to claims of either
Yugoslavia or Italy to territory under the sov-
ereignty or administration of the other. The
United States Goverimient is confident that it will
be possible for the two countries to resolve any
outstanding problems by friendly negotiations in a
sjiirit of mutual understanding.
Arrangements are being made for the early
termination of Allied Military Government, the
withdrawal of American and British forces from
the area under their occupation and the assump-
tion by Italy and Yugoslavia of responsibility in
the areiis as defined by the agi'eement initialed
today.
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS
Identical Letters From Mr. Harrison and
Mr. Thompson to Ambassador Brosio
My Government refers to the decision recorded
in the Memorandum of Understanding of the 5th
of October, 19.54 between the Govemments of
Italy, the United Kingdom, the United States and
Yugoslavia by the terms of which responsibility
for the area of the Free Territory of Trieste ad-
ministered by the United Kingdom-United States
Military Govermnent will be relinquished by it and
assumed by Italy. In order to assure that the ter-
mination of Military Government and the assump-
tion of administration by Italy as well as the
withdrawal of United Kingdom and United States
troops and entry of Italian troops take place
promptly and smoothly, it is proposed that the
Italian Government designate a representative to
meet at an early date with the Commander of
the United Kingdom-United States Zone to formu-
late the pertinent arrangments. My Government
hopes to be able to carry out these steps within one
month of the date of initialling of the Memoran-
dum of Understanding.
Identical Letters From Ambassador Brosio to
Mr. Harrison and Mr. Thompson
It gives me pleasure to acknowledge, etc. etc.,
My Government has designated General Ed-
moudn de Renzi as its representative to meet with
Ocfober 18, 7954
555
Statement by Secretary Dulles
on Trieste Agreement
Press release 553 dated October 5
Ever since the enil of the war there has been
controversy as to the status of the Trieste area.
The United States as one of the occupying powers
has had a responsibility in this matter. It had
become urgent to arrive at a settlement because
the lacli of a settlement has created strain between
two Governments — Italy and Yugoslavia — and made
it difficult to develop a solid and dependable col-
lective defense of Southern Europe.
Now at last this difficult problem is to be settled
as the result of many months of negotiations. The
United States and the United Kingdom have in this
matter extended their good offices to enable the
Italian and Yugoslav Governments to come to a
mutually satisfactory solution. This settlement
will restore to Italy the city of Trieste and the
surrounding area and will allow the retention by
Yugo.slavia of that portion of the Free Territory
of which it is the occupying power and where the
people are predominantly Yugoslav. The agree-
ment includes provision for the protection of
minorities.
The United States hails this gratifying demon-
stration of the will for peace showing itself
through deeds. The problem has been one of great
complexity, which defied solution for 9 years. But
it has now yielded to the broad statesmanship
which has been put to work upon it. This event
will, we hope, open a new era which will bring
political tranquillity to the peoples directly in-
volved and greater security to all of the free nations
of Europe.
The solution of this matter reflects credit upon
many. I am confident, however, that none will
question the outstanding contribution to a settle-
ment which was made by United States Ambassador
L. E. Thompson and Mr. Geoffrey Harrison, United
Kingdom Assistant Under-Secretary of State, who
dealt with this matter continuously for 8 months.
U.S. Deputy Under Secretary Robert D. Murphy,
on his recent trip to Europe, composed the small
but stubborn remaining differences.
the Commander of the United Kingdom-United
States Zone of the Free Territory of Trieste to
formuhite the arrangements for the change in ad-
ministration in that area of the Free Territory of
Trieste for which Italy will assume responsibility.
It is understood that as soon as the boundary ad-
justments have been carried out the entry of
Italian troops will take place at the time specified
in these arrangements and simultaneously with
the final withdrawal of British and American
forces and the assumption of responsibility by
Italy.
MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN
THE GOVERNMENTS OF ITALY, THE UNITED
KINGDOM, THE UNITED STATES AND YUGO-
SLAVIA REGARDING THE FREE TERRITORY
OF TRIESTE
1. Owing to the fact that it has proved impos-
sible to put into effect the provisions of the Italian
Peace Treaty relating to the Free Territory of
Trieste, the Governments of the United Kingdom,
the United States and Yugoslavia have main-
tained since the end of the war military occupa-
tion and government in Zones A and B of the
Territory. When the Treaty was signed, it was
never intended that these responsibilities should
be other than temporary and the Governments of
Italy, the United Kingdom, the United States and
Yugoslavia, as the countries principally con-
cerned, have recently consulted together in order
to consider how best to bring the present unsatis-
factory situation to an end. As a result they have
agreed upon the following practical arrangements.
2. As soon as this Memorandimi of Under-
standing has been initialled and the boundary ad-
justments provided by it have been carried out,
the Governments of the United Kingdom, the
United States and Yugoslavia will terminate mili-
tary government in Zones A and B of the Terri-
tory. The Governments of the United Kingdom
and the United States will withdraw their mili-
tary forces from the area north of the new bound-
ary and will relinquish the administration of that
area to the Italian Government. The Italian and
Yugoslav Governments will forthwith extend
their civil administration over the area for which
they will have responsibility.
3. The boundary adjustments referred to in
paragraph 2 will be carried out in accordance with
the map at Annex I.' A preliminary demarca-
tion will be carried out by representatives of Al-
lied Military Government and Yugoslav Military
Government as soon as this ]SIemorandum of Un-
derstanding has been initialled and in any event
within three weeks from the date of initialling.
The Italian and Yugoslav Goveniments will im-
' Not printed. The map reproduced here was especially
prepared for the Kulletin.
556
Department of State Bulletin
10719 6-47 iftrv'Md 10 M)
mediately appoint a Boundary Commission to ef-
fect a more precise demarcation of the boundary
in accordance with the map at Annex I.
4. The Italian and Yugoslav Governments agree
to enforce the Special Statute contained in Annex
II.
5. The Italian Govermnent undertakes to main-
tain the Free Port at Trieste in general accord-
ance with the provisions of Articles 1-20 of Annex
VIII of the Italian Peace Treaty.^
6. The Italian and Yugoslav Governments agree
that they will not undertake any legal or ad-
ministrative action to prosecute or discriminate
against the person or property of any resident of
the areas coming under their civil administration
in accordance with this Memorandum of Under-
standing for past political activities in connexion
with the solution of the problem of the Free Ter-
ritory of Trieste.
7. The Italian and Yugoslav Governments agree
to enter into negotiations within a period of two
months from the date of initialling of this Memo-
randum of Understanding with a view to con-
cluding promptly an agreement regulating local
border traiBc, including facilities for the move-
ment of the residents of border areas by land and
by sea over the boundary for normal commercial
and other activities and for transport and commu-
nications. This agreement shall cover Trieste and
the area bordering it. Pending the conclusion
of such agreement, the competent authorities will
take, each within their respective competence, ap-
propriate measures in order to facilitate local
border traffic.
8. For a period of one year from the date of
initialling of this Memorandum of Undei-stand-
ing persons formerly resident ("pertinenti"-"zavi-
cajni") in the areas coming under the civil ad-
ministration either of Italy or of Yugoslavia shall
be free to return immediately thereto. Any jjer-
sons so returning, as also any such who have al-
ready returned, shall enjoy the same rights as the
other residents of these areas. Their properties
and assets shall be at their disposal, in accordance
with existing law, unless disposed of by them in
the meantime. For a period of two years from
the date of initialling of this Memorandum of
Understanding, persons f oi-merly resident in either
of these areas and who do not intend returning
thereto, and persons presently resident in either
area who decide within one year from the date of
initialling of this INIemorandum of Understand-
ing to give up such residence, shall be pennitted to
remove their movable property and transfer their
funds. No export or import duties or any other
tax will be imposed in connexion with the moving
of such property. Persons wherever resident who
decide to sell their movable and immovable prop-
erty within two years from the date of initialling
of this Memorandum of Understanding will have
the sums realised from the sale of such property
deposited in special accounts with the National
Banks of Italy or Yugoslavia. Any balance be-
tween these two accounts will be liquidated by the
two Governments at the end of the two year pe-
riod. Without prejudice to the immediate imple-
mentation of the provisions of this paragraph the
Italian and Yugoslav Governments undertake to
conclude a detailed agreement within six months
of the date of initialling of this Memorandum of
Understanding.
9. This Memorandum of Understanding will be
communicated to the Security Council of the
United Nations.^
L<iNix)N. the 5th of October, 195^.
Manlio Brosio
Geoffrey W. Harrison
Llewellyn E. Thompson
Dr. Vladimir Velebit
Annex II.
SPECIAL STATUTE
Whereas it is tlie common intention of the Italian and
Yugoslav Governments to ensure human rishts and funda-
mental freedoms witliout discrimination of race, sex, lan-
suage and religion in the areas coming under their
administration under the terms of the present Memoran-
dum of Understanding, it Is agreed :
1. In the administration of their resp<>ctive areas the
Italian and Yugoslav authorities shall act in accordance
witli the principles of the Universal Peclaration of Human
Rights adopted hy the General Assembly of the United
Nations on the 10th of December, 1948, so that all inhabi-
tants of the two areas without discrimination may fully
enjoy the fundamental rights and freedoms laid down
in the al'oresaid Dcchiration.
2. The members of the Yugoslav ethnic group in the
'Department of State publication 2!)6().
^ Transmitted to the President of the Security Council
on Oct. 5 and circulated as U.N. doc. S/;!:«)l.
558
Department of State Bulletin
nrea iiiliiiiiiislonMl by Italy iiiul tlio iiieiiibors of tlio Itnliau
ethnic Kronp in tlie nrea administered by Ytigoslavia shall
enjoy eiiiiality of rij-'hts and treatment with the other
inhabitants of the two areas.
This equality implies tlint they shall enjoy:
(a) eqnality with other eitizens rei;ardinK i>oliti<'al and
civil risihts as well as other Imiiian rit;l>ts and
fundamental friH-doins fiuaranteed by Article 1 ;
(b) e<]ual rii-'hts in acquiring or i>erforining any public
services, functions, professions and honours ;
(c) equality of access to public and administrative
office: in this regard the Italian and Yugoslav ad-
ministrations will be guided by the iirinciple of
facilitating for the Yugoslav ethnic group and for
the Italian ethnic grouj), respectively, under their
administration a fair representation in adminis-
trative positions, and especially in those fields,
such as the inspectorate of schools, where tie
interests of such inhabitants are particularly
involvetl ;
(d) equality of treatment in following their trade or
profession in agriculture, commerce, industry or
any other field, and in organising and operating
economic associations and organisations for this
purpose. Such equality of treatment shall concern
also taxation. In this regard persons now engaged
in a trade or profession who do not possess the
requisite diploma or certificate for carrying on such
activities, shall have four years from the date of
initialling of the present Memorandum of Under-
standing within which to acquire the necessary
diploma or certificate. They will not be prevented
from exercising their trade or profession because
of failure to have the requisite documents unless
they have failed to acquire them within the afore-
mentioned four year i)eriod ;
(e) equality of treatment in the use of languages as
defined in Article 5 below ;
(f) equality with other citizens in the general field of
social assistance and pensions (sickness benefits,
old age and disability pensions including disabili-
ties resulting from war, and pensions to the de-
pendents of those killed in war).
3. Incitement to national and racial hatred in the two
areas is forbidden and any such act shall be punished.
4. The ethnic character and the unhampered cultural
development of the Yugoslav ethnic grou|) in the Italian
administered area and of the Italian ethnic group in the
Yugoslav administered area shall be safeguarded.
(a) They shall enjoy the right to their own press in
their mother tongue;
(b) the educational, cultural, social and sports organi-
sations of both groups shall be free to function in
accordance with the existing laws. Such organi-
sations shall be granted the same treatment as those
accorded to other corresponding organisations in
their respective areas, especially as regards the
use of public buildings and radio and assistance
from public financial means; and the Italian and
Yugoslav authorities will endeavour to ensure to
such organisations the continued u.s<' of the faclU-
lies they now enjoy, or of comparable facilities;
(c) Uindergarleii, primary, swondaiy and |irofessloual
school teaching in the mother tongue shall be ac-
iiirdcd to both groups. Such scIuhiIs shall be main-
tained in all localities in the Italian administered
area where there are children members of the
Yugo.slav ethnic group, and in all localities in the
Yugoslav administered area where there are chil-
dren members of the Italian ethnic group. Tlie
Italian and Y'ugoslav Governments agree to main-
tain the existing schools as set out in the list at-
tached hereto for tlie ethnic groups in the area
under their administration and will consult in the
Mixed Committee provided for in the final Article
of this Statute before closing any of these schools.
Such schools shall enjoy equality of treatment
with other .schools of the same type in the area ad-
ministered, resiwctively, by Italy and Yugoslavia
as regards provision of textbooks, buildings and
other material means, the number and position of
teachers and the recognition of diplomas. The
Italian and Yugoslav authorities shall endeavour
to ensure that the teaching in such schools will
be performed by teachers of the same mother tongue
as the pupils.
The Italian and Y'ugoslav authorities will
promptly introduce whatever legal prescriptions
may he necessary so that the permanent organisa-
tion of such schools will be regulated in accordance
with the foregoing provisions. Italian speaking
teachers, who on the date of the initialling of the
present Memorandum of Understanding are em-
ployed as teachers in the e<lucational system of the
Yugoslav administered area and Slovene speaking
teachers who <m the said date are employed as
teachers in the educational system of the Italian
administered area shall not be dismissed from their
positions for the reason that they do not possess
the requisite teaching diploma. This extraordi-
nary provision shall not be used as a precedent or be
claimed to apply to any ca.ses other than the cate-
gories specified above. Within the framework of
their existing laws the Yugoslav and Italian author-
ities will take all reasonable measures to give the
aforementioned teachers an opimrtunity, as pro-
vided in Article 2 (d) above, to qualify for the same
status as regular members of the teaching staff.
The educational programiues of such schools must
not be directed at interfering with the national
character of the pupils.
5. Members of the Yugoslav ethnic group in the area
administered by Italy and memliers of the Italian ethnic
group in the area administered by Yugoslavia shall be
free to use their language in their jiersonal and oflicial re-
lations with the administrative and judicial authorities of
the two areas. They shall have the right to receive from
the authorities a reply in the same language; in verbal
replies, either directly or through an interpreter: in cor-
respondence, a translation of the replies at least is to be
provided by the authorities.
October J 8, J 954
559
Public documents concerning members of these etlmic
groups, including court sentences, shall be accompanied
by a translation in the appropriate language. The same
shall apply to official announcements, public proclamations
and publications.
In the area under Italian administration inscriptions on
public institutions and the names of localities and streets
shall be in the language of the Yugoslav ethnic group as
well as in the language of the administering authority in
those electoral districts of the Commune of Trieste and in
those other communes where the members of that ethnic
group constitute a significant element (at least one
quarter) of the poinilation; in those communes in the
area under Yugoslav administration where the members
of the Italian ethnic group are a significant element (at
least one quarter) of the population such inscriptions and
names shall be in Italian as well as in the language of the
administering authority.
6. The economic development of the Yugoslav ethnic
population in the Italian administered area and of the
Italian ethnic population in the Yugoslav administered
area shall be secured without discrimination and with a
fair distribution of the available financial means.
7. No change should be made in the boundaries of the
basic administrative units in the areas which come under
the civilian administration of Italy or Yugoslavia with a
view to prejudicing the ethnic composition of the units
concerned.
8. A special Mixed Yugoslav-Italian Committee shall be
established for tlie purpose of assistance and consultation
concerning prolUems relating to the protection of the
Yugoslav ethnic group in the area under Italian adminis-
tration and of the Italian ethnic group in the area under
Yugoslav administration. The Committee shall also
examine complaints and questions raised by individuals
belonging to the respective ethnic groups concerning the
implementation of this Statute.
The Yugoslav and Italian Governments shall facilitate
visits by the Committee to the area under their administra-
tion and grant it every facility for carrying out its
responsibilities.
Both Governments undertake to negotiate forthwith
detailed regulations governing the functioning of the
Committee.
London, the 5th of October, 1954.
Manlio Brosio
Dr. Vladimib Velebit
List of Existing Schools
Referred to in Article 4 (e) of Annex II
(Special Statute) of Memorandum of Understanding
I. Slovene Schools presently funclioning in the area coming
under the adminislralion uf Italy in accordance with the
Memorandum of Understanding
1. Kindergartens
a) Municipality of Trieste (Trst) :
Barcola (Barkovlje) Via San Fortunato 1,
Gretta (Greta)
San Giovanni (Sv. San Giacomo (Sv. Jakob)
Ivan)
Servola (Skedenj) San Saba (Sv. Sobota)
560
Longera (Lonjer) Basovizza (Bazovica)
Trebieiano (Trebce) Villa Opieina (Opcine)
S. Croce (3v. Kriz) Prosecco (Prosek)
b) Commune of Duino-Aurisina (Devin-Nabrezin i •
Malchina (Mavhinje) Duino (Devin)
Aurisina (Nabrezina)
c) Commune of Sgonico (Zgonik) :
Sgonico (Zgonik) Gabrovizza (Gabrovica )
d) Commune of Monrupino (Repentabor) :
Monrupino (Repentabor)
e) Commune of S. Dorligo della Valle (Dolina) :
S. Dorligo d. Valle Bagnoli della Rosandra
(Dolina) (Boljunec)
S. Antonio in Bosco Domio (Domjo)
(Borst)
2. Elementary Schools
a) Municipality of Trieste (Trst) :
S. Giacomo (Sv. Via S. Francesco (Ul. Sv
Jakob) Franciska)
Via Donadoni (Ul. Servola (Skedenj)
Donadoni)
Cattinara (Katinara) Rioano (Rojan)
S. Anna (Sv. Ana) S. Giovanni (Sv. Ivan)
Barcola (Barkovlje) Villa Opieina (Opcine)
Prosecco (Prosek) S. Croce (Sv. Kriz)
Trebieiano (Trebce) Gropada (Gropada)
Basovizza (Bazovica)
b) Commune of Duino-Aurisina (Devin-Nabrezina)
Aurisina (Nabrezinaj Sistiana (Sesljan)
Duino (Devin) S. Giovanni di Duino
(Stivan)
Medeazza (Medja Ceroglie (Cerovlje)
vas)
Malchina (Mavhinje) Slivia (Slivno)
S. Pelaggio (Sem-
polaj)
c) Commune of Sgonico (Zgonik) :
Sales (Salez) Gabrovizza (Gabrovica)
Sgonico (Zgonik)
d) Commune of Monrupino (Repentabor): Mon-
rupino (Repentabor)
e) Commune of San Dorligo della Valle (Dolina):
S. Dorligo della Valle Bagnoli della Rosandra
(Dolina) (Boljunec)
S. Antonio in Bosco S. Giuseppe della Chiusa
(Borst) (Ricmanje)
Domio (Domjo) Caresana (Mackovlje)
Pese (Pesek)
f) Commune of Muggia (Milje) :
Stramare (Stramar) S. Barbara (Sv. Barbara)
3. Professional Schools and Courses
a) Municipality of Trieste (Trst) :
Industrial Professional School at Roiano (Rojan)
Industrial Professional School at S. Giovanni
(Sv. Ivan)
Two-Ycar Industrial Professional Course at
Villa Opieina (Opcine)
Two- Year Commercial Professional Course at
Prosecco (Prosek)
Two-Y'ear Commercial Professional Course at
Cattinara (Katinara)
Professional Cour.se at S. Croce (Sv. Kriz)
b) Commune of Duino-Aurisina (Devin-Nabrezina) :
Two-Year Industrial Professional Course at
Aurisina (Nabrezina)
c) Commune of S. Dorligo della Valle (Dolina) :
Two- Year Industrial Professional Course at S.
Dorligo d. Valle (Dolina)
The above-mentioned professional courses shall
be changed into professional schools in accord-
ance with the Italian law.
Department of State Bulletin
4. Secondary SchooU— Trieste (Tret) :
Junior Higli Scliool
Via (lolie Scuole Nuove-S. Giacomo (Sv. Jakob)
Senior High School
Via I.iuzarctto Vecchio, 9
State Teachers' School
Piazzale Gioherti— S. Giovanni (Sv. Ivan)
Commercial Academy
Piaz/.ale Gioberti, S. Giovanni (Sv. Ivan)
II. llalian Schools presently functioning in the area coming
under the adminislralion of Yugoslnvia in accordance
with the Alemorandum of Understanding
1. Kindergartens
Kopar (Capodistria)
2. Italian classes in Kindergartens in:
Izola (Isola d'lstria) Secovlje (Sicciole)
Piran (Pirano) Novigrad (Cittanova)
Bujc (Buie) Umag (Umago)
3. Elementary Schools
Umag (Umago)
Kostajnica (Castagna)
Kopar (Capodistria)
Sv. Lucija (S. Lucia)
Buje (Buie)
Momjan (Momiano)
Izola (Isola d'lstria)
Semedela (Semedella)
»
Brtonigla (Verteneglio)
Novigrad (Cittanova)
Piran (Pirano)
Secovlje (Siccioh)
Groznjan (Grisignana)
Sv. Nikolai (S. Nicolo)
Prade (Prade)
Strunjan (Strignano)
4. Professional Schools
Kopar (Capodistria)
Izola (Isola d'lstria)
Secovlje (Sicciole)
Buje (Buie)
Umag (Umago)
Novigrad (Cittanova)
Italian Division of Trade School for Girls
(Three year course) at Kopar (Capodistria)
5. Secondary Schools
Classical High School (eight years)
Kopar (Capodistria)
Scientific High School (eight years) Piran (Pirano)
Commercial Technical School (two years) Deola
(Isola d'lstria)
MESSAGES FROM SECRETARY DULLES TO
ITALIAN AND YUGOSLAV FOREIGN MINISTERS
Secretary Dulles to Foreign Minister Gaetano
Martina of Italy
Press release 556 dated October 6
On the occasion of the announcement of agree-
ment on Trieste I wish to convey to yon and your
representatives who dealt with this issue my pro-
found <rratification at the successful outcome of
tiie London negotiations. This accord is proof in-
deed of what can be achieved through cooperation
and understanding when there exists a sincere de-
sire to find a solution to an involved interna-
tional problem.
Tliis agreement is a real achievement of states-
mansliip which should assist substantially in the
development of greater security in Southeastern
Europe against any i)ossible encroaciunent. I am
sure tiuit you share with me the hoi)e that this
accord will foster tlie enhancement of peace and
tlie well-being of the peoples of Europe.
Secretary Dulles to Foreign Minister Koca Popo-
vic of Yugoslavia
Press release 557 dated October 6
On the occasion of tlie announcement of agree-
ment on the Trieste question, I wish to convey to
you and your representatives who dealt with this
issue my profound gratification at the successfid
outcome of the London negotiations. I wish to
congratulate you and them on the patience and
understanding shown.
This accord is an excellent demonstration of
what can be achieved through cooperation and
understanding when tiiere exists a sincere desire
to find a solution to a difficult international prob-
lem. It is a real achievement of statesmanship
and lays a firmer foundation for cooperation
among free nations to increase tlieir mutual secu-
rity and welfare. In addition to these improved
general prospects the settlement of this issue also
opens the way to concrete and forward looking
steps in the solution of economic and military
problems in which your country and mine have a
conunon concern.
Herbert Hoover, Jr., Assumes
Office as Under Secretary
Press release 549 dated October 4
Following is the text of a statetnent made hy
Herbert Hoover, Jr., upon assuming office as
Under Secretary of State 07i October 4-
It is with a deep sense of responsibility that I
undertake the duties of the Under Secretary of
State at the invitation of President Eisenhower
and of yourself [i.e. Secretary Dulles].
I want you to know tliat 1 feel that it is a very
great honor to join with the many membei-s of the
Department and of tlic Foreign Service wlio have
dedicated themselves to the service of our country
in these difficult times. And I particularly feel
that it is a great privilege to serve under you in
the constructive leadership which you are giving
so actively to our foreign policy.
October ?8, T954
561
The Defense of Europe: A Progress Report
hy Gen. Alfred M, Gruenther
Supreme Commander, Allied Powers Europe '
As you probably know, my assignment calls f or
the defense of Europe, from the northern tip of
Norway to the eastern bordei-s of Turkey, a dis-
tance of some 4,000 miles. My purpose this
evening is to give you a progress report on how
we are doing in Europe.
The day before yesterday, I left Germany —
Northern Germany — where I had attended 4 days
of maneuvers. The maneuvei-s that we have had
this year are the largest we have had since General
Eisenhower came to Europe in the early part of
1951. And I can say that they were also the most
successful maneuvers that we have staged. I
spent 2 days with General Hoge, of the Central
Army Group, which was largely an American-
French maneuver, and a clay and a half with Gen-
eral Gale of the Northern Army Group — General
Gale being a British Commander. It was a two-
sided maneuver that had as the commander on one
side a Belgian Commander and under liim two
Belgian divisions, a Canadian brigade, American
troops, atomic artillery, and British troops. On
the opposing side was a Netherlands Commander
with British troops, Netherlands troops, and some
American troops, and, again, atomic artillery.
That maneuver is the most successful one we
have had, and the improvement in the functioning
of our troops was very marked over what it was
7 years ago and very obvious over what it was a
year ago. As you may have read in the press,
the atomic side was played very extensively. In
the tactical use of the atomic bomb, atomic bombs
wei-o dropped from airplanes and also projected
'Address mado before the National Security Industrial
Association at New Yorli, N. Y., on Sept. 29.
from atomic artillery. It is still too early to eval-
uate the lessons of the maneuver, but it is clear
that we are on the threshold of a new type of
warfare which is going to change, to a consider-
able extent, tactics and organization. However,
having said that, I also should like to reiterate that
it does not change the necessity for the troops on
the ground or the so-called tactical air support
which you know so well.
I'd like now to move to our general progress in
tlie North Atlantic Treaty Organization from the
standpoint of buildup of our forces, starting with
the time when General Eisenhower arrived in
January 1951. Now he found, when he arrived in
Europe, a very low state of morale. You will re-
call at that time that we were about to be ejected
from the Korean peninsula. And in Europe it-
self, the new and better world which we had been
led to believe was going to follow the last war
had given way, as a result of incidents in Europe
and throughout the world, to the stark realism
that Soviet imperialism was again on the march.
General Eisenhower found precious few troops.
But what was woi-se still was that there was no
way to use the troops that he did have, no way to
employ those resources in a common strategj'.
Now, some 3% years later, that situation has
changed considerably. We now have, division-
wise, between 90 and 100 divisions. Not all of
those are D-day divisions; some are D plus 15, some
are D plus ?M. But they constitute a very sub-
stantial force. In the field of aircraft — air forces
— the increase lias been even greater, although
that still happens to be one of our greatest short-
ages. We feel that as of now we still do not have
enough to meet an all-out act of Soviet aggression
successfully, and that is why we have asked our
562
Department of State Bulletin
|M)liticiil siiperioi-s, the North Athintic Council, to
furnish nunv troops. And ono ideinent of that
iiilditional stren<;tii iuis couu' In I he (juostion of
German forces.
Tlie second element, as we move ahead, is that it
will take, from the time of decision, approximately
2 yeai-s until we have Germai\ firoiuul forces, and
approximately 3 years until we have Gennan tac-
tical air forces. So we are actually moving our
planning cycle ahead for a period about .'5 yeai-s
hence. And we say that, as of that time, if we do
have that German contribution and if we are able
to use atomic bombs against an act of aggression, if
it should take place, we will have a reasonably
good chance of defending Europe successfully
against an all-out act of Soviet aggression. Those
two conditions, however, must be met.
Now, of the status of the fii-st one you are well
aware, namely, that after 7 years of consideration,
a project for bringing the German troops into use
for the defense of Europe was rejected by the
French Parliament, and the nine foreign ministers
are meeting in London right now — they finished
their session this evening. It's now- a few minutes
after 3 o'clock in the morning in I-(ondon, and
those foreign ministers are sleeping, I hope peace-
fully, getting ready for the session which starts
again tomorrow morning at 11 o'clock. This is
an extremely important session. It's vital that
the nine foreign ministers meeting reach a solu-
tion on this critical problem.
France and EDC
Having said that, I should like to spend a mo-
ment so that you will understand why the French
Parliament rejected the Edc. The idea of
Edc — the European Defense Community — was to
make a German contribution available for the de-
fense of Europe. But, since that is more of a po-
litical problem than a military problem, that new
organization had to be backed by a political frame-
work, and the framework was to be the European
Defense Community — a move toward a united
Europe with only six countries participating:
France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg,
Italy, and AVestern (iermany. The French Parlia-
ment decided that united concept, that federal con-
cept, if you will, was premature. But it is well
that you understand that most of the people in
France, and a great many of the people who vot^-d
against tiiis in the Parliament, were not against
German rearmament as such. They were against
that particular vehicle for bringing Gennan
rearmament into being; and the part that they ob-
jected to was this federalization, or, as it has been
described in Eiiroix', tlie supernational aspe<'t of
the European Defense Conununity Treaty. I
bring that up because there has been considerable
misundei-staiiding that thi' French are against
German rearmament.
Now there are many French wJio are against it,
and T think you should know why they are against
it because, whether you agree or not, I feel tliat it
is essential in this alliance that we understand
the point of view of the other man. You know well
that France and (Jermany have had three wai-s in
the last 80 years. You know that there was a large
resistance movement in France against the Ger-
mans during the war and that created a great
amount of bitterness. You may not know that
there were 700,000 French laborei-s deported to
Germany, and many of them felt that they had a
very mihappy existence. In addition to that, there
were 240,000 of the so-called upper classes who
were shipped to Germany and spent considerable
time in prisons like Dachau and Buchenwald, and
of that grouj), over 100,000 failed to return. So
it is not difficult to see that there is a considerable
amount of bitterness still existing on this subject.
And in case you are inclined to be impatient of
bitterness, I would recall to you that, after our own
Civil War, the last state that came back into the
Union i-eturned in 1877 — 12 years after the end of
that war — and the bitterness did not end then.
Those were people that we knew, that spoke the
same language and were very good friends.
So if you consider the idea of bitterness, please
bear in mind that the French situation does have
a jwint that should be considered. I don't say
that, having considered it, they should not have
passed Eiw, but I say that if we criticize them
we should undei-stand their side of the argument.
'\ATiat the solution is going to be at London it's
too early to say. I am sure of this — I am sure
Mr. Mendes-France, who is the French Premier,
is going with the determination to solve this
problem. I am sure that he is resolved to find an
arrangement for bringing the Gennans into an
organization where they will be able to contribute
to tiie defense of Europe. What, again, w-ill be the
means for that is a subject that is being negotiated
now, and it would not be ])rofitable to go into that
matter because the situation is extremely fluid.
October J 8, J 954
563
Use of Atomic Power
On the question of the second element, you'll
recall that I said that in order to defend Eui-ope
successfully we had to have a German contribution,
which I think we are going to get, and we must
also be able to use atomic bombs to repel an act of
aggression. Now, in attacking that problem, I
would like to tell you that this has been one of the
strongest points that the Soviet propaganda has
been directed against. The Soviets, if you will re-
call, starting more than 2 yeare ago, have been say-
ing, "We will agree to nothing in the way of dis-
armament unless atomic bombs are banned." You
will recall that, when the President made his
atomic-pool proposal last December the eighth, the
first answer of the Soviets was, "Yes, we shall
participate provided that there shall be a banning
of the atomic bomb."
"WHien the disarmament convention met in Lon-
don-— for about the fifth time in the last several
years — in May of this year, there was no agreement
because the Soviets said, "Yes, we'll consider dis-
armament if the atomic bomb is banned. That
must be the first thing." And that element is one
of the main points of the Soviet propaganda now.
Now you must understand, and I'm sure you
do — and you'll forgive me if I labor the point —
the Soviets are much more clever now than they
have ever been before in the way they are handling
their propaganda. We thought Uncle Joe was
tough — and he was. But the new regime, the
the triumvirate of Mr. Malenkov, Mr. Molotov,
and Mr. Khrushchev, is infinitely more clever and
infinitely more dangerous than Uncle Joe ever was.
We miglit even say we never had it so good as
under Uncle Joe. They are conducting a very
tough campaign, and to meet that we must realize
we are in the major leagues and are going to be in
the major leagues for some time.
Now, we feel that it would be a great error for
the West to agree to the banning of atomic bombs
because even with the German contribution we are
not going to be able to match the Soviets in the
field of conventional troops and conventional ar-
mament. And we are trying to redress that de-
ficiency by the use of the atomic bomb. Ob-
viously, if we cannot redress that, it changes the
picture very materially and very adversely.
Now a variant — although the Soviets have not
actually advanced this, but many of tlieir follow-
ers have — a variant of that is this, and this makes
an appeal, "Well, let's ban the atomic bomb ex-
cept in retaliation." Now, let's just examine that
for a second, and let's use the case of Dien-Bien-
Phu as an illustration.
At Dien-Bien-Phu, the Communists put 42,000
against 12,000. Normally 42,000 are going to beat
12,000, and they did in that case. If you agree to
use the atomic bomb only in retaliation, that would
mean that the side with the 12,000 could not use
it to redress this imbalance. The side with the
42,000 might never care to use it. If they could
win without it, why should they allow themselves
to be subjected to a retaliatory measure? So we
say — we, who are charged with a certain element
of planning for the defense of Europe — that it
would be to the disadvantage of the United States
and the other nations in Nato to agree to this
proposal of the Soviets.
Now that does not mean that we do not agree to
disarmament. If there is a safe and secure dis-
armament plan across the board which will make
war impossible, we are for that. But simply be-
cause atomic bombs do create casualties — and very
heavy casualties against women and children — is
no reason why we should become sentimental over
this question as to what weapons must be used.
The chore is to make war itself impossible. How-
ever, the Soviets are very clever on this, and in an
area which is very, very close to Soviet bombers
you can well understand the appeal that the cam-
paign is going to have. It isn't dangerous yet, and
I say that most of the people on the Continent are
not thinking about it very much. But sooner or
later they will, and sooner or later we are going to
have a real problem on our hands in the counter-
propaganda field. That brings me to my next
point and that is this question of ideas.
The Cold War
You gentlemen represent here a portion of
American industry, you and your predecessors,
wlio have made a tremendous contribution in
making America great. You were not worried —
or 3'our predecessors, the pioneers — about obsta-
cles, and you've made our country the strongest
and wealthiest country in the world. That's
created a type of psychology that the Americans
can do anj'thing. And in the field of production,
in tlie field in which you gentlemen are doing so
well, that is true.
But it does not follow that just because we can
564
Department of State Bulletin
get more bulklozors on a job and overcome all
difficulty, we are going to win the other struggle —
the struggle which is being waged very vigorously
now and is commonly known as the cold-war
struggle — the battle for men's minds, if you will.
And we are up against some very fine experts in
that field.
You gentlemen have made your success, in large
measure, not only by overcoming those obstacles
but by selling your products. And in that you
have appealed to the mind. Cei'tainly the talents
which you have put to use in advertising your
products could be put to use in woi-king in this
field, which, if anything, is even more important
than the military field. And make no mistake
about it, the Soviets are very, very clever in that
field, and they are beginning to do well, especially
since Comrade Stalin passed out of the picture.
They have a field which they are able to exploit
because the conditions, the social conditions, which
were so damaged during the war — and again take
France as an illustration, with its badly damaged
railroads and housing — and the social improve-
ment which would noi'mally come to a country-
have been delayed as a result of rearmament.
"\Miat is more logical than that the workmen, who
have had those benefits delayed, should show a
certain amount of resentment over continuing to
pay high taxes?
Just the day before yesterdaj^ — no, it was 2 days
before that — I met a painter, and that painter was
getting 28,000 francs a month. Twenty-eight
thousand francs a month is $80. He has to leave
his house at seven-thirty in the morning, and he
gets home at seven o'clock at night, and, somehow,
he seems to work on Saturdays. I'm not sure
about that, but he's always away on Saturday. He
has one child, he gets a little social security for
that, but his total pay is $110. Now, if he should
buy a ton of hard coal in France, which I assure
you he never does, it costs him $54. A pound of
butter costs him about 90 cents. Bread is cheaper,
rent is cheaper, a few things are cheaper than
they are here. But he lives a very tough existence.
He doesn't happen to be a Communist, this par-
ticular one, but 5 million like him are Communist
in France. Not that they know the slightest idea
about Marxism; not that they care. They are
talking about a social system, and the Communists
have been able to capitalize on that. But that is
the kind of audience that requires the kind of
leadership that we are going to have to exert in
order to overcome that situation.
Now in this country — and I see a great many
Americans — nniny of you here have been to our
headquarters — I know there is a growing impa-
tience about Europe and particularly about
France. And you have reasons to be exasperated,
I am sure. But will you please bear in mind, as
you become exasperated, that the one fellow who
is getting the advantage of that is Mr. Malenkov,
and he is sitting back chuckling all the time, be-
cause he hasn't even been smart enough to devise
some of these divisive influences. So, if we must
be tough with our allies, I hope we can do it in
sorrow rather than in anger. Because the most
important thing in this alliance — and the thing
which has been accepted by all of the 14 member
nations of 400 million people — is that we are not
going to w'in this struggle unless we do it together
and in common. Make no mistake about that.
From time to time there are advocates of the
"fortress America" theory. But just for the sake
of argument let us assume that you could prove
mathematically that you could win a war on the
"fortress America" concept — and I say "for the
sake of argument" because I don't admit it. But
I don't want to go into that. You don't win the
cold-war struggle by it, and that may be the one
that we're going to have with us for a generation
or two generations. If we lose that, then we have
lost everything.
So, as we consider these elements of military
strength, my plea to you is to consider the spiritual
side of it. The leadership of the United States is
of paramount importance in this struggle. You
hear, from time to time, that there is anti-Ameri-
canism in Europe. There is — not as much as you
hear. There would be a great fear if it were ever
indicated that the Americans were going to pull
out of Europe.
We hear from time to time from people who say,
"Well, let's work out a separate arrangement with
the Germans. You have said that the Germans
are important and necessary for the defense of
Europe." That is true. The other part, which
we didn't say, because it's based on the North
Atlantic Treaty, is that we also need France. So
the story is we must have both Germany and
France to defend Europe.
Now I recognize that this does not give you any
prescription as to what you're to do, and I can
October 78, 1954
565
only hide behind the wisecrack which "Will Rogers
made some years ago when he was talking about
the submarine problem. He said, "The submarine
problem is a simple one to solve. All you have to
do is bring the ocean to a boil, and, when the sub-
marine comes to the top, knock it off." Well,
somebody said, "Will, how do you get the ocean to
a boil?" "Well," he said, "I'm only defining the
general principle, the details are up to you."
And I'm leaving the details to you gentlemen
because it's a field that is primarily in the civilian
field and not in the military field.
To be just a little more si^ecific, however, than
Will was, I would say this : Certainly respect and
support of the leaders who are working in this
field is one of the paramount contributions you
can make, plus recognition that the job that they
are doing is a very difficult one and one for which
there probably is no answer. Many of these prob-
lems are still going to be with us many years from
now.
In the last 7 years I have had occasion to work
with three Secretaries of State : General Marshall,
Mr. Acheson, Mr. Dulles. I think they have all
been men of great quality, and I admire each and
every one of them. I would say that Mr. Dulles
has the toughest job and he needs every bit of
support that you can give him now. It is not a
matter of political affiliation — he's up against a
very difficult situation.
Need for an Informed Public
Secondly, I feel that in our public opinion and
in our know-how — which is a thing that you gen-
tlemen know in the industrial field — in the know-
how in this ideological field, we have to increase
our fund of knowledge very materially. By reason
of our power position the mantle of leadership has
fallen on our shouldere, but we are ill-equipped to
execute it; and we must change that situation.
Now what do I mean by that ? Well, your own
children — how much are they studying the sub-
ject, how much do they know of Europe, and how
much are they working on it in their college
courses? How many of your sons and daughters
are trying to get into the Foreign Service, a field
of tremendous importance for the future of the
United States ? The Foreign Service has recently
been reorganized to make the opportunities more
attractive, and I'm not here recruiting for them,
but I've seen them in operation and the job they
do is of tremendous importance. But above all,
I'm making my plea for an understanding and a
realization that these problems cannot be solved in
simple ways.
As for the future, I have confidence that we're
going to succeed. I am not one who believes that
the Soviets have no weaknesses. There is a tend-
ency to feel that every Soviet is six feet tall ; but
that isn't true. There are some dumb ones just
like we have them.
But to consider some of their internal weak-
nesses I need only point to one. Mr. Khrushchev
pointed out, a year ago, that in the year 1953 the
Soviet Union had in Russia 9 million less head of
cattle than it had in 1928. In 1928 its population
was 152 million; now its population is perhaps
210 million. In the production field you know the
story — it takes a Soviet citizen about 3 months'
work to buy a suit of clothes, a suit that would
ordinarily cost here about $80.
Those are internal problems which are going to
give Mr. Malenkov many a headache, and that
particular one, the last one, will give him a first-
class headache — and let us pray that it will be a
real good one ! He has promised that he is going
to change that, but he's got 210 million kibitzers
who are going to know whether he changes it,
though they may not know whether his figures on
steel are correct.
So I feel that the progress we have made has
been significant and that we have no reason to
cringe in fear before this monolithic dictatorship.
It is notliing that we can underestimate, but, on
the other hand, there's no reason why we should
feel that the problem is impossible.
Nato is your organization. It will continue
to thrive if it has the active participation of the
people of the United States; and a group such as
you will realize that our problems can only b©
solved by the application of wisdom and patience
and perseverance — frequently in the light of most
irritating conditions.
As for the cold war itself, I'm sure we can handle
that with clear poise and steady purpose if we
remain dedicated to the unity of our cause. For
free men there is no other way for survival.
566
Department of State Bulletin
European Command Reports on Offshore Procurement Program
STATEMENT BY GEN. ORVAL R. COOK '
1 am <:lad to welcome you jj;eiitlemen to tlie
Headquarters of the United States European
Command liere at Camp des Loges [near St. Ger-
main, on the outskirts of Paris]. It is the first
opportunity I liave had to meet with the press
since we moved here from our Frankfurt liead-
quarters in May.
This Headquartei-s— US EUCOM, to use its
abbreviation — is headed by General Gruenther,
whom most of you know. His position of Com-
mander in Chief, US EUCOM, is in addition to
his international responsibilities as Supreme
Allied Commander, Europe. In discharging his
U.S. European Command responsibilities, Gen-
eral Gruenther has delegated to me, as Deputy
Commander in Chief, US EUCOM, broad author-
ity-
The primary reason for inviting you here today
is that there is one program in particular under
our jurisdiction which I thought you might be
interested in at this time — the U.S. offshore pro-
curement program. I believe this subject is news-
worthy now because we have just computed the
total of contracts placed by the Army, Navy, and
Air Force this past fiscal year throughout the
European and N.\to areas. We are thus able to
give you specific information on the program for
the year ended June 30 and, in the light of these
new figures, to make some observations on what
tlie whole Osp program is accomplishing.
For those of you not familiar with the term
"offshore procurement program," let me explain
brieflv what it is.
' Made at a press conference at the Headquarters of
the U.S. European Command on Oct. 4. General Cook
is Deputy Commander in Chief, U.S. European Command.
Since 1046 our allies have made great strides
in economic recovery and in building up their
own defense capabilities. The United States,
through the Mutual Security Program, has pro-
vided assistance to these countries by furnishing
equipment for their military forces which was
beyond their own capacities to provide. This
U.S. military assistance programed for the Euro-
pean Nato countries since 1949 has amounted to
some 12 billions of dollars, more than half of which
has been delivered. The program has effectively
supplemented the substantial efforts which these
countries themselves have been making.
U.S. assistance is provided in two ways — first,
in the form of defense items manufactured for
the Mutual Security Program in the IT^nited States
and shijjped here; and second, in the form of U.S.-
type equipment and supplies which we procure
here in Europe and transfer to the several coun-
tries for their defense force. To instruct the re-
cipients of this military equipment in its use, main-
tenance, and repair, the defense assistance pro-
gram is augmented by an extensive training pro-
gram conducted by the United States Aimed
Forces both here and at home.
We also buy supplies and services throughout
Western Europe for the U.S. troops stationed here
in Europe. The supplies are principally food-
stuffs, but the services are diversified and include
many items such as repaire to and parts for U.S.
combat vehicles.
The buying of military equijiment and goods
and services in the European N.\to area we call
"offshore procurement." The name obviously
comes from the fact that it describes purchases
made beyond the shores of the United States.
The subordinate commands and agencies of this
Headquarters placed offshore procurement con-
Ocfober 18, J 954
567
tracts with the industrial establishment of West-
ern Europe totaling more than 612 millions of
dollars in the past fiscal year. Approximately
two-thirds of this amount was for weapons and
other military supplies needed by our allies for
their defense forces. The other third — some 200
millions — was for supplies and services needed
for our own U.S. troops stationed in Europe.
All of the military equipment portion of the
program, as in the previous years' programs, will
be turned over to our defense partners to assist in
the buildup of their armed forces. This U.S.
assistance to our European allies is providing a
vastly increased measure of security to all of the
free nations of the world by increasing the capa-
bilities of our partners to defend our common
freedoms — ours as well as their own.
The 612 millions of dollars' worth of orders
placed in the fiscal year 1954 are in addition, of
course, to the $2,660,000,000 in orders similarly
lolaced during the preceding 2 years, from which
a steady flow of deliveries is now being received.
Thus, in the past 3 years under the mutual de-
fense program, we have contracted with "Western
Eui-opean industry and suppliers for more than
three and one-quarter billions of dollars' worth
of supplies and equipment — two and one-half
billions in defense equipment to strengthen the
armed forces of our allies, and three-quarters of
a billion in supplies for our own troops, the latter
including substantial quantities of foodstuffs for
our forces.
Industries in all the Nato countries and several
of the non-NATO countries share in these orders
in such manner as to spread their benetits into
every part of the countries' economic and defense
structure. The procurement of agricultural prod-
ucts results in favorable effects on that segment of
the European economy. Industries receiving con-
tracts bring literally thousands of other factories
and suppliers into the work under subcontracts so
that vast numbers of skilled workmen are em-
ployed in the manufacturing processes.
And as all of these factories and workmen be-
come skilled in the manufacture of specialized de-
fense items, the defen.se-production capacity of our
partners in the Western alliance is greatly ex-
panded— one of the precise purposes of the Ameri-
can Congress in bringing tliis program into being.
There is no doubt that these economic and de-
fense benefits are being realized. The steadily in-
creasing flow of deliveries under the contracts
placed during the past 3 years provides convincing
proof of it.
Of the two and one-half billion dollars of orders
we have placed for ammunition, aircraft, ships,
electronic equipment, combat vehicles, and other
defense materials for our allies since July 1, 1951,
we have received delivery on about 617 million
dollars' wortli — about one-fourth of what we have
ordered. We have paid out some 672 millions of
dollars — that is, paid outright for everything that
has been delivered and in addition have made some
progress payments on certain expensive units such
as ships, which a contractor himself camiot be
expected to finance alone.
This leaves about $1,880,000,000 worth of mili-
tary items still to be delivered and paid for.
These deliveries and payments, under orders al-
ready placed, will be continuing for the next 2
years — and more in some cases.
Right now, our dollar payments for these mili-
tary-equipment items are running at the rate of
about 60 millions of dollars per month. Add to
this the 21 millions we are spending each month
for supplies for our own troops, and we find that
the total dollar payments under this program in
all our allied countries of Western Europe are
running at the rate of 81 millions of dollars per
month. For your convenience, I have had all of
these figures prepared on a country-by-country
basis. This summary will be available to you
when we conclude here.
I am convinced that our offshore procurement
program is achieving the purposes for which it
was intended.
First, it is supplying essential items for the time-
phased defense programs of our allied countries.
Second, it is strengthening the European de-
fense-production facilities and resources with the
result of broadening Western Europe's industrial
mobilization base — so important to us all.
Third, it is pi'oviding dollar exchange to Eu-
rope with resultant strengthening of the economies
of our allies which is so necessary to the buildup
and continuation of their own defense strength.
And finally, it is assuring our allies that the
United States, as one of the partners in the great
European defense alliance, is working vigorously
to further tlio military, economic, and political
objectives of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion.
568
Department of State Bulletin
STATISTICAL REPORT'
OlFsliore procuiviiR-iit contnicts totiilinj^ $()1'2,-
050,000 were awarded in the fisciil year emling
June 30, lOSl. by the subordinate connnands and
agencies of the United States European Connnand.
Of this total, $394,950,000 was in tlie form of
439 contracts for military supplies and equipment
under the Mutual Defense Assistance I'rogram
and $217,100,000 was in orders for supplies, serv-
ices, and equipment in support of U.S. troops and
installations in Europe.
Of the overall total, the U.S. Army, Europe,
headquarters at Heidelberg, Germany, placed or-
ders for $-298,060,000; the U.S. Air P^orces in
Europe, through its Wiesbaden headquarters,
placed orders for $187,100,000; the U.S. Naval
Forces. Eastern Atlantic and Mediterranean, with
'Released at the Headquarters of the U.S. European
Command on Oct. 4.
headcpiarters at London, placed oiders for $63,-
58(),()()i); and tiie Joint Construction Agency,
thiougii its Paris lieadquarters, placed contracts
valued at $(;3,310,000.
Major items of purchase and their approximate
values were:
Ships and equipment .$20, .'HiO, 000
Ammunition 147, 000, fKX)
.\lrcraft and equipment lo:?, 000, 000
Construetion tiS, (tOO, <X)0
Suhslstence 4:{, 000, 000
Tanks and antoniotivc 37, 760, 000
Klectrouic, coiniiuinications equipment 3.5,050,000
Maintenance and repair 30,720,000
Weapons (arms-artillery) 21,650,000
HuildinK supplies 7,040,000
Fuels and lubricants 4,510,000
Miscellaneous and actions under $10,000- <50, 800, 000
The contracts and orders were placed in all of
the 11 European Nato countries and in 7 non-NATo
countries.
Country
Total Contracts
Awarded (Mdap and
Troop Support)
Deliveries
(Mdap)
Payments Made
(Mdap)
Total U.S. Troop
Support Orders
Placed
Approximate
Current Monthly
Rate Payments
(Mdap and
Troop Support)
Xato
Belgium
Denmark
France
Greece..
Italy...
Luxembourg
Netherlands.
Norway
Portugal..
Turkey
United Kingdom.
Total
Nod-Nato
Germany,.
Spain
Switzerland
Yugoslavia..
.\ustria
North Africa
Sweden.
Others.
Total
Total Nato and Nou-Nato
$190, 910, 000
52, 670, 000
1, 335, 630, 000
35, 000, 000
490, 400, 000
1, 240, 000
121, 890, 000
27, 960, 000
21, 890, 000
9, 360, 000
749, 570, 000
$13, 410, 000
110,000
357, 420, 000
4, 740, 000
98, 910,000
370, 000
10, 130, 000
4, 780, 000
None
None
117,300,000
$13, 400, 000
2, 340, 000
389, 800, 000
4, 740, 000
115,310,000
370, 000
15, 810, 000
4, 780, 000
460, 000
None
117,990,000
$48, 150, 000
36, 020, 000
295, 140, 000
None
34, 750, 000
480, 000
42, 820, 000
530, 000
3, 620, 000
None
114,350,000
$2, 337, 000
1, 400, 000
42,019, 000
1,000,000
8, 965, 000
33, 000
3, 189,000
1, 614,000
300, 000
500, 000
15. 176, 000
$3, 036, 520, 000
$607, 170, 000
$665, 000, 000
$575, 860, 000
$76, 533, 000
$75, 910, 000
13,570,000
88, 930, 000
15, 810, 000
16, 990, 000
13, 350, 000
4, 270, 000
7, 160, 000
$6, 070, 000
None
3, 920, 000
320, 000
None
None
None
None
$6, 680, 000
None
860, 000
320, 000
None
None
None
None
$56, 810, 000
200, 000
45, 070, 000
320, 000
16, 990, 000
13,350,000
4. 270, 000
None
$2, 978, 000
305, 000
4,251,000
590, 000
471,000
471,000
118,611
None
$235, 990, 000
$3, 272, 510, 000
$10,310,000
$7, 860, 000
$137, 010, 000
$9, 084, 000
$617, 480, 000
$672, 860, 000
$712, 870, 000
$85, 617, 000
Ocfober 18, 1954
318232—54 3
569
The orders for the $394,950,000 in military
equipment under ]VIdap were placed in the several
countries as follows :
(In millions of dollars)
NATO countries Total (MDAP onli/)
Belgium 37. 67
Denmark 1- ^'*
France 22. 34
Greece 1- ^
Italy 93. 18
Netherlands 2. 54
Norway ■*• ^^
United Kingdom 192.58
Turkey • ^"^
Luxembourg • -^
Total 356. 74
Non-NATO countries Total (MDAP only)
Gei-many "^^ '^^
Spain 10. 64
Yugoslavia 13.76
Switzerland 6. 05
Total 38. 21
Grand total: Nato and non-NATo 394.95
The fiscal year 1954 contract total of $612,050,-
000 brings the total of contracts let under offshore
procurement since the beginning of the program in
fiscal 1952 to $3,272,590,000. Of this total,
$2,552,780,000 was for military supplies and equip-
ment for our partners and allies under IIdap and
$719,810,000 was for supplies, equipment, and serv-
ices in support of U.S. military forces in Europe.
In the Mdap portion of the program, the U.S.
has received deliveiy on $617,480,000 of the total
of $2,552,780,000 in orders placed and has actually
disbursed $672,860,000 in payment for these items
and advances to contractors on goods yet to be
delivered.
These payments for Mdap items and for goods
and services for U.S. troop support are currently
running at the rate of approximately $85,000,000
per month.
The accompanying- talile ' gives the total con-
tracts awarded (Muap and U.S. troop support) by
countries for the 3 fiscal years 1952-53-54, totals
of deliveries and payments for the period, total
U.S. troop-support orders placed, and the current
appro.xiniate rate of monthly payments by the
United States on deliveries, by countries.
Secretary Dulles Reconvenes
Public Committee on Personnel
Press release 551 dated October 4
The Department of State announced on October
4 that Secretary Dulles had asked the Public
Committee on Persoimel to reconvene on Octo-
ber 11.
The purpose of the meeting is to consult with
the Secretary on the Department's progress in
carrying out recommendations for strengthening
the Foreign Service made by the Committee last
May. The Secretary announced his action on these
recommendations on Jime 15.^
Mr. Dulles is taking the imusual st«p of recon-
vening the Committee in order that he may receive
from its members an evaluation of the actions taken
by the Department to date, and also to obtain the
benefit of their views about the administrative
measures already taken or still necessary to take
in launcliing the program.
The Connnittee was established March 5 by the
Secretary to study and advise him on measures
necessary to increase the effectiveness of the career
service to meet the vastly increasing responsibili-
ties in the field of foreign policy which have de-
volved upon the President and the Secretary.
Its members are :
Norman Armour, former Assistant Secretary of State,
former United States Ambassador to several coun-
tries, and recently appointed Ambassador to Guate-
mala ;
John A. McCone, president, the .losliuu Hi'nd.x CVirpora-
tion, Los Angeles;
Robert JIurpb.v, lieputy Under Secretary of State ;
Morehead Patterson, chairman and president, American
Machine and Foundry Company, New York, 1954
Chairman of the U.S. Committee for U.N. Day, and
recently U.S. Deputy Representative to the U.N. Dis-
armament Commission ;
Donald Uussell. president of the University of South Caro-
lina and t'diiuer .\ssistant Secretary of State;
Charles E. Saltzmau. general iiartner. Henry Sears and
Company. New York, on temporary leave of absence
while serving as Under Secretary of State for Ad-
ministration ;
.John Hay Whitney, senior piulner in .1. II. Whitney and
Company, New York ; J
Dr. Henry M. Wiiston, president of Brown University. '
Dr. Wriston serves as Chairman of the Com-
mittee. The \'ice Chairman is Mr. Whitney.
Tlie plan wliich they presented to the Secretary
" See iirecedinu page.
570
■ Bulletin of June 28, 1954, p. 1002.
Department of State Bulletin
embodied an immediate program for strengthen-
;nfi the professional servii-e, as well as a lonp;-ninpe
method of maintaining a high-caliber Foreign
Service. Key i-econmiendations were:
1. Integration of the officers of the Depart-
mental home service and the Foreign Service per-
forming similar foreign atl'aii-s duties.
2. The bold and imaginative recruitment and
scholarship program wlierehy the Foreign Service
would obtain a constant and adequate flow of quali-
fied young men and women representing the best
cross section of American life.
3. Provision for continuity and vigor in the
administrative leadei-ship of the Department,
thereby to assure the consistency and stability of
personnel policy vital to effective administration.
'Hie majority of the ConMiiitfce's recommenda-
tions are being put into ellVct under the authority
of the Foreign Service Act of 1946. Some aspects
of the program refpiire additional legislation, a
portion of which was re(iuested from and granted
by the Sod Congress.
A complete review of the various steps which
have been taken in this integration and recruit-
ment program will be given to the Committee by
the Secretary.
Mr. Saltzman, who served on the Committee, was
made Under Secret^iry of State for Administra-
tion in June. Tie has a special responsibility to
implement the reconmiendations of the report.
Problems in the Far East
bi/ Everett F. Dmmnght
De-puty Assistant Secretly for Far Eastern Affairs '
Sine* the days 400 years ago when contacts were
first established between the West and the East on
a more or less regular basis, the East has been an
area of weakness — of weakness, that is, relative
to the West. It had lagged Ijehind the West in
invention and in material development, especially
in weapons and the art of war. Its systems of
government were backward by European stand-
ards. In modern terms, we should speak of the
East of several centuries ago as compounded in
part of stagnation and in part of disorder. We
should say that it constituted a huge power vac-
uum. To point this out reflects no discredit upon
the Asian peoples. All peoples have their ups
and downs. In the past, in the dark ages, Europe
had lieen weak; Asians had poured into Europe
from the East, Arabs into Europe from the South.
Sooner or later, power vacuums — like climatic
low-pressure areas — become filled from the out-
side. Following the arrival of the first Europeans
' Made before the Board of Directors of the National
Chamber of Commerce. Wai^hin;rton, D.C.. on Sept. 17.
Ocfober 18, 1954
in the East, the history of the East has been, until
comparatively recent yeai-s, largely a history of
the assertion of power in the East by outsiders —
Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, French, British, Rus-
sians, and Americans.
If the West took a great deal out of Asia, the
West also brought a great deal to Asia. Among
other things it brought the Asians a picture of a
more rewarding material life than they had ever
dreamed of — the life that the West had achieved
for itself through scientific and industrial prog-
ress. It also brought ideas— ideas about justice
and human worth and the idea of nationalism.
The West aroused in the East a determination to
achieve some things that the West had achieved.
Western ascendancy in the East made it inevitable
tliat Western ascendancy would come to an end.
The United States has with consistency given
sympathy and tangible assistance to the Asians in
their desire to be free of foreign controls and to
achieve a more rewarding life. For one thing, we
have not forgotten our own colonial backgroimd
571
and our successful fight for indeijendence. For
another, we are believers in progress, in man's
ability to achieve mastery of his physical environ-
ment. Thirdly, we have not wished to see the
Asian countries closed to our missionaries and our
traders. Finally, we have recognized fi'om the
very beginning of our intercourse with the East
that the incorporation of Asia under a hostile im-
perialism would threaten our security in the
Pacific.
It is fair to say that opposition to imperialism
has been the foundation stone of our policies in
Asia. It is true that we supplanted Spanish rule
in the Philippines with American rule, but we em-
ployed our privileged position in the islands to
prepare the Filipinos for self-government, which
we gave them in 1946. Half a century ago we
acted to prevent the carving-up of China by the
great powers with our enunciation of Hay's "Open
Door" policy. Thirteen years ago we found our-
selves involved in a life-and-death struggle in the
Pacific because we would not acquiesce in the dis-
memberment of China. That time, the imperi-
alist power was an Asian power — Japan — which
had mastered the technology of the West and was
determined to use it to supplant Western hegem-
ony in Asia with its own rale. We defeated
Japanese imperialism but not before two things
had happened that made the restoration of Euro-
pean rule in the former Asian colonies a thankless
proposition. First, Asia had been fired by the
spectacle of the defeat of Western armies by other
Asians. Second, Japanese arms by the hundreds
of thousands fell into the hands of the insurrec-
tionists. And, it should be pointed out, the West-
ern powers no longer had much desire to maintain
rule by force over embittered and resentful Asian
populations.
Rise of Communist Imperialism
The achievement of freedom by nine Asian
countries in the postwar years has been one of the
great historical phenomena of our lifetime. Un-
fortunately, it has been accompanied by another
phenomenon scarcely less significant with wliich
Asian independence is clearly irreconcilable.
This has been the emergence of a new imperialism
in Asia. Again, as in the case of the Japanese
empire, the weapons of this new imperialism have
come from the West and been adopted by an Asian
power clique. The literal weapons have come
from arsenals in European Russia. The origin
of the ideological weapons may be pinpointed to
a bearded habitue of the reading rooms of the
British Musemn of 100 years ago — Karl Marx.
Wliat happened in Russia nearly 40 years ago has
within the last few years happened in China —
Communists have taken over the country. A cen-
tralized and ruthless dictatorship has been im-
posed upon the Chinese people. The other peoples
of Asia have been confronted by tlie menace of a
new imperialism as aggressive as any in the past,
and far harsher and more unequivocally totali-
tarian than any they have ever known. It is an
imperialism which is not only strong in its own
right by virtue of its ironclad control of more than
400 million Chinese but is dedicated to inter-
national communism and thus united with the
power of the sprawling Soviet state.
Wliat makes the menace of Conmiunist China,
like the menace of Soviet Russia, particularly dif-
ficult to deal with is the manifold nature of the
threat it presents. On the one hand Commmiist
China and the Soviet Union have the most nu-
merous armed forces in the world with which they
can intimidate their neighbors and with which
they could unquestionably overrun considerable
territories before counteraction could be effective.
On the other hand, the Communists have acquired
considerable proficiency in gaining their ends by
political methods. These methods consist of mak-
ing common cause in non-Communist countries
with important protest groups for the purpose of
channelizing beliind the Comnnmist Pai'ty the
various elements of discontent with, and rebellion
against, the existing order. This is known as the
strategy of the united front.
As between wimiing other peoples by force and
winning them by getting on their good side, there
is obviously some contradiction. It is difficult to
employ both methods at once with great effect.
In actual practice, the Coimnunists are inclined
to alternate their methods, shifting from one to
the other according to the situation and require-
ments of the moment. The immediate postwar
years were, in the Far East at least, years of the
united front. The Communists tried to identify
themselves with tlie most popular causes and move-
ments in Asia. But then in 1948 the decision was
handed down by the international Communist
leadership to resort to force against the weaker
non-Connnunist regimes in the Far East. Warfare
was launched against the governments and anti-
572
Department of State Bulletin
Communist elements of the Pliilippines, Burma,
Maluya, anil about a year later, against the Re-
public of Indonesia. The most daring and cyni-
cal employment of foree by the Coinminiists came
in June 1950 with the overt attack on the Kepublic
of Korea.
The shift in crand strategy, of which I have
spoken, did not apply to China and Indochina.
There, the Communists seemed to have con-
cluded— not without reason — that they had hit
upon a winning formula which did not need to be
changed, a combination of political and military
methods that promised to pay oflF.
In China, the disastrous weakening of the con-
trol exercised by the National Government and
the general impoverishment and despair, basically
resulting from the war with Japan, conspired
powerfully to the advantage of the Communists.
In Indochina, it was the effort of the French to
re-impose their rule by force that gave the Com-
munists their opportunity. Achieving a strong
political position by seeming to offer a sorely tried
people those things which they most desired —
peace and stability in one case, relief from foreign
rule in the other — the Chinese Communists and
Vietnamese Communists were able to amass de-
cisive military forces on their side.
Return to Strategy of United Front
The truce in Korea and the truce in Viet-Nam
appear to have signalized another broad change
in Communist strategy, the second since World
War II. We now appear to be returning to the
strategy' of the united front, in which militarA'
action will be played down and the Communists
will seek to pose as the righteous champions of
long-suffering peoples everj-where. This does not
mean that we can afford to let down our guard
in anticipation of a period of peace. The Com-
munists are always capable of quickly reversing
their strategy when they perceive that it is to
their advantage to do so. At present, however,
the Communists appear to be planning their major
efforts in the political fields in the Far East with
the primary objective of creating disunity among
their adversaries, particularly by arousing fear,
suspicion, and resentment of the United States,
and by playing upon local grievances to achieve
this objective. Accordingly, this is what we shall
have to expect in the foreseeable future :
1. In Japan, the Communists will attempt to
take advantage of the frictions always resulting
from the presence of foreign troops to create and
intensify anti-American feelings. They will ex-
ploit Japanese fears of being caught in the atomic
crossfire of another world war in order to neutral-
ize Japan. They will seek to dominate Japanese
labor, utilizing techniques found effective in other
industrial countries. They will wait for Japan's
tM:onomic position to worsen, as it surely will un-
less wider markets are found for Japanese exports,
and if their hopes for Japan's economic collapse
prove justified, the Communists will use the situ-
ation to discredit the moderate democratic ele-
ments and to promote Japanese trade with
mainland China as a means of obtaining Japan's
economic tie-in with the Moscow-Peiping bloc.
Department Publishes Documents
on Korean Problem
The Department of State this month released a
193-page publication entitled The Korean Problem
at the Genera Conference, April 26-June 15, 1954,
containing a brief narrative account of the Korean
phase of the Geneva Conference and texts of the
principal statements and proposals made by repre-
sentatives at the Conference. The major U.N.
resolutions relating to Korea also are included.
Copies are for sale by the Superintendent of
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D. C. (60 cents).
2. In Korea, the Communists would seem to
have eliminated any possibility of posing as
friends of the Korean people or of being accepted
as champions of any popular Korean causes. We
must not be too sure of this, however. Wlien a
country has suffered such devastation as that which
was brought upon Korea, opportunities for sub-
version and for proselytizing extremist doctrines
are enhanced. Moreover, we must not forget that
the Communists have the power to give the Ko-
reans, for a price, what they most desire : unifica-
tion. We must also not forget that President Rhee
virtually is the government of the Republic of
Korea. Whether any of his possible successors
would have suflicient national stature and support
to be able to hold the country together, under cir-
cumstances of adversity, we cannot know.
3. In Viet-Nam the danger, of course, stares us
in the face. The Viet Minh — the Communist
regime administering north Viet-Nam under the
Geneva settlement — has an organization tempered
in the fires of 8 years of war. It has a record of
fanatical opposition to French domination. For
Ocfober ?8, J 954
573
years it was synonymous with national independ-
ence in the eyes of large numbers, if not the ma-
jority of Vietnamese, south and north. It has its
indoctrinated partisans throughout south Viet-
Nam. Both as a Vietnamese political force and a
Vietnamese military force, it will not be easy for
anti-Communist Vietnamese to match.
4. Southeast Asia as a whole offers a varied field
for Communist enterprise. Each coimtry has its
vulnerabilities. There are subnationalist or re-
gionalist movements, as among the Karens in
Burma and the Atjinese in Indonesia, which have
led to civil war. There are religious movements
to cause disorders such as the Moslem Moros in
the Philippines and the Darul Islam which seeks
to make a theocratic state of Indonesia. There
are deficiencies in government services, result-
ing from lack of experience, that weaken the gov-
ernment's position and its support and play into
the hands of profiteers in popular dissatisfactions.
There is lack of capital for economic development
that results in economic stagnation and potentially
dangerous feelings of frustration, particularly
among the educated classes — always the tinder of
a revolution. There are the consequences of fall-
ing prices of Southeast Asia's chief export prod-
ucts— rubber, tin, rice, vegetable oils. There is
the legacy of bitterness toward the West which
makes it difficult for former colonial peoples to
see Western policy as having any other objective
than the economic, if not the political, domination
of their countries and which makes it difficiilt for
the West effectively to assist the Southeast Asians
in a solution of their problems. There is the na-
tural disposition of peoples whose experience with
capitalism, domestic as well as foreign, has not
been happy, to look to the doctrines of Marx as
the answer to their needs. There is the spectacle
of the Soviet Union which — to hear the Commu-
nists tell it — rose in a single generation from serf-
dom and national impotence to a position of
first-rate power in the world without the help of
the greedy capitalists who now look upon it with
as much fear as hatred. There are the Chinese in
the Southeast Asian countries, totaling over 10
million, outnumbering the indigenous inhabitants
of Singapore and Bangkok — Chinese whose self-
interest and sense of race and culture necessarily to
some extent tend to turn them toward Peiping as
the capital of China proper.
Throughout the Far East — as indeed throughout
574
the world — there is the passionate desire for peace
upon which the Communists can play. Con-
trolling all means of communication within their
world, the Communists are able to conduct their
own military preparations in the dark while seiz-
ing every opportunity to denounce every defense
measure on the part of the free nations, and of
the United States in particular, as an aggressive
act aimed at the destruction of the workers' para-
dise by the imperialist war-mongers of Wall
Street. IManipulating every means of expression
in their world, the Communists are able to fill their
press with eulogies of peace while castigating, as
a demonstration of belligerency and aggressive-
ness, every just warning of Communist intentions
by spokesmen for the free nations — Americans in
particular.
That, in brief, is the problem we face in the
Far East^ — that and the enormous mass of infan-
try on the other side of the iron curtain in China,
north Viet-Nam, North Korea, and Soviet Si-
beria, the thousands of planes in the Communist
air forces in the Far East, the large Soviet sub-
marine force based on Vladivostok.
What We Must Do
Because the subject I was given was our prob-
lems in the Far East, I have not planned to ex-
patiate upon our policies. I believe it is clear what
general line these policies must take. We must
match the military strength of the Communists,
not necessarily weapon for weapon, but in total
effectiveness. By "we" I mean the United States
and its allies. We must help the Asian states
develop the military power to cope successfully
with internal rebellion and to make an aggressor
deploy a major force in order to invade success-
fully— thus creating the basis for international ac-
tion against him. The fii"st-rate military forces
we have helped develop in the Republic of Korea
and the Republic of China are examples of what
can be done. In addition, I would call your atten-
tion to the newly signed Southeast Asian Collective
Defense Treaty.^ Tliis treaty, together with the
security treaties we have entered into with Japan,
Australia and New Zealand, the Philippines, and
the Republic of Korea, demonstrates that the
Communists cannot expect to pick off the free na-
tions of the Far East singly and with impunity.
HuiiKTiN (if Sept. 20. 1954, p. ms.
Department of State Bulletin
Wi' iiitisl lii^lp tiie Asiiiiis create societies that
function witii reast)iial)ie clliciciicy ami no ilot oilVf
tlie Communists a vital lodjtement fi'om wliicli tlie
whole structure can be subverted. This we ai-e
doin<j through a great variety of technical aid pro-
frrams and, in the case of Korea and Formosa,
thronjih very substantial pro<j;rams of reconstruc-
tion and development. Perhaps the most impor-
tant thing we can do to create economic health in
the Far East is to help remove barriers to trade
among the Far Eastern countries — i)articularly be-
tween Japan and Southeast Asia — and between
the Far Eastern countries and the rest of the free
world. Above all, markets must be developed for
greatly increased Japanese exports. Tliis means
finding a larger market in the United States as
well as in other countries.
We must give the Asians every opportunity to
come to a realistic appreciation of the Commu-
nist danger and of what the United States stands
for and what it is trying to achieve. Our i)resent
widespread information programs and the facili-
ties we have offered to enable Asian students and
leadei's to studj^ and travel in our country ai'e
sizable steps in the right direction, but I am not
sure that they go far enough.
We must convince the Asians that we are wholly
behind them in their desire to achieve and main-
tain independence. This is not as easy as it sounds
when our efforts to make sure that the material
aid we give is effectively utilized and our efforts
to develop collective resistance to aggression in
-Vsia are both apt to be interpreted as interference
in the domestic affairs of Asian countries. It is
made more difficidt when the exigencies of the cold
war sometimes seem to put us in the position of
defending colonialism. Nevertheless, our record
is a good one and we should be able to build on
it with confidence. The Pacific Charter,- which
was signed at Manila at the same time as the col-
lective defense pact and which pledges the signa-
tories to u[)h<)l(l the principles of e(|ual rights and
self-iletcrminat ion of peoples, is a guaranty to
the Asians of our intentions and of tliose of our
Fi-ench and Prilish allies.
We must make the Asians understand that what
we want in the world is very similar to what they
want, that in the main their aspirations and oui-s
are not very different, tluit what we have to offer
is something that they can respect, and that our
strength means greater security for them. This is
something that the American people must accom-
plish through their agencies of expression — mag-
azines, books, news]iapers, motion pictures — and
through their unofficial representatives ovei-seas,
by whom the United States is more often judged
than by its official representatives.
Above all i)erhaps, the Asians must understand
that the objective of our policy and our power is
peace. This necessity imposes an obligation upon
all of us — the obligation to remain strong and
alert as a nation without indulging in the kind of
warlike and boastful talk that seems to make it
easier for a democracy to accept the sacrifices re-
quired for military preparedness.
If I have devoted so much more time to our
problems in the Far East than to what we are
doing to meet them, it is not because I think our
problems are greater than our resources for deal-
ing with them. Quite the contrary. The Com-
munists have enjoyed only two major successes in
the Far East: one in China, one in Viet-Nam. In
both cases their success arose from the conditions
of a foreign occupation and of a long and genei'ally
unsuccessful effort on the part of nationalist forces
to expel the foreigner. For the rest, the Com-
munists' hopes have been disappointed in one Far
Eastern country after another. If the Com-
munists have twice reversed their grand strateg}',
it is because their grand strategy has not .succeeded
as they expected. It is well within our power to
insure that it never will.
October 18, 1954
575
The Concept of Self-Determination in American Tliouglit
hy Walworth Bariour
Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs '
This gathering, dedicated to a free life for the
peasant farmers of Eastern Europe, is an appro-
priate one at which to make a few remarks about
the principle of freedom, or more particularly of
self-determination, in the American approach to
world affairs.
In the 18th century the American colonists
began a revolution that continues until this day.
Its purpose was tlie winning of freedom and na-
tional independence, and its fruit was the shaping
of democratic institutions to make that freedom
and independence a living reality. Like the
French Revolution, the American Revolution be-
longed to the great democratic movement which
has had its local manifestations in the various
countries of the free world. You will doubtless
agree that this democratic movement, exalting in-
dividual rights, human dignity, and national
independence, is the true revolution of the modern
age — not the Conununist-proclaimed revolution,
which looks backward to the concepts of the
absolute power of the state, the collectivistic organ-
ization of society, and the maintenance of imperial
dependencies through the Communist mechanism.
The democratic revolution will survive, spread,
and invigorate the nations of the modern world
long after the deadening dogmas underlying the
Communist system have passed into limbo.
"N^Hiatever the virulent attacks of Communist
propaganda may say to the contrary, the further-
ance of freedom and self-government has been the
central motivating influence in American political
behavior both at home and abroad ever since our
'Address made before the Fourth Congress of the
International Peasant Union at New Yorli, N. Y., on Oct.
;{ (press release 546 dated Oct. 2).
birth as a nation. In asserting our independence
we affirmed that govermnent derives its just
powers from the free consent of the governed. The
people of the United States established the Con-
stitution in order, among principal pui'poses, to
"secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity.*' Since that time the American
partiality for this jihrase is evident in its frequent
utterance in public speeches. It never fails to
strike a responsive chord in an American audience.
The American continues to believe that a test of a
good conunonwealth is whether it makes possible
such blessings for its citizenry.
It was natural that this valuation of freedom
should be strongly held during the early years of
the Republic, when we were endeavoring to com-
plete the process of securing independence from
Europe. As Washington affirmed in his Farewell
Address, "Interwoven as is the love of liberty with
every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation
of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the at-
taclunent." Later this country passed through the
ordeal of a long and bitter civil war in which the
issues were freedom and self-government as each
side conceived them. Abraham Lincoln, the Great
Emancipator, guided the course of this conflict
in order to preserve a Union based upon govern-
ment by the people and for the people.
Participation in World Affairs
In the 19th century Americans lived much to
themselves within the limits of this continent.
When the changing world of the 20th century
impelled us to a greater concern with distant neigh-
bors, this devotion to freedom which had so long
animated the pursuit of our domestic affairs was
576
Department of State Bulletin
carried ovor into the more active American par-
ticipation in world affaii-s. Tlie new order of
society envisajied by President "Woodrow "Wilson
as the "new freedom" extendeil to the international
sphere as well as to national problems. He was as
ardent a champion of the fieedom of nations as he
was of social reform at home. He led the Amer-
ican nation in a great war "for the rights of na-
tions great and small and the privilege of men
everywhere to choose their way of life and obe-
dience." The world was not only to be made safe
for democracy by the successful termination of the
war. The peace that followed was to be "planted
upon the tested foundations of political liberty."
The principle of self-determination was funda-
mental in the Fourteen Points, and in the Hnal
point of this program for the peace he foresaw an
association of nations to afford mutual guarantees
for the political independence of both small and
great states.
In disposing of the wreckage of three empires in
Central and Eastern Europe the peacemakers of
1919 concluded in his view "a people's treaty, that
accomplishes bj' a great sweep of political justice,
a liberation of men who never could have liberated
themselves, and the jwwer of the most powerful
nations has been devoted not to their aggrandize-
ment but to the liberation of people." He con-
ceived of article 10, pledging a member of the
League of Nations to respect and preserve the
territorial integrity and political independence of
every other member against external aggression, as
the heart of the League Covenant. This provision
was for him a recognition of the saci'edness of the
principle of self-determination.
The central theme of freedom in the ^Vmerican
approach to the world was reiterated by President
Roosevelt in the Four Freedoms speech of 1941. It
may be recalled that in this speech devoted to for-
eign affairs the President was looking forward to
a "world" foimded upon what he regarded as four
essential human freedoms.
The American heritage of freedom has made
itself felt more recently in three international
charters : the Atlantic Charter, the United Nations
Charter, and lastly the Pacific Charter proclaimed
at Manila by the eight states signing the South-
east Asia Collective Defense Treaty.
To turn to the last of these docimients, we should
bear in mind the extent to which tlie principle of
self-determination inspired the formulation of the
Pacific Charter. The Pacific Charter states:
FM-st, III lU'cordunce wilh tlie pnivlslotis of tbe United
Nntioiis Charter, they [the signatory powers] uphold the
principle of e<iual rights and self-determination of peoples
nnd they will earnestly strive by every i>eacefiil means to
jironiote self-government and to secure the indeijcndence of
all countries whose peoples desire It and are able to
undertake its responsihillties; Second, they are each
prei)ared to continue taliiui,' elTective practical measures
to ensure conditions favorable to the orderly achievement
of the foregoing purimses In accordance with their con-
stitutional procedures.'
The great importance of this document is its
application to all areas including underdeveloped
or colonial areas. It exj)resses clearly the Amer-
ican desire to see the principle of self-determina-
tion extended throughout the world wherever a
people desires and is prepared to assume the re-
sponsibilities of an independent national existence.
As Secretary Dulles suggested in his address of
September 15 on the Manila Conference, "The
Pacific Charter, on whicli the East and the "West
did meet, may well prove to be the most momentous
product of the Conference." ^
These examples are sufficient to suggest the
cardinal importance of the concept of self-deter-
mination in American thought about the relations
of the United States with other nations. No one
should neglect or minimize the significance of this
article of American faith common to both our
major political parties and to all representative
American bodies. Imperfect as our efforts may
occasionally have been as to international develop-
ments in relation to this principle, we have never-
theless striven for this goal, and it serves as a
touchstone by which we judge the enduring value
of international acts.
To proceed to the more practical consequences
of this idea, we pursue the principle of self-deter-
mination as regards the internal life of nations
with a view to the people of each nation having
the right to enjoy government and other institu-
tions of their own choosing as soon as they are
prepared to conduct such institutions in an
orderly, peaceful, and stable manner. We believe
that each nation should be free to change its form
of govermnent and, in accordance with its law, its
current executive and legislative officers whenever
the change actually represents the will of the peo-
ple : that the nation should have the right freely
= Bulletin of Sept. 20. 1954, p. 393.
' Ibid., Sept. 27, in.'54, p. •13.3.
October 18, 1954
S7T
to establish its own body of law and system of
courts. We oppose any system of government
or group of rulers imposed on a nation against its
will. Each nation should have the freedom to
determine its own economic institutions. This does
not mean, of course, that we Americans are not
firmly convinced as a people that a system of free
enterprise offers the best hope of a dynamic
economy and widely distributed prosperity. In
the social and intellectual sphere the press, educa-
tional and cultural institutions, and religious
organizations should be free to function in accord-
ance with popular wishes. It should be stressed
that this conception of self-determination is not
to be confused in any way with what the Soviets
under Stalin tried to pass off as self-determination
among national minorities — that is, a limited pos-
sibility for an ethnic group to express its own cul-
tural interests, as by use of its own language and
alphabet for local purposes, while remaining
otherwise subject to the centralized, absolute power
of Moscow.
Free Society of Nations
The objective of self-determination which we
seek in the international held is a free society
of nations where each may establish its relations
with others on the basis of mutual interest, free
consent, and the requirements of international
peace. This implies that all nations should have
the riglit to enter into such local, regional, and
wider international aiTangements and associations
as will promote their mutual welfare without
endangering that of nonmember nations. It pre-
sumes that all such arrangements and associa-
tions will of necessity be in accordance with the
provisions of the U. N. Charter.
On the other and negative side, the United
States can never concede that any state should be
free to force on the people and territory of another
state its political dominion, its occupying forces,
or its control over the national economic and in-
tellectual life. Where self-determination fully
governs the relations of nations there can be no
room for one state to bring about the subversion,
Hubjex,'tion, and exploitation of another, whatever
concealed instrumentalities may be utilized for this
l)urpose. The United States is dedicated to work-
ing toward the creation of a world where the ex-
tension and maintenance of such dominion is
impossible.
I know you members of the agrarian parties
from Central and Eastern Europe are more imme-
diately interested in how we Americans see the
application of this principle of self-detennination
to your homelands. It is clear to the world that
the present regimes in your countries are imposed
by a foreign power against the opposition of the
overwhelming mass of the population in each state.
There can be no doubt that if Soviet military and
police power — and the Communist terror sup-
ported thereby — could be rolled back, these
regimes would quickly fall. Since we are devoted
to the principle of self-determination, we cannot be
reconciled to the regimes in your countries. We
cannot adjust to their totalitarian practices and
their denial of human rights. We cannot grow
accustomed to their willingness to make their
countries the subservient tools of a foreign power.
We know that these regimes cannot last, for the
freedom they lack is inherent in the human spirit.
Sooner or later they must change or fall. These
alien, hated tyrannies camiot endure as they are;
the}' cannot solve the problems confronting them;
they cannot satisfy the needs of the people ; they
cannot make for a stable Europe or a tranquil
world. They proclaim new courses which are only
gestures, tactics, or ill-starred efforts to surmount
rising difficulties. The fate of the peoples ruled
by them is not tinally determined.
It is our firm conviction that these Soviet
colonies under totalitarian oppression are an his-
torical anachronism in contemporary Europe.
■\Miile they last, they cause misery to the captive
peoples and by dividing Europe bring burdens and
unsettlement to all of it. But the European com-
munity of free peoples will eventually triumph
and absorb them. The logic of history is on the
side of freedom and not on the side of the Com-
munists. If there is any historical inevitability,
it is that the Europe of self-determination will
prevail over the Europe of historical materialism.
It is perhaps another inevitability in view of the
basic trend of our history that when the United
States looks to Europe its policy is to assist the
progi'ess of freedom. Believing that a union of
self-governing nations will extend and secure
freedom in Europe, our purpose, despite any tem-
porary setback in a single field, is to cooperate with
all the fi'ee nations of Europe in advancing
578
Departmenf of State Bulletin
Europeiui iiitejjratiuu in evory \v;iy we can. AVo
see the captive nations of Central and Eastern
Europe as l)i'l()ii<i:iii<j: to this unity. They belonj^
now in spirit and to the e.\t<.Mit possible tiirough
their fi-ee spokesmen in exile; eventually they will
conic into tiieir rif^iitl'ul place as equal inenil)ers
in the free community of Europe. Toward this
full reunion of your countries with free Eui'o])e
the I'nited States is working constantly in every
possible concrete way.
Presentation of Claim Against Soviet Government
for Destruction of B-29 off Hokkaido in 1952
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
Press release 527 dated September 25
Ambassador Charles E. Bohlen delivered to the
Soviet Foreign Office at Moscow on September 25
a note from the U.S. Government to the Soviet
Government preferring a formal diplomatic claim
against the Soviet Government on account of the
destruction by Soviet aircraft of a U.S. Air Force
B-29 aircraft off Hokkaido, Japan, on October 7,
15)52.' The note demands that the Soviet Govern-
ment pay damages in the sum of $1,620,295.01 and
invites the Soviet Government, in the event that
the Soviet Government denies liability, to join in
submitting this dispute to the International Court
of Justice.
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., was in-
structed to recjuest the President of the U.N. Se-
curity Council to circulate the text of this note to
the membere of the Council. In a recent proceed-
ing the Security Council considered another Soviet
attack against a U.S. aircraft committed on Sep-
tember 4, 1954.^
In earlier interchanges of notes on the B-29 in-
cident the Soviet Government contended that the
incident took place near the Island of Yuri, which
the Soviet Govenmient claims had become Soviet
territory by virtue of the Yalta Agreement re-
garding Japan of February 11, 1945.^ In the note
' For the Soviet note of Oct. 12, 1952, regarding the in-
cident and the U. S. reply of Oct. 17, 1952, see Bulletin
of Oct. 27, 1952. p. 649.
' Ibid., Sept. 20, 19.54, p. 417.
' A Decade of American Foreign Policy, 19.'il-/i9, S. Doc.
12,"?, 81st Cong., 1st sess., p. 33.
Ocfober 18, 1954
delivered today the U. S. Government repudiates
the Soviet Government's construction of the Yalta
Agreement regarding Japan and rejects the Soviet
claim to any lawful territorial right to the Island
of Yuri or to the Habomai Islands, of which the
Island of Yuri is a component.
The note follows a thorough investigation, since
the date of the incident, into the circumstances of
the shooting and into the possibility that crew
membei's survived and came into the custody of
the Soviet Government.
The present note, based on the investigation,
charges that the B-29 was shot down without
warning over territory rightfully belonging to
Japan and in which the U.S. aircraft were entitled
to fly by the terms of the Security Treaty with
Japan which came into effect April 28, 1952.'' It
demands that the Soviet Government provide in-
formation with respect to the whereabouts and wel-
fare of any surviving crew members and make
provision for the prompt return of any survivors
whom the Soviet Govermnent may still be holding
or of whose whereabouts the Soviet Government
may be informed.
TEXT OF NOTE
Excellency : I have the honor to transmit to you here-
witli. upon the in.stnution of my Government, the follow-
ing communication :
The Government of the United States of America makes
reference to the destruction on October 7, 1952, by fighter
' Bri.LETiN of Sept. 17, 1951, p. 464.
579
aircraft of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, of a
United States Air Force B-29 airplane near the Japanese
Island of Hokkaido. It will be recalled that by notes
dated October 17, 1952 and December 16, 1952,' the United
States Government, protesting the actions of the Soviet
aircraft, requested the Soviet Government to make pay-
ment for the destroyed airplane and for the lives of any
of the crew who might have perished, and further re-
quested the Soviet Government to provide information on
the whereabouts and welfare of any of the crew members
who might have survived, with a view to their return
to the United States.
The Soviet Government has not, in the period which
has, elapsed since December 16, 1952 when the last United
States note was delivered to it, given any indication of
the fate of the crew members of the B-29 shot down by
the Soviet aircraft. As the United States Government re-
minded the Soviet Government in the note of October 17,
1952, witnesses actually observed a Soviet Government
patrol boat leave Suisho Island, a point clo.se to the spot
where the B-29 was seen to go down, immediately after
the shooting and proceed to the spot where the B-29 had
hit the water, and some time later saw the boat return.
The spot, the Soviet Government is further reminded, was
in an area then and since freely accessible to Soviet Gov-
ernment personnel and in the vicinity of the area of Yuri
Island which the Soviet Government in its own account
of the episode, in its notes of October 12, 1952 and No-
vember 24, 1952, fixes as the area in which the episode
took place. Therefore the United States Government
could not, and cannot, accept either the Soviet Govern-
ment's statement, in its note of November 24, 1952, that
it possessed no information regarding the whereabouts of
the members of the crew of the B-29 airplane or the Soviet
Government's continued silence in regard to whether the
Soviet Government has any information concerning the
fate of any of the crew members, whether any are alive,
and whether the Soviet Government proposes to make ar-
rangements for their return. Nor can the United States
Government acquiesce in the continued failure of the
Soviet Government to give any indication of willingness to
make amends for the damage it caused and for which it
is responsible, in spite of the requests therefor in the
United States Government's notes above described.
The purpose of the present communication is, in view of
the foregoing, to place solemnly upon the record all the
facts which the United States Government has been able
to gather on the subject and based thereon to prefer
against the Soviet Government a formal international dip-
lomatic claim as set forth below.
I
The United States Government charges, and is pre-
pared to prove by evidence in an approjjriate forum, the
following :
1. In the Treaty of Peace between the Allied Powers
and Japan signed in the City of San Francisco September
8, 1951,' provision was duly made, in Article 6 thereof,
for the stationing and retention, imder or in con.sequence
of bilateral or multilateral agreements between Japan
and any of the Allied Powers, of armed forces in Japa-
nese territory following the termination of the occupa-
tion of Japan by occupation forces of the Allied Powers.
On the same date the United States of America, as one
of the Allied Powers to whom reference is made in the
Treaty of Peace, entered into a Security Treaty with
Japan by which Japan granted, and the United States of
America accepted, the right to dispose land, air and sea
forces of the United States in and about Japan upon the
coming into force of the Treaty of Peace.
The Treaty of Peace with the Allied Powers and the
Security Treaty between the United States of America
and Japan came into force April 28, 1952, and thereupon
the state of war between Japan and each of the Allied
Powers terminated and the full sovereignty of the Japa-
nese over Japan and its territorial waters was duly rees-
tablished.
In pursuance of the Security Treaty and with the con-
sent of the Government of Japan, the United States
Government after April 28, 1952, maintained air forces
and aircraft in and about Japan which engaged and con-
tinued to engage in such activities as were proper and
necessary to provide for the defense of Japan and of the
United States' forces maintained therein against aggres-
sion, and for the purpose of deterring armed attack upon
them.
Before and on October 7, 1952, pursuant to the Secu-
rity Treaty and agreements thereunder between the Gov-
ernment of Japan and the Government of the United
States, regulations were in effect for Japan governing
civil and military air traffic control and communications
systems. To enforce these regulations and to maintain
orderly traffic control over overflying aircraft, civil and
military, appropriate United States authorities within
Japan were, by the United States Government and with
the consent of the Government of Japan, duly charged
with the major responsibilities for the operation of the
air traffic control system respecting civil and military
aircraft and with the enforcement thereof. As was at
all times well known to the Soviet Government, the appli-
cable regulations required that all aircraft proposing to
fly into the air space of Japan should make prior noti-
fication to appropriate air traffic authorities within Japan
and particularly that any military aircraft proposing to
fly into the air space of Japan should make prior appli-
cation to appropriate control authorities within Japan
and receive prior authorization for such fli;;ht.
2. In the morning of October 7, 1952, an unarmed
United States Air Force B-29 airplane. No. 44-61S15, bear-
ing the identification call sign "Sunbonnet King", was
duly dispatched from its base in the Island of Honshu
in Japan, to perform a duly authorized flight mission
over the Island of Hokkaido, Japan, and upon completion
to return to its base. The dispatching of the B-29, its
mission, and its activities thereafter were all in the pur-
suance of the duties and functions of the United States
•For the Soviet note of Nov. 24, 1952, and the U. S.
reply of Dec. 16. 1952, see ibid., Jan. 5, 195.3, p. 11.
580
'Ibid., Aus- 27, 1951, p. 349.
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
CJovernnient and the I'nited Stntes Air Fdrco uiuUt the
Treaty of Peace and the Security Treaty Uescrit)ed above.
Neither the dispatchiii!; nor the mission was intended or
calculated to \k'. nor were the activities thereafter per-
formed tiy the aircraft, in any way hostile to the Soviet
Government or any other Kovernnient, or directed a;;alnst
Soviet installations or jx-rsonnei of the Soviet Government
or any other government in any place.
The aircraft was manned by a crew of eight, all of them
members of the United States Air Force and citizens and
nationals of the United States of America. The aircraft
commander was Captain Eugene Minot Enirlish, Serial
No. AO 7(!S042. The copilot was Second Lie\itenant I'aul
Eufiene Brock, Serial No. AO 22210127. The navijjator
was First Lieutenant John Rohert.son Dunham, Serial No.
20173 A. The other crew members were Staff Sergeant
Samuel Albion Colgan. Serial Xo. AF 31.379700; Staff
Sergeant John Arthur Hirsch, Serial No. AF 19.S29704 ;
Airman First Class Thomas Gerald Shipii, Serial No. AF
18365941 ; Airman Second Class Fred Grady Kendrick,
Serial No. AF 143472'.14 ; and Airman Second Class Frank
Eugene Neail, Serial No. 133!V12r)7.
3. Acting in compliance with their llight mission in-
structions. Captain English and his crew in the U-29 air-
craft, "Sunbonnet King", after leaving the Island of Hon-
shu, duly commenced flying over the Island of Hokkaido,
beginning approximately 11 o'clock in the morning local
time. At approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon local
time, while the B-29 was over the mainland of Hokkaido,
flying at approximately I.", ."00 feet altitude, Soviet Gov-
ernment authorities having become aware of these facts
deliberately dispatched two fighter aircraft to intercept the
B-29 over Japanese territory, and continuing under the
control of Soviet Government authorities, the two Soviet
fighter aircraft thereupon deliberately flew in a coui-se
calculated to converge with the course of the B-29 and to
intercept it. The two Soviet fighter aircraft were not
notified in advance by Soviet authorities to the traffic con-
trol authorities in Japan, and they were without any
license or authority whatsoever to overfly the territory of
Japan. Nevertheless, the Soviet authorities then con-
trolling the actions of the aircraft, and the Soviet pilots
flying the aircraft, deliberately and willfully, unbeknown
to the crew of the B-29 and with a calculated disregard
of the sovereignty of Jajian, of the jxisition of the United
States in Japan, and of the United States defense of
Japan, and in violation of the air traffic control regula-
tions lawfully in effect in and over Japan respecting over-
flight of the territory of Japan, directed the Soviet air-
craft westward as described. At 2 : lii p. m. local time
the two Soviet fighter aircraft, so directed, reached a
position in the air space of Hokkaido approximately
thirty-two miles west from Yuri Island and six miles
north of Nemuro Peninsula over the territorial waters
of the Island of Hokkaido, substantially directly above
the B-29's position, flying and continuing to fly at a
height at which the crew of the B-29 could not then or
thereafter observe the presence of the Soviet aircraft but
at which the B-29 could be and was continuously observed
by the pilots of the Soviet fighter aircraft and undoubtedly
by the Soviet authorities controlling the pilots. Then the
Soviet fighter aircraft, continuing to act under the direc-
tion and control of the Soviet authorities, proceeded to pace
the flight of the H~29 from 2 : 15 p. ra. local time to 2 : 31
p. m. local time, continuously hovering over the B-20,
while the B-29 was engaged In innocent flight over the
Island and adjacent waters of Hokkaido within Japan.
At approximately 2 : 'J9 p. ni. local time the B-'29, pass-
ing at the end of Nenmro Peninsula of the Island of Hok-
kaido, was in the process of effecting a nornutl turn for
B-29 type aircraft, in order to enable the B-29 to fly
westward and farther Into the mainland of Hokkaido; in
so doing it came over the water area adjacent to the tip
of the Nenuiro Peninsula close to the Nosappu Lighthouse
there when, undoubtedly upon instructions from the
Soviet controlling authorities, the pacing Soviet fighter
aircraft dived from their high altitude, behind and un-
beknown to the B-29 and its crew, and without any warn-
ing whatsoever opened fire on the B-29, with several
deliberate and successive bursts. Simultaneously, like-
wise upon the orders of the competent Soviet authorities,
in concert with the pilots in the fighter aircraft, Soviet
personnel then stationed on the Island of Yuri east of the
Nemuro Peninsula, opened fire upon the B-"29 from the
ground.
The B-29 was struck by the fire from the fighter air-
craft, and by ground flre, was disabled and plunged into
the sea, hitting the water at a point between Yuri Island
and Akiyuri Island, southwest of Harukarimoshiri Island,
all in territory rightfully belonging to Japan. The air-
craft, broken up in several parts, exploded as the water
was hit and floated as wreckage upon the surface of the
water.
Shocked and unable to control the aircraft, the crew of
the B-29 called out on voice radio on an international
emergency channel that they were in extreme distress, and
attempted to abandon the plane in the air. The United
States Government has concluded, and charges, that some
or all of the crew of the B-29 .successfully parachuted to
the sea at approximately the iwsition where the aircraft
hit the water.
Within a few minutes thereafter, and while the wrecked
aircraft and its crew were still on the surface of the sea,
a patrol boat belonging to the Soviet Government, upon
orders of competent Soviet authorities, left the Island of
Suisho, east of the Nosappu Lighthouse and northwest of
the position where the B-29 was shot and came down,
and proceeded to the scene of the wreckage. The I'nited
States Government concludes, and therefore charges, that
this was for the purpo.se of picking up survivors and
objects in the debris of the aircraft of possible interest to
the Soviet Government. Undoubtedly having accom-
plished its mission the patrol boat then returned to Suisho
Island. The United States Government concludes, and
charges, that the Soviet Government's |)atrol l)oat did pick
up items of interest to the Soviet Government as well as
.survivors still alive and bodies of other crew members, if
dead. Undoubtedly the competent Soviet authorities in
the area had and prepared a complete report which was
thereafter undoubtedly duly submitted to the appropriate
responsible authorities of the Soviet Government. The
pilots of the Soviet aircraft involved in the pacing and
shooting of the B-29 were, after effecting the destruction
of the B-29 as above noted, the United States Government
October IB, 1954
581
concludes, and charges, undoubtedly recalled immediately
by Soviet ground authorities to base, and thereupon un-
doubtedly submitted in due course to their superiors in
the Soviet Government their reports of their conduct, and
such reports, together with all additional reports from in-
formed Soviet authorities in the area, were undoubtedly
duly submitted to the appropriate authorities of the
Soviet Government.
II
The Soviet Government in its note of October 12, 1952,
and in its note of November 24, 1952, replying to the
United States Government's note of October 17, 19.52, will-
fully and knowingly made material misstatements of fact
with the purpose of creating an untrue record and of
misleading the United States Government. Among these
misstatements are the following :
A. With respect to the note of October 12, 1952. The
United States Government has already pointed out in its
reply of October 17, 1952, respects in which the Soviet
Government note of October 12 was false and misleading.
The United States Government is prepared to prove by
evidence in an appropriate forum In particular the follow-
ing:
1. The note states tliat the "B-29 bomber violated the
state frontier of the USSR in the area of Yuri Island".
As the United States Government has frequently and con-
sistently declared, the Soviet Government does not law-
fully have a state frontier in the area of Yuri Island. The
United States declares again that the territorial rights
and sovereignty of Japan before, on and after October 7,
1952. extended and now extend north and east of the main-
land of Hokkaido to include the island and area of Yuri
and all of the Habomai Islands, up to and including the
Island of Shikotan, and their territorial waters.
2. The statement that two Soviet fighters "demanded
that the American bomber follow them for a landing to
the nearest airdrome" is false and misleading and was
known by the Soviet Government to be false and mislead-
ing when made. As above set forth, two Soviet fighters
were directed to fly and had flown over the Hokkaido
territorial waters to a point within the air space of
Hokkaido more than twenty-five miles west of the tip of
Nemuro Peninsula and deep within Japanese territory;
had intercepted the flight path of the B-29, unbeknown to
the B-29 crew, and hovering over it followed it around
within Japanese territory for at least sixteen minutes, as
above noted, knowingly traversing the land mass and adja-
cent territorial waters of the Nemuro Peninsula of Hok-
kaido. It is completely false that any communication
was sent from the Soviet fighters or other Soviet .source to
the B-29 on any subject, and it is particularly false that
the fighters or any other Soviet source made any requests
or demand that the B-29 follow the fighters or that it land
at any iilace, and no airdrome or landing jjlace was ever
pointed out to the B-29 by anybody. In fact, as described
above, the Soviet fighters deliberately and unlawfully
paced the B-29 within the Japanese air space of Hok-
kai(l() and then shot at it without any warning whatever
and without even first making their presence known to
the crew of the B-29.
3. The statement that the B-29 opened fire on the Soviet
fighters is completely false and was known by the Soviet
Government to be false when made. The only aerial
firing which was done in the course of the incident was
done by the Soviet fighters, which came out of their con-
cealed positions and attacked and hit the B-29, still inno-
cent of their presence or purposes : and in so emerging
from the rear, the Soviet jiilots contrived and calculated
that the B-29 would have no opportunity for self-defense,
even if its crew, contrary to the fact, were able to open
defensive fire. Furthermore, the B-29 airplane had, prior
to its departure from its base that morning, and in ac-
cordance with standard operating procedures, been ren-
dered powerless to engage in effective combat by United
States Air Force armorers at the base, and the aircraft
remained thereafter continuously so powerless, for the
mission of the aircraft was to be performed entirely with-
in the territory of Jaiian with no reasonable ground for
anticipation of meeting hostile or aggressive conditions.
4. The statement that the Soviet fighters engaged in
"return fire" is false, and was known by the Soviet Govern-
ment to be false when made. The only firing whicn was
done was that of the Soviet fighters themselves, aided by
a Soviet ground battery, and was all directed against the
B-29.
5. The statement that the B-29 after being fired uiwn,
"went off into the direction of the sea" is, except in the
respect that the B-29 upon being shot down by Soviet
fire fell into the sea at the ix)sition above noted, particu-
larly false and was known by the Soviet Government to
be false when made. The implication that the Soviet
Government was unable to state what happened to the
B-29 after it was hit by attacking fire is the more culpable
in view of the fact that the destruction of the B-29 took
place within the per.sonal view of observing Soviet offi-
cials, and the wreckage was immediately visited and ex-
amined b.v the Soviet officials who were on board the,
patrol boat dispatched from Suisho Island to the scene
of the crash, as above described.
B. With respect to the note of November 24, 1952. The
United States Government has already in its reply of
December 16, 1952, pointed out respects in which the al-
legations of this note were false. The United States
Government is, in particular, prepared to prove by evi-
dence in an approptiate forum the following:
1. The statement that the United States Government
acknowledged in the note of October 17 that the B-29 was
armed is false. The B-29 was at all relevant times un-
armed, its guns having been rendered inoperative by its
armorers, as stated above.
2. All the other statements which reiterate the false
and misleading averments contained iu the Soviet Gov-
ernment's note of October 12, are equally false and mis-
leading, as noted above.
3. The statement that the Soviet Government is not
in possession of any information regarding the where-
abouts of the crew of the B-29 is false and known by the
Soviet Government to be false. Apart from the observa-
tions of iJersonnel whom the Soviet Government main-
tained, unlawfully, on Yuri Isl.ind and in that area, the
582
Department of Stale Bulletin
observations of the Soviet Oovernnieiit personnel on the
pntrol boat ilisiiatehed from Sulsho Island, whieh the
United States Government is prepared to prove by evi-
denee as above noted, elearly save the Soviet Oovern-
ment complete information on these suljjeets.
Ill
The I'nited States Government finds, and charKes, that
the Soviet Government in the fore^'oinj; facts was guilty
of delilierate and willful violations of international law
on acount of which it has become liable to the United
States Government for damages and other amends:
1. It was unlawful for the Soviet authorities to have
dispatchetl aircraft with intention and instruction to over-
fly the territory of Japan at any point without first noti-
fying the competent authorities of the Uniteil Slates and
receiving permission therefor, as required by regulations
and international law.
2. It was unlawful for the Soviet military aircraft to
overfly the territory of Hokkaido ami to have tarried
there, and in the circumstances particularly reprehensible
and immoral for the Soviet authorities to conceal from the
li-2'J aircraft the presence of the two Soviet lighter air-
craft over the territory of Japan and to intercept and to
pace its flight over the territory of Japan, these being
hostile and belligerent acts under international law.
3. It was specifically unlawful for Soviet authorities to
have intercepted the B-29 aircraft in the course of the
flight at any point, to have attempted to bring it down
at any such point, even at the point claimed by Soviet au-
thorities as "the region of Yuri Island".
4. Assuming, contrary to the fact, that the Soviet au-
thorities had any legal justification for seeking to bring
the B-29 down to land, these authorities willfully vio-
lated all applicable rules of international law, first, in
that they failed to give to the B-29 and its crew any prior
warning or any prior direction or request to land ; sec-
ondly, in that they did not lead the B-29 or its crew to an
appropriate landing field or point out such a landing field
to them ; thirdly, in that they did not in the circumstances
described give the B-29 or its crew prior warning of in-
tention to tire.
5. It was unlawful, regardless of prior warning or di-
rection to land, for the Soviet authorities either in the
air or on the ground to fire on the B-29 under the cir-
cumstances mentioned and in the area above mentioned.
6. It was unlawful for the Soviet authorities to have
failed to respond truthfully to the United States Govern-
ment's request of October 17, 19.52 with respect to sur-
vivors ; in particular it was the duty of the Soviet Govern-
ment to inform the United States Government of the
findings of fact reiwrted or made by the patrol boat offi-
cers and by other local Soviet authorities. To the extent
that it was determined by Soviet authorities that mem-
bers of the crew were alive, it was the duty of the Soviet
Government so to inform the United States Government
and make arrangements for their return. On the other
hand if any crew members were found to be dead it was
the duty of the Soviet Government so to inform the United
States Government and to make arrangements to make
return of the bodies. It is still, and has continuously been,
Ocfober J 8, 1954
the duty of the Soviet Government to keep the United
States Government currcnily informed of all facts in
Soviet possession concerning the crew members, to fa-
cilitate access to them by appropriate representatives of
the United States Government, to arrange for their re-
turn and to provide them with the maximum degree of
care and comfort in the interim.
7, It was unlawful for the Soviet Government to have
retained any portion of the aircraft or the eipiipment
thereon without the consent and agreement of the United
States Government ; and since no such consent or agree-
ment has been granted by the United States Government
it is the duty of the Soviet Government to return to the
United States Government any portions of the aircraft
or ecpiipment thereon which were salvaged by the Soviet
authorities. The United States Government demands that
tills return be m;ide forthwith.
For all these violations of international law the Soviet
Government is liable to the United States as set forth
herein.
IV
The Soviet Government in its notes of October 12 and
November 24, 1952 has made certain assertions with re-
gard to an alleged state frontier of the Soviet Union in
the area where the B-29 was shot down. The United
States Government denies that these assertions are valid,
and the United States Government is prepared to dem-
onstrate the validity of its position by evidence and by
considerations of international law in any appropriate
forum.
In its note of November 24, 1952, the Soviet Govern-
ment particularly states that the United States position
that Yuri Island, at or east of which the Soviet Govern-
ment apparently claims a state frontier of the Soviet
Union, is not lawfully Soviet territory is "in crude con-
tradiction with the provisions of the Yalta agreement
concerning the Kurile Islands which was signed by the
Government of the United States of America." The
United States Government, reiterating its denial of valid-
ity to the Soviet Government statement, takes this op-
portunity to declare the following:
The United States Government is aware that military
forces of the Soviet Government were physically present,
together with their military equipment, on or near Yuri
Island and in adjacent positions among the Habomai Is-
lands on October 7, 1952, and prior thereto following the
surrender of the Japanese Government to the Allied
Towers. But this presence, in its origination and its
continuance, and particularly after the effective date of
the Treaty of Peace between the Allied Towers and Japan,
April 28, 19.52, was without any justification in interna-
tional law or in morals, was in deliberate violation of the
terms of the Japanese Surrender and of the agreement
regarding surrender and occupation of Japan between
the Soviet Government and the Allied Powers, gave the
Soviet Government no legal right, title or interest in this
area and provided the Soviet Government with no privi-
lege or justification for the actions taken by it on October
7, 1952, against the B-29 and its crew, as described above.
' More particularly, the Inited States Government states,
in reply to the Soviet Government's assertions:
583
1. No disposition having the legal force and effect of
alienating from Japan the Habomai Islands, including the
area in which occurred the wrongful actions of the Soviet
Government on October 7, 1952. as above detailed, has
ever taken place. Such disposition could be made only by
or with the consent of the Japanese Government, and no
such consent has ever been given. The only renunciation
by the Japanese Government of territory north of Hok-
kaido was by the Treaty of Peace between Japan and the
Allied Powers of September 8, 1951, and in this document
the Government of Japan did not relinquish Japanese
sovereignty over the area involved in the acts of the Soviet
Government complained of herein, nor does it confer or
recognize any right in the Soviet Government with respect
thereto.
The United States Government both on the occasion of
the signing of the Peace Treaty and the Security Treaty
and on the occasion of the consent by the United States
Senate to their ratification by the President of the United
States, as required by the Constitution of the United
States of America, and the President by his ratification,
made clear that the Habomai Islands were to be con-
sidered as continuing to belong to Japanese sovereignty.
The United States Senate declared :
"As part of such advice and consent the Senate states
that nothing the treaty contains is deemed to diminish or
prejudice, in favor of the Soviet Union, the right, title,
and interest of Japan, or the Allied Powers as defined in
said treaty, in and to Soiith Sakhalin and its adjacent
islands, the Kurile Islands, the Habomai Islands, the Is-
land of Shikotan. or any other territory, rights, or inter-
ests posses.sed l)y Japan on December 7, 1941, or to confer
any right, title or benefit therein or thereto on the Soviet
Union."
The Government of Japan has likewise oflBcially char-
acterized the Habomai Islands and Shikotan as remaining
under Japanese sovereignty and as not included in the
phrase "Kurile Islands" as used in the Treaty of Peace.
No other actiwn or conduct by the Government of Japan,
or by the United States Government or by the Allied
Powers signatory to the Peace Treaty, has been taken
which has the legal effect of transferring or consenting
to the transfer of sovereignty over the area of Yuri Island
and other Habomai Islands, or of Shikotan, to the Soviet
Government.
2. The statement of the Soviet Government that the
United States position that Yuri Island is not lawfully
part of Soviet state territory is in "contradiction" with
the "Yalta agreement concerning the Kurile Islands, which
was signed by the Government of the United States of
America" is untrue.
(a) The geographical name "Kurile Islands", in the
context of the Treaty of Peace and in the context of the
Yalta Agreement to which the Soviet Government refers,
does not include and it was not intended by the parties
thereto to include, the Island of Yuri, which is a part of
the Habomai Islands, all of which were and are separate
and apart from the Kurile Islands.
(b) The Yalta Agreement regarding Japan of Febru-
ary 11, 1945 was not Intended to and did not contain any
provision by which the Soviet Government became entitled
unilaterally to seize, occupy, or exercise sovereignty over,
or to become entitled to possess, any Japanese territory
584
whatever, neither the Kurile Islands, nor the Habomai
Islands nor any other area, and in particular not that
area of the sea, land and air space of Japan in which
the United States B-29 aircraft was intercepted, tracked
and shot down by Soviet fighter aircraft, as recited above.
The Yalta Agreement was, as the Soviet Government
has at all times well known, a memorandum expressing
the views of the President of the United States, the Prime
Minister of Great Britain, and the Premier of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, each acting within his Gov-
ernment's constitutional powers and limitations, respect-
ing a proposal by the Premier of the Union of Soviet So-
cialist Republics that in the event of the Soviet Govern-
ment's entrance to the war against Japan, jointly witlx
the other Allied Powers, the Soviet Government should, in
the final peace settlement terminating the war, be sup-
ported in a claim for the return to the Soviet Government
of certain Japanese territory formerly owned by the
Czarist Government of Russia. Provisions of the memo-
randum were subsequently reflected in the terms of sur-
render proclaimed by the Allied Powers, with the knowl-
edge and consent of the Soviet Government and its subse-
quent adherence, to the Government and people of Japan,
accepted by the Government of Japan in the document
of surrender. The Treaty of Peace with Japan duly and
solemnly signed and ratified by the parties thereto was
intended to constitute the final peace settlement envisaged
by the parties to the Yalta Agreement on Japan of Feb-
ruary 11, 1945 ; and so far as concerns any relevant under-
takings which the United States Government may ha\e
made under that Agreement the Treaty of Peace with
Japan constitutes the full performance of such under-
takings.
(c) The provisions of the Yalta Agreement and the
intentions of the parties thereto were made clear not
only in the Treaty of Peace but in the intermediate procla-
mations of policy by the Allied Powers.
These documents provided that in the event of Japanese
surrender "Japan would not lose access to raw mate-
rial areas", Japan would be stripped only of the Islands
"vv-hich she has .seized or occupied since the beginning cf
the First World War in 1914", and "be expelled from all
other territories which she has taken by violence and
greed", and the Allies proclaimed that they "covet no
gain for themselves and have no thought of territorial
expansion".
The Island of Yuri and its territorial waters, as well as
all the Habomai Islands and the Island of Shikotan and
their territorial waters, including all the area in which
the wrongful actions of the Soviet Government on October
7, 1952, as above detailed, took place, did not and were
not intended to fall within territory to be detacned from
Japanese sovereignty by the Treaty of Peace, by the Yalta
Agreement or any other policy formulation of the Allied
Powers for the reasons that ;
(i) The Habomai and Shikotan Islands were at no
time within the sovereignty of the Czarist Government
of Russia or of the Soviet Government, or ever claimed
by them at any time prior to the unlawful unilateral seiz-
ure of them by the Soviet Government. On the contrary,
they were from ancient times territory of Japan, never
Department of State Bulletin
taken by violence or wreeU, always occupied by Japanese
people, nn liite;;rnl portion of the Japanese patrimony,
nnd were so recognized by the Soviet Government and Its
predecessor governments at all revelant times prior to
the unlawful unilateral seizure above described ;
(ii) The islands nnd waters in the area described con-
stituted, and of necessity still constitute, an integral por-
tion of the economic resources of the Japanese people,
containins traditional domestic llsberles from which the
JajMinese people have derived their economic subsistence
and they constitute, and have from ancient times con-
stituted, normal sea routes for the internal commerce of
Japan.
3. The United States Government declares rhut the
unilateral seizure and continued occupation of the Ha-
boniai Islands and Shikotan, and the area adjacent
thereto, by forces of the Soviet Government, and the
government thereof as if they were within the sovereignty
of the Soviet L'niou and removed from the sovereignty of
Japan, constitute fla;:rant violations by the Soviet Govern-
ment of the terms of the Yalta Agreement reicardinK
Japan of February 11, 1945, mentioned above; of the terms
of the Cairo Declaration of the Allied Powers of Decem-
ber 1, 1943, and of the Totsdam Declaration of July 26,
1945, setting forth the terms of surrender offered to the
Government of Japan to all three of which the Soviet
Government adhered by its declaration of August 9, 1945 ;
and of the Soviet Government's Declaration of War
against Japan of August 9, 1945, and of the terms of
acceptance of the Allied Surrender Terms by the Japanese
Government of August 14, 1945. The United States Gov-
ernment declares that the Soviet Government, by its fore-
going commitments, solemnly pledged that no territory
would be talien from Japan except in the diplomatic
process of a treaty of peace with all the Allied Powers, that
the Soviet Government did not covet any gain for itself
and had no thought of territorial expansion and would
not claim or take from Japan any territory which Japan
had not taken by violence and greed.
The United States Government further declares that
regardless of the rights, if any, which the Soviet Govern-
ment might claim with respect to the Kurile Islands, it
had and has no valid claim whatever by virtue of the
Yalta Agreement of February 11, 1945, or otherwise, to the
Habomai Islands, including Yuri Island and Shikotan
and their territorial waters, and the area in which the
unlawful actions took place on October 7, 1952, as above
described, were committed by the Soviet Government;
but it was the afl3rmative duty, for the violation of v.'hich
it is legally liable to the United States, as well as to
Japan, not to attack, obstruct or Interfere with the per-
formance by the United States Government of its func-
tions under the Treaty of Peace with Japan and the
Security Treaty and the Administrative Agreement
thereto.
The United States Government does not deem it neces-
sary to dwell at this time upon the various aspects in
which the Soviet Government has further callously vio-
lated the various obligations assumed by it in the course
of the discussions by the heads of state at the Yalta Con-
ference reflected in the Yalta Agreement, and particularly
the terms expres.sed and implied as to the Soviet (jov-
ernment's association with the Allied Powers in the war
against Japan, Its adherence to the Allied Surrender
Terms, the character of Its participation In the occupa-
tion of Japan following the surrender, and ils adherence to
the flual Treaty of Pciice, and the fact that by virtue of
its rei)rehensilile conduct in these regards the Soviet
Government would in any event disentitle itself to any
territorial aggrandizement at the expense of Japan and
the Japanese people.
4. The United States further declares that the uni-
lateral seizure and continued occupation and exerci.se
of sovereignty over the Ilabomni Islands and the area
adjacent thereto by the Soviet forces, and the actions of Oc-
tober 7, 1952, described al)ovo, were and have been carried
out by the Soviet Government with the purpose and effect
of harrying the Japanese people; of hampering their op-
portunities to make a living from their traditional fish-
eries in the sea as has been their ancient and inalienable
right; of preventing normal commerce with and within
Japan; of hampering domestic police activities necessary
for the exerci.se of full resj)onsibiiity and sovereignty over
the islands of Japan by the Japanese Government as
well as the defense thereof with the assistance of the
United States Government ; and of Intinddating the Gov-
ernment and people of Japan. Neither the United States
Government nor any authorized representative thereto, in
the Yalta Agreement or otherwise, has ever consented
directly or indirectly to this immoral and unlawful depri-
vation of the Japanese people by a foreign power.
5. The United States Government further declares that
nothing in the Treaty of Peace, the Yalta Agreement of
February 11, 1945, or any other valid international act,
document or disposition, provided any justification for
the actions taken by the Soviet Government with respect
to the B-29 aircraft descrilied above, including the refusal
of the Soviet Government to provide the United States
with true information concerning the incident and the
fate of the crew, as described above.
The United States has suffered the following items of
damage in direct consequence of the foregoing illegal acts
and violations of duty for which the Soviet Government
is responsible, and the United States Government de-
mands that the Soviet Government pay to it the following
sums on account thereof:
1. The United States Air Force airplane B-29, No.
44-C1815, and its contents at the time of its destruction
on October 7, 1952, valued in total at $919,984.01.
2. Damages to the United States by the willful and un-
lawful conduct of the Soviet Government, .$300,311.
3. Damages to the next of kin, nationals of the United
States, for the deaths of the crew members resulting
from the willful and unlawful conduct of the Soviet Gov-
ernment or for the willful and unlawful withholding by
the Soviet Government of such members of the crew as
survived, $400,000.
Total $1,620,295.01
The United States Government declares that its demand
for compensation on account of the members of the crew
October 18, 1954
585
who survived does not imply the acquiesceuce of the
United States Government in the withholding of those
crew members from return to the United States Govern-
ment, or the suppression by the Soviet Government of
Information regarding their whereabouts or welfare or
the making of false statements by the Soviet Govern-
ment with respect thereto : and the United States takes
this opi)ortunity again to demand that the Soviet Gov-
ernment forthwith provide the information in this regard
which has been requested by the United States Govern-
ment, and make provision for the prompt return of any
crew members whom It may still be holding or of whose
whereabouts it Is Informed, and in the Interim to provide
them with the maximum degree of care and comfort and
facilitate access to them by appropriate representatives
of the United States Government. The United States
Government further reserves the right to make additional
demand upon the Soviet Government for amends and other
actions on account of its conduct on or since October 7.
1952, with respect to such survivors.
Furthermore, the United States has not Included In
Its demand for damages, specified above, any sum on
account of the Items of Intangible Injury deliberately and
intentionally caused to the United States Government and
the American people, and to the Government of Japan and
the Japanese people, liy the wrongful actions of the Soviet
Government. The United States Government in this re-
gard has determined to defer to a future date the formu-
lation of the kind and measure of redress or other action
which the Soviet Government should take which would
be appropriate In International law and practice to con-
firm the Illegality of the actions directed by the Soviet
Government against the United States Government and
the American people, and to defer to the Government of
Japan the matter of the liability of the Soviet Government
for actions directed by the Soviet Government against the
Government of Japan and the Japanese i)eople.
The Government of the United States calls upon the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics promptly to make Its
detailed answer to the allegations and demands made In
this communication. Should the Soviet Government In
Its answer acknowledge its indebtedness to the United
States on account of the foregoing and agree to pay the
damages suffered and to comply with the demands as
above set forth, the United States Government is pre-
pared, if requested, to present detailed evidence in support
of its calculations of damages suffered and alleged. If,
however, the Soviet Government contests liability, It Is
requested so to state In its answer. In the latter event,
the Soviet Government is hereby notified that the United
States Government deems an international dispute to
exist falling within the competence of the International
Court of Justice and that the United States Government
proposes that that dispute be presented for hearing and
decision In the International Court of Justice. Since it
appears that the Soviet Government has thus far not
filed with that Court any declaration of acceptance of the
compulsory jurisdiction of the Court, the United States
Government invites the Soviet Government to file an
appropriate declaration with the Court, or to enter into
a Special Agreement, by which the Court may be em-
powered in accordance with ils Statute and Uulos to deter-
U.S. Requests Repatriation off
Noel, Herta, and Hermann Field
NOTE TO HUNGARY
Press release 535 dated September 28
Folloioing is the text of a note delivered on
September 28 to the Hungarian Ministry of For-
eign Affairs hy the American Legation at Buda-
pest concerning the arrest and imprisonnient of
Noel and Herta Field:
The Legation of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Atfairs and on instrnctions of tlie United
States Government has the honor to refer to the
IMinistry's note of December 7, 19-1:9 alleging that
none of the American citizens Noel, Herta and
Hermann Field had been in Hungary since the
preceding May. In this connection the United
States Government wishes to inform the Hun-
garian Government that the former Deputy Chief
of Department Ten of the Polish Ministry of Pub-
lic Security (MBP), Jozef Swiatlo has revealed
the following information :
Prior to the Rajk trial, General Roman Rom-
kowski and Swiatlo traveled from Warsaw to
Budapest in an effort to gather evidence against
certain Polish nationals who were thought to have
been involved in the Rajk "affair" and to be asso-
ciated with the Noel Field whom the Hungarians
were linking with the Rajk "conspiracj-". In
Budapest Romkowski and Swiatlo were intro-
duced to Gabor Peter (then head of the Hungarian
Police) and his assistant, Colonel Istvan Szucs.
The case was discussed with Szucs and it was
decided whicli of tlie witnesses wotild be inter-
rogated.
Swiatlo renuiinetl in Budapest twelve days.
During this time it was learned how the Hungarian
authorities had brought Noel and Herta Field
586
Department of State Bulletin
uihUm Tustoclj' to Budiipest wlien they clisuppcared
in till' .summer of 1949. In addition to other wit-
nesses, tlie Huiifxariuii autliorities made the Fiehls
available to KoiiiUowski and Swiallo for iuterro-
•jation. Noel and Ilerta Field were interro<;ated
separately by Swiatlo at the AVII (State Secu-
rity Authority) Buildiuf; in Hudapest whei-e the
Fields were imprisoned. Noel Field stated to
Swiatlo that he had not en<j;a<ied in esiiionafre but
was fxatherinjr information for a Ijook about the
countries of the so-called People's Democracy.
In view of this information that Noel and ITerta
Field were imprisoned anil interrogated in Hun-
gary the United States Government requests im-
mediate consular access to these American citizens
and the conclusion of arrangements for their re-
patriation at the earliest possible (hite.
NOTE TO POLAND
I'ress release 536 dated September 28
Following is the text of a note delivered on
September 28 to the Polish Minixtry of Foreign
Affairs by the American Embassy at Warsaw
concerning the arrest and imprisontnent of the
American citizen, Hermann Field:
The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs and on instructions of the United
States Government has the honor to refer to the
Embassy's repeated lonnnunications to the Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs concerning the welfare
and whereabouts of the American citizen, Her-
mann Field, who disappeared after entering tlie
Wai-saw airpoi-t on August 22, 19i9. Bearing in
mind that the Ministry has never given a satis-
factory reply to tlie Emba.ssy's numerous repre-
sentations in this matter, tlie United States Gov-
ernment wishes to inform the Polish Government
that the former Deputy Chief of Department Ten
of the Polish Ministry of Public Security (MBP),
Jozef Swiatlo has revealed the following infor-
mation :
TMiile Hermann Field was in Prague in August
1949 he called Helena Syrkus, a well-known Polish
architect, and Mela Granowska, a branch chief in
the Personnel Section of the Ministry of Energy,
at Warsaw and asked them to assist him in obtain-
ing a visa for entry into Poland. These calls were
reported to the Ministry of Public Security whose
head, (ieiiei-al Stanislaw Radkiewicz, knew that
the Hungarians were preparing the Rajk trial and
that Noel Field would be inipiicalcd in (his trial.
It was decided thai Hermann Field siioulil l)e per-
mitted to come to Poland in order that he might
be ex|)loited in this coniu-ction. After President
Boleslaw Bierut had approved, Granowska tele-
plioned Hermann Field at Prague and told iiini
that slie would try to obtain a visa for him. (ira-
nowska also said tiiat he should plan to stay with
iier while he was in Poland. Hermann Field
then arrived at Warsaw and was escorted by
(iranowska to visit Helena Syrkus and Colonel
Leon Gecow.
Preparations were made to arrest Hermann
Field when he went to the AVarsaw airjwrt to take
a plane for Prague. Swiatlo was told by General
Ronum Ronikowski, Deputy Minister in tlie Min-
istry of Public Security, that President Bierut
himself issued instructions for the arrest. The
Chief of Intelligence of the Border Control Or-
ganization (WOP) and the WOP officer in charge
of the Warsaw airpoit were informed of tlie event
to take place.
Hernuinn Field was escorted to the airport by
Helena Syrkus and Mela Granowska. Helena
Syrkus left the airport first, followed by Granow-
ska, and after the hitter's departure Hermann
Field passed through customs. He then entered
the waiting room where those about to leave are
obliged to remain until the dejiarture of their
plane. At this point he was called from the wait-
ing room into the WOP office and arrested. The
Ministry of Public Security had waited luitil this
moment in order to pernut Hermann Field offi-
cially to pass through customs and officially be
listed as a passenger on the Czechoslovak Airlines
l)lane bound for Prague.
The arrest was made by Swiatlo, who invited
Hermann Field to accompany him to a waiting car
held in readiness by an assistant and a chauffeur.
Hermami Field went with Swiatlo to the auto-
mobile and, together with the assistant and chauf-
feur, they di'ove to a place of detention at
Miedzeszyn maintained by Department Ten of the
Ministry of Public Security.
It is known that Lieutenant Colonel Piasecki of
that Department conducted a thorough interroga-
tion of Hermann Field. Officials of the Ministry
of Public Security recognized that no evidence was
uncovered that he was a spy or had conducted
Ocfofaer J 8, J 954
587
espionage on behalf of the American Government
and concluded that he should be considered inno-
cent and be protected. It is further known that
Hermann Field continues to be in prison at
JNIiedzeszyn, Poland.
In view of the foregoing information the United
States Government requests immediate consular
access to this American citizen and the conclusion
of arrangements for his repatriation at the earliest
possible date.
Agreement on Payment of Costs
for Works at Niagara Falls
Following are the texts of notes exchanged with
Canada on Septemher 13 constituting an agree-
ment for establishing procedures for the payment
of expenditures on remedial works at Niagara
Falls. ^
TEXT OF CANADIAN NOTE
No. X-233 Ottawa, September 13, 195^,
Sir : I have the honour to refer to recent conver-
sations between representatives of our two Gov-
ernments with respect to the construction of
remedial works at Niagara Falls. As Article II
of the Convention between the United States and
Canada signed on February 27, 1950, concerning
uses of the waters of the Niagara River provides
that "the total cost of the works shall be divided
equally between the United States of America and
Canada", the Government of Canada and the
Government of the United States consider it de-
sirable that 50 per cent of the cost of the remedial
works at Niagara Falls completed by or on behalf
of the other Government shall be paid by or on
behalf of such other Government as work pro-
gresses.
I have the honour to propose, therefore, that our
two Governments agree as follows :
(a) The Government of Canada and the Gov-
ernment of the United States shall each bear 50
per cent of the cost of the remedial works at Niag-
ara Falls done by or on behalf of the other Gov-
ermnent as work progi-esses. Monthly statements
' For background, see Bulletin of June 1, 1953, p. 783;
Aug. 10, 1953, p. 184 ; and June 21, 19&1, p. 954.
of expenditures and payments to cover them in
the funds of the country performing the work
shall be exchanged between the agents of the two
countries as indicated below. Adjustments will
be made from time to time as required.
(b) In order to facilitate administration, pay-
ments by the United States Government shall be
made directlj' to The Hydro-Electric Power Com-
mission of Ontario, through the office of the Proj-
ect Manager, Sir Adam Beck-Niagara Generating
Station No. 2, Niagara Falls, Ontario, acting on
behalf of the Government of the Province of On-
tario, which, under an Agreement dated March 27,
1950, made between the Government of Canada
and the Government of Ontario, has assumed the
obligations of the Government of Canada in re-
spect of the Canadian share of the cost of the
remedial works to be constructed pursuant to Ar-
ticle II of the Niagara Treaty. Payments to the
United States Government by The Hydro-Elec-
tric Power Commission of Ontario shall be made
to "The Treasurer of the United States" and be
forwarded to the District Engineer, Butfalo, New
York, District of the Corps of Engineers. In or-
der to comply with the provisions of Article II of
the Niagara Treat}', the receipts to be given for
each payment made by The Hydro-Electric Power
Commission of Ontario to the United States Corps
of Engineers, and vice versa, shall constitute a full
and sufficient discharge of the financial obliga-
tions of the two Governments under the Treaty
in respect of each such payment. In addition a
final discharge of financial obligations shall be
made between the Government of Canada and the
Government of the United States when payments
for all costs of the remedial works have been com-
pleted.
(c) Data in support of claims for reimburse-
ments incurred for the period covered shall be
made available by the Government of the United
States through the District Office of the United
States Corps of Engineers in Buffalo, New York,
and by the Government of Canada through The
Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario,
Office of the Project Manager, Sir Adam Beck-
Niagara Generating Station No. 2, Niagara Falls,
Ontario.
(d) This arrangement shall remain in force un-
til all payments have been completed and the final
discharge of financial obligations referred to
above has been made by an exchange of notes. It
is understood that the arrangements herein set
forth for the procedure respecting payment of
amounts duo Caiuida are subject to the appropri-
ation by the Congress of the funds required to pay
such disbursements.
If the Government of the United States is agree-
able to the foregoing proposals, I suggest that the
present Note and your reply to that effect should
588
Department of State Bulletin
constitute an agreement between our two Gov-
ernments which shall take effect this day.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurance of my highest
consideration.
L. B. Pearson
Secretary of State
for External Affairs
Don C. Bliss, Esq.,
Charge d\iffaires a. ?'.,
Emba-t.ti/ of the United States
>of America,
Ottaxoa.
TEXT OF U.S. NOTE
No. 48
Unfted States Embassy,
Ottawa^ September 13, 195^..
Sir : I have the honor to acknowled<re receipt of
your note No. X-2;33 of September 13, 19.'')4, in
which you make proposals concerning the proce-
dure to be followed in the payment of expendi-
tures incurred by or on behalf of the respective
Governments for work performed at Niagara Falls
pursuant to Article II of the convention between
the United States and Canada signed on February
27, 1950 concerning the uses of the waters of the
Niagara River.
I have the honor to state that the Government
of the United States concurs in these proposals and
agrees that your note and the present reply shall
constitute an agreement between our Governments
establishing procedures to be followed with respect
to disbursement of funds in payment for expendi-
tures on construction of remedial works at Niagara
Falls.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my high-
est consideration.
Don C. Bliss
'The Honorable
Lester B. Pearson,
Secretary of State for External Affairs,
Ottawa.
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Conference on Education and Farming
Tlie Department of State announced on October
4 (press release 552) that the U.S. Government
would be represented at the Technical Conference
on Education and Small Scale Fanning in Rela-
tion to Community Development, to be held at
Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, October 6-15, 1954, by
the following delegation :
Delegates
June Pranseth, Specialist for Rural Schools, Divi-
sion of state aiKl Local Scliool Systems, OfHce of
Kducatioii, Departiiieiit of Health, Education and
Welfare
Luis A. Suarez, Lender of the AK'rlciiltiiral Kconomlca
and Cooperative Project, Federal Extension Service,
University of Puerto Rico, Ulo I'iedras, V. R.
Adviser
Theo Lafayette Vaughan, Community Development Ad-
viser, U.S.-FoA Mission to British Guiana, George-
town, Britisli Guiana
This Conference is being held under the joint
sponsorship of the Caribbean Commission and the
Ignited Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization (Unesco), and has been called
as a i^esult of a recommendation by the Fifth Ses-
sion of the "West Indian Conference (Jamaica
1952). Its conclusions will form the basis for the
documentation for the Sixth Session of the West
Indian Conference (San Juan, May 1955).
The interrelationship between the problems of
small-scale farming and education will be dealt
with in the following subjects: (a) the social and
economic background of the problems; (b) the
school in its relation to the community; (c) prob-
lems of small-scale farming; and (d) education
for community development. Field trips will be
arranged by the Secretariat of the Caribbean Com-
mission in consultation with the Government of
Trinidad and Tobago, and evening seminars will
be held on questions relating to agriculture and
education.
Current Treaty Actions
MULTILATERAL
Commodities — Wlieat
Agreement revising and renewing the International wheat
agreement of 1949 (TIAS 19.".7). Dated at Washington
April ];{, lil.'i:?. Entered into force .luly l.'j, 1953 with
respect to Parts 1, :{. 4, and 5; and August 1, 1953 with
respect to Part 2. TIAS Tt^'d.
AcrcpUmce drpositrd: I'.razil, September 13, 1954.
Cultural Institutions and Objects
Convention for the protection of cultural property in the
event of armed conflict, and Regulations of Execution.
Concluded at The Hague Jlay 14, 1954 ; open for signa-
Ocfober 18, 1954
589
ture until December 31, 1954. Enters into force tliree
mouths after deposit of five iustruments of ratification.
Protocol for the protection of cultural property in the
event of armed conflict. Concluded at The Hague May
14, 1954 ; open for signature until December 31, 1954.
Enters into force three months after deposit of five
instruments of ratification.
Signatures to convention:
United States
Andorra
Australia
Belgium (ad referendum )i
Byelorussian Soviet Social-
ist Republic
China '
Cuba
Czechoslovakia
Ecuador '
El Salvador'
France '
Federal Republic of Ger-
many '
Greece'
Hungary
India '
Iran (ad referendum) '
Iraq '
Ireland
Israel
Labor
Convention (No. 74) concerning the certification of able
seamen. Adopte<l at Seattle June 29, 194G. Entered
into force July 14, 1951 ; for the United States April 9,
1954. TIAS 2949.
Ratification regijitercd : Poland. April 13, 1954.
Peace Treaties
Treaty of peace with Japan. Signed at San Francisco
September 8, 1951. Entered into force April 28, 1952.
TIAS 2490.
Ratification deposited: Guatemala, September 23, 1954.
Postal Matters
Universal postal convention, with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, provisions regarding airmail
and final protocol thereto. Signed at Brus.sels July 11,
1952. Entered into force July 1, 1953. TIAS 2800.
Ratification deposited: Hungary, September 3, 1954.^
Trieste
Memorandum of understanding .between the Governments
of Italy, the United Kingdom, the United State.s, and
Yugoslavia regarding the Free Territory of Trieste,
Italy '
Libya '
Luxembourg '
Monaco '
Netherlands '
Nicaragua '
Norway (ad referendum) '
Philippines
Poland
Portugal
Rumania
San Marino'
Spain
Syria '
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist
Republic
Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics
Uruguay '
Yugoslavia '
' Also signed protocol.
" Ratification confirmed statement made at time of sig-
nature of Final Protocol.
with two annexes. Initialled at London October 5, 1954.
Entered into forc-e October 5, 1954.
War
Geneva convention relative to treatment of prisoners of
war ;
Geneva convention for amelioration of the condition of
the wounded and sick in armed forces in the field ;
Geneva convention for amelioration of the condition of
wounded, sick and shipwrecked members of armed
forces at sea ;
Geneva convention relative to protection of civilian per-
sons in time of war.
Dated at Geneva August 12. 1949. Eiitered into force
October 21, 1950.'
Adherence deposited: Germany, September 3, 1954.
BILATERAL
Canada
Agreement relating to the payment of costs of remedial
work at Niagara Falls pursuant to Article II of the
treaty of February 27, 1950 (TIAS 2130) relating to
uses of waters of the Niagara River. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Ottawa September 13, 1954. Entered
into force September 13, 1954.
El Salvador
Agreement providing for a United States Army Mission
to El Salvador. Signed at San Salvador September 23,
1954. Will enter into force on date the United States
receives written notification that the agreement is ap-
proved by El Salvador.
Mexico
Agreement approving memoranda of understanding by
the Mexico-United States Commission for prevention of
foot-and-mouth disea.se to provide financing for Com-
mission oi)erations. Effected by exchange of notes at
Washington December 12, 1953 and July 30, 1954. En-
tered into force July 30, 1954.
Philippines
Agreement amending the agreement of November 18 and
December 13, 1952 (TIAS 2931), as amended, relatiug
to the recruitment of Philippine citizens for voluntary
enlistment into the United States Navy. Effected by
exchange of notes at Manila September 2, 1954. En-
tered into force September 2, 1954.
United Kingdom
Agreement relating to claims for compensation arising
from the use of the practice bombing range near Cux-
haven. Germany. Exchange of letters at Bonn July 15
and 21, 1954. Entered into force July 21, 1954.
' Not in force for the United States.
590
Department o( State Bulletin
'October 18, 1954
I n d
e X
Vol. XXXI, No. 799
American PrinciplM. The Concept of Sclf-Detprnilnatlon In
Ainiiiran TluuiKlit (Bnrboiir) .1711
Caniida. AKroemcnt on Pnyniciit nf (\)»t» for WorkK ill
Nlaiinra Kiills (text of notes) 588
Claims and Property. Presentation of Claim Aenlnst Soviet
tioverunient for Destruction of B-20 off IlolvknUlo In
liiri'J rtextof note) .ITl)
Europe
The Defense of Europe : A Progress Report (Gruenther) .liii
European Command Reports on Offshore Procurement Pro-
Kram (Cook) .le"
Far East. Problems In the I'lir Kast (DrumrlKht) . . . 571
Foreisn Service. Secretary Dulles Reconvenes Public Com-
mittee on Personnel 570
Hunsarr. U.S. Request.i Repatriation of Noel. Hertn. anil
Hermann Kielil (text of notes) 581;
International Organizations and Meetinffs. Conference on
Kducntlon and Farming 5S0
Mutual Security
The Defense of Europe : A Progress Report (Gruenther) 5(i^
European Command Reports on Offshore Procurement Pro-
gram (Cook) 567
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
The Defense of Europe : A Progress Report (Gruenther ) 5G2
Euroiiean Command Reports on Offshore Procurement Pro-
gram (Cook) 567
Poland. U.S. Requests Repatriation of Noel, Herfa, and
Hermann Field i text nf notes) 586
Protection of Nationals and Property. U.S. Requests Repa-
triation of Noel, Herta. and Hermann Field (text of
notes) 586
State, Department of. Herbert Hoover, .Ir., Assumes Office
as Under Secretary 561
Treaty Information
Current Actions 589
Four-Power Agreement on Trieste (texts of statements and
corresiJoudence) 555
Trieste, Free Territory of. Four-Power Agreement on
Trieste (texts of statements and correspondence) . . 555
U.S.S.R. Presentation of Claim Against Soviet Govern-
ment for Destruction of B-29 off Hokkaido in 1952
(text of note) 579
Name Index
Barbour. Walworth 576
Bliss, Don C 589
Brosio. Manllo 555
Cook, Orval R 567
Driimrlght, Everett V 571
Dulles, Secretary 550, 561, 570
Field. Hermann S86
Field, Herta 586
Field, Noel 580
(irneiithiT. .\lfred M 602
Harrison, Geoffrey W 555
Hoover, Herbert, Jr 601
Pearson. I,. B 688
Thompson, Llewellyn E 555
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 4 10
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Wasliiugton 2."), D.f".
I'ru.ss releases Lssuetl prior to Oct. 4 wliicli appear
ill this issue of the Bullkiin are Nos. .'527 of Sept.
2.".. .ISS and 53(5 of Sept. 2S, and 540 of Oct. 2.
Subject
Dulles : Return from Loudon Confer-
ence. (See Bulletin of Oct. 11.)
Hoover sworn in as Under Secretary.
Hoover statement.
Wailes : SweariuR-in ceremony.
Wriston Committee reconvened.
U.S. delegation to farming conference.
Dulles : Statement on Trieste agree-
ment.
Agreement on Trieste.
Hill : Swearing-in ceremony.
Dulles : Message to Martino.
Dulles : Message to Popovic.
Program for MacDoniild visit.
U.S. delegation to Pan American Sani-
tary Conference.
Robertson : Death of Ozalii.
Cale : Economic situation in Latin
America.
Foreign Service memorial to be re-
dedicated.
Key : World security and Who.
Gallman : Swearing-in ceremony.
Claim against I'.S.S.R. for B-50.
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Btn.iJniN.
No.
Date
547
10/4
*548
10/4
549
10/4
•550
10/4
551
10/4
552
10/4
553
10/5
554
10/5
•555
10/5
5.j6
10/0
557
10/6
•558
10/6
t559
10/6
•500
10/6
t5Gl
10/7
•502
10/8
t5G3
10/8
•504
10/8
1506
10/9
U. S. COVERNMfNT PRINTING OFFICE: I9S4
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS
the
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Intervention of International
Communism in Guatemala
Publication 5556
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Nearly 100 pages of official statements and documents tell the
story of the recent intervention of the international Communist
movement in Guatemala.
rt I I Part One of this publication consists of statements by Secre-
\TnTP ^'^'"•^ Dulles, Ambassador Lodge, and Ambassador Dreier, to-
y lUiV gather with the Caracas Declaration of Solidarity and U.S.
Senate Concurrent Resolution 91, reaffirming United States
support of the Declaration.
Part Two represents a case history of a bold attempt on the
part of international communism to get a foothold in the West-
em Hemisphere by gaining control of the political institutions
of an American Republic. The situation in Guatemala has
changed since this document was prepared. Nevertheless, it is
the view of the Government of the United States that the facts
in this document constitute a grim lesson to all nations and
peoples which desire to maintain their independence.
Order t orm Copies may be purchased from the Superintendent of Docu-
1 . c I r D t ments. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C.
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J/ic' ^e/ia/}(t}n€nt/€
Vol. XXXI, No. 800
October 25, 1954
THE COIMMON DESTINY OF THE AMERICAS • by
Ambassador John C Dreier 595
SOME ASPECTS OF THE PRESENT ECONOMIC
SITUATION IN LATIN AMERICA • by Edxcard
G. Cale 600
NUCLEAR PHYSICS, A TRIUMPH OF MAN'S
MIND • by Ambassador James B. Conant 607
WORLD SECURITY AND THE WORLD HEALTH
ORGANIZATION • by Assistant Secretary Key 616
U.S. VIEWS ON SOVIET DISARMAMENT PRO-
POSAL • Statements by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge,
Jr., and Ambassador James J. Wadsivorth 619
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
NOV 2 4 1954
M. *^.^*. bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 800 • Pcblication 5637
Oaoher 25, 1954
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The Common Destiny of the Americas
hy John C. Dreier
UJS. Representative to the Council of the Organization of American States *
It is particularly suitable that the Miami cele-
bration of Columbus Day pay special attention to
the common bond which the United States shares
with the peoples of the other American Republics
on this "birthday" of our continent.
San Salvador, or Watlings Island — the first
piece of land touched by the discoverer early in the
moonlit morning hours of October 12, 1492 — lies
some 400 miles to the southeast of here. Had it
not been for a flock of birds, Columbus' course
might have led him ultimately to the shores of
Florida. We might then be celebrating this eve-
ning on the spot which the Admiral of the Ocean
Seas had touched himself.
A few days before the discovery — up to October
7, to be exact — Columbus was following a west-
ward course, which in fact aimed almost directly
at Miami. The records tell us that on that date
he saw a great flight of birds heading toward the
southwest — no doubt one of the great annual fall
migrations with which we are familiar today.
Columbus shifted his course halfway to the south-
west on the theory that the birds must be headed
for land. If he had not done so, at least one
historian who is also a mariner of note maintains,
Columbus would probabh' have passed through
the northern Bahamas, entered the Gulf Stream,
and been carried up the Florida east coast.
Had Columbus' powerful imagination and
vision extended to a comprehension of the charms
of this part of the world, I am sure he would have
disregarded the sign of the flying birds. How-
ever, as thankful citizens of this New World,
' Address made before the Miami Citizens Committee
for tie Inter-American Observance of Columbus Day, at
Miami, Fla., on Oct. 11 (press release 565).
we may forgive this lapse in his otherwise master-
ful genius and celebrate his coming as though he
had in fact set foot on these golden shores.
This little incident of the birds and its possible
effect upon history is not only an amusing tale.
It seems to me also to represent the many vagaries,
uncertainties, errors, arguments, and difficulties
with which Columbus and his venture were sur-
rounded.
Over the years, as he sailed the seas of the east-
ern Atlantic and studied the calculations of the
leading geographers of his own time and of cen-
turies past, Columbus formulated a great plan
which he called the "Enterprise of the Indies."
Popular belief to the contrary, educated men in
Columbus' day recognized that the world was
round. But, while to others this was largely a
matter for academic discussion, to Columbus it be-
came a challenge to action. Why not take advan-
tage of this fact, he argued, and sail across the sea
to the other side of the world where inevitably one
would come upon Cipangu (Japan) and the terri-
tories of the Great Khan ? Thus would be opened
up a new trade route to the riches of the Indies, as
the whole of Asia was at that time called. And in
the process of sailing this hitherto unknown por-
tion of the sea, who knows, he asked, whether one
might not encounter an island or two which would
make a convenient stopping place before the Indies
were reached, and of which one would, of course,
become the royal governor?
Like many another man with a project to put
over, Columbus first had to overcome the experts.
For years the eminent scholars whose advice was
sought by the Spanish crown declared that the
Enterprise of the Indies was impractical and based
upon false calculations. And the strange thing
Ocfofaer 25, J 954
595
about it is that they apparently were right — or at
least less incorrect than Columbus. They de-
clared his idea of a narrow sea between Spain
and China or Japan was an luiderestimation ; that
the ocean was really much greater than Colmnbus
figured ; and tliat the opposite shore was beyond
the range of contemporary sailing vessels. Little
did they know how right they were — but, of course,
what neither they nor Columbus suspected was
that America lay on the way.
Colmnbus finally appeared to have won the
acquiescence if not the support of the experts and
then had to wrestle with politics. After years of
waiting, much of it spent in conditions of great
poverty, he received his hearing before Queen
Isabella and was turned down. Then there in-
tervened one of those turns of fate of which we
have no explainable cause. On his way from the
Spanish court toward France, where he hoped to
receive a better response, he was overtaken and
ordered back. The Queen had changed her mind
and determined to set the Enterprise of the Indies
afloat.
Then, the sliips made ready, came the voyage
itself. Farther west sailed the caravels than any
man had ever sailed before ; mythical islands ap-
peared and disappeared as false landfalls were
made. Having gone far beyond his estimated
distance, Colmnbus himself believed he had missed
Japan.
Then came the increasing impatience of the
men cooped up on these tiny vessels — more false
landfalls — the command "Adelante — sail on" —
the final promise to turn back in three days more
if no land were sighted ; and that night the glimpse
of a light (was it real, or merely the last false
illusion of success?) and then at 2:00 a. m. on
October 12 the cry of "tierra ! tierra !," when not a
new route to Asia but a New World came into
being.
Through all these incidents reflecting the limi-
tations of human mind and body there emerges
as the responsible factor of success the great per-
sonality and character of Columbus. Fired with
a vision, deep in the faith that he would succeed,
his inspired pursuit of a grandly conceived,
though not entirely accurate, goal led to a tri-
umphant and world-shaking reality.
And so today we celebrate the 462d anniversary
of the discovery. We honor Columbus, the man,
whose faith and courage brought into being a
New World and whose personal triumph provided
a bridge from the dying ^liddle Ages to the new
era of hope, discover}', and enlightenment which
followed thereafter.
The discovery is, of course, the first great his-
torical fact which all the peoples of North and
South America share in common. Through it,
all of America is linked to the motherland of West-
ern Europe and its civilization.
Following Columbus, as decades and centuries
passed, a great wave of population moved in in-
creasing numbers across the Atlantic. Like Co-
lumbus himself, the settlers of America were
motivated by a number of different impulses —
religious faith and ambition for material gain
being prominent among them. But of increasing
importance to those who came to the New World
was a desire for freedom to work out a way of
life of their own choosing.
Continental Unity
Thus, after some three centuries of colonization,
America began to become conscious of a character
of its own. Whereas it had been — except for con-
quered native populations — dependent upon Eu-
rope culturally, economically, and politically, by
the end of the 18th and early 19th centuries
America became conscious of its differences from
Europe. This sense of difi'erence was soon trans-
lated into political independence.
The second great historical bond that unites the
Americas is, therefore, the achievement of their
independence. Through this act the European
settlements of colonial times became in fact the
New World of modern times.
The consciousness of a common destiny as na-
tions of a New World has been for 150 years one
of the main ingredients of the moi'tar which has
bound our countries together. Americans of all
nations have shared the opportunity which the
New World has been given to get rid of the ri-
valries and enmities which had led European
countries to repeated warfare and to establish on
this continent a community of nations that could
live in peaceful cooperation with each other.
Americans, North and South, have sought their
destiny in creating a society of free men, based
upon flie recognition of the dignity and worth of
tlie individual human being, casting off the rigid
class distinctions and hampering traditions which
characterized Old World society. A richer life,
596
Department of Stale Bulletin
measured not only in material but in cultural and
spiritual tei-ms, became the goal which Americans
have by common consent set themselves to achieve.
It was this spirit of Americanism which led to
the gradual development of what we have called
the inter-American system and its instrument, the
Organization of ^Imerican States. It was a sense
of relationship with Latin America, as part of a
greater America, that led to the adoption of the
Monroe Doctrine in 1823. A similar continental
concept inspire<l the ambitions of the great libera-
toi-s of Latin America. Simon Bolivar, when he
called a conference in Panama in 182G. envisaged a
federation of Latin American countries as a step
toward a united continent including the United
States.
Again in 1889 it was a sense of continental miity
which led the Government of the United St-ates to
call the first Pan .American Conference, thus set-
ting in motion the uninterrupted series of confer-
ences which form the main consultative body of
the Organization of American States, the tenth of
which was held this year in Caracas, Venezuela.
When the Xinth Inter- American Conference
met in Bogota in 1948 to draft a new constitutional
document, the representatives of the 21 Republics
set forth the purposes and principles of tlie Or-
ganization. These purposes may be summarized
under two main headings : first, the maintenance
of the peace and security of the Americas to pre-
vent aggression from any source and protect the
freedom and sovereignty of every member state ;
and second, cooperation in working out common
problems in order to promote the economic, social,
and cultural welfare of all peoples of these 21
countries.
"Enterprise of the Americas"
Paraphrasing Columbus' original proposal, we
maj' call this common effort of American nations
the "Enterprise of the Americas."
We can point with pride to past achievements in
regard to both the great purposes to which our
enterprise is dedicated. But, like the Enterprise
of the Indies, our Enterprise of the Americas has
encountered many difficulties and still faces prob-
lems of a future not yet clear.
In the field of peace and security we can take
justifiable pride in the growing sense of mutual
responsibility that has developed over the past 100
years. When the United States issued the Monroe
Doctrine in 1823, we expressed our unilateral con-
cern over any possible efforts to reestablish colonies
or to reintroduce European political systems on
this continent. By the early part of this century
we had declared our intention to act in situations
where intervention by a non-American power in
the affairs of other American countries was
threateneil in order to forestall such intervention.
But gradually this assumption by one country of a
unilateral responsibility fur the maintenance of
peace and security was converted into an assump-
tion by all 21 countries of a common responsibility.
This great development was reflected in the prin-
ciple adopted at the Conference of Chapultepec in
Mexico in 1945, that an attack against one Ameri-
can State would be considered an attack against all.
This principle was incorporated in the Treaty
of Rio de Janeiro, which provides for mutual as-
sistance among the American States in the event
of an armed attack and consultation in regard to
any other form of aggression. The success of the
regional machinery established in the Treaty of
Rio de Janeiro for the prevention of aggression
has been demonstrated on more than one occasion.
As a companion piece to this treaty, there has also
been drafted another agreement setting forth
methods for the peaceful solution of international
disputes among the American States. Although
this second treaty has not yet reached the jwint of
approval by a majority of the American Repub-
lics, consideration is now being given to the de-
sirability of revising the treaty to remove some of
the obstacles which have impeded ratification. In
any event the principles, procedures, and practice
of peaceful settlement are so firmly established
among the American States that they constitute
one of the basic assumptions of our international
code of conduct.
Yet we cannot by any means view with complete
equanimity the present situation in this continent
with respect to the maintenance of peace and secu-
rity. For the main danger which America faces
today is, as dangers so often are, of a new sort —
the danger of aggreasion by subversion of political
institutions in the interests of a foreign power.
We have a new kind of foe to cope with, and new
and more effective means of defense must be
found.
Caracas Conference
An important beginning to devise a stronger
system of peace and security in the face of this
Ocfofaer 25, J 954
597
danger was made at the Caracas Conference held
last March. There, interpreting the principle of
unitj' in defense against aggression, the American
States declared that the domination or control of
political institutions of an American State by
the international Communist movement, extend-
ing to this hemisphere the political system of an
extracontinental power, would constitute a threat
to the sovereignty and political independence of
the American States, endangering the peace of
the Americas, and would call for a Meeting of
Consultation to consider appropriate action.^ It
was on the basis of this principle that the Ameri-
can States last June, following some sensational
developments in the Eepublic of Guatemala, called
for a Meeting of Consultation to consider the sit-
uation created by Communist infiltration in that
country. The Foreign Ministers were about to
meet when a successful revolution in Guatemala
overthrew the Communist-penetrated government
there.
The outcome of the Guatemalan case should
not, however, lead us to think either that the gen-
eral problem has been eliminated from the Amer-
icas or that the means of protecting American
political institutions have been clearly developed.
More constructive thought is needed to understand
the nature of the Communist threat to America
and methods whereby unity of America may be
evoked in defense against it. Certainly vigilance
and a readiness to expose and control subversive
activities are required. The role of international
organizations in this respect must be more clearly
thought out.
Moreover, no one viewing the tradition of
America can feel satisfied with negative measures
alone. If we wish to strengthen our continent
against the violence and bloodshed which in re-
cent years have bi'ought misery and subjection to
other parts of the world, we must build in the
hearts of men. And that requires the clarification
and dramatization of positive American goals
that will respond to the political, economic, and
cultural aspirations of the peoples of America. No
program for the security of our American nations
can succeed unless the peoples of America are
given at least a moderate assurance that through
inter-American unity and cooperation, construc-
tive and positive gains will be made in improving
the life of the common man.
' Bulletin of Apr. 26, 1954, p. 638.
598
That brings us to the other great purpose of om-
Enterprise of the Americas — the promotion of the
economic, social, and cultural welfare of our peo- |
pie. Here too we maj' point with pride to impor-
tant developments in which the cooperation of
American peoples has played a vital role.
Our trade relations reflect the growing unity in
inter-American affairs. United States trade with
Latin America has increased from $1.7 billion in
1938 to almost $7 billion in 1952. Today Latin
America provides about one-third of our total im-
ports and takes from a fourth to a fifth of our ex-
ports. Latin American countries increasingly
look to the United States as a market for their
raw materials and as a source of manufactured
goods and capital equipment. The Latin Ameri-
can area is the largest single area of United States
foreign investments.
Moreover, progress in economic and social lines
in Latin America has been outstanding, showing
rates of growth which compare favorably with
economically more advanced areas.
For this progress, inter- American cooperation
may take a considerable share of the credit. The
program of reciprocal trade agreements, whereby
since the 1930's tariffs have been reduced as a
measure of promoting international trade, has
been of great benefit to inter-American trade.
Private investments which have formed the basis
of most economic development in Latin America
have been supplemented by special intergovern-
mental arrangements. Through the Export-Im-
port Bank and the International Bank for Recon-
struction and Development, loans to Latin Amer-
ica since World War II have been made at a rate
of about $100 million per year. The fact that
these loans have been made for sound economic
projects is evidenced by the satisfactory rate of
repayment.
Technical Assistance Program
Finally, a remarkable and interesting technical
assistance program has been developed among the
American Republics which is contributing to the
economic and social development of the entire
area. In the fields of agriculture, health and sani-
tation, education, and housing, a wide interchange
of technical knowledge is being pi'omoted. Proj-
ects are being undertaken to apply this technical
know-how to the solution of specific problems in
individual countries. These activities are being
Department of State Bulletin
carried out not only through bilateral arrange-
ments between the United States and other Ameri-
can countries but also through the agency of the
Organization of American States.
For example, the Pan American Sanitaiy Bu-
reau, the oldest international health organization
in the world, is carrying on a continent-wido cam-
paign to exterminate the carrier of yellow fever
in settled areas, as well as conducting a number of
other dramatic and significant health programs in
cooperation with national health agencies. The
Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences
is developing basic scientific and sociological in-
formation which can increasingly contribute to
the improvement of problems of agriculture and
rural life throughout Central and South America.
Thus again we may point with pride to achieve-
ment in this field, and yet at the same time we must
also look ahead to the existence of great and un-
solved problems which challenge the future of
inter-American unity and cooperation. For great
as is the progress in social and economic fields in
Latin America, the demand for progress is in-
creasing at an equal if not a faster rate. Wlien
people can see, as a result of motion pictures,
travel, and other media of mass information, the
higher standards of living to which modern tech-
nology gives access, they become impatient to get
there. The long, slow process through which our
own country went in the 19th centurj^ no longer
satisfies the urgent demands of peoples who are
just now starting that long climb to a better way
of life.
Moreover, as modern technology has altered the
economic basis of life, taking people away from
the traditional rural society and developing the
proletarian life of the cities, people have become
more dependent upon the course of worldwide
economic events. The outbreak of fighting in Ko-
rea, for example, had an immediate and direct ef-
fect upon the life of the Indian miner on the Bo-
livian Altiplano. The suddenly increased demand
for tin sent prices skyrocketing. Then, a few
years later, the demand fell, and down crashed
prices too, thus knocking to pieces the inflated eco-
nomic structure which had been created 2 or 3
years before.
It is no wonder that a principal goal which the
Latin American countries are now seeking in the
field of economic relations is for a greater stabil-
ity in their trade with us — particularly in their
ability to sell their copper, tin, coffee, petroleum,
and other essential goods to us at what they would
consider a fair rate of return.
This is but one example illustrating the fact
that now more than ever the basic problems of this
continent require international solutions. By this
I do not in any way mean to disregard the equally
powerful fact that international cooperation can
help only those nations that begin by doing all
within their power to help themselves.
The ultimate fact, underlining the need for
international action in regard to these problems
that so directly affect human life in this continent,
is that a failure to solve them cannot avoid inter-
national repercussions. If the people of any
American country is delivered into the hands of
destructive demagogues and extremists, we shall
all be the losers. If either communism on the one
hand or fanatic nationalism on the other — or the
two working together — should ever capture any
considerable portion of the population of this con-
tinent, the possibility of our ever achieving the
high purposes of inter-American cooperation
would indeed be dim. For in this age of explosive
forces we can hope to maintain our freedom and
civilization only if rational courses of human con-
duct win out. All of us — Xorth Americans and
Latin Americans — have a stake, therefore, in
making our Enterprise of the Americas work.
This means enlarging the area of common thought
and eti'ort towards achieving on this continent a
greater measure of freedom, security, and well-
being.
Belief in the Future
With respect to all the problems which face us
in inter-American cooperation today, perhaps
what is needed as much as anything is a rededica-
tion to that great American spirit which came in-
to being 150 years ago with the achievement of in-
dependence and which inspired men to a faith in
their destiny as inhabitants of a new world en-
dowed with a new hope.
For a century and a half we have gone forward
with a firm belief in our future and in our capacity
to create in this New World a better life for hu-
manity. Great things have been done. A great
deal remains to be done if we want to have on this
continent a strong, united, and confident America.
There are too many signs today that that great
belief in our future has been shaken, and that con-
Ocfober 25, 7954
599
fidence in ourselves and in our fellow Americans
has been soured ■with suspicion. Fear and hatred
have made inroads where courage and good will
should prevail.
Too often we hear it suggested that we have gone
as far as we can go in international cooperation;
that we should even turn back from our efforts to
seek a greater unity among nations. Perhaps,
after all, our Enterprise of the Americas is just
another crackpot idea.
Surely we cannot lend ourselves to such counsels.
They reflect the same atmosphere of cynicism and
doubt that characterized tlie end of the 15th cen-
tury when Columbus formulated his Enterprise
of the Indies. It is refreshing to recall that among
various other negative arguments advanced by the
most learned scholars of that time, in response to
Columbus" proposals, was the observation that in
that advanced era of civilization, so long after
the creation of the world, it was unlikely that there
were anywhere any more lands of any value to be
discovered !
Two yeai"s later, driven by his inspired faith and
determination, Columbus came upon a New World.
As we, the beneficiaries of his greatness, look
forward to the possibilities of building a stronger
and more vigorous America, let us recall as most
applicable to our owji times the words of Coliun-
bus in his letter reporting the discovery : "The
eternal Almighty God, our Lord, it is Wlio gives
to all who walk in His way victory over things
apparently impossible."
Some Aspects of the Present Economic Situation in Latin America
iy Edward G. Cole
Director, Office of Regional American Affairs ^
I come to speak to you on the subject of some
aspects of the present economic situation in Latin
America with a very great appreciation of the
complexity of the subject matter and of my own
limitations for dealing with them.
In fact, it is difficult and sometimes erroneous
to think in terms of Latin America as a unit, since
there is great diversity among the countries of
this area, which occupies almost one-fifth of the
world's land area. For example, the countries
vary greatly in size, ranging from Brazil, which
is about as large as the United States plus an
additional Texas, to Haiti, which is about the size
of the State of Maryland. Differences in race
between the various countries are also often very
marked. In some countries, such as Mexico,
Guatemala, Peru, and Bolivia, Indian blood pre-
' Address made at a conference on "Latin America and
Inter-American Relations" at tlie University of Virginia,
Charlottesville, Va., on Oct. 7 (press release 561).
dominates ; in others, such as Argentina and Uru-
guay, the population is largely of European
origin. In certain regions, such as northeastern
Brazil and the coastal fringes of the Caribbean,
considerable Negro blood is to be found. There
are also great differences between many of the
countries, economicall}'. For example, there are
many ways in which economic conditions in such
countries as Argentina, Chile, and Cuba are more
nearly like those in the United States than those
in such other Latin American countries as Haiti,
Bolivia, and Paraguay. Economic conditions
between different social or economic classes within
a given country vary even more widely. An ac-
curate description of Latin America is possible
only when these differences are all included.
There is not time in a limited discussion to do
tliis, but I hope that you will remember that there
are many exceptions to the generalizations that
I will have to make in order to cover the topic
with which I am dealing.
600
Department of State Bulletin
Natural Resources
Tlie jri^ncrnlization with which I shall begin
is that Latin America is an area of large un-
utilized natural resources. In general, the coun-
tries of the area have the potential in terms of
natural resources butli to build a prosperous home
industry and agriculture and to expand foreign
trade. Some of the countries are exceedingly
well endowed. For example, Venezuela has large
deposits of petroleum and iron; Colombia has
rich reserves of coal and iron; Peru has a wide
variety of minerals; Brazil has a very wide
range of natural resources generally, although
explorations so far made have not disclosed the
existence of large deposits of coal or petroleum;
and Argentina has an abundance of some of the
finest agricultural lands in the world. Explora-
tion has so far not been carried far enough fully
to indicate the extent of the area's natural wealth.
Despite an abundance of natural wealth in most
of the countries of the area, especially in relation
to present population, tliere are a number of
handicaps that must be overcome in developing
them. In terms of present technology and on the
basis of presently known resources, Latin Amer-
ica is not as well endowed as the United States
to meet the basic needs of an industrial society.
To a large extent, the physical environment
of Latin Ameica is difficult and offers obstacles
to economic development. For example, the
Andean mountain range, which lies athwart the
western part of South America, constitutes a
formidable barrier to transportation and com-
munication. Heat and humidity in large por-
tions of the area are also unfavorable to optimum
production. Land and mineral resources in a
considerable number of the countries are limited.
Given its vast area, however, which is some two
and one -half times that of the United States
and its known resources, it should be able to af-
ford its present population a much higher stand-
ard of living than it now enjoys. However, since
it also has one of the most rapidly increasing
populations of any major area of the world, it
faces a serious problem in increasing production
rapidly enough to increase per capita income.
For example, it is estimated, on the basis of
present trends, that the population of Latin
America will be around 500 million by the year
2,000. At present, its population is slightly in
excess of that of the United States. If these
estimates and similar estimates for the United
States and Canada should prove correct, how-
evei-, the population of Latin America will be
more than twice that of the United States and
Canada combined by the close of the present
century.
Increased Output
A second generalization that may be made re-
garding Latin America is that during the past
decade and a half it has increased its economic
productivity at a considerably more rapid rate
than the rate at which its population has been in-
creasing. The following data, which are largely
taken from a recent report by the United Nations
Economic Commission for Latin America, are in-
dicative of the really remarkable progress which
Latin America has made since the Second World
War : Population is increasing in Latin America,
on the average, at a rate of from 2 to 2i/^ percent
per annum. But output of goods and services has
been substantially in excess of population growth.
The per capita rate of increase in the volume of
goods and services available to Latin America
since the war has been around 3i^ percent per
year. Living standards have been raised appre-
ciably as a result, but not all of the increased out-
put has gone into increased consiunption.
Economic development requires that capital be
accumulated; and capital accumulation in Latin
America since the close of the Second World War
has been exceptionally intense, the investment rate
approximating 16 percent of total national in-
come. This compares favorably with the record
of even highly industrialized countries. It has
been estimated that more than 90 percent of the
capital accumulated during the period was sup-
plied from Latin America's own savings. The
stock of capital per worker has increased on the
average from $1,177 in 1945 to $1,409 in 1952,
an increase of more than 25 percent. The out-
standing feature of this development has been the
expansion in manufactures. The value of manu-
factures increased from $6.8 billion in 1945 to $11.4
billion in 1952. This is an increase of better than
70 percent in 7 years. The value of manufactures
surpassed the value of agricultural output in
Latin America in 1947 for the first time and has
outranked it ever since.
Notwithstanding this rapid rate of progress,
there is still a great deal of popular dissatisfaction
Ocfober 25, 7954
601
with their present economic conditions among the
governments and people of Latin America. Fur-
thermore, it appears that the amount of this dis-
satisfaction is at least as great, if not greater, in
those areas where there has been the greatest eco-
nomic and social change. There are apparently
many factors which heip to account for this situ-
ation. First, average per capita income in Latin
America is still very low in comparison with that
of the more highly industrialized countries. The
situation varies greatly as between countries ; but,
in all, the lot of the major part of the population
is poor. In Latin America as a whole, per capita
income is probably not more than % of per capita
income in the United States. Health conditions
in many areas may be considered poor by accepted
standards. For example, it is estimated that the
death rate in most of the Latin American coun-
tries is in excess of 100 per 1,000 live births. The
comparative figure for the United States is 28 or 29
per 1,000. The average diet in a number of the
countries is less than the diet which has generally
been considered by nutritional experts as the
minimum necessary to maintain health and
efficiency.
The need for improved education in Latin
America is also great. Many of the countrias
have illiteracy rates exceeding 50 percent, and
few of them have effectively orientated their edu-
cational systems to the requirements of a modern
industrial civilization.
Transportation facilities are also inadequate.
Latin America has about 1/3 the railroad mileage
of the United States and fewer motor vehicles than
the State of New Jersey. Lack of f amti-to-market
roads handicaps the movement of food and other
agricultural products.
Notwithstanding the low average level of in-
come in Latin America and the unsatisfactory
health, educational, and other conditions that go
with it, there are in virtually all of the Latin
American countries a limited group of very well-
to-do people. Their standards of living, health,
and comfort are as good as those enjoyed by our
wealthier citizens. The contrast between the con-
dition of the few and that of the masses of the
people is accordingly very marked. Part of the
dissatisfaction with economic conditions is there-
fore undoubtedly the result of the fact that the
major portion of the population has not come
anywhere near achieving the average standard of
living of the more highly industrialized countries
or of their own well-to-do classes. It is only nat-
ural for them to wish to achieve a greater rate of
progress.
Furthermore, Latin American officials fear that
the outlook for maintaining even the present rate
of progress is not especially good, owing to a de-
cline in the demand for, and falling prices of, a
considerable number of their export products, such
as tin, copper, and lead and zinc during the past
2 years. Our Latin American neighbors are un-
derstandably concerned over the situation.
Inflation
There are other reasons, however, why there is
dissatisfaction among the masses of the people.
One is that inflation in many countries is rampant
and that it is hard to keep real incomes from
falling, under such conditions. For example, the
cost of living in Sao Paulo, Brazil, is reported to
have risen fi-om an index of 100 in 1948 to an index
of 162 in 1953, and in Santiago, Chile, from 100 in
1948 to 256 in 1953. The cost of living in the
United States during the same period rose from
100 in 1948 to 111 in 1953.
Although there has been a widespread increase
in government assistance to labor in the field of so-
cial security in Latin America during the past 15
years, this in many cases has been financed through
inflation and a system of taxation which have
placed the bulk of the burden back on the work-
ers. Furthermore, a considerable number of
Latin American countries do not have inheritance
taxes and progressive income taxes. Even where
such taxes exist the rates are low and collection
is often not fully effective.
An additional reason why there is not greater
popular satisfaction with the rate of economic
progress made in Latin America in recent years is
the fact that, even though average per capita in-
come has increased, there are large segments of
the population wliich apparently have not bene-
fited. In this connection the Mexican experience
is enlightening. Mexico is among the Latin
American countries that have done most to keep
inflation in check. Furthermore, few Latin
American countries have done more than Mexico
to develop a middle class or to lessen the extremes
of income between its poorer and wealthier
classes. Its rate of economic progress from 1939
to 1950 was truly remarkable. Capital accumu-
602
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
liition during this period was unprecedented.
There was a great increase in real income which
permitted a considerable rise in tot^il consump-
tion. The following information, which is taken
from the Report of the Combined Mexican Work-
ing Party entitled "The Economic Development
of Mexico," indicatas, however that the increased
income has not been evenly distributed. There
has been a sliift in favor of profits, and against
wages and salaries. As a result, a large part of
the increase in consumption dvu-ing the period
1939-50 was enjoyetl by a small part of the popu-
lation. About 14 of the national income was paid
in the form of profits, rents, and interests to a
relatively small part of the total population. On
the other hand, large nimibers of pereons received
low incomes.
Furthermore, workers in different regions of
the country were affected differently by the in-
crease in average real income. The standards of
living for industrial workers and for agricultural
workers in the new agricultural regions were
above those in the older unimproved farming
areas, and no significant improvement was dis-
cernible in the real income of farmers in the old
areas or in the real income of industrial workers
as a group. The position of a large number of
individuals during this period was nevertheless
improved, since they shifted from other types of
activity to industry where wages were generally
higher.
In one very real sense the rate of progi'ess made
in Latin America during the period in question
was to a large extent the result of a situation
which cannot be relied upon for continued prog-
ress. The principal reason for the progress was
an improvement in Latin America's terms of
trade, i.e. an increase in the prices of their ex-
ports in relation to the prices of their imports.
There has not been the inci'ease in economic pro-
ductivity, especially in the export industries, that
will be required if Latin America is to continue
to increase its per capita national income. It ap-
pears that there has actually been no increase in
the physical volume of Latin American exports
since 1948.
Attitudes of Labor and Management
The working class has had its desires for high
standards of living greatly stimulated. By defi-
nition, the raising of living standards would re-
quire a great increase in production. However,
the workers often do not wish to increase their
hours of work per day or week, which are often
small (the necessity for choosing between leisure
and greater income has not been appreciated), or
to cooperate with management in raising produc-
tivity. The reluctance to increase their own pro-
ductivity is based in part on suspicion of their
employers and fear that increased productivity
will only lead to more unemployment, or under-
employment, of which there is now admittedly
too much. In part this suspicion is warranted,
because the management and the owners have
often not yet adopted or approved the system of
large-scale production and small unit profits.
With some exceptions, both labor and manage-
ment in Latin America will have to cliange their
attitudes before there is to be a significant in-
crease in productivity. There are encouraging
signs in some countries that this is being done.
The Communists of the area and other anti-
United States elements find the conditions which
I am describing tailor-made to their purpose of
fomenting local discontent and antagonism
against the United States and United States com-
panies operating in Latin America. For example,
one of the standard arguments of the Communists
is that the United States is trj-ing to exploit the
Latin American countries through private United
States companies. Actually, insofar as produc-
tivity has been improved in Latin ^Vmerica, the
United States-owned enterprises have made an
important contribution. Furthermore, the im-
port of capital which is put to productive uses can
and does make it possible for capital-scarce
countries to maintain a higher level of consump-
tion than if they had to reduce consumption to
the extent necessary to provide all the capital that
they use out of domestic savings. The Commu-
nists and their associates, nevertheless, continue
to urge that foreign-owned enterprises be nation-
alized and that further foreign capital not be
allowed to enter the country. Fortunately, there
appears to be a slowly growing recognition of the
importance of productivity and capital in some
labor circles.
The efforts of the Communists to sow discon-
tent and discord are often made easier by other
Latin American citizens, sometimes people in ofii-
cial positions, who increase misunderstanding by
speaking and acting as though there were simple
Ocfober 25, 1954
603
■solutions to Latin America's problems. For ex-
ample, the view is often expressed that Latin
America's failure to make greater progress is the
result of the fact that the more highly indus-
trialized countries pay Latin America too little
for its raw materials and charge it too much for
industrial products. Often these same individ-
uals argue, apparently without considering that
there is any inconsistency between the two posi-
tions, that Latin America should increase its
duties against imported industrial products be-
cause they are so efficiently produced that the
Latin American countries cannot compete with
them without substantially increased tariff pro-
tection. It may be noted, furthermore, that it is
common for the United States not to impose any
duty on imports of most raw materials from Latin
America, whereas it is rather general for the Latin
American governments to tax the production or
export of siich materials, sometimes to the point
of virtual confiscation. Should they choose to do
so, the Latin American countries are, accordingly,
often in the position both to reduce the price to
their consumers of imported industrial products
and to increase the returns to their producers of
raw materials.
The contention is also often made by Latin
American representatives that the more highly
industrialized countries should assure their eco-
nomic progress by undertaking to stabilize the
prices of their raw materials in terms of the prices
of industrial products.
Terms of Trade
Actually, as has been suggested earlier and as
a recent study made by the Pan American Union
indicates, from the outbreak of the Second World
War to the present time the terms of trade of the
Latin American countries as a whole, of the major-
ity of the individual countries, and of most indi-
vidual Latin American commodities have been
vei-y favorable. In recent years they have been
at approximately the same level as at the begin-
ning of the century. From 1937 to 1953 they
became increasingly favorable to Latin America.
As has also been suggested earlier, the experience
of the Latin American countries during this pe-
riod is an indication of the fact that high prices
for tlieir products have not been a panacea.
The terms of trade are, in fact, only one of the
many factors which may influence the welfare of
a country. For example, the terms of trade do
not give sufficient weight to volume, which in the
case of many products has often been a dominat-
ing element in the determination of international
prices. The terms of trade also do not include
any consideration of improvement in quality,
which customarily occurs over any extended pe-
riod of time, especially in the case of industrial
products. The terms of trade may not, therefore,
reflect the real prosperity of a country and they
are likely to be even less of an indication of the
prosperity of individual economic classes within
a country. Venezuela and Brazil might be taken
as random examples. The new President of Bra-
zil, in a radio address last month, described the
precarious economic situation existing in his
country. This situation developed although the
terms of trade were twice as favorable in 1952 as
in the period 1935-39, and although it appears,
even though complete statistics are not yet avail-
able, that its terms of trade for 1953 were at least
as favorable as for 1952. On the other hand,
Venezuela's progress and present prosperity are
well-known to all observers of tlie Latin Ameri-
can situation, even though the terms of trade of
her chief export product, petroleum, which con-
stitutes regularly over 90 percent of her total ex-
ports, improved by less than 30 percent between
the period 1935-39 and 1953.
Coffee Prices
The fact that high prices are not necessarily
beneficial to the producers of a product might be
illustrated witli particular reference to coffee.
There was an increase of more than 10-fold in
the price of coffee in Brazil between 1937 and
November 1953, before the price increase last
winter. This increase was largely the result of
the fact that Brazil, tlie world's largest producer
of coffee, is now producing considerably less coffee
than in the period before tlie Second World War,
while world consumption of coffee is, of course,
much higher. The price increase was not, however,
an unmixed blessing, especially to the coffee grow-
ers and more particularly to the woi'kei's. The
exchange earned from coffee was one of the im-
portant factors which accounted for an expan-
sion of the currency in the coffee-producing
countries, and this and other factors brought about
the inflation tliat I have referred to earlier. Dur-
ing the period 1937-53 the cost-of-living index in
604
Department of State Bulletin
Sao Paulo, the principal cofTw-pi-odiioiiij; re<rion
of Brazil, increased from •22 to l(i(i, more than
seven-fold. Considerably more than half of the
increased return was. thcrofore, re(iuired to pay in-
creased costs of livinj^. Fiutlu'iinore, as a result of
governmentixl policy in many of the coffee-produc-
injr counti'ies, inchulini^ Brazil, the expt>rter was
re<|uired to convei't his exchange in a controlled
market under such terms that the coffee industry
was forced to subsidize other activities. The re-
sult was that the benelit of the increased coffee
prices went only to a limited extent to those who
worked coffee lands, especially the laborers.
"\^^lat I have said about coffee and about dis-
satisfaction in Latin ^\jnerica with its economic
conditions suggests that high prices, or even eco-
nomic development itself, alone, may not be
enough to meet the needs of the people, especially
the poorer classes.
This leads me to a further generalization about
Latin America, namely, that it is an area likely to
be faced by increasingly complex problems which
liave no short-term solution, for which it must
continue, as in the past, to find answers largely
on the basis of its own resources, industry, and
genius. In order to provide increased standards
of living for its people it must use its resources
wisely. It must increase its economic produc-
tivity not only by the application of improved
techniques of production but through the indus-
triousness of its people.
It must find a proper balance between the various
segments of its economy. Agriculture, industry,
and transportation must be developed in harmony.
In some of the Latin American countries this will
require increased attention to agriculture, where
per capita output is now less than it was before
the Second "World War. For example, consider-
ing 1948-49 as 100, per capita agricultural output
in Latin America in the period 1934-38 was 107,
and in 1952-53 it was 101. This means that the
area is now less able to feed itself than it was
prior to the beginning of the Second World War.
Comparable figures for the United States are 84
in the 1934-38 period and 112 in the 1952-53
period.
Specialization vs. Diversification
Another problem faced by Latin American
countries in increasing average living standards
will be to strike a proper balance between spe-
cialization and diversification of industry. At the
present time most of the Latin American coun-
tries are lieavily dependent on one, or at best three
or four, raw materials and foodstuffs. For ex-
ami)Ie, tin is the belhvether in Bolivia; nitrates
and copper in Chile; sugar in Cuba; coffee in
Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, and Guatemala;
meat and wool in Uruguay; petroleum in Vene-
zuela ; and lead and zinc in Mexico. The prin-
cii)al reason for this situation is probably the
fact that the Latin American countries can pur-
chase a greater volume of foreign goods through
specializing in these commodities than by produc-
ing other commodities. Tliey i-ely upon the for-
eign exchange received from the exi)ort of these
commodities to pay for most of their imports of
consumer goods and of capital goods needed for
economic development and for servicing foreign
investments. If the countries continue, as will
apparently be necessary, to rely on foreign imports
and on foreign investment, they must maintain
healthy conditions in these basic export indus-
tries. On the other hand, so long as they are
heavily dependent on these industries, their econo-
mies are especially vulnerable to fluctuations in
the world prices of the commodities in question.
Another problem faced by the Latin American
countries is to reach the proper balance between
encoui-aging savings and investment, on the one
hand, and permitting consumption levels to rise, on
the other. If income were equally distributed in
Latin i\anerica, it is probable that the rate of sav-
ings would be less than at present, since the small
amount of increase in income that the average citi-
zen might receive initially would be much more
likely to be spent to satisfy consumption needs
than to be saved. It would be helpful to the
masses in Latin America, however, if some way
could be found of inducing the well-to-do to put
a larger portion of their savmgs into productive
undertakings. At present inflation and other
conditions often lead them to invest in real estate
or in foreign countries, rather than in productive
enterprises at home.
Another very difficult problem for the Latin
Americans is to determine the extent to which
their development will be financed by local sav-
ings and by foreign investment. The most readily
expansible source of economic development funds
is undoubtedly private foreign capital. The eco-
nomic development process could undoubtedly be
October 25, 1954
60S
speeded up if local conditions were made attractive
to such capital. On the other hand, this may in-
volve the problem of absentee ownership and may
run counter to nationalistic desires for local owner-
ship and operation of industry.
Just one final generalization. Latin America
is an area in which we have many vital interests
and with which we should accordingly cooperate
to the extent that we and our Latin American
neighbors can find mutually desirable programs.
Except for Canada, many of the countries of the
area are our closest neighbors. It contains regions
of great strategic importance from the viewpoint
of the United States and Western Hemisphere de-
fense. It produces many raw materials that are
important to us in peace and war. From the
standpoint of military defense of the hemisphere
our role is, of course, of crucial importance to the
Latin American countries. Commercially, they
are dependent upon us as a market for about half
of their expoits. In the case of the countries
which are geographically closer to us and in the
case of some commodities such as coffee, we pur-
chase a much larger portion of their exports — our
exports to Latin America are equivalent to about
20 percent of our total exports. We have always
been closely bound together with them and they
and we have generally cooperated effectively to-
gether. I am sure that close cooperation between
ourselves and them will continue, notwitlistanding
many differences of opinion, because it will con-
tinue to be in our mutual interest to cooperate and
to resolve our differences in a spirit of understand-
ing and accommodation.
Arrival of Pakistan Prime Minister
Remarks hy Acting Secretary Hoover ^
May I express my deep pleasure at the oppor-
tunity afforded me personally and on behalf of
Secretary Dulles to welcome you on your return to
Washington. We in the United States are partic-
ularly proud of the many bonds of friendship
which link the peoples of Pakistan and the United
States. Your previous residence here as Ambas-
sador of your great country has made you well
known to Americans of many walks of life. Thus
it is with a sense of greeting old friends that we
who are gathered here welcome you. May your
visit be a most pleasant one for you both.
National Olympic Day, 1954
Proclamation 3069'
Whereas the XVIth Olympic Games of the modern era
will be held at Melbourne, Australia, November 22 to
December 8, 1956, with Winter Games to be held at Cor-
tina d'Ampezzo, Italy, January 26 to February 5, 1956,
and the Pan American Games will be held at Mexico City
in March 1955 ; and
Whereas by a joint resolution approved April 22, 1954
(68 Stat. 58), the Congress has declared that these games
will afford an opportunity of bringing together yoimg
men and women representing more than seventy nations,
of many races, creeds, and stations in life and possessing
various habits and customs, all bound together by the
universal appeal of friendly athletic competition ; and
Whereas the said joint resolution calls attention to
the fact that the United States Olympic Association is
presently engaged in assuring maximum support for the
teams representing the United States in these athletic
contests, and requests the President to issue a proclama-
tion designating the sixteenth day of October 1954 as
National Olympic Day :
Now, therefore, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Pres-
ident of the United States of America, do hereby designate
Saturday, October 16, 1954, as National Olympic Day,
and I urge all citizens of our country to do all in their
power to support the XVIth Olympic Games, the Winter
Games, and the Pan American Games so as to insure that
the United States will be ftilly and adequately repre-
sented in these games.
In witness wheeeof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this second day of
October in the year of our Lord nineteen
[seal] hundred and fifty-four, and of the Independence
of the United States of America the one
hundred and seventy-ninth.
X^ Cji-f-y L'CZ^ Cj-icu.^ X**o.^.
' Made at Washington National Airport on Oct. 14 on the
arrival of Prime Minister Mohammed All and Begum Ali
(pressrelease 578).
By the President :
Walter B. Smith
Acting Secretary of State.
' 19 Fed. Reg. C469.
606
Department of State Bulletin
Nuclear Physics, A Triumph of Man's Mind
hy James B. Conant
UJS. High Commissioner for Germany^
^lien I lay in the sand of Alamogordo on July
16, 1945, waiting for the first atomic explosion in
the history of mankind, I would never have
thought that one day I would open in Berlin an
American exhibit devoted to the peaceful and con-
structive applications of atomic energy. Wliile
I was waiting in the dawn of that summer day,
I discussed with some of the nuclear physicists
present the probabilities as to the successful out-
come of the experiment. For, as everyone now
knows, we could not be then certain that an atomic
explosion was possible.
In the course of our discussion someone men-
tioned the fact that we had once feared that, if
an atomic explosion occurred, this would set off
an uncontrolled chain reaction of the nitrogen in
the atmosphere and the world would go up in
flames. Exact calculation had already proved
conclusively tliat such fears were pure nonsense:
A nitrogen chain reaction could not occur under
any circmnstances. Nevertheless, this idea of an
uncontrolled chain reaction was evidently still in
my subconscious mind. When the incredibly
powerful light of the first atomic explosion ap-
peared, the irrational thought hit me : The whole
world has gone up in flames. Such was the deep
impression made on me by the first atomic explo-
sion in the history of man.
The tremendous sound of the explosion 10 miles
away reached us only after what seemed like an
interminable minute. But long before I heard the
explosion, the devastating picture which my fan-
' Address made on Sept. 24 at the Berlin Technical
University on the occasion of the opening of the U.S.
exhibition "The Atom" In the 1954 German Industrial
Exhibition (Hicoo press release).
tasy had momentarily conjured up had disap-
peared and I was face to face with reality — a
reality which was terrible enough. Mankind is
faced with great and diiBcult problems — that much
is certain — but on the other hand we do not have
to reckon with the fear of a world explosion, nor
indeed with the fear of the radioactive poisoning
of the entire atmosphere of this globe.
Tonight, however, I do not propose to talk
about the military applications of atomic energy
nor the political problem which the release of
atomic energy has brought with it. For the ex-
hibition which we have prepared here in Berlin
deals with quite different aspects of atomic energy.
Tonight, rather, I want to devote my lecture to
the peaceful uses of atomic energy. It is an inter-
esting fact that in America we knew soon after the
wartime development had begun that a controlled
chain reaction was possible, but none of us could
be sure whether an explosive chain reaction could
be brought about. Only the laws of nuclear
physics could give an answer to that question, and
they were then still partially unexplored.
Controlled Chain Reaction
Let me say a few words about the controlled
chain reaction. In this connection I would like to
tell another personal story, if I may be permitted.
Some of you may already have read it in the two
articles which Mrs. Fermi, the wife of the great
Italian-American physicist who played such a
decisive role in the release of atomic energy, has
published in the New Yorker magazine.
It was he who brought about the first controlled
chain reaction toward the end of 1942 under the
grandstands of the football field at Chicago Uni-
versity. As soon as the remarkable experiment
OcJober 25, 1954
607
had been successfully carried out, I received a
long-distance call from Dr. Arthur Compton, the
director of the Chicago atomic research project.
In this telephone conversation he said, in accord-
ance with a prearranged code, "The Italian navi-
gator has reached the new world."
"And what is the attitude of the natives?" I
asked excitedly. "Extremely friendly," replied
Compton.
It was thus I knew the first controlled chain re-
action had succeeded.
Some of you may ask : ""WTiat exactly is a con-
trolled chain reaction ? " That is exactly what our
exhibit will explain. In fact, we have constructed
there an apparatus which does not differ very much
from the first atomic pile which Fermi put in
operation at Chicago University in December
1942.
I am not going to try to outline tonight those
portions of theoretical physics which you will find
explained repeatedly in our exhibition. Such an
exposition might be considered presumptuous on
the part of an organic chemist. For there is a
certain rivalry between chemists and physicists,
one that, I hope, is always friendly. But physicists
do not relish having a chemist venture into a field
which is their own. But now back to my subject.
Those of you who know the theory may chiefly
be interested in the models, instruments, and
equipment displayed at our exhibition. For the
others I hope that our exhibition may be an in-
structive introduction into the new science of
nuclear physics.
Surely one must admire the intelligence of man
which has enabled him to produce a controlled
chain reaction. But what is the controlled chain
reaction good for? May I emphasize again that
I am not talking about the explosive chain reaction
nor about the political problems which it has
created. The controlled chain reaction in a nu-
clear reactor produces energy in form of heat on
the one hand and chemical elements with strong
radioactivity on the other. These may be pro-
duced either as byproducts of nuclear fission or
by subjecting elements to neutron bombardment
within the reactor.
Atomic Power for Industry
I have just mentioned that a nuclear reactor can
produce energy which can be used to run steam
engines or to produce electric power. I feel that
608
so much has already been written in the news-
papers about the atom as a source of energy that I
need not dwell on this subject, nor shall I discuss
the economic feasibility of using atomic power for
industrial purposes. But I do want to emphasize
one point. The basic technical problems have long
since been solved. It is the economic application
of atomic energy for industry which must stiU
be developed. As you know, I am sure, President
Eisenhower gave the signal on September 6 which
started the construction of the first American
atomic power plant.- Four more experimental
plants will be built soon, and these five power
plants are destined to help solve the problems con-
nected with the economic production and use of
atomic energy.
The reactor as a source of industrial energy
still lies in the future. But the use of radioactive
products, on the other hand, is already a matter
of great importance, for they have become in-
valuable tools of scientific research. Today they
may be regarded as the most important result of
the entire reactor program. In America radio-
active materials have been produced for several
years in commercial quantities, and they are
shipped to more than 50 foreign countries. In
England, particularly at Harwell, similar pro-
grams have been developed. For substances whose
radioactivity is short-lived, England naturally re-
mains the principal supplier for Europe.
In order to give you an idea of the quantities of
radioactive materials produced, I would like to
refer to a single experiment being carried out at
Brookhaven. This is the so-called Gamma Field,
where the effect of such radiation on plants is
studied. Tlie source of radiation used there, a
small block of radioactive cobalt, is only one of
many similar sources used in numerous American
laboratories and research institutes. But this one
source has a radiation power of 1,800 Curies, the
equivalent, that is, of 1,800 grams of radium. This
may not impress you unless I tell you that there
are only 1,500 grams of radium available in the
world today.
I have so far spoken of only one of the appli-
cations of radioactive materials. Several of the
other applications, because of their particular type
of radiation, are an extremely practical and cheap
substitute for X-ray machines. Many have
' BuiXBnN of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 396.
Department of Slate Bulletin
greater intensity of radiation than radium. This
tremendous power of radiation makes artificially
produced radioactive materials extremely danger-
ous for human beings. It is no exaggeration to
say tliat the protective techniques which have made
the handling of such materials possible constitute
a veritable triumph of human ingenuity.
When you go to the exhibit, you will find in the
center of the main hall the actual apparatus which
has been constructed to enable a person to carry
out experiments behind a protective wall. The
magic hands which are thus operated from a dis-
tance are almost as skillful as the human hand it-
self. But I must give a word of caution, not to
warn you against possible dangers of the terrific
radiation or poisoning — which, in fact, is present
when this apparatus is used. This warning does
not concern any possible dangere from radioac-
tivity or poisoning. Quite the contrary. I must
warn you that what you will see are harmless
models.
I have spoken of the use of some of the radio-
active products of an atom pile as a substitute for
a Roentgen tube. Let me remind this audience
of the significance of the great discovery made by
Roentgen when he was professor at Wiirzburg in
the last part of the 19th century. The news of
this great discovery was soon broadcast to the
world, and rapidly physicians realized that the
medical profession had been given a most valu-
able tool. This was followed by the discovery of
radium, which is used for very special purposes,
particularly in the therapy of cancer. Today the
reactor has given us a whole series of radioactive
elements which, even in small quantities, are more
than a complete substitute for Roentgen and
radiiun radiations. When you visit our exliibi-
tion, you will fijid interesting displays showing
the use of radioactive iodine in the diagnosis of
thyroid cancer and its metastases as well as in the
localization and therapy of brain tumors.
Radioactive Materials in Research
Radioactive materials open new possibilities not
only for the physician but also for the scientific
researcher which are not as striking but may be
just as important. The use of radioactive ma-
terials in scientific research is difficult to explain
in nontechnical words. Some of these materials
are called tracers because they enable the scientist
to follow complicated chemical reactions with
great precision. In fact, one can follow these
processes with the Geiger counter very much the
way a dog follows the trace of a rabbit with his
nose. This comparison may be made clearer by
two specific examples. Both cases show how a
radioactive element, the radioactive form of car-
bon, has been involved in the solving of secrets of
nature.
I have a personal interest in the fii-st case, as
one set of experiments in this field was described
in a paper published in 1941 which carried my
name among others, although my own contribu-
tion to this work was small. In those days radio-
active carbon could be made only in very small
quantities and with great difficulties in the labora-
tories. Today it is produced in relatively large
iiuantities like many other radioactive materials,
and production costs are considerably lower. In
this initial experiment carbon dioxide was used
which contained radioactive carbon and was there-
fore radioactive itself. In experiments with living
animal tissue a very surprising discovery was
made : Some of the carbon dioxide was absorbed
by this tissue and converted into sugar-like carbo-
hydrates. Many of you will think that this was
hardly a revolutionary discovery. In fact, this
observation was so unexpected that the experi-
menters felt at first they must have made an error ;
for according to one of the basic postulates of
biochemistry, animal tissue could not assimilate
carbon dioxide but rather produce it by the oxi-
dation of carbohydrates. It was another accepted
postulate that assimilation of carbon dioxide by a
living cell and its conversion to a carbohydrate
only took place in gi-een plants under the influence
of light.
These postulates have now been shown to be
completely false. Many animal and plant cells
convert carbon dioxide into sugar, and each step
in this process has been followed in considerable
detail by following the trace of the radioactive car-
bon. I regret that I cannot give you more of the
details, fascinating as these details and their con-
sequences are for the scientist. Let me just give
you the conclusion reached on the basis of these
experiments: Green plants convert carbon dioxide
into carbohydrates under the influence of light;
many animal tissues are able to accomplish the
same transformation, the required energy pro-
vided by the oxidation of some other sugars to
carbon dioxide.
October 25, 1954
318878—54 S
609
Relation to Archeology
Now let me jump from biochemistry to arche-
ology. One of the most difficult problems which
often faces the archeologist is the dating of an-
cient discoveries. The second example I want to
describe to you illustrates one of the most inter-
esting and most recent applications of radioactiv-
ity. Here, however, we are not concerned with
an artificially produced radioactive material but
rather with one that is found in nature. This
method was developed by an American physical
chemist, Willard F. Libby, of Chicago University.
In the upper atmosphere a small percentage of
nitrogen is constantly being transmuted into ra-
diocarbon through the bombardment with cosmic
rays. The percentage of this radiocarbon in the
atmosphere is unbelievably small and at the same
time constant : one atom of radioactive carbon to
1,000 billion atoms of ordinary carbon. The ra-
diocarbon is oxidized to carbon dioxide, which
is absorbed by plants together with ordinary, non-
radioactive carbon dioxide. Thus, radioactive
carbon gets into the tissues of all living organisms
in the same relative quantities as mentioned be-
fore : one atom of radioactive carbon to 1,000 bil-
lion atoms of ordinary carbon dioxide.
Thus, when a plant or animal dies, the amount
of radioactivity in its tissues, which is extremely
small, corresponds to that in the atmosphere. Af-
ter about 5,500 years — the so-called half life of
radioactive carbon dioxide — half of the carbon
14 has undergone decomposition and its radio-
activity is thus only half of what it was initially.
After about 11,000 years it is only one-quarter, and
so on. Accordingly, by determining the radio-
activity of any matter containing carbon dioxide,
one can determine how many j^ears ago it acquired
the carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.
I must point out that these measurements are
extremely difficult and can only be carried out with
instruments of the utmost sensitivity. Nonethe-
less, it is possible to date archeological discoveries
that are from 1,000 to 20,000 years old with an ac-
curacy of about 200 years.
The accuracy of this method of radiocarbon dat-
ing was checked by measuring the radioactivity
of a piece of wood taken from the inside of one
of our giant California sequoia trees. The age of
this tree was known accurately through the num-
ber of its annual rings.
One of the interesting conclusions that have been
reached is that the last glaciation of the North-
ern Hemisphere occurred about 11,000 years ago
and that the famous cave paintings in the Lascoux
cave near Montignac in France are about 15,000
years old. Linen wrappings from the Dead Sea
scrolls of the Book of Isaiah, which were recently
found in Israel, were determined to be about 1,900
yeai-s old.
If you have understood my explanations, you
will have noticed that the two examples that I
gave you are actually closely connected. Both
have in common the assimilation of carbon dioxide
by organic tissue. As a former professor I have
a weakness for practical illustration. We have
here a Geiger counter. I do not want to describe
this instrument in detail. Suffice it to say that it
reveals the presence of radioactive radiation. If
this rose had been grown in an atmosphere con-
taining radioactive carbon dioxide or with the
use of radioactive fertilizer, it would itself radiate
and affect a Geiger counter.
Unfortunately, it would take too long for a
plant to absorb carbon dioxide for anyone to dem-
onstrate such a transformation in tlie course of a
single lecture, but I am going to place this rose
in water containing a radioactive phosphorus com-
pound. Perhaps later I shall see whether or not
I can convince you that there has been any assim-
ilation of the radioactive material. Long ago I
learned to be cautious about doing experiments
before audiences. In the days when I was a chem-
istry professor, I had more than one failure in
such attempts. What I predicted sometimes did
not come to pass. On one such occasion an elderly
visitor to my lectures came up afterward and said,
"Young man, you would do better as a lecture
demonstrator if you spoke after the event as an
historian and not before the event as a prophet" —
a liiece of advice which I must say has stood me in
good turn in my new profession. But of political
matters I do not propose to speak tonight.
The United States Government is contributing
the exhibit entitled "The Atom" to the annual Ber-
lin Industrial Fair because in the United States
there were brought to a focus the results of what
may be thought of as a great international under-
taking. One may well consider the results
achieved in the last 15 years as a great accomplish-
ment of the creative human spirit. As an Ameri-
can I am proud of the part American scientists
have played. And it is highly satisfactory to re-
610
Department of State Bulletin
member that in this endeavor they worked closely
with (.ertiiin great scientists who were refugees
from the totalitarian regimes of Europe and who
found iisyluni in America. Let nie name liere
Szilard, AVigner, Teller, Weisskopf, and Fermi.
History of Atomic Physics
At this point may 1 remind you of some of the
more important steps in the history of atomic
physics in this century. Kadioactivity was discov-
ered by the Frenchman Becquerel in 1896 and
studied tlioroughly by Pierre and Marie Curie
who, 2 yeai-s later, discovered and isolated radiiun.
In 1010 the English physicist Rutherford trans-
formed an atomic nucleus for the first time. By
bombarding a few atoms of nitrogen with alpha
particles — that is, nuclei of the element lieliuni —
he succeeded in transforming them into oxygen.
The next decisive step was the discovery of neu-
trons, this electrically neutral particle which alone
makes possible the release of atomic energj'
through a controlled chain reaction. On the basis
of experiments made by Booth and Becker in Ger-
many in 1930 and Irene Curie and Frederic Joliot
in France in 1932, and on the basis of his own
calculations, the Englishman Chadwick jiredicted
the existence of neutrons and then proved this
experimentally.
The discovery of the neutron opened a new chap-
ter in experimental physics. It is hard to over-
estimate the importance of the new methods which
were developed in a field which we have already
learned to call neutron physics. The bombard-
ment of elements with neutrons provided a way
of carrying out many transmutations. The bom-
bardment of the element with the greatest atomic
weight, namely uranium, produced some strange
effects which were at first misinterpreted. In
January 1939, Professor Otto Hahn together with
Fritz Strassmann made the remarkable discovery
that in the process of the bombardment of uranium
with neutrons there appeared elements of about
half the atomic weight of the original uranium.
Tliis discovery was made here in Berlin, and I
am delighted that Professor Hahn is with us here
in this city tonight.
This discovery of Hahn and Strassmann was
quickly made known to the scientific world and
set up an intellectual chain reaction in which the
names of Frisch, Meitner, Bohr, and Fermi are
particularly connected. In the United States the
news spread by word of mouth that in all prob-
ability what was at hand was an atomic fission.
This was soon verified by experiments in many
laboratories. Within a year more than a hundred
experimental papers luid been published. By the
beginning of 1940 it was clear that one of the
uraniinn isotopes would undergo atomic fission
w hen bombarded with neutrons and in the process
liberate more neutrons. Thus, the possibility of a
chain reaction on a large scale had to be considered.
It seemed that man was on the verge of demon-
strating what Einstein had predicted more than
35 years before — namely, that matter could be con-
verted into energy.
In the meantime Eurojje had gone to war.
American, English, and Canadian scientists — with
generous assistance of iVmerican industry — began
to work feverishly, mostly on American soil, to
solve the problem of how to release atomic energy
on a large scale. AVliat these scientists accom-
plished can truly be called a miracle of research.
Once again, I am not referring to the atomic bomb
but to the enormous collective scientific achieve-
ment that the solution of the thousandfold prob-
lems of releasing atomic energy on a large scale
required. On the basis of experiments with mat-
ter available only in such minuscule quantities
that they could not be made visible even with the
best of microscopes, computations were made with
the aid of extrapolation leading up to the con-
struction of an atomic pile. The enlargement fac-
tor involved amounted to about 10 billion.
As an organic chemist dealing with the reac-
tions of molectiles I must confess that I was highly
skeptical when my friends the physicists first told
me of their plans. They proposed to release
atomic energy by the fission of a kind of uranium
which constitutes only approximately one-half of
one percent of natural uranium. This isotope
known as U-235 they considered to be the best fuel
for a controlled chain reaction. In order to raise
the probability of the fission of this isotope they
proposed to reduce the speed of the liberated neu-
trons by having the equivalent of a break. Ac-
cording to the physicists' calculations it would be
possible to control a chain reaction if uranium and
a so-called moderator designed to slow down the
fast neutron were piled up in layers. Such a con-
struction came to be known as an atomic pile. Ac-
cording to theory it seemed certain a minimum
mass of uranium — the critical mass — would be
Ocfober 25, 1954
611
needed before the chain reaction became self-
sustaining, but the exact size of this critical mass
could not then be calculated accurately. And
when plans for an atomic pile were first drawn
up in 1942, one did not know whether it would
have to be the size of a table or as large as a foot-
ball stadium. In our exhibition you will find a
full-size replica of a typical so-called grapliite re-
actor not unlike the first one built in Cliicago.
A Triumph of Man's Mind
I am very much tempted at this time to speak in
more detail not only of the model of the reactor
which j'OU will see but of the other models which
are shown in our exhibition. But since you will
all have an opportunity of seeing these things for
yourself, I sliall not speak further about the exhi-
bition. Eather let me, in conclusion, return to the
title I have given to this lecture, namely "Nuclear
Physics, A Triumph of Man's Mind." In so do-
ing, I am clearly drawing your attention to the
pure scientific aspects of the whole undertaking,
and in this connection an old story comes to mind.
A distinguished German theoretical physicist was
once asked to give a lecture on the relation between
pure and applied ph3?sics. His speech was very
brief. He said : "The relation is very simple —
the two have nothing whatever to do with each
other."
That he had slightly oversimplified the situa-
tion, I hardly need to point out this evening.
Nevertheless, the story has point here tonight, for
some of my listeners may have forgotten, as they
have listened to the mass of technical details I have
expounded, the exciting development of the basic
scientific ideas. For I have dwelt at some length
this evening on the significance of the new discov-
eries in the field of nuclear physics for everyday
life. When you visit our exhibition you will see
for yourselves the benefits that have arisen for
mankind out of the scientific developments of the
last 20 years. Artificially radioactive materials
are used today, and will be used even more in the
future, in medicine, in agriculture, and in innu-
merable other scientific fields. I need not delve
into the immense possibilities arising out of the
production of energy and heat by controlled chain
reaction. But let us forget the practical uses of
atomic energy. Let us look at the history of the
development of nuclear physics in the same spirit
as we would listen to a symphony or an opera, or
gaze at an architectural monument, or look at a
painting.
It is often difficult for the layman to realize to
what extent the entire history of nuclear physics
has been the result of the amalgamation of the in-
tellectual powers of many men from many nations
and through many periods of history. I am not
referring primarily to the fact that after 1940 a
large group of scientists worked together day by
day. I am thinking rather of what may be called
the unconscious intellectual collaboration of scien-
tists who worked independently over many years.
The people I have referred to in this lecture must
be regarded as forming only the last link in a
great chain of scientists who have been concerned
with the structure of matter and the relation of
matter and energy. It is the work of this whole
host of scientists who have developed new con-
cepts and tested them by experiment that has laid
the solid foundations, the results of which have
come to a climax in our controlled release of atomic
energy.
The nonscientist often believes erroneously that
such material achievements as the release of atomic
energy are the results solely of experimental work
and of engineering skill. He sometimes imagines
that the experimenters pursue their goal by a mere
trial and error method. Such an idea is com-
pletely false. The example of Einstein's famous
formula relating energy and matter serves to show
the significance of new ideas of a highly theoret-
ical nature. Indeed, new concepts are often con-
siderably more important than the results of ex-
periments, and in fact many important discoveries
of an experimental nature are the result of new
conceptual developments. Scientific theories are
best regarded as guiding lines which indicate to
the scientist a fruitful line of experimentation.
In the extraordinary and totally unexpected de-
velopments of nuclear physics, mathematics has
played a decisive role, for example.
I have used the word unexpected in the preced-
ing sentence advisedly. For one of the most fasci-
nating aspects of the history of the development
of atomic energy comes to light when one remem-
bers what was said a short time ago by the best
informed scientists about the nature of the uni-
verse. You will find on the exhibition wall a defi-
nition of an atom which goes back to the early
Greeks and which would have been subscribed to
612
Department of State Bulletin
liy all scientists as late as the beginning of this
century. This is the delinition that the atom is a
particle which cannot be split any further. Now
we accept as a matter of coui-se the illogical state-
ment that nuclear physicists are concerned, among
other things, with the sjilitting of something that
cannot be further divided — namely, an atom.
Today, most of us take for granted thut a chain
reaction involving uranium can bring about the
liberation of energy by the conversion of matter
into energy, and we glibly say that this is but a
demonstration of the truth of Einstein's famous
formula, "Energy equals mass times the square
of the speed of light.'" Indeed, the repetition of
this formula even in the daily press has made it
almost a household word. But let me remind you
of what an outstanding physicist of two genera-
tions ago said about the same subject. I quote from
a lecture of Professor Tate in 1876 : "The grand
test of the reality of what we call matter — the
proof that it has an objective existence — is its inde-
structibility and uncreatability, if the term may be
used, by any process at the command of man."
And describing how the chemist can count on ex-
actly the same amount of matter at the end of a
series of chemical transformations as at the be-
ginning, the lecture concluded : "This, then, is to
be looked upon as the great test of the objective
reality of matter."
I sliould be trespassing far beyond the limits of
this lecture if I attempted to discuss the impact of
the developments of the new physics on the basic
postulates of the philosopher. I would like only
to point out the revolutionary effects of the whirl-
wind development of nuclear physics on some of
the basic premises of our thinking, and I am using
revolutionary not in the sense of a rebellion against
the past but in order to emphasize the breathtaking
speed with M-hich the human spirit has been able to
pile one new thought and one new discovery upon
the other.
It is therefore with a feeling of reverence and
awe for what the human spirit can accomplish that
I ask you to enter the doors of the American ex-
hibit on the atom.
The history of the last 300 years is a proud rec-
ord of what human beings can accomplish through
the manipulation of ideas. It is a story of the
flowering of the creative powers of the human in-
tellect. In this troubled period of history under
the shadow of fusion and fission bombs, we do
well to stress this phase of modern life. To have
constructed a great fabric of new concepts and
conceptual schemes, arising from experimental ob-
servation and fruitful beyond measure of new ex-
periments, is an achievement which, as long as
there is recorded history, must be regarded with
the greatest admiration. Like the Parthenon and
the cathedrals of tlio Middle Ages, the scientific
theories of the 19th and 20th centuries stand as
witnesses to what the human spirit can accomplish.
With such thoughts in mind, I now declare the
American portion of the Berlin Industrial Fair
open, since I shall not have the privilege of par-
ticipating in the official opening tomorrow at the
appointed time.
Exchange of Messages
on Trieste Accord
On October 5 President Eisenhower sent mes-
sages of congratulations on the Trieste accord to
Luigi Einaudi, President of the Republic of Italy,
and Marshal Josip Broz-Tito, President of the
Federal PeopWs Republic of Yugoslavia. On
October 9 the President received replies to these
messages. Texts of the four messages follow:
President Eisenhower to President EinaudI
I wish to convey to you my profound gratifica-
tion and that of the American people at the
achievement of an agreement on the delicate Tri-
este problem. This agreement, worked out
through long months of difficult but friendly and
constructive endeavor, gives testimony to the far-
sighted statesmanship and good will of the gov-
ernment of Italy. It is my earnest hope and
expectation that this arrangement will usher in a
new era of fruitful collaboration that will con-
tribute to the prosperity and security not only of
Italy and Yugoslavia but of all the free nations
of Europe. We agree, I am sure, that this fine
example of the ability of neighbor nations ami-
cably to settle extremely difficult questions will be
highly reassuring to our own peoples and those
of friendly nations throughout the world.
Please accept, Mr. President, my heartfelt con-
gi-atulations at the efforts which you and the
members of the Italian government have exerted
Ocfober 25, 1954
613
to make possible this agreement wliich has so ma-
terially contributed to the possibility of maintain-
ing peace in the world.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
President Einaudi to President Eisenhower
Mr. President, Ambassador Clare Boothe Luce
has personally delivered the message you have ad-
dressed to me at the moment of the conclusion of
the agreement on the problem of Trieste and I
wish not to delay in telling you how gi-atifying is
for me this most valuable evidence of the satisfac-
tion with which the American people and their
President have welcomed the event.
You have stressed the farsighted and construc-
tive spirit that has animated the Italian Govern-
ment during tins arduous diplomatic issue and
have availed yourself of the understanding
reached between Italy and Yugoslavia to reaffinn
your confidence in a fruitful cooperation of the
two bordering nations and in the help that the
mutual relations among all peoples will derive
from it.
The agreement arrived at by my country will
not fail, as you say, to have profound and favor-
able repercussions on the happier future of a
peaceful and strongly united Europe.
In assuring you that Italy is well aware of the
friendly contribution brought by the United
States of America to the settlement of the ques-
tion of Trieste, I thank you, Mr. President, in the
name also of the Italian Government, for the
noble expressions contained in your message,
while I beg you to believe me,
Sincerely yours,
LuiGI ElXAUDI
President Eisenhower to Marshal Tito
Permit me on behalf of the American people
personally to extend my warm congratulations to
you and to the other members of your govern-
ment at the achievement of an agreement on the
Trieste problem. Tliis agreement, worked out
with good will, patience and unremitting en-
deavor, reflects honor upon your government, for
the broad, farsighted statesmanship which has
made this agreement possible.
I am sure that you share with me the sense of
optimism engendered by the agreement. All of
the peoples of the free nations of Europe, as well
as the American people, will now be encouraged
by this arrangement which opens the way to
greater security in Southeastern Europe against
any possible encroaclunent and fostere the hope
that improved relations between Yugoslavia and
Italy will enhance the general welfare and peace
in Eiu'ope.
I wish to convey to you my deep gratification at
this accord which I am convinced will materially
contribute to that which is closest to our hearts,
the maintenance of peace, of security and of pros-
perity in the world.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Marshal Tito to President Eisenhower
Permit me to thank you most cordially on my
behalf as well as on behalf of the members of
the Yugoslav Government for the extremely warm
congratulation you were kind enough to extend
to me on the occasion of the agreement achieved
on the Trieste problem.
I avail myself of this opportunity to thank you
for your great efforts in this matter which came
particularly to expression in your message sent
through Mr. Mirrphy and which greatly contrib-
uted to the overcoming of the last obstacles and
to the reacliing of an agreement. I fully share
with you the sense of optimism that this agi-ee-
ment will have great significance both for the
normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and
Italy and for the strengthening of peace and se-
curity, not only here but generally in Europe.
I wish to convince you that, regardless of the
sacrifices Yugoslavia has made for this agreement,
I as well as the other members of the Yugoslav
Government feel a satisfaction that in this part of
Europe a problem has been settled which had wor-
ried the world.
Assistant Secretary Robertson
Visits Formosa
Press release 669 dated October 11
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs
Walter S. Robertson left on October 9 for Taipei,
Formosa, where he will confer with Chinese Gov-
ernment officials on current and prospective U.S.
aid programs.
614
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
Mr. Bobertson was accompanied by Walter P.
McConauf^liy, Director of the Office of Chinese Af-
fairs, Department of State, and by Frank L. Tur-
ner, who is in charge of Chinese aid programs for
the Foreign Operations Administration.
American Ambassador to Cambodia
Presents Credentials
WIiUp Iloiise prfs» roli-nsc dated October 2
White House Announcement
Robert M. McClintock presented his credentials
us American Ambassador to Cambodia on Octo-
ber 2. Mr. McClintock, who arrived in Phnom
Penh, tlie capital of Cambodia, on September 30, is
the first resident American Ambassador to that
country. The United States, which has recog-
nized Cambodia as an independent country since
1950, has until now been represented by an Am-
bassador resident at Saigon, Viet-Natn, who served
concurrently as Ambassador to Viet-Nam and
Cambodia and Minister to Laos. A charge d'af-
faires has heretofore been resident at the American
Embassy at Phnom Penh.
The assignment of a resident Ambassador at
Phnom Penh constitutes furtlier recognition by
the United States of the completion of Cambodian
independence through the full assumption by
Cambodia of the powers of self-government.
In a joint communique issued at Washington
on September 29 at the end of the United States-
French talks on Indochina,^ it was announced that
the channel for French and Unitetl States economic
aid, budgetary support, and other assistance to
Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-Xam would be direct
to each state, and that the United States repre-
sentatives would begin discussions soon with the
respective governments of the three states regard-
ing direct aid.
United States economic assistance to Cambodia,
as well as to Viet-Nam and Laos, has been pro-
vided directly for some time. United States
budgetary support for the Cambodian armed
forces has until now been provided through the
French Government. AlS soon as arrangements
can be made, budgetary support will henceforth
be provided directly to the Government of Cam-
' Bot-letiit of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 534.
Ocfober 25, J 954
bodia. The Cambodian Government is in full ac-
cord with this decision to provide assistance
tiiroiigh direct channels.
President's Message
When he prcnentcd hin cndentials, AmhauiHador
McClintock dclivrrcd the following meHHuye from
President Eisenhower to Norodom Sifuinouk,
KiTig of Cambodia.
Your Ma.jesty : The people of the United States
have watched with concern and admiration the
struggle of Cambodia against unwarranted Com-
munist aggression. The United States is happy
that Cambodia has reaffirmed its independence and
that your Kingdom is in a position now to under-
take a course which will secure that sovereign free-
dom for which your people fought.
At this time when Cambodia has so convincingly
demonstrated its independence and its stern deter-
mination to maintain that independence, I desire
Your Majesty to know that my Government will
be pleased to consider ways in which our two coun-
tries can more effectively cooperate in the joint
task of stemming the threats facing your terri-
tories and maintaining peace and prosperity in
your Kingdom.
With assurances of my personal esteem and high
regard,
Sincerely,
DwiQHT D. Eisenhower
FOA Sends Flood Relief to Nepal
The Foreign Operations Administration on
September 27 announced a program to alleviate
suffering among the stricken people of Nepal,
where recent floods combined with an earthquake
have left approximately 1,000 dead and more than
132,000 homeless.
Dr. Alexander Langmuir, Chief, Epidemic Con-
trol Programs, U.S. Public Health Service, is now
in Nepal making an on-the-spot survey to deter-
mine the full extent of the assistance needed. Be-
cause of the lack of communication facilities in
the country, air reconnaissance of the disaster
areas has been authorized.
Meantime, Foa has authorized an emergency ex-
penditure of $75,000 for the purchase of such badly
needed supplies as vaccines and antibiotics, par-
ticularly for waterborne diseases.
615
World Security and the World Health Organization
l)y David McK. Key
Assistant Secretary for IntematioTial Orgamization Affairs ^
President Eisenhower in his State of the Union
Message this year affirmed that "In the world as a
whole, the United Nations, admittedly still in a
state of evolution, means much to the United
States. It has given uniquely valuable services in
many places where violence threatened. It is the
only real world forum where we have the oppor-
tunity for international presentation and re-
buttal."
At times, nations may seem to use this interna-
tional forum of the United Nations to stress dis-
agreements. Differences of viewpoint are some-
times expressed in harsh terms which are dramatic
and make the headlines. Yet the function of the
United Nations as a forum is of great value. It
has been likened to that of a safety valve which
serves to reduce pressures. The airing of disputes
through debate often reduces the risk of resort to
force. Moreover, a basic principle familiar to
democratic countries is that in the long run free
debate exposes falsehoods. The discussions in the
General Assembly last November were invaluable
in demonstrating the falsity of Communist
charges that the United States Air Force had em-
ployed germ warfare in Korea. A distinguished
representative of the medical profession. Dr.
Charles W. Mayo, outlined with great skill how the
Communists have perverted the use of the "condi-
tioned reflex" technique to obtain false testimony
from prisoners.^ The General Assembly, repre-
senting world opinion and recognizing the empti-
ness of the Communist allegations, strongly con-
demned the charges.
' Address made before the American Public Health As-
sociation at BulTalo, N. Y., on Oct. 11 (press release 563
dated Oct. 8).
' Bulletin of Nov. 9, 1953, p. 641.
616
However, the United Nations is far more than
an effective and unique world forum. It is, in the
words of the President, "sheer necessity" and "a
place where the nations of the world can, if they
have the will, take collective action for peace and
justice."
Before the Minnesota Medical Association last
June, I had the privilege of reviewing at length
the accomplislunents of the United Nations in op-
posing aggression, in peaceful settlements of dis-
putes, and in setting up machinery which helps to
secure and maintain the peace.^ At that time, I
also referred briefly to the work of the United Na-
tions and its specialized agencies in the social and
economic fields. Since World War II, the United
States and other peace-loving nations have taken
the lead in developing a number of specialized
teclmical agencies within the United Nations sys-
tem. The work of these specialized agencies makes
headlines only infrequently; yet it is as truly a
part of cooperative international action for peace
as are the activities of the United Nations itself to
which I have already briefly referred. In the
longer term, these agencies — the World Health
Organization (Wiio), the Food and Agriculture
Organization (Fao), the United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(Unesco), the International Labor Organization
(Ilo), and others — may perform work of great
importance in removing the root-causes of war.
The Vicious Cycle
Throughout history, most of mankind has been
diseased, hungry, and poorly housed. For 6 out
of 10 human beings — for 9 out of 10 in many eco-
• IU6,., June 28, 1954, p. 976.
Department of State Bulletin
nomically underdeveloped areas — tlicse remain
the normal conditions of life totlay. As a result,
the stJibility of half the world is menaced by a
vicious social and economic cycle. Poor health
means lower productivity; lower productivity
means a lower standard of living; a lower stand-
ard of living means less footl, education, and
poorer living conditions; these, in turn, mean poor
health. Thus the cycle of misery is completed.
The peoples to whom these conditions are a grim
reality are ever more aware that modern tech-
nology' in economically advanced countries pro-
vides a healthier and vastly more abundant life.
Communist propagandists are, of course, exploit-
ing this situation by claiming that communism
alone provides the solution. Unless this destruc-
tive cycle in economically underdeveloped areas is
broken, mounting tensions may rend the world in
conflict.
Tliis situation gives an immediate urgency to
article 55 of the United Nations Charter, under
which member states agree to take joint and sepa-
rate action to promote higher standards of living
and conditions of economic and social progress.
The specialized agencies are a major means by
which nations are acting jointly to these ends.
You, as experts in public health, are aware that
the World Health Organization is among the fore-
most in contributing toward breaking the vicious
circle I have described and thus helping to eradi-
cate the social and economic causes of vrar.
The continuing achievements of Who can be
evaluated in either economic and material or in
psychological and spiritual terms. I shall refer
only briefly to the former aspect, but I should like
to discuss more fully the psychological aspect.
Since the creation of Who, there have been many
favorable references to its accomplishments
measured in terms of material or economic gain.
A recent example is contained in the current Who
Newsletter (October-November 1954). Afghani-
stan, with Who assistance, is now well on the way
to nationwide control of malaria, a disease which
each year has sapped the health and economic
productivity of one-quarter of its population. By
next year, Afghan nationals, trained by the Who
team, will be able to continue their national
malaria-control campaign without further aid
from international workers. For one-quarter of
the population of that country, a crushing burden
on productivity will be lifted for the first time.
'\^nuit this may mean economically can be seen from
the results of malaria-control campaigns in nearby
countries where, in some areas, crop productivity
has increased by one-third.
These material results, multiplied many times
over in the many countries which Who is assisting
with a wide range of health activities, are already
helping impressively to break the destructive cycle
of disease and poverty.
Psychological Contributions of WHO
The [)sychological or spiritual contributions of
Who to world peace are less tangible than the eco-
nomic contributions and so far have received far
less attention. I am convinced, however, that in
the long run they are more fundamental, for they
deal with men's minds. Who, like other special-
ized agencies, is promoting democratic and not
totalitarian ways of life. It is promoting self-
respect, self-reliance, and freedom for the
individual.
Dr. Leonard Scheele, the Surgeon General of
the Public Health Service, in a notable address
last June at the Midwest Conference on Woi-ld
Health sponsored by the National Citizens' Com-
mittee, emphasized the importance of Who as "an
application of democratic principles." From my
own observations of the work of Who, I heartily
endorse this view. It is significant that the
Seventh World Health Assembly meeting in May
of this year elected as its president an African,
Dr. Togba of Liberia. Dr. Togba in his presiden-
tial address pointed out that in Who "the concept
of democracy is being translated into action with-
out regard to size or development of a country,
race, culture, or creed."
The structure of Who reflects democratic prin-
ciples of organization. Membership is open to all
states on an equal basis. All, large and small, may
participate with equal voting rights in the annual
World Health Assemblies. Moreover, the decen-
tralized regional structure of Who has enabled
the organization to be even more responsive to the
wishes and needs of member states. Who is
unique among international agencies in the extent
to which it makes use of regional offices and com-
mittees. Nations discuss with the regional office
staffs their needs for various types of Who assist-
ance. The regional committees then enable nations
and territories to meet on an area basis to discuss
their health needs and to review a regional health
Ocfober 25, 1954
617
program and budget. Only after this regional re-
view are these programs submitted to Who head-
quarters for integration into an overall annual
program and budget and for final approval or
modification by the World Health Assembly. In
this way, nations participate at several stages in
the determination of Who programs — individu-
ally, at the regional level, and on a world scale.
Who is implementing the principles of democ-
racy not only in its organization structure, to
which I have just referi-ed, but likewise in its
activities and programs. Who activities are help-
ing to build effective communication between the
peoples of the world. By "communication" I
mean not merely the modern technological means
of communication, such as the radio and airplane,
but the man-to-man exchange of ideas and accom-
modation of differences which are the basis of
understanding. Through this process the Who
activities are doing something to surmount the
many barriers — cultural, political, and ideologi-
cal— which still separate nations and peoples.
Many Who projects illustrate this.
Take as a typical example the Who malaria-
control team in Formosa. In addition to an
American entomologist, there are on that team a
malariologist from Greece and a sanitary engineer
from the Philippines. Operating as a team, these
technicians are performing outstanding work in
helping the people and government of Nationalist
China to control the menace of malaria. More
than that, they are demonstrating together that
democracy in action translates itself into better
understanding, education, and improved health
and living conditions.
Altogether, the Who staff is composed of 700
health experts fi'om 50 countries, including about
100 from the United States. They are sharing
common tasks and common interests and are work-
ing toward common objectives. They are learning
to understand each other's viewpoints and to live
harmoniously in a world which technology has
shrunk so that we are all neighbors.
Who technicians, whether at headquarters or on
field projects, are likewise becoming acquainted
with the peoples they are helping and are identify-
ing themselves with the needs of these peoples.
But this is, of course, a two-way process. On the
other hand, throughout the economically under-
developed areas of the world, the villager, the
farmer, and the artisan are discovering that co-
operative international action can achieve tangible
benefits for them in their own lives.
"Mr. Who"
In tliis connection I cannot resist retelling an
amusing but pertinent story about the World
Health Organization, which is known in many
parts of the world as "Who." An Indian doctor
working on malaria control in a remote village in
Northern Tliailand asked the local head man a few
questions: Had he heard of Mr. Nehru? "No."
Had he heard of President Eisenhower? "No."
Had he heard of the U. N. ? "No." Had he heard
of Who? "Oh, yes. Mr. Wlao is the man who
sprayed my house, and we have had no more sick
babies — very good man."
This incident, which has been multiplied many
times over, illustrates how the work of Who and
other specialized agencies gets to the grass roots
and effectively helps the common man. More-
over, the peoples of underdeveloped areas are dis-
covering, sometimes for the first time, that they,
themselves, can actively participate in measures
to improve their conditions of life. A mother tak-
ing her child to a rural health center, where she
will learn the elements of child hygiene; or a vil-
lage population voluntarily pooling their labor to
help build a sanitary well — these apparently in-
significant events actually often represent a new
awakening of individual and commimity initiative.
Such, then, are some of the intangible accom-
plishments of Who. They are found in the nature
of the organization; in the bringing together of
technicians from many countries to work with the
people of many countries; in the stinmlation of
local and national initiative. They add up to the
promotion of democratic rather than totalitarian
attitudes and processes. They are helping to make
possible effective communication, a genuine meet-
ing of minds. In this respect, just as sui'ely as in
terms of economic gains. Who is helping gradu-
ally to reduce tensions which could explode into
war. It is not a rapid process, but it is in the right
direction — and it is of importance for the security
of the free world and of the United States.
Today I have dealt mainly with Who and its
achievements, which illustrate how the specialized
agencies of the United Nations system play an im-
portant part in removing the root causes of war.
This work, of course, must be coordinated. It is
evident that Who is alive to the need for continued
618
Department of State Bulletin
luprovements in coordination, as shown by the
onls of the Director-General, Dr. Candau, in his
annual report on the work of Who for lOi'ilS.* lie
nfers to "a growing awareness in all of us of the
iiicd to plan Who's role in proniotin<; world health
as comprising only one i)art — although admittedly
a vital and central one — of the general framework
of all national and international efforts to improve
social and economic conditions throughout the
world."
Support for and strengthening of all activities
of the United Nations system and strengthening
' U. N. doc. E/2592 dated May 4, 1954.
of the free world are integral parts of United
States foi-eign policy. Addressing the ninth ses-
sion of the General Assembly only last month,
Secretary of State John Foster Dulles underlined
the wholehearted belief of the American people in
the United Nations Charter." This charter, he
said, "recognizes that peace is not a passive con-
cept but a call to action." The United Nations
system is meeting tliis call to action for peace, and
not least through the World Health Organization,
which is mobilizing resources to promote the
conditions of peace.
' Bulletin of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 471.
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
U.S. Views on Soviet Disarmament Proposal
Speaking before the General Assembly on Sep-
tember 30, the Soviet Representative, Andrei
Vyshinsky, introduced a disarnfiam^nt pi^oposal
which he requested the Assembly to add to its
agenda. On October 6 the Assembly voted unani-
mously to include the item, and on October 11
Convmittee I {Political and Security) began de-
bate on the Soviet proposal. Following are a state-
ment released to the press by Henry Cabot Lodge,
Jr., U.S. Representative to the General Assembly,
following Mr. VyshinsJcy^s speech before the As-
sembly; two statements in Committee I by U.S.
Representative James J. Wadsworth/ and the text
of the Soviet draft resolution.
STATEMENT BY MR. LODGE
U.S. delegation press release 1965 dated September 80
The bulk of the Vyshinsky speech was a violent
attack, filled with wild inaccuracies, on the United
States in an effort to smear us as plotters of a
preventive war. It was as reckless as Secretary
Dulles' speech was moderate.^ The world knows
President Eisenhower and how utterly he is op-
posed to a preventive war. The world will there-
fore repudiate and deplore this particularly un-
savory bit of Soviet mudslinging.
The Vyshinsky proposal on disarmament will,
of course, receive our careful and earnest consid-
eration. We are glad to see that the proposal
seems to denote something of a change in the
attitude of the U.S.S.R. toward two of the im-
portant principles which the United States has
been trying for years to get the Soviets to accept.
These are, first, that nuclear weapons, on the one
hand, and conventional armaments and armed
forces, on the other, are all related parts of the
total picture and must be dealt with in a
balanced fashion; second, disarmament must be
subject to effective inspection and control which
will protect the security of all states.
At any rate, Mr. Vyshinsky's proposal appears
to offer more hope than the Soviet attitude ex-
pressed by Mr. Malik in London just this past
summer when he rejected out of hand the British-
French memorandum,^ which included the two im-
portant principles I have just mentioned.
' Bulletin of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 471.
Ocfober 25, 1954
' Jbid., Aug. 2, 1954, p. 182.
619
Of course, the decisive test is how far the Soviet
Union has really moved from its previous rigid
position on disarmament. We sliall get the an-
swer to this question when Mr. Vyshinsky's pro-
posal is studied and discussed in detail. Mean-
time, I wish to emphasize that the United States
will consider this proposal objectively and with
the sincere hope that it will prove to be a real step
toward a comprehensive, effective, and workable
disarmament,
STATEMENTS BY MR. WADSWORTH
U.S. delegation press release 1973 dated October 12
The First Committee of the General Assembly
is entering its ninth year of activity — and its ninth
year of hard work on the stubborn problem of
disarmament. All these years of discussion have
not brought forth a single agreement to scrap one
gun or tank or bomb or to discharge one soldier.
People all over the world, who know little of
world politics, know this disheartening fact, yet
it is in response to their will to peace that we con-
tinue to seek a solution. Our failure in the past
is due mainly to the unhappy fact that we chose
to tackle the problem of armaments in a period
torn with conflict. The two sides locked in tliis
conflict have not been disposed to trust each other.
Least of all has it seemed wise to trust the side
whose extreme secretiveness is a part of its way of
life.
How can we establish the mutual trust on which
disarmament should rest?
We submit that we cannot establish trust on
either side by demanding and repeating "I prom-
ise— trust me." Trust is a most delicate quality,
and it cannot be shouted into existence. In a mat-
ter as vital as armaments we can establish it only
if both sides first agree on a fair plan of action
and then carry out each step of tliat plan on sched-
ule and in jilain sight of each other.
It is a most difficult task, but it is possible. If
it is carried out in good faith, one of its chief re-
sults will be the growth of the very quality of
trust whose absence has paralyzed our efforts up
to now.
The Basic United States Position
There are four basic ideas which have animated
the United States from the very beginning of the
disarmament discussions in the United Nations.
Firnt, the United States wants disarmament.
The United States was one of the countries which
proposed article 26 of the United Nations Charter,
calling for "the establislmient and maintenance of
international peace and security with the least di-
version for armaments of the world's hmnan and
economic resources." We want disarmament that
will disarm. We want more than a mere toast
where states clink their glasses and drink to the
health of disarmament. We want disarmament
that will work.
Second, we believe that there is more than one
path by which the world can progress toward
disarmament. Over the years we have marked
out a number of paths on any or all of which we
could make a start toward disarmament : control-
ling atomic energy- : limiting the size of the armed
forces of the Great Powers; a system of disclosure
of all armed forces and all armaments with veri-
fication by an international organ. AVe have
always i-ecognized that it is impossible to solve
this problem unless all the Great Powers agree on
the solution. That is why we have suggested
many avenues of discussion in the hope that, even
if we could not reach full agreement with the
Soviet Union, at least we could narrow the dif-
ferences that separate us. That has been our
approach in the past, and it is still our approach.
Third, we want the world to be rid of nuclear
weapons. The world will not be rid of nuclear
weapons by merely shouting from the roof tops
that they are prohibited or that they will not be
used wliile one nation behind its Iron Curtain
continues to stockpile them. The United States
is not going to use atomic weapons or any other
weapons in violation of the United Nations
Charter. The United States is not going to use
atomic weapons or any other weapons except in
defense against aggression. That is our pledge,
and it is also the pledge of every member of the
United Nations including the U. S. S. K. That
pledge, however, gives security to no one so long
as one of the chief countries making the pledge
has its Iron Curtain behind which it can prepare
to violate its pledge without fear of detection.
Fourth, we want world peace. We know that
another war would be a catastrophe. We recog-
nize that in the past arms races have preceded
armed attack by aggressor nations. At the same
time we cannot stop an arms race unless all the
racers stop running, and we cannot know wliether
all the racers have stopped running if one of them
620
Depor/menf of %taie Bulletin
insists on runninf^ on a concealed trnck. For the
free world to stop arniiiig while the Soviet Union
keeps on increasing its strength would be an
invitation to the ver\- war we seek to avoid and to
the destruction of freedom.
These are the lessons of hard experience. We
think of them as we continue our search for a dis-
armament that gives security to all. Thinking of
these lessons, we hold that secure disarmament in
a world without trust requires two things above
all.
First, it must cover all arnuiments in a single
plan — for bayonets and high explosives are still
deadly in this atomic age.
Second, it must contain safeguards so that each
side actually disarms in plain sight of the other,
with the firm certainty that all pledges are l)eing
carried out every step of the way.
We believe that all states will agree generally
with these principles. Why is it that we have
been unable to translate these i)rinciplcs into a
•workable disarmament program? The record of
the Disiirmament Conmiission and its Subcom-
mittee reveals a great deal on this subject. Let
us now discuss it.
The Record in the Disarmament Commission in 1954
We agree with the Soviet suggestion that as
far as possible we should forget the past, and we
shall therefore devote far less time to the past
than did the Soviet representative.
The disamiament resolution passed by the
Eighth General Assembly was notable for its sixth
paragraph, which suggested that the Disarmament
Conunission study the desirability of establishing
a Subcommittee consisting of the representatives
of the powers principally involved to seek in
private an acceptable solution and report to the
Disarmament Comnnission.^
Last April the Disarmament Commission, in
conformity with this resolution, set up such a
Subcommittee consisting of the Soviet Union,
United Kingdom, France, Canada, and the United
States. This Subcommittee met in London, in
private and as we hoped, free from the tempta-
tions of propaganda. Then the Subcommittee
made a report to the Disarmament Commission.''
As a part of its report, the Subconmiittee made
' Ibid., Dec. 14. 19.53, p. 838.
* Ibid., Aug. 2, 19.54, p. 177.
jniblic the entire records of the London meetings.
The world is now in a iMJsition to judge the prog-
ress or lack of progress at these private meetings
and to determine the responsibility for their suc-
cess or failure.
The plain motive of the Eighth General Assem-
bly in suggesting once again private meetings of
a few powei-s was to produce new approaches to
disarmament — approaches which would have at
least some hope of narrowing the differences that
have separated the Soviet Union from the free
world. Let us examine the record of the Sub-
committee of Five to see to what extent these
hopes were fulfilled.
At the very lirst meeting the Soviet Union sub-
mitted a disarmament proposal, but it was not
a new proposal. It was, word for word, the pro-
posal which the Soviet Union had submitted to
the Eighth General Assembly and which the As-
sembly had found unacceptable. This was cer-
tainly a discouraging start, and the same pattern
prevailed throughout the discussions. The rep-
resentative of New Zealand, in the Disarmament
Conunission discussions in July, aptly character-
ized the Soviet attitude as one of "stony immo-
bility."
In contrast, the other members of the Subcom-
mittee tried to explore two avenues of approach
to disarmament which had never before received
any thorough treatment in the United Nations.
The United States submitted a working paper on
the establishment of an international control
organ with appropriate rights, powers, and f unc-,
tions. In presenting this paper we stressed that
we were not putting forward a rigid position with
the thought that all other states "should either
take it or leave it." The United States repre-
sentative said : "Let us think of this paper merely
as one approach in an attempt to come to grips
with basic issues of substance. From the dis-
cussions of specific problems we hope to narrow
the difference between us and perhaps arrive at a
position which all of us can approve." Further-
more we pointed out that the control organ, as
we drew it up, would be as applicable to a program
based upon Soviet concepts sketched over the past
several years as it was to the U.S. program.
Despite our efforts, the Soviet representative
refused all serious discussions of our paper. As a
matter of fact, he never got any further than the
fii-st paragraph, which referred to the General
October 25, 1954
621
Assembly resolution of January 11, 1952, whicli
the U.S.S.R. had opposed.
The second new avenue of approach was con-
tained in the British-French memorandum of
June 11 which has been so much in the news in
recent weeks. This dealt with the phasing and
timing of the chief elements of a disarmament
program. The representatives of the United
Kingdom and France have fully explained these
proposals, and I shall not repeat their explana-
tions. The United States supported and still sup-
ports the proposals.
In London the Soviet Union refused to discuss
the British-French proposals and, as in the case
of the U.S. suggestion, never got beyond the first
paragraph. This was one of the comments by the
Soviet representative : "It is perfectly obvious that
the proposal of the United Kingdom and France
and supported by the United States does not pro-
vide at all for the prohibition of atomic weapons
but is designed to justify their use. The adoption
of such a proposal would in no way contribute to
a slackening of international tensions or to the
removal of the dangers of an atomic war. Wliat
is more it could lull the vigilance of the peoples
toward this danger."
Now, after all, the Soviet representative at tliis
General Assembly has introduced a resolution
suggesting that these proposals of France and the
United Kingdom be used as a basis for an inter-
national disarmament treaty.
We are indeed gratified that the Soviet Union
has apparently changed its views and now recog-
nizes the genuine value of the British-French pro-
posals a.s a fresh approach to this great problem.
But the change in position — and we hope it is a
change — did not manifest itself until Septem-
ber 30.
The Soviet Proposal
The first ray of hope that we have received in
many years from the Soviet Union was the pro-
posal made by tlie Soviet representative to this As-
sembly on that date. That ray was considerably
dimmed, though not extinguished, by Mr. Vyshin-
sky's statement yesterday. We have studied the
proposal carefully and, we believe, objectively.
What I am going to say now reflects our initial
impressions of a proposal which at several key
points has been and remains obscure in its mean-
ing. Our impression may readily be altered as a
result of the discussions in this committee and later
in the Disarmament Commission.
Firsts we recognize that on one and only one im-
portant matter the Soviet has taken a clear and
unambiguous stand which somewhat narrows the
differences which have separated the Soviet Union
from the free world. The Soviet Union now con-
cedes that 50 percent of the agreed reduction in
amied forces and conventional armaments may
take place before any action to prohibit nuclear
weapons. This is paragraph I (2) (a) of the
Soviet proposal.
Second, in paragraph I (2) (c) the Soviet Un-
ion calls for "inspection on a continuing basis to
the extent necessary to ensure implementation of
the convention by all states." This is one of the
obscure points on which further discussion is re-
quired. It could be a great improvement over the
1952 Soviet formula for an international control
organ that "shall have the right to conduct inspec-
tion on a continuing basis, but it shall not be en-
titled to interfere in the domestic affairs of states."
Any control organ with powers "to the extent
necessary to ensure implementation of the conven-
tion" must clearly have the full run of a country.
Mr. Vyshinsky pointed out that during the war
button factories in the Soviet Union manufactured
munitions. The International Control Commis-
sion must therefore have the right to inspect but-
ton factories in order to determine whether or not
they are manufacturing munitions. This is pre-
cisely what the Soviet delegate denied to us during
the London talks. We had hoped that this resolu-
tion indicated a change in position. However, if
we interpret correctly Mr. Vyshinsky's statement
of yesterday, any country can frustrate the in-
spectors simply by posting on a mimitions factory
a sign reading "Keep out — this factory makes but-
tons."
Third, a commission with adequate powers
would of necessity also have the authority to take
effective action whenever it found a violation. We
do not infer by this that the commission would
have its own army which could be used to punish
a violator. It would, however, have certain pow-
ers, some of which we enumerated in our paper on
the international control organ which we sub-
mitted to the Subcommittee of the Disarmament
Commission in London. These powers included ,
the right to suspend allocations of fissionable ma- "
terials to an offending country and to close down
622
Department of State Bulletin
factories utilizing fissionable materials in that
country.
The Soviet repi-esontative in London stated cate-
gorically that tlie control commission could do
nothing beyond referring the violations to the
Security Council, where each of tlie permanent
members is in a position to veto all action. We
hoped that tlie new Soviet proposals, with their
language about full powers to ensure implementa-
tion of the treaty, might represent a change in
Soviet position. Mr. Vyshinsky yesterday very
tlioroughly dispelled that hope. He made it clear
tliat the control org-an, where tliere is no veto, could
do nothing to punish violations. No violations
can be punislied except with the consent of tlie
Soviet Union, ai-med with its veto power.
Fourth, there was one issue in London which
perhaps received more extended discussion than
any other — the issue of the relationship in time
between the prohibition of nuclear weapons and
the institution of international control. The So-
viet Union in London took their traditional line
that the prohibition of atomic weapons and the
institution of controls should be simultaneous.
"Simultaneous" is a pretty word, but, as we have
pointed out on many occasions, in this context it
is literally meaningless.
The prohibition of atomic weapons is a single
act. On the other hand the institution of controls
is a long series of acts. The real question is this:
At what point during the development of the con-
trol organ would prohibition of atomic weapons
take place ?
The United States, United Kingdom, France,
and Canada all took the position at London which
was set forth in the British-French memorandum :
that the proliibition of nuclear weapons would
take place as soon as but no sooner than when the
control organ was in a position to assure that the
prohibition would actually prohibit. The Soviet
Union, on the other hand, took the position that
in fact the prohibition should take place as soon
as there was agreement that there should be a con-
trol organ. This is like saying: "Since we now
agree to build a house, let's move in right away."
An agreement will not keep the rain out.
Mr. Vyshinsky, in his statement yesterday, gave
a new meaning to the word "simultaneous." He
said that the prohibition of nuclear weapons and
the institution of international controls must be
completed within the same period. In other
words, we must sinniltaneously complete build-
ing the house and moving into it. This, of course,
is an improvement on moving into the house be-
fore it is built. But it raises some questions.
What if we agi-ee to move in and the house never
gets built? What if the time limit for building
expires, and the house is unfinished — do we have
to move in anyway? In short, just how nmch of
an improvement the new position is depends upon
the detailed schedules of building and of moving
in. Mr. Vyshinsky has substituted for his old
formula which was impossible a new formula
which is merely vague and requires further study.
Fifth, another example of this need for study
is paragraph I (1) (a), which speaks of agreed
levels and reduction of armaments from the level
of December 31, 1953. We studied this provision
carefully in the English and French translations.
Frankly, it has no meaning whatever. I am not
sure that I understood Mr. Vyshinsky's explana-
tion of this paragraph. As Mr. Vyshinsky point-
ed out when we listened to the translations, con-
ditions are far from the optimum. However, if
I understood correctly, it is now fairly apparent
that the Soviet Union proposes that the reductions
start from December 31, 1953, levels and take
place in two stages, 50 percent of the reductions to
be in each stage. We are still unclear as to where
the process ends. How do we detennine the levels
to which the armed forces and armaments are to
be reduced? We still do not know whether the
Soviet Union continues to insist upon flat per-
centage reductions from December 31, 1953, levels.
Mr. Vyshinsky said that he was not pressing for
percentage reductions at this time. He did not
indicate that he had abandoned his previous re-
quests or that he was accepting any alternative
formula.
We are still hopeful that these Soviet proposals
represent an important step in the direction of an
agreed disarmament program. They must, how-
ever, be clarified and elaborated. Large segments
of the disarmament program are not touched at
all in these proposals. This was clearly pointed
out by the representatives of the United Kingdom
and France. There is a tremendous amount of
hard labor ahead of us before we can turn any
of the proposals now before the General Assembly
or the Disarmament Commission into a practical
disarmament program.
This is a teclmical subject. We do not believe
Ocfober 25, 1954
623
that the General Assembly is the forum for going
into the technical details. We believe that the
very fact that the Soviet Union has seen fit to
present these new proposals underlines the wis-
dom of the Eighth General Assembly in suggest-
ing private discussions by the powers principally
involved. We would support the reactivation of
the Subcommittee to deal with these Soviet pro-
posals and the other disarmament proposals which
are before the Disarmament Commission. In
short, we believe that the Soviet proposals should
be studied in the hope that many of them in some
form will be embodied in a disarmament treaty.
We definitely do not reject them.
The Outlook
During the Subcommittee meetings in London
and again during the disarmament discussions
in New York, we pointed out that the Soviet ap-
proach to disarmament had three main features
which not only prevented agreement but also de-
stroyed the possibility of genuine negotiation. Let
us review those features and consider to what ex-
tent they are applicable to the new Soviet pro-
posals. In the -first place, the Soviet Union in
the past has confined itself to proposals too vague
to have any meaning. Ambassador [Morehead]
Patterson in the Disarmament Subcommittee aptly
likened the Soviet proposals to a book with a
table of contents followed by nothing but blank
pages. We are sorry to say that the current
Soviet proposal fits this description. It will
require much elaboration before it will be really
meaningful.
Second, the Soviet proposals in the past have
been long on pledges and short on safeguards to
insure that the Soviet Union would obsei-ve its
pledges. It has refused any type of international
control which would result in a genuine lifting of
the Iron Curtain. The present proposals use
language sufficiently broad so that it would be
possible for the Soviet Union, under this pro-
posal, to agree to genuine and effective safeguards.
Wliether it in fact is prepared to take such a step
will probably be determined only after we get
down to detailed discussions.
Third, even if we assume full Soviet observance
of pledges, the past program would have had as
its result the disarmament of the free world with-
out disarming the Soviet L^nion. Thus under their
previous plans the most important elements of
strength of the free world — its nuclear weapons
and its bases — would be eliminated. On the other
hand, the most important features of Soviet
strength — its vast armies and its conventional
weapons — would be merely reduced by one-third.
From this standpoint, the present proposal is a
distinct improvement on previous proposals. It
is entirely possible that when it is elaborated it
would be consistent with the security of other
states. Again, we cannot tell this until we can find
out what it means. I ^
If the Soviet Union has really abandoned its ;
policy of disarming the free world without dis-
arming the Soviet bloc, this is indeed a change in
policy. The previous policy, as we pointed out in
the Disarmament Commission, was far older than
the Disarmament Commission or than the United
Nations. In fact it was a Communist policy even ^
before there was a Soviet Union. We can find it in
the writings of Lenin as early as 1916 when he
said : j
Only after the proletariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie .
will it be able, without destroying its world historical
mission, to throw all armament on the scrap heap; the
proletariat will undoubtedly do this, but only when this [
condition has been fulfilled, certainly not before.
Until the Soviet Union shows some regard for
the security of other states, until the Soviet Union
looks on disarmament as a method of avoiding
war and of improving living conditions of man-
kind rather than as a steppingstone to strategic
advantages for itself, there can be no progress to-
ward disarmament. The United States is willing
and indeed eager in the light of the developments
of the past week to engage in further talks and
negotiations which may give promise of progress
toward the goal of world peace. We hope that
the world will view realistically any further ne-
gotiations and discussions and will not seek prema-
turely to paint a bright picture of progi'ess which
might turn out to be a mirage.
Conclusions
In conclusion let me reaffirm our wish to explore
all avenues where there is a genuine prospect of
progress toward disarmament that will really dis-
arm. The President of the United States, in his
inaugural address, stated certain fixed principles
which would guide him in pleading our just cause
before the bar of history and in pressing our labor
for world peace. The very first of these princi-
ples contains the following language :
624
Deparfment of State Bulletin
We stand ready to en^'nge with auy and all others in
■Joint effort to remove the causes of mutual fear and dis-
trust among nations and so to make possible drastic re-
duction of armaments. Tlie sole requisites for under-
taking such effort are that, in their purpose, they lie aimed
logically and honestly toward secure peace lor all ; and
that, in their result, they provide methods by which every
participating nation will prove good faith In carrying out
its pledge.
Tlie present Soviet proposals do appear to open
an avenue for f urtlier discussion. It must be em-
pliasized, however, that these proposals, like past
Soviet proposals, are merely a beginning. There
are many important parts of a disarmament pro-
gram vrhich these proposals do not touch at all,
and even vrhere the Soviet proposals suggest a
solution in most instances that solution is too vague
and ambiguous for the world to judge its merits.
We hope there has been a real change in the Soviet
outlook, a change that will make possible meas-
urable progress toward the goal for which every-
one must strive — a genuine and lasting peace.
D.S. delegation press release 1976 dated October 12
Just a very brief statement on the rather re-
markable statement we have just heard from the
distinguished delegate from the Soviet Union.
He started out by talking about inaccuracies in
my own statement and wound up by talking about
a great many things on which I never had any-
thing to say. However, I think that all through
my prepared remarks the delegate of the Soviet
Union will find that, due to the shortness of the
time since he completed his speech of yesterday, I
said perhaps I misjudged him, perhaps I misun-
derstood him, if I understood him correctly. In
those places where he has actually corrected me, I
think that I should thank him for this correction.
The interpretations, however, which one places
upon the English language as it comes through the
earphones is one thing as opposed to the corrected
verbatim report which we will, of course, get later
on. However, there are one or two points which
3klr. Vyshinsky made which I feel might be worthy
of very brief comment because I feel that we
should not keep the committee sitting too long over
this sort of an altercation.
In the first place, in attempting to deny some
of the things I have said, Mr. Vyshinsky did con-
firm two of the things I said. First, that any
action to deal with violations of a disarmament
plan must be subject to the Security Council and
its veto; second, he confirmed my contention that
he had not completely abandoned liis i)ievious de-
mands for a flat percentage re<luction. Perhaps
Mr. Vyshinsky's translation when I was talking
on that particular line might have been subject to
misinterpretation, but my recollection is that I
said that he did not press for his reduction plan
at this time — and I think that that was an accurate
statement.
I would also agree very thoroughly witli my
distinguished colleague from the Soviet Union
that there is a vast amount of difference between
opposition and discussion on the one hand and re-
jection on the other. I stand, however, by my
statement made in my prepared remarks and
would ask the members of this committee to read
the record of the London meetings in which Mr.
Malik of the Soviet Union did in fact categorically
reject the points that were made by the United
States in its working paper on a control organ and
by the Franco-British proposal.
Finally, I believe with Mr. Vyshinsky that it
might be of considerable value to all the members
of this committee to read the entire text of Mr.
Lenin's article on disarmament from which I
quoted. At least I have avoided the accusation
that the quote was incorrect; according to Mr.
Vyshinsky it was taken out of context. But at
the same time I feel that it is a revealing quote,
and it is something which has been held fast to on
the part of the Soviet Union in disarmament talks
throughout most of our past several years.
Altogether I believe that colloquies of this type
are extremely valuable to the members of the
committee. It is, of course, possible to attempt
to confuse and befog the issue by talking about
matters having nothing to do with the points at
issue. However, at the same time, that also re-
veals the weakness of the argument of the person
doing it.
SOVIET DRAFT RESOLUTION
Following is the text of the disarmament pro-
posal which the Soviet representative, Andrei
Vyshinsky, introduced in a speech to the General
Assembly on Septe?nier 30 and which he requested
the Assembly to add to its agenda. On October 6
the Assemhh) voted unanimously to include the
item.
U.N. doc. A/2742 dated September 30
I. The General Assembly instructs the United Nations
Disarmament Commission to prepare and submit for con-
Ocfober 25, T954
625
firmatlon by the Security Council a draft international
convention (treaty) designed to strengthen peace and
increase international security and providing for the pro-
hibition of atomic, hydrogen and other weapons of mass
destruction and their elimination from the armaments
of States, a substantial reduction in armaments and the
establishment of international control over the imple-
mentation of these decisions on the basis of the French
and United Kingdom proposals of 11 June 1954.
Accordingly, the convention (treaty) should contain
the following basic provisions :
(1) The following measures shall be taken simultane-
ously :
(a) In the course of six months (or one year). States
shall reduce their armaments, armed forces and budgetary
appropriations for military requirements to the extent
of 50 per cent of the asreed levels. Armaments and armed
forces shall be reduced from the strength of armaments
and armed forces existing on 31 December lO.'iS, and ap-
propriations shall be reduced from the amount of actual
expenditure on military requirements during the year end-
ing 31 December 1953.
(b) For the purposes of supervising the fulfilment by
States of the obligations in connexion with the reduction
of armaments and armed forces provided for in sub-para-
graph (a), a temporary international control commission
shall be established under the Security Council with the
right to require States to provide the necessary informa-
tion on the measures taken by them to reduce armaments
and armed forces. The commission shall take the nec-
essary steps to supei-vlse the fulfilment by States of the
obligations assumed by them in connexion with the re-
duction of armaments, armed forces and appropriations
for military requirements. States shall periodically sup-
ply the commission at established intervals with informa-
tion concerning the implementation of the measures pro-
vided for in the convention.
(2) On completion of the measures referred to in para-
graph (1), the following measures shall be taken simul-
taneously :
(a) In the course of six months (or one year). States
shall reduce their armaments, armed forces and budgetary
appropriations for military requirements by the remaining
50 per cent of the agreed levels from the strength of arma-
ments and armed forces existing on ,31 December 1953,
and shall reduce their appropriations from the amount of
actual expenditure on military requirements during the
year 31 December 19.53.
(b) A complete prohibition of atomic, hydrogen and
other weapons of ma.ss destruction shall be carried into
effect, the production of such weapons shall be discon-
tinued and they shall be entirely eliminated from the
armaments of States ; all existing atomic materials shall
be used only for peaceful purposes.
The carrying out of these measures must be completed
not later than the carrying out of the measures taken for
the reduction of armaments and armed forces referred to
in paragraph (2) (a), and the production of atomic and
hydrogen weapons shall cease immediately, as soon as a
start is made with the reduction of armaments, armed
forces and appropriations for military requirements in
respect of the remaining 50 per cent of the agreed stand-
ards.
( c ) States shall institute a standing international organ
for the supervision of the implementation of the con-
vention (treaty) on the prohibition of atomic, hydrogen
and other weapons of mass destruction, the discontinuance
of the production of these weapons and their elimination
from the armaments of States and the reduction of arma-
ments, armed forces and appropriations for military re-
quirements.
This international organ shall have full powers of
supervision, including the power of inspection on a con-
tinuing basis to the extent neces.sary to ensure imple-
mentation of the convention by all States.
II. In connexion with the proposal concerning the pro-
hibition of the "use of nuclear weapons except in defence
against aggression" in the Franco-British memorandum
of 11 June 1954, the General Assembly instructs the
United Nations Disarmament Commission to study and
clarify this question and submit its recommendations.
International Financing of
Economic Development
Statement by Roger W. Straus
UjS. Representative to the General Assembly'^
Allow me to take this opportunity to acknowl-
edge my great appreciation to be associated in the
work of tills Committee with the distinguished
men and women constituting its membership. I
come here not as a trained economist, not as a
government official. I come as a businessman,
who, for the last 40 years, has been associated with
a business organization that has operated in many
parts of the world. It has contributed markedly
to the economic development of some. Through
this experience I have had firsthand opporttmity
to observe some of the opportunities, needs, and
problems which will be the subject of our discus-
sions in this Committee.
In his address before the 10th Inter- American
Conference at Caracas early this year,^ our Secre-
tary of State pointed out that, in today's interre-
lated world, "No government adequately serves its
own people unless it also is concerned with well-
being in other coimtries." Obviously, no countiy
can divorce itself from the problem presented by
'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct. 8 (U.S. delegation press release 1972).
= BuiXETiN of Mar. 15, 1954, p. 379.
626
Department of State Bulletin
ho existence of extremely low standards of living
. liupe areas of the world. The postwar yeare
liavo witnessed a growing realization tliat the at-
f;Kk on poverty, disease, and ignorance calls for
iimiierative effort on the part of all of us. This
italization is a new and vital force in international
relations.
All of us must join in every practical way to
bring our knowledge, our science, and our tools to
bear upon this problem. Nevertheless, since eco-
ijnoinic and social progress depends primarily on the
! efforts of tJie people concerned, each country must
deride for itself what it is prepared to do about its
own e. cmomic development. Each country must
lie. hie for itself what institutions it will encourage
to bring about the production of the things its peo-
ple want. Each country must itself determine
what steps it is prepared to take to attract outside
capital to help with the job.
In my own country, our traditional policy has
been to develop our economy through private en-
terprise. This emphasis on individual freedom
and on the constructive force of individual ini-
tiative is a basic part of our philosophy. It is this
system which has generated the economic vitality
which has been a mainspring of our economic de-
velopment.
Wliile we are convinced that the fullest possible
exercise of private initiative is the basis of sound
economic development, we are, at the same time,
aware that it cannot be offered as a panacea for
all economic ills.
In many underdeveloped countries, the first
need is for basic development in such fields as
transport, power, communications, education, and
public health.
To provide the economy with this so-called
"overhead capital" often involves large-scale in-
vestment in projects which, at least in their work-
ing stages, are not self-liquidating. The fields of
education and public health have been tradition-
ally regarded as largely the responsibility of gov-
ei-nment. In other fields, such as transport, power,
and communications, investment can often be pro-
vided by the joint effort of government and private
enterprise when, for one reason or another, private
capital is not available in sufficient quantities. In
other instances, the Government will find it ad-
visable to assume the entire responsibility.
Clearly, so long as the problem of building es-
sential basic facilities in underdeveloped areas re-
mains so important, we must continue to be con-
cerned with the problems of public financing.
Mr. Chairman, we shall later in our discussions
be con.sidering various specific ways and means of
assisting the economic development of underde-
veloped countries. At this time, I should like
only to touch upon some general aspects of the
ItrobU'm without going into those matters with
which we shall be dealing in detail later on.
It has often been argued that the financial needs
of economic development have outrun the capital
available to underdeveloped countries; that the
lack of funds is, if not the most important, one of
the important limits on the rate of economic de-
velopment. I do not intend at tliis time to analyze
the accuracy of this generalization. Later in our
deliberations, I hope to have an opportunity to
discuss the prospects for the international flow
of capital if appropriate opportunities are avail-
able. But I would, in this connection, like to
quote from a statement made by the Governor
from Cuba at the meeting of the Board of Gov-
ernors of the International Bank in Washington
last month. The Governor from Cuba said :
I can say without hesitation that there is more money
ready to be lent by the Bank than there are projects
ready to receive loans from the Bank. Our main dilfi-
culty has been not the question of raising suflBcient money
for financing development projects but the problem of
having countries submit for our consideration good, worth-
while, bankable projects. The Bank is fully aware of
this bottleneck, and tries to help in every possible way the
less developed countries to get proper technical and finan-
cial assistance for the preparation and presentation of
good projects. But I can say that no project has failed
to obtain from the Bank the necessary financial assistance
for lack of funds.
Expanding Activities of International Bank
The Annual Report of the International Bank
issued just a few weeks ago tells an encouraging
story of expanding bank activity which is re-
flected in the economic and social growth of its
member countries. During the fiscal year ending
Jime 30, 1954, the bank made 26 loans, equivalent
to about $325 million. These were more loans,
and a greater amount of lending, than in any
previous year of the bank's existence. Moreover,
thus far in the present fiscal year, the rate of
lending has kept pace with this new record, and
the total of loans made by the bank has now passed
the $2 billion mark, with almost three-quarters
of the last billion going to underdeveloped areas.
October 25, 1954
627
These loans have been made to 34 member
countries.
There is another development which, I think,
has significant implications for the future finan-
cing of economic development. In the years fol-
lowing the war, the demands of reconstruction and
investment at home prevented Western Europe
from playing its traditional role as an exporter
of capital, except in very limited fashion. This
situation, together with Western Europe's own
need for assistance, was one of the important fac-
tors hampering the growth of the world economy
in the postwar years.
There are signs that this condition is rapidly
changing. For example, between June 1953 and
June 1954, Western European currencies to the
equivalent of some $110 million became available
in one form or another for lending by the Inter-
national Bank.
In fact, what might be called the greater inter-
nationalization of the financial resources available
to assist in economic development is becoming
quite evident. During the past fiscal year, lend-
able funds available to the International Bank
increased by $310 million. Of this amount, al-
most $190 million, or 61 percent, came from sources
outside the United States. The last bond issue of
the International Bank of $50 million was ovei*-
subscribed by $28 million and had to be allocated
among bidders from 23 countries. For the first
time in the history of the financial world, a dollar
issue has been sold entirely outside the United
States. This is indeed a hopeful augury for inter-
national financing of economic development.
The contribution of the International Bank to
the financing of the economic development of
underdeveloped countries, substantial though it
may be, is but a part of the story of the coopera-
tive effort of the free world in this direction. We
shall undoubtedly be hearing from the representa-
tives of other countries about the contributions
they have found it possible to make to assist the
underdeveloped areas. The efforts and contribu-
tions of my own country have often been indicated
in this and other forums of the United Nations.
For this fiscal year, the Congress has authorized
$300 million for economic assistance to underde-
veloped countries. This amount will raise the
total of assistance extended to the underdeveloped
areas by the American people since World War II
to about $61^ billion.
During the deliberations of this Committee last
year there was some speculation as to the future
role of the Export-Import Bank in the field of
economic development. In this connection, I
should like to recall one of the statements con- ,
tained in the message of President Eisenhower to '
the Congress on March 30, 1954.' In this message
the President, referring to the Export-Import
Bank, stated that the bank will consider on their
merits applications for development projects
which are not being made by the International
Baiik and which meet the usual requirements of
export-import lending. I think the statement in-
dicates that the Export-Import Bank will be in a
position to continue to play an active role in the
development field. In this connection, some of
you may be aware that the Congress recently au-
thorized an increase of half a billion dollars in the
lending authority of the bank. This action raised
the bank's total lending authority to $5 billion.
This same legislation also provided for a reor-
ganization of the bank designed to make it a more
effective operating instrument.
Agricultural Trade Act
I should like to mention one other way in which
the United States can now help provide additional
assistance for economic development.
Underdeveloped countries wishing to carry out
ambitious development projects are often faced
with the problem of providing at the same time
an increased supply of consmner goods to their
populations. Unless they can do so, inflation may
well result, with all its pernicious effects on the
very process of economic development itself. To
illustrate, some countries in South and Southeast
Asia, where the problem of surplus labor is acute,
have been deterred from expanding their invest-
ment programs and putting this labor to work
because they were not able to provide additional
amounts of consumer goods.
In general, the International Bank and our
own Export-Import Bank have been prepared only
to finance the cost of imported capital goods and
industrial supplies. They have not, as a rule,
been prepared to provide long-term loans for im-
ports of consumer goods.
As many of you are aware, our Congress has
recently enacted the Agricultural Trade and De-
■ Ibid., Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602.
628
Department of State Bulletin
velopment Act. The purpose of tliis net is to
ipnat>le tlie Govciniiient to use our iiirricultunil
<?onuuodities to expand world trade. We believe
4iat one of the truly constructive purposes for
■which our surplus commodities can now he used is
to help to promote economic development. We are
prepared to make these commodities available to
underdeveloped countries to help meet increased
consumption demands arisin<r from their develop-
ment projrrams. I should like to take a moment
to indicate how this can be done.
Under the provisions of the law, the United
States Government is now authorized to sell its
stocks of ajiricultural commodities for the local
currency of the recipient country. Furthermore,
the U.S. Government is authorized to lend back
I to the buying country a substantial part of all such
local currency received. In other words, undei'-
developed countries can now secure assistance in
importing increased supplies of such consumer
goods as wheat, corn, cotton, fats, and oils, which
they may need to procure to meet the increased
' demands for consumer goods arising from acceler-
i ated development operation.
Such transactions envisaged in the Agricultural
; Trade and Development Act can be mutually bene-
ficial. Since development progi-ams may be ex-
pected to lead to increased consumption, holdings
of agricultural commodities now overhanging the
market can be moved without disrupting normal
markets or depressing world prices. Countries
w hich, in other respects, are in a position to under-
take new development projects and to put unem-
ployed labor into productive employment can do
~M without suffering the ill effects of inflation.
Labor-using projects that may have been post-
poned because they could not easily be financed
can be given the priority they deserve.
This new authority which the Congress has
given us will run for a 3-year period. It is our
hope that underdeveloped countries will take ad-
vantage of this legislation to accelerate their eco-
nomic development.
Mr. Chairman, I think most of us would agree
that the world has made important strides since
the war in dealing with the problem of economic
development. At the same time we are all, I am
sure, acutely aware of the inmiense task still to
be done. We cannot be content merely to look
backward. It seems to me as a business executive,
just as a manufacturer of automobiles is constantly
trying to improve his already tried and tested
models, so nuist we endeavor to make more effective
our existing institutions and our existing metiiods
of dealing with tliis problem. On the other hand,
just as the autfmiobile manufacturer is also con-
stantly searching for basically new designs, so
must we be alert to new ways and means which
have practical applications for the future.
The peoples of the underdeveloped countries are
eager for additional tools for economic growth.
The compelling economic reasons for assisting
the.se peoples to convert their aspirations into
reality have often been analyzed, and I need not
go into them at this time. But economic develop-
ment has a larger significance. It is something
which is good in it.self because it affects people,
their dignity, and their freedom. Economic de-
velopment can mean the difference between explo-
sive tensions and stability, between apathy and
hope, between serfdom and constructive citizen-
ship. It can contribute to the development of a
stable, democratic society of free men.
These are powerful reasons for continued efforts
by all of us to hasten the economic development of
the underdeveloped counti-ies.
U.S. Delegations to
International Meetings
Pan American Sanitary Conference and
WHO Regional Committee Meeting
The Department of State announced on October
6 (press release 559) that the U.S. Govenunent
would be represented at the Fourteenth Pan Am-
erican Sanitary Conference and the Sixth Meeting
of the Regional Committee of the World Health
Organization at Santiago, Chile, October 8-22,
1954, by the following delegation :
Delegates
W. Palmer Dearing, M.D., Chainnnii, Deputy Surgeon
General, Public Health Service, Department of Health,
Education and Welfare
Frederick J. Brady, M.D., International Health Repre-
.sentative. Public Health Service, Department of
Health, Education and Welfare
Howard B. Calderwood, Bureau of International Organ-
ization Affairs, Department of State
Advisers
Roy Anduze, M.D., Commissioner of Health, Virgin la-
lands Department of Health, Charlotte Amalie, Virgin
Islands
October 25, 1954
629
William Belton, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, De-
partment of State
E. Ross Jenney, M.D., Chief of Health, Welfare and Hous-
ing Field Party, Foreign Operations Administration,
Santiago, Chile
Juan A. Pons, M.D., Secretary of Health, Puerto Bico
Department of Health, San Juan, Puerto Rico
Walter W. Sohl, Jr., Secretary of Delegation, Bureau of
International Organization Affairs, Department of
State
The Pan American Sanitary Conference is the
supreme governing body of the Pan American
Sanitary Organization (Paso), the international
coordinating authority for public health in the
Americas, and serves as the Regional Committee
for the Americas of the World Health Organiza-
tion. The Conference, which meets once in 4
years, delegates its powers to the Directing Coim-
cil, which meets yearly during the 3 years between
Conferences. The Tliirteenth Pan American
Sanitary Conference was held at Ciudad Trujillo,
Dominican Eepublic, October 2-10, 1950.
The Fourteenth Conference will plan the course
of the Pan American Sanitary Organization for
the next 4 years. Among the agenda items are
the following: (1) The Director's reports— i. e.
annual report, reviewing the Bureau's activities
in 1953 ; and a 4-year report, from the beginning
of 1950, for consideration of the Conference; (2)
1955 program and budget; (3) malaria eradica-
tion; (4) health reports of governments; (5)
election of the Director of the Pan American San-
itary Bureau for a 4-year term begimiing Febru-
ary 1, 1955, and submission of his name to the
World Health Organization in Geneva for con-
firmation as Who Regional Director; and (6)
Executive Committee nominations to fill vacancies
on the 7-member Executive Committee, caused by
the termination of the periods of office of Ecuador
and Mexico. There will also be a series of tech-
nical discussions in the form of seminars held con-
currently with the Conference Session. The sub-
jects chosen this year are (1) methods of improv-
ing the reliability of raw statistical data required
for health programs; (2) control of infant diar-
rheas in the light of recent scientific progress;
and (3) application of health-education methods
in rural areas in Latin America.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
International Rice Commission
Amended Constitution of the International Rice Commis-
sion and Rules of Procedure. Approved by the Seventh
Session of the Fag Conference at Rome, December 10,
1953. Entered into force December 10, 1953.
Members of the Commission:
United States
Australia
Burma
Cambodia
Ceylon
Cuba
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
Egypt
France
India
Indonesia
Italy
Japan
Korea
Laos
Mexico
Netherlands
Pakistan
Paraguay
Philippines
Thailand
United Kingdom
Viet-Nam
BILATERAL
Costa Rica
Agreement for a cooperative project in agricultural re-
search in Costa Rica, pursuant to the general agreement
for technical cooperation of January 11, 1951 (TIAS
2186). Effected by exchange of notes at San Jos§
June 28 and 30, 1954. Entered into force June 30, 1954.
Guatemala
Agreement providing for transfer of military equipment
and materiel to the Government of Guatemala, subject
to certain understandings. Signed at Guatemala July
27 and 30, 1954. Entered into force July 30, 1954.
Honduras
Agreement relating to duty-free entry and defrayment
of inland transportation charges on relief supplies
and packages. Effected by exchange of notes at Tegu-
cigalpa August 2t> and September 17, 1954. Entered into
force September 17, 1954.
Liberia
Agreement relating to duty-free entry and defrayment of
inland transportation charges on relief supplies and
packages. Effected by exchange of notes at Monrovia
May 6, August 23, and September 15, 1954. Entered into
force September 15, 1954.
Thailand
Agreement relating to investment guaranties. Effected by
exchange of notes at Washington August 27 and Sep-
tember 1, 1954. Entered into force September 1, 1954.
630
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
October 25/1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 800
American Repoblic*
The Odiiiinon Destiny of the Amerlcna (Drelcr) .... BOB
Pun .\riu'rkuii Sniiltiiry Confermce aud WllO Reetonal
Cciminltleo MeetliiR 628
4ome Aspects of the Present Economic Situation In Latin
America (Cnle) 600
Atomic Eneriy. Niicleiir Physics, A Triumph of Man's
Mlnil (Conuiit) 607
Cambodia. American Ambasendor to Cambodia Presents
Credentials (text of Elsenhower messaKe) .... 015
Economic Affairs
Internatlinial Financing of Economic Development
(Stnuisl 026
Some Aspects of the Present Economic Situation In Latin
America (Cale) 600
Foreim Service. American Ambassador to Cainbodin Pre-
sents Credentials (text of Elsenhower niessaRe) . . 615
Formosa. Assistant Secretary Kobertson Visits Formosa . 614
Germany. Nuclear Physics, A Triumph of Man's Mind
((.'onantl 607
Health, Education, and Welfare
Pan American Sanitary Conference and WHO Regional
Committee Mi-etlng 629
World Security and the World Health Organization
(Key) 616
International Organizations and Meetings. Pan American
Sanitary Conference and WHO Regional Committee
Meeting 629
Italy. Exchange of Messages on Trieste Accord (Elsen-
hower, EInaudI, Tito) 613
Latin America. Some Aspects of the Present Economic
Situation In Latin America (Cale) 600
Military AAairs. U.S. Views on Soviet Disarmament Pro-
posal (statements and text of resolution) .... 619
Mutual Security. FOA Sends Flood Relief to Nepal . . . 615
Nepal. FOA Sends Flood Relief to Nepal 615
Pakistan. Arrival of Pakistan Prime Minister (Hoover) . 606
Presidential Documents
American Ambassador to Cambodia Presents Credentials . 61B
Exchanpe of Messages on Trieste Accord 613
National Olympic Day, 1954 606
Treaty Information. Current Actions 630
Trieste, Free Territory of. Exchange of Messages on Trieste
Accord (Eisenhower, Einaudl. Tito) 613
U.S.S.R. U.S. Views on Soviet Disarmament Proposal
(statements and text of resolution) 619
United Nations
International Financing of Economic Development
(Straus) 626
U.S. Views on Soviet Disarmament Proposal (statements
and text of resolution) 619
World Security and the World Health Organization (Key) . 616
World Health Organization
Pan American Sanitary Conference and WHO Regional
Committee Meeting 629
World Security and the World UenKh Organization
(Key) 618
YugoslaTia. Exehanite of Messages on Trieste Accord
(Elsenhower, Einaudl, Tito) 613
Xame Index
All. Moliamnied 006
llroz-Tll.i, JohIj) 013
C.ile, Edward Q 600
Conaiit. James B 007
Dreler, John C 595
Elliaiull. LulEl 618
Klsenhower. President 606, 613, 61B
Hoover, Herbert. Jr 606
Kev, David McK 616
f."ili.-e. Henry Cabot, Jr 619
McClintiick. Robert M 618
McConaughv. Walter P 615
Kobertson, Walter S 614
Straus, Roger W 626
Turner. Frank L 615
Vyshlnsky. Andrei 610
Wadsworth. James J 619
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 11-17
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 2.5, D. C.
Press releases issued inior to October 11 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 559
of October 6, 561 of October 7, and 563 of October 8.
Subject
Dreier : Columbus Day.
Educational exchange.
Foreign Service memorial.
Robertson visits Formosa.
Program for Mohammed Ali visit.
Educational exchange.
Educational exchange.
German dollar-bond debts.
Program for Tubman visit.
Waugh ; Colombo plan.
Aldrich : N.Y. Board of Trade.
Baldwin : Asian economic develop-
ment.
Hoover : Greeting to Mohammed Ali.
Phillips designation (rewrite).
Department honors ceremony.
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
565
10/11
*567
10/11
t.568
10/11
569
10/11
'570
10/12
•571
10/12
•572
10/12
t573
10/12
•574
10/13
t575
10/13
t576
10/14
t577
10/14
578
10/14
t579
10/15
•580
10/16
the
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS
The Record on Disarmament
Publication 5581
15 cents
Department
of
State
A Subcommittee of Five of the U.N. Disarmament Commis-
sion met at London in May-June 1954 to caiTy out the General
Assembly's resolution of November 28, 1953, to "seek in private
an acceptable solution." Following these talks, the Subcommit-
tee's report was transmitted to the Disarmament Commission,
which dealt with the Subcommittee's results at New York on
July 20-29, 1954.
The Record on Disarmament is a report on these meetings.
As stated in the Letter of Transmittal, the discussions gave a
clear indication of the present direction of Soviet thinking on
disarmament. The Soviet Union showed no serious desire to
negotiate the subject. It confined its efforts to glib distortions
to support the propaganda slogan "ban the bomb."
; This 20-page document gives a running account of the de-
velopments in the secret talks at London, the records of which
have now been made public, and the meetings at New York.
The booklet provides a summary of the chief Western proposals
and tactics. It concludes with a section on the implications
of the discussions.
Copies of The Record on Disarmament may be purchased
from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print-
ing Office, Washington 25, D. C.
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f5^ 5,
J/ie/ ^eh<>(/rtrne7t{/ ^// ^(ate/
Vol.
November 1, 1954
•»tes o
FIFTH ANNUAL HONOR AWARDS CEREMONY •
Remarks by the President and Secretary Dulles 635
THE COLOMBO PLAN • by Assistant Secretary Waugh . . 640
ECONOIMIC DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL EVO-
LUTION IN ASIA • by Charles F. Baldwin 646
THE NEED FOR A MORE LIBERAL FOREIGN TRADE
POLICY • by Ambassador Winthrop W. Aldrich 649
PROGRESS IN HIGHWAY DEVELOPMENT FOR
LATIN AMERICA • Report on the Sixth Pan American
Highway Congress 666
For index see inside back cover
l»»tT O^
Cupcrintcndent of Documents
NOV 2 4 1954
^ne ZM€/ta/i(l^)n,e7il^ ^t ^late
'>*Tn a' '
bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 801 • Publication 5639
November 1,1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Qovernment Printing Office
Washington 26, D.O.
Fbice:
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Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of the
Government ujith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign
policy, issued by the White House
and the Department, and statements
and addresses made by the President
and by the Secretary of State and
other officers of the Department, as
well as special articles on various
phases of interruitioTUil affairs and the
functions of the Department. Infor-
rruition is included concerning treaties
and interruitional agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of general
international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Fifth Annual Honor Awards Ceremony
On October 19 the Department of State held its
fifth annua? honor awards ceremony at Constitu-
tion Hall, Washington, D. C. Following are texts
of remarks made by the President and Secretary
Dulles at the ceremony.^
SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 691 dated October 19
Mr. President, your presence here does us all
ihonor. It symbolizes the vital importance of for-
eign affairs to every aspect of American life. It
is a reminder of the historic relationship between
the Chief Executive, who is constitutionally re-
sponsible for the current conduct of foreign affairs,
uhI the Department of State and the members of
the Foreign Service who serve him.
The Department of State and the Foreign Serv-
ice can boast a record of service that is older than
the Republic itself. It was to the Department of
State that the first Congress entrusted the safe-
keeping of the Great Seal of the United States.
Our Chiefs of Mission abroad are the personal
representatives of the President.
So we have a special and time-honored relation-
ship to the Chief of State.
"When I first became Secretary of State I spoke
of the high regard in which I held the careers you
of the State Department and Foreign Service have
chosen. I said : '
. . . today we are the "shock troops" in the cold war
which is being waged against us. Upon us depends, more
ithan upon any other group of men and women in this
country, the decision as to whether or not we will meet
' For a list of individuals and units honored for out-
standing performance of their duties, see press release
585 dated Oct. 18 (not printed).
' BiLLKTi.N of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 240.
this threat, and whether we will meet it peacefully. I
cannot imagine n greater opportunity or a greater chal-
lenge that confronts anyone than confronts us and our
affiliates in the Foreign Service in the Embassies all
around the world. We have a tremendous task, a tre-
mendous responsibility, and a tremendous opportunity.
These words expressed wliat I believed then and
they express what I believe now.
We live in adventurous and dangerous times.
Such times bring forth great ax;ts. Today we
single out a few of the men and women who have
responded to the challenge of our times in a man-
ner and in circumstances which are outstanding.
That is why they, in particular, are being cited
today.
There are, of course, many kinds of service that
command such honor. First of all there is cour-
age. One officer of the Foreign Service will not
be able to receive his award today because he gave
his life to save the lives of others. Other brave
acts will receive recognition, acts of rescue and
of fortitude in far places.
There is also another form of devotion to duty
which is no less deserving of recognition. I refer
to the kind of initiative and ability which, in a
real and direct way, contributes to the success of
our foreign policy. This may take many forms,
from the negotiation of a treaty or settlement that
requires months of skill and patience, to the com-
pletion of a delicate mission calling for tact and
boldness in equal measure. It may be the type of
consistently high day-by-day performance that
inspires others.
Many of the awards today go to members of
the Civil Service, which is contributing its fuU
and equal share of outstanding work.
And let us remember those who are absent today.
Most of these are members of the Foreign Service
who are now on duty overseas. Their awards will
be conferred on them at their posts.
November 7, 1954
635
This ceremony is an expression of the morale
and spirit of our whole Department and of its gen-
erally high standard of performance. It is a re-
affirmation of an honorable tradition of service
to the nation. The success of our mission is de-
pendent on the total of the skills and dedication
which each brings to the performance of his or her
task. As the head of the Department, I am at
most the sum total of all its parts. As such, I feel
proud as I stand here on this occasion.
Now it is my high privilege to present one who
knows at firsthand our Foreign Service through
his own great services at home and abroad, in war
and in peace, one who provides us with our greatest
inspiration because of his own life of dedicated
service to the welfare of our Nation— the President
of the United States.
THE PRESIDENT
White House press release dated October 19
In his opening remarks the Secretary well de-
scribed my relationships with this great group,
both with the Foreign Service and with the State
Department civil personnel. So you can under-
stand why I feel that this is a family gathering.
I feel it keenly and hope you do the same, because
you are the people that execute a responsibility
that is laid upon me by our Constitution— the re-
sponsibility for the foreign affairs of our country.
You are, of course, in carrying this responsi-
bility, concerned with promoting the prosperity
and happiness and well-being of the United
States, through solidifying those i-elations with
other nations that will be helpful in this regard.
Now this can be done only in peace. Since the
advent of nuclear weapons, it seems clear that
there is no longer any alternative to peace if there
is to be a happy and well world. I often recall an
argument I got into once with a foreign diplomat.
He was a member of the British Foreign Office.
And he was very worried about the arrangement
that had been made to place the control of Ger-
many temporarily in the hands of soldiers. He
thought— and I don't know why— that those war-
weary soldiers would be too anxious to start a war,
and finally in rather resentful disgust I said to
him, "My friend, I would like for you to know
that the soldier has only one excuse for living in
this world, and that is to regain the peace that you
diplomats lost in the first place."
636
Now the reason I bring tliis up is that, even if
there was a modicum of truth in what I said then,
there no longer is. The soldier can no longer re-
gain a peace that is usable to the world. I believe
that the best he could do would be to retain some
semblance of a tattered nation in a world that was
very greatly in ashes and relics of destruction.
But possibly he could keep us from immediate
and complete domination by some outside force.
That would be a poor climate in which to start
again the development of a peace. Certainly it
would be a far worse opportunity than we now
have.
The reason I paint this little pictur(^-even in a
sort of digression— is this: We have glorious op-
portunity ahead of us, because we have opportu-
nity in a world that has not yet suffered that kind
of desti-uction- pray God must not suffer that kind
of destruction.
In these halting words, and with these halting
examples, I am trying to impress upon you my
opinion of the importance of your work. There
is no task facing the world today so important as
maintaining a peace and giving to the world con-
fidence that that peace will be just and lasting.
That is the measure of what you people and
those like you— those above you and those below
you — in these services must do for America.
Now, some among you today are being rewarded
for unusual service. I have been a party to such
ceremonies in the military sei-vice many times dur-
ing my lifetime. They reward for courage, un-
usual ability, and devotion and dedication, just as
do you people. And I remind you that in my con-
viction your work is now more important than
theirs. But I want to bring out another point.
Those experiences I had in the military service
convinced me that the gradations in character
among the different services is often difficult to
determine. We select one man for a decoration
and then another man is not selected. And yet
the second man may have faced hardships, dan-
gers, ajid privation. But you can say, well, if this
service is not rewarded what shall we do ? I think
you can only remind yourself of the words on the
Iwo Jima Statue, "Uncommon Courage Was a
Common Virtue."
So these people, as they come up to be decorated,
will be representative of each of you. Each of you
wiU at least vicariously and in some small part be
a recipient of that same award. By the same
token, one day undoubtedly you will be standing
Department of State Bulletin
tliere to receive a token that will be rejjresentative
of the work of a great body. Because only as we
think of it in that way, only a^ we work tojiether
from top to bottom, only as we give loyalty and not
jealousy and envy, only as we cling together secure
in our confidence that we are dedicated to the great
ideals of ^Vinericanism. justice and decency and
fair play — even for those with whom we are deal-
ing, sometimes at swords-points, across the dis-
tances of an ocean — only as we do that can we be
truly successful.
If there is any organization that should have
the highest morale based firmly in its own convic-
tions as to the importance of its work, the neces-
sity for successful accomplishment regardless of
wliat critic or opponent may say, a morale based
in that high belief in a cause, then that should be
the Foreign Service and the State Department —
as, indeed, I believe it is.
So 3'ou can understand something of the hap-
piness I feel when I gather here with you to wit-
ness the decoration of a few among you who, stand-
ing as sj-mbols for all, will exemplify and typify
the appreciation that your coimtry feels toward
them — and each.
Reded ication of Memorial
to Foreign Service Officers
Press release 56S dated October 11
FoUoicing are the texts of remarks made on
October 11 hy Secretary Dulles; the remarks of
Deputy Under Secretary Miirfhy, who introduced
the Secretary; and a letter from Presidejit Eisen-
hower to Mr. Dulles read hy Mr. Murphy at a
ceremony at the Department of State rededicating
the Foreign Service memorial tablet honoring
Americans who lost their lives under heroic or
tragic circumstances while on active duty in the
United States Foreign Service.
Remarks by Mr. Murphy
Mr. Secretary, early in 1933 a significant cere-
mony took place in the lobby of the old State
Department building on Pennsylvania Avenue.
A memorial tablet honoring diplomatic and con-
sular officers who had lost their lives in line of
duty was unveiled by Secretai^ of State Henry L.
Stimson.
This memorial tablet was just recently moved
here to the new headquarters of the Department
of State, where it might better serve as a reminder
and inspiration to oflicci's and employees of the
Department and the Foreign Service, and to visi-
tors who pass through this hall.
Today we are gathered here for the purpose of
rededicating this monument to the 65 members of
the American Foreign Service who lost their lives
under tragic or heroic circumstances between the
years of 1780 and 1033, and of paying tribute to
the six additional members whose names have been
added to this roll of honor subsequent to its orig-
inal dedication.
Sharing this solemn observance with us from the
Department and the Foreign Service, I am happy
to note, are Chairman Henry M. Wriston and
other members of the Secretary's Public Com-
mittee on Personnel, who are so deeply interested
in the Foreign Service.
And now it is my gi'eat privilege, as President
of the American Foreign Service Association, to
invite our distinguished Honorary President, the
Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, to speak.
Remarks by Secretary Dulles
I am very glad to respond to the invitation of
the President of the Foreign Service Association
to rededicate this memorial. Mr. Murphy, as
Deputy Under Secretary of State, is also the
highest ranking career member of the Foreign
Service. On this moving occasion, he represents
a corps of men and women whose tradition of
quiet devotion to the national interest is older
than the Republic itself.
In 1780 "William Palfrey, commissioned by the
Continental Congress as the first United States
consul, was lost at sea on the way to his post in
France. Since then, 71 diplomatic and consular
officers have lost their lives on active duty under
"heroic or tragic circumstances." One died 3
years ago while rescuing fellow workers when the
United States chancery building in Korea was de-
stroyed by fire. One lost his life on a torpedoed
ship during World War I. Several were killed
in earthcjuakes or volcanic eruptions. Some died
of disease while serving in remote posts. A nmn-
ber were assassinated. All gave their lives in the
service of their country.
We who come here today in gi'ateful memory
of these men of the Foreign Service would do well
to keep in mind that it is beyond our power to
honor them. It is they who, by the quality of
November I, 1954
637
their service, have honored us. It is they who
have responded to the challenge of the poet : "Act
well your part; there all the honour lies."
Mr. Murphy has a letter from the President of
the United States which I ask him now to read.
Letter From President Eisenhower
LowRT Air Force Base,
Colorado
October 9, 195^.
The Honorable John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State
I count it a privilege to join with you and the
members of the Foreign Service in paying tribute
to the men of that Service who lost their lives
under heroic or tragic circumstances in carrying
out their duties on foreign soil. As we rededi-
cate their memorial let us also rededicate ourselves
to the high ideals of the organization wliich they
so nobly served. Under inspired leadership, I
know that the men and women of our splendid
Foreign Service will tirelessly attack the grave
problems before them, with courage, with intelli-
gence, and with full devotion to the proud tradi-
tions of our land of freedom.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Paris Conference on
European Security
Following is the text of a nine-power cormrmni-
que issued at Paris on October 21 , together with a
statement made by Secretary Dulles at the Wash-
ington National Airport on October 19 and a list
of the principal U.S. delegates to the Special
Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council.
COMMUNIQUE OF OCTOBER 21
The Foreign Ministers of Belgium, Canada,
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United King-
dom and the United States of America (M. Spaak,
Mr. Pearson, M. Mendes-France, Dr. Adenauer,
M. Martino, M. Bech, M. Beyen, Sir Antliony
Eden and Mr. Foster Dulles) met in Paris on
October 21st to complete the discussions begun at
the recent Ixnidon conference on security and
638
European integration within the framework of! gc
a developing Atlantic conmiunity dedicated to | cai
peace and freedom.^
The Ministers were informed of the agreement
reached between the Foreign Ministers of France,
the German Federal Republic, the United King-
dom and the United States of America in regard
to ending the occupation regime in the Federal
Republic.
The nine Ministers then considered the reports
of tlie working parties set up in Paris and London
to give effect to the principles agreed at the Lon-
don conference. They reached agreement on the
text of four protocols strengthening and extend-
ing the scope of the Brussels Treaty Organization,
expanded to provide for the participation of Italy
and of the German Federal Republic, and on the
text of accompanying documents.
They agreed that the London working group
consisting of representatives of Belgium, France,
the German Federal Republic, Italy, Luxembourg,
the Netherlands and the United Kingdom should
remain in being during the interim period before
the formal accession of the German Federal Re-
public and Italy to the Brussels Treaty Organiza-
tion.
The Ministers expressed to the secretaries gen-
eral of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
and of the Brussels Treaty Organization, who
were invited to be present at the meeting, their
thaiLks for the valuable preparatory work done in
the two organizations between the London and
Paris conferences and for the facilities placed at
their disposal by Nato for their meetings in Paris.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 502 dated October 19
I am leaving for Paris to follow up the work of
the London conference of 2 weeks ago. At that
time it was agreed to restore German sovereignty,
to amend the Brussels Treaty to admit Gennany
and Italy and to establish a "Council of the West-
ern European Union," and to bring the Federal
Republic of Germany into the North Atlantic
Treatj'. Since the London conference, woi"k has
been proceeding on the completion of the docu-
ments Tieeded to put into effect these historic deci-
' For text of tbe final act of tlie London Conference, see
Buu-ETIN of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 515.
Department of State Bulletin
sioiis, and it is lioped that tlio final executive acts
can take jilace at Paris.
Tliere is first to be a meeting on the questions
relating to German sovereignty. This will bring
together Chancellor Adenauer and the Foreign
Ministei-s of the three Western occupying pow-
ers— Mr. Eden of Britain, Mr. Mendes-France of
France, and myself.
Then there will be a meeting of the same nine
Foreign Ministers who met in London and who
worked out the plan for making over the Brussels
Treaty into a means of achieving a large measure
of European defense unity. The United States,
while deeply interested in this development, will
not itself be a member of this Brussels Treaty
group. But we will cooperate closely with the
treaty powers, witliin the framework of the North
Atlantic Treaty.
Then there will be a meeting on October 22 of
the North Atlantic Treaty Ministerial Council.
At tliat meeting, consideration will be given to
inviting German membership and to strengthen-
ing the authority of the Supreme Allied Com-
mander so that he can more effectively integrate
the Nato forces, including those of Germany.
There are many difficult problems to be solved.
However, I believe they can be solved, if it is
possible to sustain the good spirit of cooperation
and sense of high responsibility which were devel-
oped at the London conference.
As I said in going to that conference,^ the pri-
mary responsibility rests upon the European coun-
tries themselves. The United States, however, has
a vital interest in the outcome. We shall be sym-
pathetic and responsive to effective steps by the
European countries to promote their strength and
unity in the defense of freedom.
U.S. DELEGATION TO NAC MEETING
Press release 590 dated October 19
United States representatives
John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State
Special Assistant, Roderic L. O'Connor
Robert B. Anderson, Deputy Secretary of Defense
Senior advisers
David K. E. Bruce, U.S. Repre.sentative to the European
Coal and Steel Community
James B. Conant, U.S. High Commissioner for Germany
General J. Lawton Collins. U.S.A., U.S. Representative
on the Military Committee
C. Donclas Dillon, American Ambassador to France
' Ibid., Oct. 4, 1954, p. 489.
H. Struve Hensel, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
luternntioiial Security Affairs
John C. Uughes, U.S. Permanent Representative on the
North Atlantic Council
Carl W. McCardlf, As.sistant Secretary of State for Public
Affairs
Liviut-'ston T. Merchant, Coordinator, Assistant Secretary
of State for European Affairs
Strengthening Pakistan's Economy
and Defense Capabilities
U.S.-PAKISTAN COMMUNIQUE OF OCTOBER 21
Press release 599 dated October 21
As the visit to Washington of Prime Minister
Mohammed Ali of Pakistan draws to a close, the
Government of the United States and the Govern-
nient of Pakistan consider it fitting to reaffirm
their common purpose in striving to assure peace
and economic security to their peoples. They are
convinced that those objectives can be attained
tkrough measures of collective security, self-help
and economic cooperation. At the same time, they
share a common conviction that their goals can be
attained only where fundamental spiritual values
are permitted to flourish.
The Prime Minister and cabinet members accom-
panying him have had discussions of problems of
mutual interest with a number of high-ranking
officials of the United States, including President
Eisenhower, Secretary of State Dulles, Secretary
of Defense Wilson and Foreign Operations Ad-
ministration Director Stassen.
The discussions were preceded and have been
accompanied by earnest efforts within the United
States Government to determine measures which
the United States might take to strengthen Paki-
stan, bearing in mind Pakistan's special position in
the Middle East and South Asia, its unreserved
friendship and cooperation with the United States
in its efforts for the security of the free world, and
the economic problems with which Pakistan is at
present faced.
With the report of the special Foa mission sent
to Pakistan last summer under the leadership of
Mr. H. J. Heinz II, it became clear that, despite
its own tremendous efforts, Pakistan was in urgent
need of increased economic assistance to ameliorate
shortages of consumers goods and industrial raw
materials, and that economic development pro-
November J, 1954
639
gi'ams must be increased if economic stability were
to be attained. Accordingly, it has been agi-eed
that the United States Grovernment will make
available to Pakistan in the current fiscal year
about $105 million in economic aid, part of which
will be in the form of loans. This figure, which
is five times last year's aid, includes funds for
technical assistance, flood relief as previously
agreed upon consequent to the disaster of last
August in East Pakistan, and funds for develop-
mental purposes. To meet Pakistan's urgent needs
for consumer goods and industrial raw materials,
the total figure also includes a substantial amount
in the form of agricultural commodities.
Recognizing Pakistan's position in the common
defense effort and following the military assistance
agreement signed with the United States this
spring, the United States will endeavor to accel-
erate the substantial military aid progi'ams for
Pakistan, which are beginning this year. In this
connection, the United States cannot make com-
mitments beyond the limits of existing and cur-
rent appropriations. However, the Government
of the United States and the Government of Pak-
istan intend to continue to study togetlier in this
and future years the best means of achieving their
mutual objective: the strengthening of the econ-
omy and the defense capabilities of Pakistan.
The Colombo Plan
iy Samuel C. Waugh
Assistant Secretat^y for Economic Affairs ^
The theme of your conference is "Strengthen-
ing Economic Ties Between the United States and
Asia." There is no need to tell this audience the
importance of that objective. Indeed, your
Council exists largely for that purpose — to en-
large American understanding of the nature and
content of our economic relations with Asia and to
strengthen the economic ties between our country
and Asian countries.
Neither do I need to tell the members of this
audience how important it is for our own interests
and for the sake of peace and stability in the world
that the aspirations of the countries of Asia for
economic progress sliould be fulfilled. In those
countries it is literally true that the future of the
democratic way of life and the democratic form
of government depends to a very considerable ex-
tent on whether or not it will prove possible to
' Address made before Far East-America Council of
Commerce and Industry, New York, N. Y., on Oct. 14
(press release 575 dated Oct. 13).
For an article on the Colombo Plan, see Bulletin of
Sept. 22, 19.'52, p. 441.
achieve some measurable economic pi'ogress, some
visible economic development, by democratic
metliods.
All of the free countries of Asia stand chal-
lenged by the totalitarian governments of Eussia
and Red Cliina. They are constantly being told
that enormous progress has been made and is be-
ing made in those Communist countries. They are
not in a position to say that tliis is not so. They
know, however, that if it is so this progress is
being accomplished at a great price in human
freedom and dignity.
Nevertheless, whatever progress is being made
in the slave states is a challenge to the free coun-
tries. Tlie peoples of those free countries — many
of them newly independent and newly possessed of
the freedom to manage their own affairs — have
chosen a system of government that is democratic
and free. The peoples in these countries, how-
ever, are not academic political scientists; they are
farmers in the fields and workers in the factories.
jTo them the worth of a political system is meas-
ured by what it can do — what it can produce in
640
Department of State Bulletin
the wiiy of economic well-being and increasing
•reiieral welfare.
To us the outcome of this chiiUcnge and this
effort is of the greatest importance. I need not
belabor with you the reasons why this is so. You
know them full well.
I have been asked to talk today about one im-
portant set of economic ties between the free coun-
tries of Asia and the United States and certain
other free countries of the West — the Colombo
Plan. In fact, I sugfrested I might talk to you
about the Colombo Plan — in the first place, because
I have just returned from Ottawa where I headed
our United States delegation at the annual meeting
of the Colombo Plan countries ; and in the second
place, because I think that not enough of our
people understand what the Colombo Plan is and
what our relationship to the Plan involves.
The Colombo Plan was conceived initially in
1950 as an organization of Commonwealth coun-
tries to focus attention on the economic develop-
ment problems of the countries of South and
Southeast Asia. It is designed to provide a frame-
work within which international cooperative ef-
forts can be made to promote sound and enduring
economic progi-ess in that area.
As I said, in its origins the Colombo Plan was a
Commonwealth concept. It initially included on
the one side the economically developed countries
of the Commonwealth such as Great Britain,
Canada, Australia, and New Zealand ; and on the
other side the newly independent or not yet fully
independent Asian countries members of the Com-
monwealth such as India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Ma-
laya, British Borneo, plus Burma.
In the interim, however, the geographic scope
of the membership has been so radically enlarged
that it can no longer be thought of as being, in any
way except historically, a Commonwealth i^roject.
Not only has the United States since 1951 associ-
ated itself as a full member, but other non-Com-
monwealth countries of South and Southeast Asia
have also joined, such as Cambodia, Laos, Viet-
Nam, and Indonesia. Last week at Ottawa, Japan
was admitted to membership, and Thailand and
the Philippines, which had lieretofore been ob-
servers, also became full members. In all, there
are now 17 member countries, and the area
stretches from Pakistan to the Philippines. In
this area live 720 million people, about 29 percent
of the world's population.
A Committee for Economic Development
What is the Colombo Plan? The esisiest and
most enlightening answer to that question is to
explain it is not a jjlan in the connnonly accepted
use of the word "plan," but that it is exactly what
its title says it is — the Consultative Committee for
Economic Development in South and Southeast
Asia. It is a committee of nations all of which
are, for one reason or another, constructively in-
terested in the economic development of the free
countries of this ai-ea. It is a considtative com-
mittee, not a continuing organization. There were
initial foi'mative meetings of the group in 1950 and
1951 at Colombo, at Canberra, and at London.
Starting in 1952 there have been annual meetings
to review progress in economic development and to
assess prospects for the future.
In the course of the formative meetings the
member countries of the South and Southeast
Asia area were encouraged to formulate economic
development programs and thereby to translate
their somewhat vague aspirations for economic
progress into concrete schedules of definite and
identifiable things to be done. In order to lend
concreteness and definiteness to the undertaking,
the countries agreed to envisage a 6-year pei'iod
extending from July 1, 1951, to June 30, 1957,
and to set down as specifically as possible what,
during this period, they hoped to be able to ac-
complish, how they expected to finance their pro-
grams, what policies and legislative measures they
expected to have to pursue, and what goals of in-
vestment and production they hoped to be able to
reach.
These economic development progi-ams — each of
which is an individual country development pro-
gi-am — when taken collectively are known as the
Colombo Plan.
The subsequent meetings, which took place after
the formative meetings, were held in 1952 and
1953 at Karachi and New Delhi, and this year
( 1954) in Ottawa. At these annual meetings the
countries of the area review the results of the
year just passed. They lay out on the table for
frank and friendly discussion what they have ac-
complished, what they have failed to accomplish,
what difficulties they have encountered, what
changes they have felt constrained to make in their
development plans, and what policies they have
pursued. Similarly, they evaluate their prospects
for the future ; they try to assess what is likely to
happen in the way of changes in the terms of
November 1, 1954
641
trade, increases or decreases in public revenues,
shortfalls or overages in the achievement of spe-
cific development targets. They appraise what
has been available to them heretofore and what
is likely to be available in the future in the way
of external assistance. They examine what has
been and what is likely to be the role of private
foreign investment in their economic develop-
ment, what they have done and left undone to
attract foreign investment and mobilize domestic
capital.
The Colombo Plan period from 1951 to 1957
is, you will notice, just a little bit more than half
over. After the formative meetings the signifi-
cance of the 6-year framework has, I think, be-
come progressively less. The usefulness of the
6-year concept was that it helped and enabled the
countries of the area to view their development
problems more concretely. It forced them to ex-
amine their problems and their aspirations in
terms of what definite, concrete things could be
done within a finite and agreed period of time.
This searching examination by the Colombo Plan
countries was very healthy. It made for realism
and for a very valuable, if painful, translation of
general plans into precise projects.
Annual Review of Progress
Now, however, the benefits of this rigid time
period have been realized. It is no longer neces-
sary or even very useful to continue refining and
modifying the 6-year targets. Indeed, at the very
first annual review meeting — that held at Karachi
in 1952 — it was agreed by the Colombo Plan coun-
tries that they would no longer keep making tech-
nical and statistical adjustments in the 6-year
plans. The plans were sufficiently definite that it
would be possible — and more useful — to meet each
year to review and assess what had been accom-
plislied in the preceding year and to evaluate the
tasks and the problems for the foreseeable period
lying ahead.
It has been customary in the deliberations of the
Consultative Committee to draw a loose line of
distinction between the so-called recipient coun-
tries and the so-called contributing countries. The
distinction is, however, becoming more and more
a tenuous one because — and this is one of the great
virtues of the Plan — there has been engendered a
process of cooperation and mutual aid among the
recipient countries such that almost all of them
are to greater or lesser extent contributing coun-
tries to one another. They borrow technical skills
and technical assistance from each other according
to their respective needs and their respective ca-
pacities to assist.
Nevertheless, certain member countries obvi-
ously are altogether or almost altogether contrib-
uting countries. The United States is one of this
group.
I have said that we are a full member of the
Colombo Plan. I have also said that we are a
contributing-country member. Now what does
this mean ?
The point that must be emphasized is that the
Colombo Plan is simply an intergovernmental
committee. We do not contribute anything to any
central pool. There is nothing analogous to the
Organization for European Economic Coopera-
tion. There is no process by which the contribu-
tions of the contributing countries are parceled
out or allocated by any international organiza-
tion. Our assistance to the countries of the area —
like that provided by Canada, Australia, New Zea-
land, and the United Kingdom — is bilaterally
given and bilaterally received. Our contribution,
in other words, is the sum total we do in the various
countries of the area to promote the economic de-
velopment of those countries. Our aid programs
are our governmental contribution. We are not
under any contractual obligation either to provide
any definite amount of assistance to any one coun-
try or to all of them taken together ; nor, for that
matter, are we under any contractual obligation
to provide aid at all to any particular country.
In Burma, for example, our aid program termi-
nated at the request of the Burmese Government.
Neither are we under any obligation to provide
assistance in any uniform way or according to any
uniform pattern. Our aid programs in Viet- Nam,
Laos, and Cambodia have been very different in
their nature and orientation from our programs,
for example, in India and Indonesia. Neverthe-
less, whatever we do to help to promote economic
development in any of the countries of the area
is accepted and regarded as our contribution in
relation to that particular country.
I have been emphasizing our aid programs and
our public contributions toward economic develop-
ment in this area. Indeed, the whole Colombo
Plan intellectual framework emphasizes to a very
large extent public programs of economic develop-
ment and public teclmiques of intergovernmental
642
Department of State Bulletin
cooperation. This is understandable. The gov-
ernments of the area naturally are in a better posi-
tion to measure what has been accomplished by
public action and to assess what needs to be done
throu<rh public development projects. Likewise
the aid that is given by governments and received
by governments is easier to measure than the less
tangible benefits of private foreign investment.
Nevertheless, this natural tendency to concen-
trate upon what is done in what these countries
call "the public sector" does not reflect any un-
healthy bias in favor of public projects. Indeed,
the countries of this area are fully aware of the
benefits of and their need for private foreign cap-
ital. Thej' have, for example, included promi-
nently in their calculations of sources and pos-
sibilities of external assistance an assessment of
what can be borrowed on the private international
capital markets and of wliat steps need to be taken
by them to improve their credit-worthiness.
Many of the countries in the area have taken spe-
cific measures to improve the climate for foreign
investment. They have issued official declarations
welcoming foreign enterprise either in general or
at least in specific fields. They have publicly
recognized also that government measures are not
the only factors governing the import of capital,
and, for that matter, that the mere absence of dis-
criminatory government measures is not in all
cases sufficient to overcome the shyness of foreign
capital. Hence they recognize further that if they
desire foreign participation in specific fields they
will probably have to take positive steps to attract
it.
Therefore, in the various annual reviews the
Colombo Plan countries have recognized and wel-
comed any evidence that may have developed dur-
ing the preceding year of willingness on the part
of foreign investors to undertake enterprises in
the countries of the area, especially if these enter-
prises happen to be undertaken jointly with local
capital — as was the case, for example, with the
Sui gas project in Pakistan and the oil refinery
investments in India and as promises to be the
case in the investment finance corporations being
established in India and Ceylon.
Private Capital Mobilized
The countries of the area have not only, there-
fore, recognized the need and the scope for private
foreign participation in the development process;
they have also recognized the overwhelmingly
urgent problem of mobilizing private domestic
capital. In the most recent annual report, for
example — that which was just prepared at Ottawa
and which has not yet been publislied — they have
noted that governments can help to mobilize pri-
vate capital by seeking to minimize the hindrances
to initiative arising from such factors as burden-
some governmental regulations and irksome meth-
ods of tax administration.
In the animal meetings the countries of the area
are prepared to face frankly the difficulties that
exist and the shortcomings which have manifested
themselves. These meetings are by no means a
eulogy upon the accomplishments of the year just
finished. They are rather a frank and friendly
review of what has been done and what still needs
to be done.
The prevailing tone, for example, of the annual
report just drafted at Ottawa is one of optimism
combined with stark realism. The countries,
when they reviewed the pace and the content of
economic development during the year just
passed, were able to conclude that significant and
encouraging progress had been made in a number
of important respects but that there was no room
for relaxation of effort. They recognized that
in some countries the progress realized was rela-
tively small ; that throughout the region as a whole
the population has been growing rapidly (indeed,
at an annual rate of slightly over 9 million) and
that, therefore, food production per capita (de-
spite very creditable increases in total food out-
put) was still below prewar levels; that under-
employment in rural areas was widespread and
that unemployment in urban areas, particularly of
educated persons, presented a serious social prob-
lem ; that trained personnel in many fields was not
yet available in sufficient numbers; that in some
of the countries of the area the process of formu-
lating balanced development programs was still
not far enough along ; that there was only a nar-
row margin of production over consumption and
that, therefore, the level of savings and the level
of tax revenues provided on the whole only a
precarious base for development financing.
This is indeed a formidable enumeration of
problems to be faced and difficulties to be over-
come. It is, of coui-se, not the whole story. Just
as I did not want you to think that the annual
meetings of the Colombo Plan group of countries
were limited to an uncritical eulogy of results
November 1, 1954
643
achieved, neither did I want you to think that they
represent a session of breastbeating and complain-
ing over the hardness of the task. Indeed, at this
same Ottawa meeting which produced the cata-
logue of problems which I summarized a few
minutes ago, the countries of the area were able
also to record that their own outlays on develop-
ment had increased considerably over those for the
preceding year. In India, for example, develop-
ment expenditures by public authorities for the
year 1951-52 were roughly $550 million. For the
year 1953-54, they had increased to $705 million
and are expected for the year ending June 30 next
to approximate $1,170 million if financing is avail-
able. For Pakistan the comparable figures are for
the fiscal year 1951-52, $125 million; for the fiscal
year 1953-54, $275 million.
These, indeed, are very creditable results and
expectations. I mention them merely lest you
think that the sessions of the Colombo Plan meet-
ings are devoted entirely to lamenting over the
difficulties of the economic development problems
of the area. But to return to the summation of
the problems, the frankness with which the coun-
tries of the area have discussed among themselves
and with us their problems and difficulties and
shortcomings is in its aggregate a most gratifying
experience. I am reminded of the remark made
at the 1953 Colombo Plan meeting by Indian
Finance Minister C. D. Deshmulh (who was the
chairman) that the Colombo Plan was "a great
experiment in Inunan relations." It is very I'arely
that governments are able to come together and
with so much freedom and honesty and openness
to say what they have done, what they have failed
to do, what they still need to do, what they intend
to do, and what are the political and cultural
limitations upon what they can do.
If there is any conclusion to be drawn as con-
cerns what the members of this Far East-America
Council might learn from the experience, at gov-
ernmental level, in the Colombo Plan, it is, I
should think, that there are almost limitless possi-
bilities of fruitful cooperation between the United
States and the countries of Asia if there is evi-
denced the same frankness, the same patience, and
the same understanding. "We in government know
that there are difficulties in the way of establish-
ing business connections in the countries of Asia.
We know that there are frictions, there are uncer-
tainties, there are difficulties of mutual under-
standing. However, from our experience at the
govei-nmental level we are quite certain there is a
great fund of common interest and of common
viewpoint. We conclude, therefore, that there is
nmch which should be done and can be done to
accomplish the objective stated as the theme of
this conference: "Strengthening Economic Ties
Between the United States and Asia."
Transfer of Destroyers to Japan
Remarks ly Everett F. Dnimright ^
I consider it a gi-eat honor to represent the Sec-
retary of State on this important occasion. Two
destroyers of the United States Reserve Fleet are
being turned over today on loan to the Govern-
ment of Japan under the Mutual Security Pro-
gi-am. His Excellency the Ambassador of Japan
[Sadao Iguchi] is with us here to receive the ves-
sels on behalf of his Govermnent. Two Japa-
nese crews, comprising officers and men of the Jap-
anese Maritime Self-Defense Force, have been the
welcome guests of this country for several weeks
while they have been trained in the handling of
these vessels. These Japanese crews will take the
destroyers to Japan, where they will be an impor-
tant addition to the modest defensive forces which
Japan has now begun to establish.
It is appropriate for us to recall at this moment
t\\Q words of Prime Minister Yoshida at the San
Francisco Conference, on the conclusion and sig-
nature of the Treaty of Peace with Japan. At
that time he so aptly stated :
Uufortunatel.v, the sinister forces of totalitarian op-
pression and tyranny operate still throughout the slobe.
These forces are sweeping over half the Asiatic continent —
sowing seeds of dissension — spreading unrest and con-
fusion— and breaking out into open aggression here and
there — indeed, at the very door of Japan.
The Prime Minister went on to say :
When the Allied troops are withdrawn from our coun-
try with the conclusion of peace — producing a state of
vacuum in the country — it is clear as day that this tide
of aggression will beat down upon our shores. It is im-
perative for the salie of our very existence that we take
an adequate security measure.
To meet the danger he had described. Prime
Minister Yoshida shortly after the conclusion of
the peace treaty signed a Security Treaty entered
' Made at Charleston, S. C, on Oct. 10 (press release
583 dated Oct. 18). Mr. Druuiright is Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs.
644
Department of State Bulletin
into between Japan anil the I'nited States.- In
this treaty the United States indicated its willing-
ness tx) maintain certain of its armed forces in
Japan, in the expectation that Japan wonld in-
creasingly assume responsibility for its own de-
fense against direct or indirect aggression. This
treaty recognized the threat of aggression against
Japan and Japan's inability at that time to pro-
vide adequately for its own defense.
The danger that Prime Minister Yoshida so
fully recognized at that time still exists. Japan
continues to be a major target of the international
Coimnunist conspiracy. However, since Septem-
ber 1951 the Government and the people of Japan
have taken stei)S to assume increasing responsi-
bility for the defense of their homeland. In the
last session of the Diet, approval was given to the
expansion of Japanese armed forces. The mission
of these forces was also amended to include specific
responsibility for defense against external aggres-
sion. In the meantime, the Japanese (Tovernment
and the U.S. Goveniment had signed a Mutual
Defense Assistance Agreement.^ This gives the
legal basis for the United States to provide mili-
tary assistance to Japan under the Mutual Security
Program. This program is based on the premise
that only by true mutual effort can the nations of
the free world reserve their independence and
freedom. I cannot help at this moment but recall
your very profound statement, Mr. Ambassador,
at the Japan Society Dinner in New York City on
March 18, 1954. You then said :
In this common endeavor for our mutual self-preserva-
tion, Japan is now ready to contribute her proper share.
Out of the tragedy of war and out of the political, eco-
nomic, .social, and moral convulsions which followed in
the wake of conflict, Japan has emerged with a keen
realization that she cannot stand alone in this world.
' Bulletin of Sept. 17, 1951, p. 463.
' Ibid., Apr. 5, 1954, p. 518.
Mr. Aiiibassailor, no member of the free world
conununity can stand alone today. Our very pres-
ence hei'e in Charleston is indicative of the true
nnituality of the free world. The loan of these two
vessels to your Govermnent represents not only the
intention of the U.S. Government to assist in the
defense of Japan, but also the desire of your (lov-
ernment to a.ssume this responsibility. The
strength of the entire free world is dependent on
the individual strength of its members. We have
very recently seen in the conclusion of the Manila
Pact further recognition of the interdependence
of free nations in their common determination to
resist aggression. Your Foreign Minister has
pledged Japan's moral support to this arrange-
ment. As time progresses, Japan will achieve its
own position of strength in the Far East and will
be better able to contribute to the common effort.
These two vessels — the Asakaze, meaning Morn-
ing Breeze, and the Hatakase, meaning Flag-flut-
tering Breeze — will play their part in securing the
defense of Japan. I am sure that the Japanese
Maritime Self-Defense Force has chosen well you
officers and men who take these vessels back to
their duty stations. I know that you will take
back to Japan more than the technical knowledge
of ships acquired during your few months of train-
ing here. I am sure that you will take back to your
people the strong friendship, esteem, and good will
which our people feel for yours.
I wish you a pleasant voyage and success in your
future missions.
Letters of Credence
Union of South Africa
The newly appointed Ambassador of the Union
of South Africa, Dr. John Edward HoUoway,
presented his credentials to the President on Oc-
tober 18. For the text of the Ambassador's re-
marks and the text of the President's reply, see
Department of State press release 582.
November 1, 1954
645
Economic Development and Political Evolution in Asia
hy Charles F. Baldwin
Economic Coordinator, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs ^
The political evolution of a nation and of a
people is not something which develops out of the
doctrines of political philosophy or the activities
of political leaders alone. It comes about as a
result of a fusion of the forces which most directly
affect and condition the lives of the people of the
country. One of the most influential of those is
the economic force.
It is surely true that man cannot live by bread
alone. The materialistic doctrines of Marxian
dogma leave unsatisfied urges of mankind which
far transcend the material. It is, however,
equally true that the spirit of man, which stimu-
lates the political development of free men, finds
hope and encouragement in an atmosphere of
material progress and personal well-being. That
fact is implicit in the concepts of democracy.
One of the vitally important necessities of
modern life is to see international developments in
reality — not influenced by preconceived ideas or
wishful thinking. If we look beneath the surface
of Asian events today — as we must if we are to
understand them clearly — we see Asia as a vast
area where two powerful political movements have
been occurring simultaneously. One of them,
which represents the age-old longing of human
beings to control their own destinies, we can call
the revolution of Asian nationalism. The other,
representing the equally old determination of a
ruling clique to gain and exercise power by any
means, is the massive and menacing impact of
communism. One of these forces could light the
way to greater human freedom and advancement
' Address made before the Far East-Aiiierica Council of
Commerce and Industry, New York, N. Y., on Oct. 14
(press release 577).
in Asia ; the other could extinguish that light for
a long time.
Since the last war the political status of hun-
dreds of millions of Asians has been changed com-
pletely. Before the war no country of South and
Southeast Asia, with the single exception of Thai-
land, governed itself. Now, all of them (India,
Pakistan, Cej'lon, Burma, Indonesia, the Philip-
pines, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and the non-
Conununist part of Viet-Nam) are self-govern-
ing— all except Malaya, which has been promised
its independence by the British Government.
This is an historical fact not only of profound
political importance but of almost equally signifi-
cant economic importance.
The government of each of these newly inde-
pendent countries bears the heavy responsibility
of establishing and maintaining an economic cli-
mate which will be conducive to political stabil-
ity — an atmosphere in which the spirit of
political independence and personal freedom will
flourish. Essential to the welfare of these coun-
tries, therefore, is a process of economic develop-
ment which will insure a steady increase in the
opportunities for the advancement of their people
and which will better satisfy the aspirations of
their people.
This need for economic growth is a basic part
of the economic problem of Asia, which is really
two jiroblems which tend to be complementary.
Japan, the only country which is highly advanced
industrially, has experienced the characteristic
postwar difTicultios of the large industrial coun-
tries, comi)licatcd by a shortage of natural re-
sources. All of the other free Asian countries re-
veal the customary characteristics of retarded
646
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
economic development. In all of them progress —
in some of tliem considerable progress — in attack-
ing the problem has been made, but a great deal
more remains to be done.
The people of these countries want a higher
standard of living. Their governments have
promised them a higher standard of living. If
those promises are not kept, or if for any other
reason economic improvement does not take place,
public disillusionment and resentment will replace
hope and confidence, and the opportunities for
troublemakers to take advantage of public discon-
tent will multiply.
There is a temptation, when we are confronted
by problems so vast and perplexing as those of
Asia, to resort to generalities which, while momen-
tarily comforting, do not always liold up under
analysis. The problem of economic underdevelop-
ment in Asia is far reaching, deeply rooted, and
not susceptible of quick and easy solution. It is
possible, however, to identify the nuiin elements
of the problem and to suggest at least an approach
to the solution.
Low Per Capita Incomes
The most simplified statement of the basic prob-
lem is that the income of the average Asian is too
small to produce the savings needed to finance ade-
quate economic development. Japan, Malaya, and
the Philippines have annual per capita national
incomes equivalent to around $200. The figure for
Ceylon is roughly about one-half of that amount;
in Thailand, the Indochina states, and Indonesia
it ranges from about $60 to $75, while in Burma
and India it is even lower. In an area of rapidly
increasing population, an income which is distrib-
uted so thinly is unable to satisfy basic needs and
also provide sufficient economic stimulus to raise
appreciably the relatively low level of economic
development.
There are, of course, factors other than low in-
come and a slow rate of capital formation which
are retarding economic progress. Because of the
inability to generate internally sufficient capital
for investment purposes, a steady and increasing
flow of outside capital could be an important eco-
nomic stimulant. Unfortunately, the movement
of foreign private investment capital to Asia since
the war has been little more than a trickle in
comparison with the needs. In recent years net
private foreign capital investment in the countries
of South and Southeast Asia has amounted to
only about $2.5 million i^er year, sligiitly over one-
half of which has been United States private in-
vestment. One can hope that more foreign pri-
vate capital will move into free Asia for produc-
tive purposes within the next few years, but it
seems unlikely that such additional resources will
be sufficient to change appreciably the overall eco-
nomic situation in the near future.
Directly affecting the scale of economic devel-
opment in Asia is the problem of human atti-
tudes. Under the most favorable circumstances
the evolution of new ideas and practices in Asia
will require time and painstaking effort. The gap
between the concepts about material aspects of
life of a great many Asians and of dwellers in
more industrially advanced countries is wide.
Many of those concepts have a deeply rooted re-
ligious and philosophical basis, and the task of
adjusting them to the requirements of a more
complex economic society will challenge the wis-
dom and patience of Asian governments and lead-
ers. In fact, the ability to bring about this tran-
sition under tolerable conditions may prove to be
one of the greatest tests of the governments of
Asian countries.
Essential to the accomplishment of this transi-
tion will be the development of an entrepreneurial
group of sufficient size and experience to under-
take and manage the kind of projects which are
needed.
Equally necessary will be an enlargement of the
present Asian reservoir of skilled technicians.
The technical assistance programs which have
been carried on in Asia with the support of the
United States and other countries have begun to
reduce the proportions of this problem to some
extent, but it is still a fundamental obstacle. A
great deal more in the way of technical training in
the shortest possible time will have to be accom-
plished, both by private enterprise and by govern-
ments in Asia, before a sound technical foundation
to support a durable structure of economic de-
velopment can be built.
Closely associated with the human factor is the
need for sound governmental policies to support
the process of economic growth. Wise budget-
ary and fiscal policies will be necessary to prevent
"feast and famine" trends and to derive full bene-
fits from each stage of economic progress. This
will not be an easy task, particularly for the gov-
November 1, 7954
647
ernments of the newly independent countries
which are having to learn quickly the difficult les-
sons of governing in the modern world, but it
will be an essential task.
Basic Objectives
There are differences of opinion with respect
to the best means of accelerating economic devel-
opment in Asia. To the young Dyak AA-hom I met
a few months ago in the interior of Borneo and
who was studying better methods of basic agi'icul-
ture under an Australian technical instructor, eco-
nomic development has one meaning. To the
Chinese manager of a new textile plant in Singa-
pore whom I met a few days later, it has another.
The pattern must, of course, necessarily vary ac-
cording to different conditions in different coun-
tries. In general, however, the following objec-
tives should be sought — and in fact are being
sought by many of the country developmental pro-
grams todaj^ :
A basic objective should be to increase agricul-
tural efficiency, exploit agricultural potentialities
more fully, and better diversify agricultural out-
put. The free Asian countries have essentially
agrarian economies; the process of their indus-
trialization should rest upon an increasingly
strong foundation of agi'icultural productivity.
In the countries of free Asia there is a challenging
opportunity to demonstrate that economic devel-
opment in a free society need not be at the expense
of agi'icultui'e, as it has been under Communist
planning, but can benefit the tillers of the soil as
well as the workers in industry.
Another objective should be the provision of
more adequate transportation and a more abun-
dant siipply of power. Those of j'ou who have
traveled oft' the well-beaten paths in Asia need not
be reminded of the primitive transportation facili-
ties which are often the rule rather than the ex-
ception. The provision of better transportation
and more abundant power should, of course, be
designed to stimulate and not outdistance the gen-
eral pace of economic development, but it can
and it should be an important stimulant.
An essential objective should, of course, be the
development of industries which are economically
justified and most likely to contribute to economic
growth and to the expansion of trade. This is
the most alluring sector of any economic develop-
ment program and the one which presents the most
dangerous pitfalls. In this vitally important
phase of economic development, intelligent and
realistic forethought will be necessary to avoid
the uneconomical expenditure of time, effort, and
money and to insure that industrialization will be
of the kind most suited to the available human
and material resources.
There is a rather understandable tendency in
most underdeveloped countries to try to emulate
the more highly industrialized countries without
always considering fully the phases of develop-
ment through which those countries have passed.
\Yliile big, basic industries play a vital part in the
economic life of the United States and other in-
dusti'ial nations, the role of the small industries
has also been a vital one. Their role in the eco-
nomic growth of Asia can also be of fundamental
importance.
Private American businessmen and investors
have already been able to contribute substantially,
directly and by example, to the economic develop-
ment of Asia ; tliey should be able to make an even
more important contribution in the future.
Every Asian employee that is trained, every em-
ployee benefit program that is instituted, every
new, constructive investment that is made, and
every new technical process which is introduced
and applied assists in the endeavor. Many Amer-
ican firms are doing these things today. We hope
that the number will increase in the future.
The need for workable plans of economic de-
velopment and for their accomplishment is recog-
nized by almost every enlightened Asian. It is
highly important from the standpoint of the
security of the people of the free world that these
plans should be realized. Only by their realiza-
tion can the trade of these countries with their
great populations be expanded with benefits not
only to themselves but to other countries of the
free world. Only by their realization can Asian
expectations be satisfied and economic and polit-
ical stability achieved.
The problems which will continue to arise in
Asia will test the capacity of the Asians and of
their non-Asian friends to concentrate on the
larger and essential objectives and not be dis-
tracted by momentary setbacks and rebuffs. Many
countries of Asia are endeavoring to achieve eco-
nomic evolution in a relatively short period of
time and under conditions much more disad-
648
Deparfment of Sfafe Bulletin
vaiitiifrpons than tlioso which attciuli'd tho jjrowth
of the now highly developed countries. As they
strufigle to develop, they will need the friendly and
syni])athetii' uiidei-staiiding and assistance wliicli
the United States and other economically ad-
vanced countries can extend to them. By the ex-
tension of such assistance, wo can demonstrate
our <;o()d intentions antl tlie sincerity of our
friendshij). We can also make more secure for the
free people of Asia as well as for oniselves tlic
benelits which economic, political, and social
stability in a free society can make possible.
The Need for a More Liberal Foreign Trade Policy
by Winthrop W. Aldrich
Amhansador to Great Britain ^
I have now spent almost 2 years in London. In
the course of these 2 years I have had the privilej^e
of observing at very close range a truly extraor-
dinary series of American diplomatic successes,
lender the wise guidance and leadership of Presi-
dent Eisenhower and Secretary of State Dulles
the United States has been cast more and more
in the role of a good partner in the fellowship of
nations.
The Korean War was fought by us in that spirit
of partnership against aggression which gives the
United Nations meaning ; and the armistice which
came at last was the result of long and concerted
effort by the free nations.
In this spirit of partnership we were able to
assist Great Britain and Egypt in the final settle-
ment in regard to the Suez Canal Base. In this
same spirit we also played a helpful part in the
conclusion of the Iranian oil dispute.
The Manila Pact and the ringing Pacific Char-
ter that was signed there were twin landmarks.
The pact was a firm step in collective self-defense
i n Southeast Asia, and the charter was a bold proc-
lamation of the principles of self-determination,
self-government, and independence in that pail
of the world.
And now within the last few days can be added
the triumpliant conclusion of the Nine-Power
' Address made before the lioard of Trade of New York
at New York, N. Y., on Oct. 14 (press release 576).
November J, 1954
319G61— 54 3
Conference and the signing of the Trieste Agree-
ment.
The pact that was signed at the Nine-Power
Conference is, I believe, the best arrangement for
the security of Western Europe that could be
found after the rejection of YjUC. Out of the
vacuum that the collapse of Edc created, and
the anxious month that followed it, has emerged
a workable plan for the sovei'eignty and rearm-
ament of Germany and a hard core of unity at the
center of the North Atlantic Community. The
successful work of the architects at London has
been crowned by the approval of the German
Bundestag and — just the day before yesterday —
by the approval of the French National Assembly.
During the whole period of the Conference
Great Britain and the United States worked to-
gether in the closest fellowship. We rendered
support to our great ally, who had taken the
initiative in finding a plan to fill the vacuum
created by the rejection of Edc.
Because the collapse of the Edc plan was a col-
lai)se from within, Mr. Dulles wisely felt that the
initiative for new proposals at the Nine-Power
Conference rested with the European nations
there. But his statesmanship helped to guide
the Conference over many shoals.
Trieste was also essentially a European prob-
lem, a 9-year fever spot where the territorial
wishes of Italy and Yugoslavia appeared irrecon-
cilable. But a long year of discussions and con-
649
ferences, in which Great Britain and the United
States assisted, finally bi'oiight about a com-
promise, and one more danger spot has been
I'emoved.
All of these events that I have enumerated will
cause no comfort to the Soviet. The partnership
of free nations has been tremendously strength-
ened by these achievements.
And now to speak of more immediate business.
Importance of Trade Relations
As members of the Board of Trade in the
largest port and the leading commercial center
of our Nation, you are vitally concerned with the
foreign economic ix)licy of the United States. As
American Ambassador to one of the world's great
trading nations, I have been impressed anew with
the enormous importance of our economic rela-
tions with the rest of the world, not only in the
economic sphere but in the political and military
spheres as well.
The phenomenal growth of our country and its
transformation in so short a time from a new un-
derdeveloped continent into the greatest economic
jiower on earth have caused our foreign trade
relations to become a problem of extraordinary
urgency.
I believe that an increasing number of our peo-
ple, and particularly of our business community,
have became aware of the problem and clearly un-
derstand where the solution lies. And we are in-
deed fortunate tliat today we have in the White
House a President who has this clear under-
standing.
To meet the needs of the times, the American
people should have as one of their main objec-
tives the promotion of the highest possible levels
of international trade.
As a nation devoted to the ideal of free, com-
petitive enterprise, we have a natural leaning
toward a world in which trade is conducted on a
multilateral basis, in which there is no discrimina-
tion between sources of supply, in which every
businessman has a chance to trade according to
his choice and his capabilities, in wliich there is
a minimum of government interference, and in
wliich currencies are freely convertible. We all
know that these conditions will not be created un-
less the U. S. is prepared to take a hand in
bringing them about.
That is wliy I believe the recent recommenda-
650
tions of the President's Commission on Foreign
Economic Policy,^ headed by Mr. Clarence B.
Randall, should be adopted. They constitute a
hardheaded practical program designed to fit
smoothly into our American economy and to fur-
ther the national interest.
We must not let ourselves be deluded into think-
ing that anything we do in this direction is merely
for the benefit of other people or is designed to
save the whole world at our own expense. Quite
the contrary. A liberal foreign trade policy for
the U. S. is dictated by the intelligent self-interest
of the American people. It will certainly help
other free nations, and it will cei-tainly strengthen
the bulwarks of freedom everywhere. But it is
equally essential for our own increased prosperity
here in America and for the ultimate security of
our own land and our way of life.
Since I have been in London I have had it
brought home to me time and again how direct
and sharp are the effects of our foreign trade pol-
icy on our own economic welfare in the United
States.
Large numbers of Americans count on export
markets for their livelihood and their standai'd of
living. In agriculture alone we have about 40
million acres representing from 10 to 12 percent of
the Nation's agricultural output, whose harvests
go into the export trade. There are many Ameri-
can factories that sell their manufactures through-
out the world. President Eisenhower has pointed
out that the jobs of more than four million of our
people depend on foreign trade.
Exports Dependent on Imports
It is an elementary fact of economic life that
if we expect to receive dollars in paj'ment for our
exports, we have to make those dollars available
abroad.
What does this mean ? It means simply that if
we restrict our imports under the theory that we
are protecting America and the American stand-
ard of living, we are in fact doing exactly the
opposite. Restriction of our imports means restric-
tion of our exiwrts. And that can mean reduced
employment and living standards not only for the
many Americans — farmers, manufacturers, work-
ers— depending on exports, but for the American
= I'.ULLETiN of Feb. 8, 1954, p. 187.
Department of Stale Bulletin
consuminp: piiblie as a wholo, whitli has to pay
higlier prices iov its |j;()()cls.
This point strikes you with imidi more force if
you are sittinj;, as I do in Loiuloii, at one of tlie
points abroad wliere America buys and conse-
([iK'ntly is able to sell — or, sometimes wn fortu-
nately, where America does not buy and conse-
quently cannot sell.
Day after day in I^ondoii we in tlie Embassy
have visits from Americans anxious to sell their
l>r(Hlncts in the I'.K. and British Conunonwealth.
'I'hey want to sell automobiles and hardwoods and
fruits and numy other U.S. products. Tiiey
always <iet the same reply. ''We like your prod-
ucts. We want them. But we do not have enough
dollars. If we were able to earn the dollars, we
would gladly buy from you."
And at the same time we hear from British
businessmen of the difficulties they encounter in
our market, of delays in customs formalities, of
higli taritl's in many cases, of low bids rejected
on the basis of our Buy American requirements,
and, above all, of uncertainty because of escape
clauses or other provisions of our tarifl' laws gov-
erning the conditions under which they may do
business.
All these difficulties that are put in the way of
foreign imports to the United States frustrate
the foreign exporter. But at the same time they
do something else. They frustrate the American
exporter as well. Every time we stop a possible
import, we lose a probable sale abroad.
If we do not move in the direction of a more
liberal trade policy, there is every likelihood that
we will not stay where we are in foreign trade
matters. We are more likely to move backward
into the morass of greater restriction, narrow bi-
lateralism, and lower volumes of trade. These
things have a momentum of their own, backwards
as well as forwards. Such a development could
endanger our whole economy.
It is a fact of great significance that one of
the main factors wiiich kept our recession last
winter from getting worse was the maintenance
of a high demand for our goods abroad.
I believe the preponderance of opinion among
American businessmen, farmers, labor leaders, and
economists today is tending increasingly to the
view that a more liberal U.S. foreign trade policy
is essential to our own national prosperity.
But today there is an even more urgent reason —
over and above economic self-interest — wliy we
shouhl follow tile lead of I'resiilent Eiseniiower
and support a higher level of two-way trade. It
is this: The safety of our Nation demands it.
This is an entirely new development. And
again it is due to the tremendous importance which
the American economy has now achieved in the
world pict ure. Our nuirket is so huge that a snudl
upward or downward movement in our imports,
unimportant as it may be in relation to our total
consumption, may mean the diil'erence between
jiiosiierity and depression for many other coun-
tries. And if things go seriously wrong with our
economy and if we do not behave reasonably, in-
telligently, and fairly in the manner in which we
handle our large share of world trade, economic
havoc can be created in many places where it is
to our national interest to see i)rosperity, stability,
and good will.
In the world of today we must cultivate our
friendships and strengthen our alliances. One of
the most important factore in this process is the
manner in which we deal with our foreign trade.
Liberal Policy Essential to Defense
There are three very specific reasons why a more
liberal foreign trade policy is essential to the de-
fense of the U.S. :
(1) If we provide a better market for our
friends, we strengthen their economies. This
makes a stronger foundation for their own defense
efforts and makes their lands more imnnme from
the enemy's fifth column, which feeds on economic
difficulty. By liberalizing imports we achieve
this by trade, which benefits oureelves as well as
the other countries.
(2) Friendly countries that are denied access
to the American market must find markets else-
where. Our enemies do not miss any opportunity
to exploit our shortcomings. They say, "You see,
you cannot trade with the United States. Trade
with us instead." To many who have found dif-
ficulty in trading with us, such as the Dutchman
or Dane whose cheese or whose butter has been
excluded from the United States, these words are
bound to have their efl'ect. Such oilers have al-
ready had some serious effects on American trade
as well as on our common security.
Now a certain amount of East- West trade may
do no harm. It may jjossibly do .some good. But
November I, 1954
651
it would become dangerous if there should be too
great a dependence by smaller and weaker coun-
tries in Europe and the East on Soviet markets for
their prosperity and economic existence.
(3) As the strongest nation in the partnership
of the free world, it is vital for the United States
to keep tlie confidence of the nations to whom we
are allied and on whom we depend. Time and
again we have taken the initiative in suggesting
and working out action which later on has been
successfully taken by the free nations in concert.
But I would be less than frank with you if I did
not say that every time we seem to doubt or waver
in the adoption and continuance of a firm liberal
trade policy for the United States, we sow the
seeds of doubt in the minds of other countries as to
our dependability as a leading partner. Every
time the Buy American act is enforced to favor the
purchase of some higher costing American equip-
ment over a lower foreign bid, it causes only a
small ripple of interest on this side, but I can
assure you it creates waves of headlines and
criticism, resentment, and bitterness in the country
affected overseas. The cost of this kind of so-
called protection for a single American firm is
terribly great to our Nation as a whole.
Randall Commission's Recommendation
That is why I would so strongly endorse the
recommendation of the Randall Commission to
amend drastically such discriminatory legisla-
tion. And that is why I believe so deeply in the
wisdom and necessity of our adopting promptly
the rest of the foreign economic policy which has
been put forward by President Eisenhower.
Since the wax-, in addition to helping other
countries militarily and financially to regain their
strength, we have taken the lead in trying to de-
velop sound trade rules based upon the principles
of private enterprise, free competition, individual
initiative, and equal opportunity. We have
preached this gospel fervently to the rest of the
world. I believe that we as well as others should
live up to it.
One important step we can take is to enable
the United States to play its full part in the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt),
which provides a frameworlv of worldwide trade
rules.
Our participation has been partially clouded by
tlie fact that Congress has neither approved nor
disapproved the Gatt. Nevertheless, its rules have
been largely accepted as the rules of international
trade. The countries which are parties to it have
met frequently and have settled many trade prob-
lems which might otherwise have grown into trou-
blesome disputes. A remarkable atmosphere of
mutual understanding and trust has grown up in
Gatt, which is potentially a great unifying force
in the free world. Such understanding and trust
are especially necessary when, as at present, the
Soviets are intensifying their "trade peace
ofl'ensive."
INIany countries are anxious to proceed with
further negotiations for the reduction of tariffs.
But no group of countries is willing to go ahead
with any significant tariff action unless the United
States can particijaate in the necessary negotia-
tions. Until we adopt the President's proposal
for cooperation in this field, we are not in a posi-
tion to participate.
There are other practical reasons why we should
favor the promotion of a high level of world trade
as widely as possible on a multilateral basis.
About 85 percent of our imports are raw materials
mainly from underdeveloped countries. There is
also the special problem of Japan, which must be
taken back into the Western society of trading
nations on a fair basis so that she can again earn
her living without unusual subsidies. To accom-
plish this, there must be a concerted effort in the
free world to make room for perhaps an additional
500 or 600 million dollars' worth of annual Jap-
anese exports during the next few years.
Need for Action Now
I have just one other point to make.
Never has the time been more ripe for action in
this field than this present moment.
Partly as a result of our own efforts and as-
sistance, partly as a result of the energy and de-
termination of the other countries themselves,
many nations of the free world have largely
recovered from the effects of the war. Their cur-
rencies are more stable, their production is once
again forging ahead beyond the prewar levels,
their gold and dollar reserves are rising. The ra-
tionings and restrictions of wartime are being dis-
carded one after another. There has been an in-
creased swing toward economic freedom in many
countries, particularly in the last 2 years. And
652
Department of State Bulletin
many nations in Europe and in the l?i-i(isli (\)ni-
monweallii are bej;;inning to taliv seriously about
convertibility and return to the liealthy trade con-
ditions which we all desire.
Hut I think it is now clear that the liiial steps
will not be taken by nuiny countries until they feel
sure that we, too, will continue to move in tlu'
desired direction.
President's Views
It is encouraging to know that President Eisen-
hower is keenly aware of this situation and of the
need for maintaining the present momentum to-
ward freedom. In his letter to Mr. Harry Hullis
of General Mills some weeks ago,^ the President
wroto: "The prudent widening and doeponing of
the channels of trade and investment by us will
not only produce good results in themselves, but
will encourage similar action l\y our friends
abroad. That is the route to better markets and
better feeling."
And the I'resident added: "It is my present in-
tention to give high priority to progress in this
whole iield in planning for next year's legislative
program."
New developments and new needs are coming to
the fore in large areas of the world. The free na-
tions stand at the point of transition from emer-
gency to long-term policies. What form these
policies take will depend to a very large extent
upon our national decisions in the months ahead.
"We cannot afford to miss this opportunity to take
action in behalf of the economic welfare of our
own people and the security of ourselves and our
friends the world over.
It is of the utmost importance, therefore, that
the American people support President Eisen-
hower in his efforts to move as rapidly as possible
toward a forward-looking foreign economic policy.
In this effort I think the business community has
a special res|)onsibility. Perhaps more than any-
one else in our country, our leaders of commerce
and finance, of industry and agriculture, can see
clearly what we have to gain if we succeed and
what we risk losing if we fail.
"With the peace and prosperity of our land so
clearly at stake, I am confident we shall succeed.
Admission of Polish Seamen to U.S.
Press release G04 dated Octoher 22
.\c(ing Secretary Hoover and Attorney (general
lli'ilxTt Hrownell, Jr., on October ii2 agreed that
it would be in the national interest to admit to
tlic United States '22 Polish seamen who defected
Iroiii communism while their siii[)S were in For-
mosa. The grant of entry was under the section
of the Innuigration and Nationality Act which
gives the Attorney General di.scretionary power to
admit aliens who would otherwise be inadmissible,
when there is a showing the entry would be in the
national interest.
Instructions relative to admission of the seamen
to the United States have already been sent to
Formosa by the Department of State.
Petty Offenses Under
Immigration Laws
Press release 593 dated October 20
A single petty offense against the law is no
longer a bar to granting an alien a visa to enter
the United States.
"Visa applications are now being considered by
the Department of State under provisions of a
new regulation permitting issuance of a visa to an
alien notwithstanding his conviction of a single
offense which under American legal standards
would be a misdemeanor, rather than a felony, and
a conviction for which the penalty actually im-
posed was imprisonment not to exceed 6 months,
or a fine of not more than $500, or both.^
Scott McLeod, Administrator, Bureau of In-
spection, Security, and Consular Afl'aii-s, said the
regulation reflects the legislative intent of the 83d
Congress that section 4 of Public Law 770 (the
Immigration and Nationality Act), which it im-
plements, be administered in accordance with
American legal standards.
Heretofore, single convictions for rationing vio-
lations and other minor otTenses had been a bar to
visa issuance to aliens and had in many instances
brought about introduction of private bills in the
Congress for waiving of the single minor offense
restriction in individual cases.
" IhliL, Sept. 13, 1954, p. 371.
November 7, 7954
' For text of the regulation, dated Oct. 14, see 19 Fed.
Reg. 6785.
653
Case of Joseph S. Petersen
Press release 595 dated October 19
Joseph Sidney Petersen, Jr., an American citi-
zen, has been charged with obtaining chissified
defense information whicli could be used to the
advantage of a foreign power in violation of the
laws of the United States. Tlie foreign govern-
ment involved has now been publicly identified as
the Netherlands Government. The U.S. Govern-
ment has taken this matter up with the Nether-
lands Government and has received that Govern-
ment's assurances that it had believed that the
transmission of this information was in accord-
ance with an authorized arrangement between the
two Governments. The Department has no reason
to question the good faith of the Netherlands Gov-
ernment which has been amply demonstrated by
that Government's complete cooperation during
the investigatory period.
For its own part, however, the U.S. Govern-
ment must affirm that the activities of the Amer-
ican citizen involved in this case were completely
unauthorized by his Government and were carried
out under his own personal responsibility, with-
out the knowledge of his superiors and in viola-
tion of the laws of the United States.
Reorganization of German Coal
and Iron and Steel Industries^
The following Law No. 76 issued by the Allied
High Commission for Germany, which amends
Law No. 27 (Reorganization of German Coal and
Iron and Steel Industries), is deemed to be of
interest to certain United States citizens as having
legal effect upon them or their property.
Law No. 76 — Amending Law No. 27 ' ( Ueorganization of
German Coal and Ikon and Steel Industries
The Council of the Allied High Commission enacts as
follows :
ABTICLE 1
Paragraph 1 of Article 4 of Law No. 27 is hereby
amended to read as follows :
"1. The Steel Trustee Association established under
United States Military Government Law No. 75 and
United Kingdom Military Government Law No. 75 and
Regulation No. 2 issued thereunder shall continue to
' 19 Fed. Reg. 6611.
» 15 Fed. Reg. 8591.
exist and shall exercise the functions conferred on it by
the present Law or by regulations or orders made here-
under. The Allied High Commission may remove any
member of the Steel Trustee Association and apjxiint
other members of such Association."
AUTICI.E 2
Sub-paragraph (c) of paragraph 1 of Article 7 of Law
No. 27 is hereby amended to read as follows :
"(c) Any other action taken in connection with reor-
ganizations of liquidations under this Law to the extent
provided by regulations or orders hereunder."
ARTICLE 3
Article 11 of Law No. 27 is hereby amended to read as
follows :
"ARTICLE 11
BEGtTLATIONS AND ORDERS
The Allied High Commission may issue such regula-
tions and orders for the purpose of implementing any
provision of this law as it shall deem necessary or proper
in order to carry fully into effect the purposes of this
Law."
ARTICLE 4
Article 13 of Law No. 27 is hereby amended to read as
follows :
"ARTICLE 13
BOARD OF REVIEW
1. There is hereby established a Board of Review.
The number, nationality, and method of appointment of
members of the Board shall be determined by the Council
of the Allied High Commission. Each member shall be
a qualified lawyer or expert who shall not be otherwise
concerned with the administration of this Law. The deci-
sion of a majority of the members of the Board shall con-
stitute the decision of the Board. In the absence of a
majority, the order which is the subject of review shall
be deemed to have been confirmed.
2. The Board shall have jurisdiction to review any
order issued under paragraph (c) of Article 5 of this Law
on the petition of any interested person to the sole extent
of determining whether the distribution made to such
person has afforded him fair and equitable treatment
within the provisions of the Law and of the regulations
issued thereunder.
3. A petition for review of an order issued before May
15, 1052 shall be tiled before November 15, 1952. A i)eti-
tion for review of any order issued on or after May 15,
1952. shall be filed within six months of the date of issue.
4. The petition shall be tiled with the Board or with the
authority which issued the order the review of which is
sought.
5. In considering a petition for review the Board shall
determine solely whether the order the review of which
is sought is supjiorted by substantial evidence and is cor-
rect as a matter of law. The filing and jiendency of a peti-
tion shall not operate as a stay of the order except and to
the extent that a stay may be directed by the Board
upon a motion for such relief.
6. The Board shall estal)lish its rules of procedure. It
may talie evidence of any kind and summon witnesses and
experts in accordance witli the jirovisions of the German
Code of Civil Procedure. It may demand security for
costs from a petitioner, l)ut if the petition is granted in
full, the .security shall be refunded and no costs shall
lie levied against the i)etilioner. If the petition is not
granted in full, the costs shall be assessed l)y the Board
654
Department of State Bulletin
on tbe principles laid down in the KostenordnunR of No-
veiiilier 25, lll.'i."> ( Kciclisgcsi'tzblatt 1, piiKe 1371)."
Done at Hdihi, IVter-sliei-};, on Ajirii 30, l!t52.
On bi'lialf of the ('ouncil of the Allied Mi^h Coniinissidu.
IVONE KlRKPATIllCK,
United Kintidom llitih Cotnis-
iiioncr for (liriiiani/, Clwirman.
For till' Secretary of State:
Gkoffrey AV. Lkwis,
Deputy Director^ Office of Ger-
man Affairs, Bureau of European Affairs.
October 7, 1954.
World Bank Loan to El Salvador
for Coastal Highway
On October 12 the International Bank for Re-
construction and Development made a loan of
$11,100,000 to El Salvador to pay the foreign-
exchange costs of completing an all-weather high-
way along the Pacific Coast. The highway will
be 190 miles long and will extend from the Guate-
malan border to the Port of La Union on the Gulf
of Fonseca.
The Philadelphia National Bank is participat-
ing in the loan, without the International Bank's
guaranty, to the extent of $250,000 of the first
maturity falling due on April 15, 1959.
The primary purpose of the highway is to open
new areas to cultivation and make possible in-
creased agricultural production. El Salvador has
a good highway system but lacks all-weather roads
in the coastal zone. This region contains the only
sizeable expanse of fertile land remaining to be
developed in El Salvador. The coastal highway
will provide an artery, connecting with existing
roads, through the entire region and will be an
important step toward opening the country's last
major land reserve to cultivation and settlement.
Eventually the highway may also become an im-
portant international highway linking El Salva-
dor with Guatemala and Honduras.
Construction of the coastal highway was started
several years ago. At present 25 miles are open
to traffic, and another 17 miles are being con-
structed and financed by the Government without
outside assistance. The bank's loan will finance
the foreign-exchange costs of the remaining sec-
tions totaling 148 miles. These sections are
expected to cost the equivalent of $16 million and
to take 4 years to complete.
Construction will bo done by contractors cho.scn
through international competitive bidding for
unit-price contracts based on detailed specifica-
tions of each section to be built. The Govern-
ment is taking steps to retain an experienced firm
of consulting engineers to prepare the detailed
plans and specifications for the project and invi-
tations to bid, to analyze and make reconnnenda-
tions on bids, and to supervise construction.
Apart from some minor items, construction equip-
ment and materials will be supplied by the con-
tractors. The proceeds of the loan, therefore, will
be used mainly to cover the foreign-exchange por-
tion of iiayments to contractors. The Government
will provide the required local currency from
budgetary appropriations. The Highway De-
partment of El Salvador will maintain the new
highway and will expand its maintenance facili-
ties for this purjiose.
Because of inadequate roads in the coastal zone,
transport costs are high throughout most of the
area, access to markets is difficult, and farmers
receive low prices for their produce. Consider-
able waste is caused by the slow haulage of crops,
the movement of livestock on the hoof, and the
stoppage of transport during the rainy season. As
a result, operators of large farms concentrate on
producing a few cash crops of sufficient value to
support high transport costs, and small farm own-
ers find it difficult to do more than subsistence
farming.
The new highway, with feeder roads to be built
by the Government, should alleviate this situa-
tion. With good roads, providing year-round
access to wider markets at lower transport costs,
agricultural production in the coastal zone should
increase in value by the equivalent of about $10
million a year. In addition, denser settlement of
the zone will help relieve population pressure
elsewhere in El Salvador. Roads alone will not
bring about these results, but the Government is
also planning to continue its efforts to improve
health conditions in the coastal plains, to promote
soil conservation and better production methods
through agricultural extension services, and to fa-
cilitate the establishment of more adequate proc-
essing, storage, and credit facilities.
This is the second bank loan to El Salvador. A
loan of $12,545,000 was made in December 1949
for the construction of a 30,000-kilowatt hydro-
electric plant on the Lempa River, which began
operating in June 1954. Most of the electricity
November 1, 1954
655
from the new plant is being distributed in San
Salvador, the capital, and in San Miguel, a key
industrial center.
After having been approved by the Executive
Directors, the loan documents were signed on
October 12 by Hector David Castro, Ambassador
for El Salvador at Washington, and Rafael Meza
Ayau, Minister of Economy of El Salvador, on
behalf of the Government of El Salvador, and by
Eugene R. Black, President, on behalf of the
International Bank.
imports on the domestic marketing program for
edible tree nuts.
The proclamation applies to shelled almonds
and blanched, roasted, or otherwise prepared or
preserved almonds (not including almond paste)
and to shelled filberts, whether or not blanched.
The Tariff Commission did not report or make
recommendations with respect to walnuts. The
Commission stated that it was making no findins
at this time on walnuts because further investiga-
tion was needed.
Import Fees Imposed
on Almonds and Filberts
White House Office press release dated October 11
The President on October 11 issued a proclama-
tion imposing a fee of 10 cents a pound on imports
of almonds into the United States over 5 million
liounds, and a fee of 10 cents a poimd on imports
of filbei-ts into the United States over 6 million
pounds, during the period October 1, 1954, to Sep-
tember 30, 1955, inclusive.
The President's action modified the recommen-
dations of the Tariff Commission. In its i-eport^
the Conmiission recommended a 10 cents per pound
fee on imports of almonds above 41^ million
pounds and a 10 cents per pound fee on imports of
filberts above 5i/^ million pounds.
During the quota year just ended there was a
5 cents per pound fee on the first 7 million pounds
of almonds imported into tliis country, which is
now revoked, and a 10 cents per pound fee on im-
ports in excess of 7 million pounds. There was no
quota or fee on imports of filberts during the past
year. During the previous year, however, there
was an absolute quota on imports of filberts of
41/4 million pounds.
The President's action was based on the recent
unanimous report on edible tree nuts by the United
States Tariff Commission. The Commission's in-
vestigation was made under section 22 of the Agi"i-
cultural Adjustment Act, as amended, which au-
thorizes limitations on imports when imports are
interfering with or tlireaten to interfere with do-
mestic price-support or marketing programs.
The Tariff Commission's i-cport 7-esulted from its
fifth continuing investigation into the effect of
Text of Proclamation 3073 ^
1. Whereas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as added by section 31 of the Act of
August 24, 1935, -19 Stat. 773, reeuacted by section 1 of
the Act of June 3, 1937, 50 Stat. 240, and amended by sec-
tion 3 of the Act of .July 3, 1948, 02 Stat. 124S, section 3
of the Act of June 28, 1950, 64 Stat. 261, and section 8 (b)
of the Act of June 16, 1951, 65 Stat. 72 (7 U. S. C. 624),
on April 13, 1950 the President caused the United States
Tariff Commission to make an investigation to determine
whether almonds, filberts, walnuts, Brazil nuts, or cashews
are being or are practically certain to be imported into
the United States under such conditions and in such quan-
tities as to render or tend to render ineffective, or mate-
rially interfere with, certain programs undertaken by the
Department of Agriculture with respect to almond,s,
pecans, filberts, or walnuts, or to reduce substantially the
amount of any product processed in the United States from
almonds, pecans, filberts, or walnuts with respect to which
any such program is being undertaken ; and
2. Whereas the said Commission instituted such an in-
vestigation on April 13, 1950, which it has been conducting
since that date on a continuing basis and In the course of
which it has from time to time reported to the President
regarding the need for the imposition of restrictions pur-
suant to the said section 22 in order to prevent imports
of almonds, filberts, walnuts, Brazil nuts, or cashews from
rendering ineffective, or materially interfering with, the
said programs, or from reducing substantially the amount
of any product processed in the United States from al-
monds, pecans, filberts, or walnuts with respect to which
any such program is being undertaken ; and
3. Whereas import fees on shelled almonds and
blanched, roasted, or otherwise prepared or preserved al-
monds (not including almond paste) imposed pursuant
to the I'resident's proclamation of Septemlier 20, 19."i3
(Proclamation 3034; 18 F. R. 6345),' which proclamation
was issued under the authority of the said section 22, will
cease to apply to such articles entered, or withdrawn from
warehouse, for consumption after September 30, 1954 ; and
4. Whereas further in the course of the said investiga-
tion, on September 24, 1954, the said Commission reported
' Copies of the report may be obtained from the U.S.
Tariff Commission, Wa.shington 25, D. C.
' 19 Fed. Rni. 61 ".23.
' BuTJjn-iN of Nov. 2, 1953, p. 602.
656
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
to mo its finding's ri'iiardiir^ tlic nooil for imiiDrt rcstrlf-
tioiis under the said sectiiui 21! on cerliiin tree nuts after
September 30, 1954 ; and
5. Whereas, on the basis of siuh rejiort of St'pteml)er
24, 1954, 1 find tliat shelled almonds, and blanched, roasted,
or otherwise prepared or iireserved almonds (not inclnd-
inu almond paste), and shelled lilherts, whether or not
lilanched, are prnclicully certain to be imported into the
United States during the period October 1, 1SI51, to Sep-
tember 30, 1955, both dates inclnsive, under siieh condi-
tions and in such iiuantities as to render or tend to render
inelTective, or materially interfere with, the programs
undertaken by the Department of Agriculture under the
Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act of 1037, as
amended, with respect to almonds and filberts, which pro-
grams will be in operation during such period ; and
li. Whkkkas I find and declare that the imposition of the
import fees hereinafter proclaimed is sliown by such in-
vestigation of the Commission to be necessary in order
that the entry of almonds and filberts described in the
fifth recital of this proclamation will not render or tend
to render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the
said programs imdertaken by the Department of Agricul-
ture :
Now, THEREFORE, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, acting under and by
virtue of the authority vested in me by the said section
22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, do
hereby proclaim that a fee of 10 cents per pound, but not
more than 50 per centum ad valorem, shall be Imposed
upon shelled almonds and blanched, roasted, or otherwise
prepared or preserved almonds (not including almond
paste) entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for con-
sumption during the period October 1, 1954, to September
30, 1955, both dates inclusive, in excess of an aggregate
quantity of 5,000,000 pounds ; and that a fee of 10 cents per
pound, but not more than 50 per centum ad valorem, shall
be imposed upon shelled filberts, whether or not blanched,
entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption
during the period October 1, 1954, to September 30, 1955,
both dates inclusive, in excess of an aggregate quantity
of 0,000,000 pounds. The said fees shall be in addition
to any other duties imposed on the importation of such
almonds and filberts.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
afBxed.
DOTTE at the City of Washington this eleventh day of
October in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
[seal] and fifty-four, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
seventy-ninth.
By the President:
Herbert Hoover, Jr.,
Acting Secretary of State.
Limitations on Imports
of Oats Into United States
White House press release dated October 4
Tlie President on October 4 sifjiiecl a procla-
mation liniitin<^ imports of oats into the United
States from all sources to 40 million bushels dur-
ing: the period October 1, 1954, to September 30,
1955, inclusive.
The President's action was based on the recent
unanimous report on oats by the United States
Tariii' Commission.' The Commission's investi-
gation was made under section 22 of the Agricul-
tural Adjustment Act, as amended, which atitlior-
ized limitation on imports when imports are inter-
fering with or threaten to interfere with domestic
price-support or marketing progi-ams. The allo-
cation between Canada and all other foreign coun-
tries set forth in the proclamation is based upon
total imports during five marketing seasons, 1948-
49 to 1952-53. The proclamation applies to oats,
hulled and unhulled, and unhulled ground oats.
The Tariff Commission's report resulted from
its second investigation into the effect of imports
of oats on the domestic price-support program for
oats. This second investigation was directed by
the President on August 20, 1954.^ The Tariff
Commission's first investigation and report re-
sulted in a proclamation on December 27, 1953,^
limiting imports of oats into the United States
from sources other than Canada to 21/^ million
bushels during the period December 23, 1953, to
September 30, 1954. From December 10, 1953, to
September 30, 1954, Canada voluntarily limited
shipments of oats to the United States to 23 mil-
lion bushels.
Text of Proclamation 3070*
Whereas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as added by section 31 of the act of
August 24, 19S5, 49 Stat. 773, reenacted by section 1 of
the act of June 3, 1937, 50 Stat. 246, and as amended by
section 3 of the act of July 3, 1948, 62 Stat. 1248, section
3 of the act of June 28, 1950, 64 Stat. 261, and section
8 (b) of the act of June 16, 1951, 65 Stat. 72 (7 U. S. C.
024), the Secretary of Agriculture has advised me that
^ Copies of the report may be obtained from the U.S.
Tariff Commission, Washington 25, D. C.
' Bulletin of Sept. 6, 1954, p. 340.
' IMil., Jan. 11, 1954, p. 57.
' 19 Fed. Reg. 6471.
November 7, J 954
657
he has reason to believe that oats, hulled or unhuUed, and
unhulled ground oats are practically certain to be im-
ported into the United States after September 30, 1954,
under such conditions and in such quantities as to render
or tend to render ineffective, or materially interfere with,
the price-support program undertaken by the Department
of As,Tieulture with respect to oats pursuant to section
301 and 401 of the Agricultural Act of 1949, as amended,
or to reduce substantially the amount of products proc-
essed in the United States from domestic oats with respect
to which such program of the Department of Agriculture
is being undertaken ; and
Whebeas, on August 20, 1954, I caused the United
States Tariff Commission to make an Investigation under
the said section 22 with respect to this matter; and
WHBatEAS, the said Tariff Commission has made such
investigation and has reported to me its findings and
recommendations made in connection therewith ; and
Whereas, on the basis of the said investigation and re-
port of the Tariff Commission, I find that oats, hulled and
unhulled, and unhulled ground oats, in the aggregate, are
practically certain to be imported into the United States
during the period from October 1, 1954, to September 30,
1955, inclusive, under such conditicms and in such quanti-
ties as to render or tend to render ineffective, or materi-
ally interfere with, the said price-support program with
respect to oats ; and
Whereas, I find and declare that the imposition of
the quantitative limitations hereinafter proclaimed is
shown by such investigation of the Tariff Commission to
be necessary in order that the entry, or withdrawal from
warehouse, for consumption of oats, hulled and unhulled,
and unhulled ground oats will not render or tend to render
ineffective, or materially interfere with, the said price-
support program :
Now, THEREFORE, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, acting under and
by virtue of the authority vested in me by the said section
22 of the Agi-icultural Adjustment Act, as amended, do
hereby proclaim that the total aggregate quantity of oats,
hulled and unhulled, and unhulled ground oats entered,
or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption during
the period from October 1, 1954, to September 30, 1055,
inclusive, shall not be permitted to exceed 40,000,000
bushels of 32 pounds each, which permissible total quan-
tity I find and declare to be proportionately not less than
50 per centum of the total average aggregate annual
quantity of such oats entered, or withdrawn from ware-
house, for consumption during the representative period
from July 1, 1948, to .Tune 30, 1953, inclusive ; and that,
of the foregoing permissible total quantity, not more than
39,312,(X)0 bushels of 32 pounds each shall be imported
from Canada and not more than 688,000 bushels of 32
pounds each shall be imported from other foreign coun-
tries.
The provisions of this proclamation shall not apply
to certified or registered seed oats for use for seeding
and crop-improvement purposes, in bags tagged and
sealed by an officially recognized seed-certifying agency of
the country of production : Provided, ( a ) that the indi-
vidual shipment amounts to 100 liushels (of 32 pounds
each) or less, or (b) that the individual shipment
amounts to more than 100 bushels (of 32 pounds each)
and the written approval of the Secretary of Agriculture
or his designated representative is presented at the time
of entry, or bond is furnished in a form prescribed by the
Commissioner of Customs in an amount equal to the
value of the merchandise as set forth in the entry, plus
the estimated duty as determined at the time of entry,
conditioned upon the i)roduction of such written ap-
proval within 6 months from the date of entry.
In witness whereof, I liave hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this 4th day of Oc-
tober in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
[seal] and fifty-four, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
seventy -ninth.
By the President:
John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State.
Four Engineers Go to Thailand
To Plan Highway Project
The Foreign Operations Administration an-
nounced on October 11 that four highway engi-
neers have left for Bangkok, Thailand, to begin
an engineering reconnaissance for a modern high-
way to link Bangkok and the isolated northeast
provinces. The Governments of the United States
and Thailand are preparing to start construction
before the end of 1954.
Called the "Northeast Highway," the road will
cost an estimated $7.5 million and is scheduled for
completion in about a year. It will run from
Saraburi, near Bangkok, to Ban Phai, 200 miles
northeastward in the heart of the northeast pla-
teau, passing through Korat, the northeast's prin-
cipal city.
Tlie road is seen as a key to the economic de-
velopment of the potentially rich northeast re-
gion. It will strengthen the economic and social
ties of the northeast with the Bangkok area, bring-
ing about more export of produce from the north-
east and enabling that area to import other needed
goods to improve the standard of living of the
people.
658
Department of State Bulletin
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings'
Adjourned during October 1954
I'nksco '2ii InttTiiatioiial Si'iiiiiiar on the Hole of Museums in Educa- Athens Sept. 12-Oct. 10
lion.
Fao Council: 20th Session Rome Sept. 27-Oct. 8
Nine Power Meeting London Sept. 28-Oct. 3
International Congress of Chrononietry Paris Oct. 1-5
International Philatelic and Postal Exliibition New Delhi Oct. 1-5
Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Ottawa Oct. 4-9
Southeast Asia ("Colombo Plan"): Ministerial fleeting.
F.\o Working Party on Fertilizers: 4th Meeting Tokyo Oct. 4-10
Fao Working Party on Rice Breeding: 5th Meeting Tokyo Oct. 4-10
Paso Executive Committee: 23d Meeting Santiago Oct. 4—6
International Council for Exploration of the Sea: 42d Annual Meet- Paris Oct. 4-12
ing.
UNESCO Seminar for Leaders of Youth Movements Habana Oct. 5-26
10th General Conference on Weights and Mea-sures Paris Oct. 5-14
Caribbean Commission and Unesco: .Joint Technical Conference on Port-of-Spain Oct. 6-15
Education and Small-Scale Farming in Relation to Community
Development.
2d International Meeting of Communications Genoa Oct 6-12
U. X. EcAFK Subcommittee on Electric Power: 4th Session .... Tokyo Oct. 6-11
Paso 14th Pan American Sanitary Conference and 6th Meeting of the Santiago Oct. 8-22
Recional Committee of Who.
General Assembly of the International Commission of Criminal Po- Rome Oct. 9-14
lice: 23d Session.
Fao International Rice Commission: 4th Se.ssion Tokyo Oct. 11-19
Ilo Iron and Steel Committee: 5th Session Geneva Oct. 11-23
U. N. EcE Committee for Development of Trade: 3d Session . . . Geneva Oct. 11-16
International Wheat Council: 16th Session London Oct. 12-17
Four Power Meeting Paris Oct. 20-23
Nine Power Meeting Paris Oct. 21-23
Nac Special Ministerial Meeting Paris Oct. 22-23
Paso Executive Committee: 24th Meeting Santiago Oct. 22-23
International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 2d Meeting. . . Vancouver Oct. 25-30*
U.N. EcAFE Working Party on Financial Aspects of Economic Bangkok Oct. 25-30
Development Programs.
Gatt .Id //oc Committee on Agenda and Intersessional Business. . Geneva Oct. 26-27
UNESCO Executive Board Rio de Janeiro Oct. 31 (1 day)
In Session as of October 31, 1954
U.X. General Assembly: 9th Regular Session New York Sept. 21-
IcAO Air Transport Committee: 23d Session Montreal Sept. 27-
IcAO North Atlantic Regional .\ir Navigation Meeting: 3d Session . Montreal Oct. 5-
Wmo Ad Hoc Meeting on North Atlantic Meteorological Telecom- Montreal Oct. 5-
munications.
IcAO Southeast Asia Regional Communications Coordinating Bangkok Oct. 18-
IW Meeting.
I1.0 Metal Trades Committee: 5th Session Geneva Oct. 25-
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: 9th Session of Contracting Geneva Oct. 28-
"*" Parties.
Bogota International Exposition Bogotd Oct. 29-
Scheduled November 1, 19S4-January 31, 1955
UNESCO Budget Committee Montevideo Nov. 1-
Unesco Executive Board Montevideo Nov. 1-
U.N. EcAFE Working Party of Senior Geologists on Preparation of Bangkok Nov. 1-
a Recional Geological Map for Asia and the Far East.
' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Oct. 21, 1954. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following
is a list of abbreviations: Unesco, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; Fao, Food and
Agriculture Organization; Paso, Pan American Sanitary Organization; U. N., United Nations; Ecafe, Economic Com-
mission for Asia and the Far East; Who, World Health Organization; Ilo. International Labor Organization; Ece, Economic
Commission for Europe; Nag, North Atlantic Council; Gatt, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; Icao, Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization; Wmo, World Meteorological Organization; Icem. Intergovernmental Committee
for European Migration; Ecosoc, Economic and Social Council.
November 7, 1954 659
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
Scheduled November 1, 1954-January 31, 1955 — Continued
Fao European Forestry Commission: Working Party on Affores-
tation.
1st World Conference of Printing Enterprises
14tli International Congress of Military Medicine and Pharmacy. .
International Philatelic Exposition
Fao European Forestry Commission: 7th Session
U.N. EcAFE Subcommittee on Mineral Resources (Committee on
Industry and Trade): 1st Session.
Fao Meeting on Economic Aspects of the Rice Situation
UNESCO General Conference: 8th Session
3d Inter-American Accounting Conference
Customs Cooperation Council
Icao Special European-Mediterranean Communications Meeting .
Ilo Governing Body: 127th Session .
Meeting of Ministers of Finance or Economy (4th Extraordinary
Meeting of Inter-American Economic and Social Council).
IcEM Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Draft Rules and Regulations ....
International Sugar Council: Statistical Committee
Ilo 8th International Conference of Labor Statisticians
International Sugar Council: Executive Committee
International Sugar Council: 2d Session
IcEM Subcommittee on Finance: 6th Session
Caribbean Commission; 19th Meeting-
IcEM 8th Session of the Intergovernmental Committee
Nac Ministerial Meeting
Fao 4th World Forestry Congress
Inter-American Seminar on Secondary Education
U. N. Ecosoc 18th Session of Council (resumed)
10th Pan American Child Congress
U. N. Ecafe Subcommittee on Trade: 1st Session
Who Standing Committee on Administration and Finance ....
Pan American Highway Congress: Permanent Executive Com-
mittee Meeting.
U. N. Ecosoc Commission on International Commodity Trade: 1st
Session.
Who Executive Board: 15th Meeting
U.N. Ecafe Inland Transport Committee: 4th Session
Geneva Nov. 5-
Sao Paulo Nov. 6-
Luxembourg Nov. 7-
Sao Paulo Nov. 7-
Geneva Nov. 8-
Bangkok Nov. 8-
Rangoon Nov. 11-
Montevideo Nov. 12-
Sao Paulo Nov. 14-
Brussels Nov. 15-
Paris Nov. 1&-
Rome Nov. 16-
Rio de Janeiro Nov. 22-
Geneva Nov. 22-
London Nov. 22-
Geneva Nov. 23-
London Nov. 23-
London Nov. 24-
Geneva Nov. 25-
Cayenne (French Guiana) . Nov. 29-
Geneva Nov. 30-
Paris November*
Dehra Dun (India) .... Dec. 11-
Santiago Dec. 29-
New York December
Panama City Jan. 10-
Hong Kong Jan. 10-
Geneva Jan. 10-
Mexico Jan. 13-
New York Jan. 17-
Geneva Jan. 18-
Bangkok Jan. 24-
Disarmament Talks in
U.N. Political Committee
Statements by James J. Wadsworth
U.S. Representative to the General Assenibly '
U.S. delegation press release 1981 dated October 19
Tlie general debate on disarmament has gone on
for over a week.^ We think that the discussion
has been extremely useful in clarifying a number
of important matters. It has shown that the dif-
ferences between the Soviet Union and the free
world are almost as gi-eat as ever.
The two sides are in the position of two politi-
'Made in Committee I (Politieal and Security) on Oct.
10 and Oct. 22.
^ For statements by Ambassador Lodge and Ambassador
Wadsworth on Sept. 30 and Oct. 12, and the text of the
Soviet proposal, see Bot.letin of Oct. 25, 1954, p. 619.
cal parties seeking to elect their slates in a given
community. Both parties have put anticrime
planks in their platforms. Both agree that we
need policemen. But one party wants to let its
policemen cover their whole beats and make ar-
rests pursuant to law whenever they discover
crime. The other party says, "Oh, no. The
policeman can onlj? stay on Main Street, and if he
should observe a crune there, he can merely report
the commission of the crime to the Alunicipal
Council, which in due course will hold a meeting.
The policeman cannot make the arrest."
It seems appropriate at this time to review the
situation to see exactly where we stand. First,
however, I should like to stress a point which has
not been discussed very fully. The greater part
of the discussion in this committee has been de-
voted to the Anglo-French memorandum of June
11 ' and to the Soviet proposals of September 30.
' /?)!(/., A<ig. 2, 1954, p. 182.
660
Department of State Bulletin
This is entirely fitting since the Britisli-Frencli
ineinonuuhini is tlie instriunent which liud led to
any narrowing of tlie gap between tlie Soviet
I'nion and the free worhi tlnit may have talcen
place. AVhat 1 want to stress now is that, im-
portant as they are, neither the Anglo-French
uiemoiandiiui nor the Soviet proposal, noi- the two
combined, can be said to constitute a complete tlis-
armament program.
Over a period of years agreement has been
ivached on jwst what are the chief elements of such
a program. Last year these elements were set
forth in the first prcaiubular paragrapli of the
General Assembly resolution of November 28, a
paragra])h which received 54 affirmative votes and
no negat i ve votes.* These elements were : frfit, the
regidation, limitation, and balanced reduction of
all armed forces and all armaments; second, the
elimination and prohibition of atomic, hydrogen,
and other tj'pes of weapons of mass destruction;
third, the effective international control of atomic
energy to ensure the prohibition of atomic weap-
ons and the use of atomic energy for peaceful pur-
poses only; and fourth., the carrying out of the
whole program under effective international con-
trol and in such a way that no state should have
cause to fear that its security was in danger.
During the discussions in the Disarmament
Commission and in the subcommittee this summer,
it became apparent that there was a ffth element
of a disarmament program which was not com-
pletely covered bj' any of the four elements de-
scribed in the General Assembly resolution: The
fifth element was the relation of the other four ele-
ments, or, to put it in other words, the timing and
phasing of the prohibitions and reductions and of
the establishment of international controls.
The Anglo-French memorandum was written to
deal with this fifth element. Since it covers the
relationship of the other four elements, naturally
it refers to them. The ^Vnglo-French memoran-
dum was, of course, never intended to be a complete
disarmament program. For example, it does not
contain any formula for determining the levels to
which armed forces and atomic armaments would
be i-educed. It does not go into any detail as to
the type of international control macliinery which
would be set up or as to the powers and functions
of an international control organ. It does not
' /bid., Dec. 14, 1953, p. 838.
UoM&mhet J, 1954
deal with mnnerous basic problems in connection
with the prohibition of atomic weapons, such as
the type of installations which must bo controlled,
or the nature of the control. These latter prob-
lems are treated fully in the United Nations
atomic energy plan approved by previous Gen-
eral Assemblies. The Soviet Union does not agree
with the solution suggested in the United Nations
plan for the control of atomic energy. But we
feel sure that the U.S.S.Il. will agree that any
solution of the problem of atomic weapons must
cover the subjects that are dealt with in the United
Nations atomic energy plan.
In short, the Anglo-French memorandum and
the Soviet draft resolution, however different they
may be, both deal with the same set of problems.
They do not by themselves deal with all of the basic
problems of a disarmament program. One of the
flaws of the Soviet resolution, in our opinion, is
the following sentence : "Accordingly the conven-
tion should contain the following basic pro-
visions." We read this to imply that the Soviet
Union regards its proposal as a disarmament plan
rather than merely one of the elements of a dis-
armament plan.
Fundamental Differences
It may be useful at this time to point out just
where we stand, in the thought that, if we know
where we stand, it will be easier to plot our future
course.
Three fundamental and basic differences have
emerged between the Soviet Union and the other
members of the Disarmament Commission sub-
conunittee. The f,rst of these relates to the reduc-
tion of armed forces and nonatomic armaments.
The position of Canada, France, the United King-
dom, and the United States is that we should first
agree upon levels to which armed forces and arma-
ments will be reduced. The amounts of reductions
would be the difference between these agreed levels
and the levels of December 31, 1953. These reduc-
tions would take place in two stages : 50 percent of
reductions in the first stage and 50 percent in the
second stage. The Soviet proposal goes along with
the idea that the reductions shall be made from
the December 31, 1953, level and that the reduction
shall take place in two stages : 50 percent in each
stage. Mr. Vyshinsky, however, has made it clear
that the Soviet Union still favors a "proportional"
reduction. In other words, the Soviet Union still
661
favors an overall reduction of one-third, or of some
other fraction, applicable to all countries, the type
of reduction which would perpetuate the present
imbalance of armed forces and conventional arma-
ments in favor of the Soviet Union. However,
Mr. Vyshinsky says this is a matter to be decided
by the international convention.
The second major divergence relates to the
powere and authority of the international control
machinery. Mr. Vyshinsky went back once again
to the detailed Soviet proposals of June 1947 con-
cerning an international control organ. The pro-
posals, when originally made, were made to the
Atomic Energy Commission and related only to
the control of atomic energy. They were discussed
fully and exhaustively in the United Nations
Atomic Energy Commission in 1947 and 1948. At
that time a committee of the Atomic Energy Com-
mission, consisting of Canada, China, France, and
the United Kingdom, prepared a working paper
which concluded "that the Soviet Union proposals
ignore the existing technical knowledge of the
problem of atomic energy control, do not provide
an adequate basis for the effective international
control of atomic energy and the elimination from
national armaments of atomic weapons, and there-
fore do not confonn to the terms of reference of
the Atomic Energy Commission." This working
paper was included as annex IV of the Tliird
Eeport of the Atomic Energy Commission, dated
May 17, 1948, and was approved by the General
Assembly at the time it adopted the United Na-
tions atomic energy plan.
The Soviet proposals then dropped out of sight,
until suddenly the Soviet representative revived
them in the subcommittee discussion in London
last spring. Wliy did they drop out of sight?
You will recall that in 1952 Mr. Vyshinsky brought
to the Sixth General Assembly some new proposals
on international control which he glorified as a
great concession to the West.'^ He conceded at that
time that the international control organ shall
have the right to conduct inspection on a continu-
ing basis but should not be entitled to interfere in
the domestic affairs of states. Since this was in
contrast to the Soviet's previous insistence on
periodic inspection, we all hoped that a door had
been opened to agreement on a fundamental prin-
ciple. During the disarmament discussions in 1952
we strove without success to find out what the
Soviet Union meant by "continuous inspection."
Finally, in London last spring the Soviet repre-
sentative tried to put life in the ghost of 1947, as
his definition of "Inspection on a continuing basis."
He thus succeeded only in demonstrating that the
"continuous inspection" of 1952 was identical ta
the "periodic inspection" of 1947. The great con-
cession of 1952 turned out to be no concession
at all.
Now, since September 30, the Soviet Union has
talked about an international control organ with
"full powers of supei-vision, including the power
of inspection on a continuing basis to the extent
necessary to ensure implementation of the conven-
tion by all states." At first glance this looked good
since, in theory at least, it could encompass the
powers which this Assembly has decided are
essential.
On October 15 Mr. Vyshinsky continued to as-
sert that the Soviet Union favors a control organ
capable of "powerful" and "effective" control.
Exactly what powers would this mighty and
powerful organ have? On October 15, and again
yesterday, ]\Ir. Vyshinsky answered this question
by again calling up the ghost of 1947 and reading-
to us these 1947 proposals.
Furthermore, he referred to the United States
working paper on the control organ presented
last smnmer by Mr. [Morehead] Patterson.^ He
pointed out that the United States paper took the
position that in cases of violations the control com-
mission can close plants, and then he said :
... if some people are prepared to accept that, we are
not to be counted among them. I must say that quite
openly. We feel that to vest such functions In a control
commission is impossible.
It is clear that on this all-important question
of the powers of the international control organ
there has been no change in the Soviet position.
Once more, Mr. Vyshinsky continues to insist, just
as he did in 1947, that the really important powers
in connection with a disarmament program must
be exercised by the Security Council, wliere all of
the permanent members have a veto.
"We fail to see why the U.S.S.R. objects to
thorougli and effective international control. If
the U.S., the U.K., France, and all the rest of us
are willing to subject ourselves to it, what has the
Soviet to fear? Are we to assume that she has
' Ihlil., .Tan. 2S, 1952, p. 127.
662
' Ibid., Aug. 2, 1954, p. 179.
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
sometliiiip; to hide — something she doesn't want
the world to know? How can any disarmament
plan work if, as I said last week, the steps of the
plan cannot be carried out in full sight of each
other?
The Soviet accuses the U.S. of preparing for
another war; of aggression against Formosa and
all kinds of other fantastic crimes and intentions.
How best can we display to the world that we are
completely honest in our statements and straight-
forward in our intentions ? "We think it is by open-
ing wide our doors and inviting an international
control body to come in freely and fully ; to inspect
our atomic installations, our munitions plants, and,
yes, even our button factories. What is more, we
are prepared to accept corrective action on the part
of the control organ in the event a violation is
found.
On the other hand, we in the United States sus-
pect the Soviet Union of planning world conquest
behind their facade of disarmament statements.
Will they take the same steps to reassure the world
that we are prepared to take ? While Mr. Vyshin-
sky answered "No," he kept one ember burning.
He suggested that this problem too should be
worked out in the international convention.
Question of Timing and Phasing
The third fundamental difference between the
Soviet position and that of the other states which
participated in the London discussion relates to the
timing and phasing of the most important ele-
ments of the disarmament program. Mr. [Sel-
wyn] Lloyd got to the heart of this diffei'ence in
the second question which he addressed to Mr.
Vyshinsky last Friday. He asked : "Does the So-
viet Government agree that the officials of the
control organ should be in position, ready and able
to function in the countries concerned, before those
countries begin to carry out the disarmament pro-
gram?" There is nothing that I can add to Mr.
Lloyd's explanation of the fundamental signifi-
cance and importance of this problem. If we in-
terpret Mr. Vyshinslcj^'s answer correctly, he
didn't say "Yes" and he didn't say "No"; once
again, he said : "This will be decided in the con-
vention." Can we assume that the Soviet attitude
will be any less rigid when we come to negotiate
the convention ? After all, they have never shown
themselves willing to discuss in detail any of the
concrete proposals brought forward to date.
But, in his A-ery last intervention on October 15,
Mr. Vyshinsky took pity on us and did answer Mr.
Lloyd's question in a manner which, I fear, is all
too clear. He referred to paragi-aph 5 of the
Franco-British memorandum and noted that Mr.
Lloyd had stated that we diverged on this point.
Tlien Mr. Vyshinsky said, "Tliat is correct ; \vc do."
Now what does tlie fifth paragraph of the Franco-
British memorandum say ? It says :
5. After the constitution and positioninK of the Control
Organ, which shiill l)e carried out within a specifiod time,
and lis .soon as tlie Omtrol Organ reports that it ia able
effectively to enforce them, tlie following measures shall
cuter Into effect.
So it is clear that, in substance, Mr. Vyshinsky's
answer to Mr. Lloyd's second question is strongly
in the negative.
There are other differences, but the three which
I have just outlined are the most important. As
a result of the discussions in this committee which,
I repeat, have been extremely useful and which,
in my view, have come better to grips with the
problem than any previous United Nations discus-
sions, where do we stand and where do we go?
Ijct us admit again that on one important point
the differences have been naiTowed. The Soviet
Union now admits that the disarmament program
can take place in stages and that 50 percent of the
reductions in armed forces and conventional arma-
ments can take place before the prohibition of
atomic weapons. Despite this concession, we are
still some distance from the down-to-earth de-
tailed negotiations that will be necessary to work
out a disarmament convention. It would not be
very profitable to start discussing the number of
aircraft carriers, the number of bombers, the num-
ber of ground forces that each state will be per-
mitted under a disarmament program until we
have some agreement on how to work out those
figures. Mr. Vyshinsky says that the Soviet Union
has one view and that the other members of the
subcommittee have a different view and that we
will work this out in the convention.
Similarly, it would not be very profitable to
work out the machinery, powers, and functions of
an international control organ and then to find
out that the control organ will never be in a posi-
tion to exercise its powers. Here, again, Mr. Vy-
shinsky says : "This is a question of method. Let's
leave it to the convention."
That is where we stand today. Now where
November 1, 1954
663
Resolution on Disarmament^
U.N. doc. A/C.l/752/KeT. 2 dated October 22
The General Assembly,
Reaffirming the responsibility of the United Na-
tions for seeking a solution of the disarmament
problem,
Coiiscions that the continuing development of
armaments increases the urgency of the need for
such a solution.
Having considered the Fourth Report of the Dis-
armament Commission of 29 July 1954 (D.C/53 and
D.C/55), and the documents annexed thereto, and
the Soviet draft resolution (A/C.1/750) concerning
the conclusion of an international convention
(treaty) on the reduction of armaments and the
prohibition of atomic, hydrogen, and other weapons
of mass destruction,
1. Concludes that a further effort should be made to
reach agreement on comprehensive and co-ordinated
proposals to be embodied in a draft international
disarmament convention providing for :
(a) The regulation, limitation and major reduc-
tion of all armed forces and all conventional
armaments ;
(b) The total prohibition of the use and manu-
facture of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass
destruction of every type, together with the con-
version of existing stocks of nuclear weapons for
peaceful purposes ;
(c) The establishment of effective international
control, through a control organ with rights, pow-
ers and functions adequate to guarantee the ef-
fective ob.servance of the agreed reductions of all
armaments and armed forces and the prohibition
of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruc-
tion, and to ensure the use of atomic energy for
peaceful purposes only;
The whole programme to be such that no State
would have cause to fear that its security was
endangered ;
2. Reqiic.iis the Disarmament Commission to seek
an acceptable solution of the disarmament problem,
taking into account the various proposals referred
to in the preamble of the present resolution and any
other proposals within the Commission's terms of
reference ;
:',. Suggcst.s that the Disarmament Commission re-
convene the Sub-Committee established in accord-
ance with paragraphs 6 and 7 of General Assembly
resolution 715 (VIII);
4. Requests the Disarmament Commission to report
to the Security Council and to the General Assembly
as soon as sufficient progress has been made.
' Approved unanimously by Committee I on ( )ct. 2'
should we go? Wltat course of action should we
follow in this committee ?
On each of these fundamental problems there
are divergent views. It would be theoretically pos-
sible for the Assembly to recommend that the So-
viet Union should accept our view. We frankly
doubt whether the General Assembly's approval
of the Anglo-French memorandum or of the
United States working paper on a control organ
would advance by one day the achievement of an
agreed disarmament program unless the General
Assembly decision had the support of the Soviet
Union. Yesterday the representative of Syria
[Ahmad Shukairy] made this point most effec-
tively.
We have had some success, even though it is
much less than we had originally hoped on Sep-
tember 30, in narrowing the differences that sepa-
rate us. It seems to us that there is no alternative
course but to try again. The subcommittee of the
Disarmament Commission seems to be the ma-
chinery best suited to promote genuine negotia-
tion. It would be naive to suppose that progress
in the Disarmament Commission and its subcom-
mittee will be rapid. Certain Soviet moves here
in the ITnited Nations are not calculated to reduce
international tensions. None of us can wave a
magic wand which will produce immediate agree-
ment. We are not counseling delay, nor do we wel-
come it; we are merely pointing out that progress
comes as a result of serious thought and thorough
preparation, all of which is time-consuming. We
may have to grope along another series of blind
alleys before we find another one which leads closer
to agreement. But we know of no other course.
In the meantime, the United States believes that
the Canadian resolution, which we are cosponsor-
ing," affords the best hope of progress in the field
of disarmament. The machinery provided in this
resolution can move as fast as the Soviet Union
will jiermit it to move. We are certainly anxious
that it should move with the greatest possible
speed consistent with the attainment of genuine
agreement.
I should now like to address a brief remark to
my good friend. Sir Percy Spender. 1 attach the
greatest significance to his suggestions with respect
to the further progress of our discussion of dis-
armament at this session. Nevertheless, I am sure
664
U. N. doc. A/C.l/752/Rev. 1.
Department of State Bulletin
that he will agree that our debate to this point has
very closely outlined the points of agreement and
disagreement between the views of the Soviet
Union and those of the other members of the Lon-
don subcommittee. I doubt if any further clari-
fication can be obtained at this session. The type
of problem which Jlr. Vyshinsky desires to be
solved by the convention will not be solved in 3
weeks or G weeks.
I fully agree with Sir Percy's view as to the
vital contribution which can be made by what he
has termed the "middle" and "small" powers. We
have had ample evidence of this already, and I cer-
tainly hope that we shall have more before our
])resent debate is over. The Ignited States cer-
tainly does not believe that progress in this field
can be made only by the so-called Great Powers.
That is one reason why we support the Canadian
resolution, which calls upon the Disarmament
Commission to pursue its work. That Commission,
with its 12 members, certainly enables other pow-
ers to voice their views on a plane of complete
equality with the Great Powers. Then, too, the
results of its work will again be reviewed by the
(General Assembly. In brief, I hope that, when
we shall have concluded our general debate in this
committee, all members of this body will have had
ample opportunity to contribute fulh' to this vital
task.
The distinguished representative of Syria spent
a considerable part of his challenging and able
presentation yesterday in pointing out the seem-
ingly irreconcilable attitudes of the U.S. and the
U.S.S.R., in spite of the fact that we both appar-
rently espouse the same general principles. I join
with him in wondering whether "peace" means
something in Russian that is wholly incompatible
with what it means in English.
We are ready to demonstrate that the peace we
want is worth re^al sacrifice; that it is a precious
thing deserving of persistent and impartial pro-
tection; that it will flourish luider proper safe-
guards in the broad light of day. We reaffirm our
conviction that peace, as we mean it, cannot thrive
on an exclusive diet of lip service; that it will
suffer seriously from the drought of neglect ; that
it will wither and die in the dark dungeons of
secrecy.
Yesterday Mr. Vyshinsky stated that he would
nuich rather be offered advice than be asked ques-
tions. I directed no questions to him. However,
iiiiich as I hesitate to offer advice, he asked for it.
1 suggest that his Govermnent accept the same in-
ternational controls that the rest of us are willing
to accept.
U.S. delegation press release 1090 dated October 22
The procedural agreement just announced by
the distinguished representative of Canada
[David M. JohnsonJ, an agreement which now
provides for the cosponsorship by all five membei-s
of the Disarmament Commission's subcommittee
of the resolution originally tabled by Canada, verj'
])roperly refere this question to that subcommittee.
We join with our other cosponsoi-s in welcoming
this agreement, and we pledge the continued
efforts of the United States to achieve fully safe-
guarded disarmament.
The subconunittee, Mr. Chairman, will be able
to probe into the many technical aspects of dis-
armament. These technical aspects have been
brought forth during our debate on this subject
and have shown the divergencies which exist. But
the deliberations of the subconunittee will test
the extent to which good faith animates the Soviet
Union in its present approach to disai-mament
matters. We await that test with interest.
The work we will undertake will call for con-
structive, unremitting effort from every subcom-
mittee member and the United States will do its
part.
Now, Mr. Chairman, in conunon with my col-
league from Canada I wish to connnent very
briefly on the question posed to the former co-
sponsors by the distinguished delegate of India
[V. K. Krishna Menon] the other day and of
which we were reminded today by the distin-
guished delegate of India. Since this seems to be
a day somewhat devoted to unanimity, I am very
happy to tell him that the United States, having
studied the questions and the answers of the dis-
tinguished representative of the United Kingdom,
Mr. Lloyd, the United States finds itself in full
accord with Air. Lloyd's answers. There may be
some aspects of clarification or even elaboration
which the United States might wish to add to Mr.
Lloyd's answers. However, these are of a highly
technical nature and I do not propose to burden
the conuniltce with them today. If the distin-
guished delegate of India would be desirous of our
doing so, we will be very happy to submit them
to him in writing, but they will not in any sense
affect the substance of the answers.
November I, 1954
665
Progress in Highway Development for Latin America
SIXTH PAN AMERICAN HIGHWAY CONGRESS, CARACAS, JULY U-23, 1954
Important impetus is expected to be given to
the development of highways throughout Latin
America as a result of the resolutions and recom-
mendations of the Sixth Pan American Highway
Congress, held at Caracas, Venezuela, from July
11 to July 23, 1954. It was a fully representa-
tive meeting, with 19 of the 21 American Republics
sending official delegations. Outstanding among
its accomplishments were the unanimous adoption
of a permanent plan for the organization of future
Congresses, with emphasis upon executive and
technical committee work, and the institution of
intensive studies for the financing and construc-
tion of the Pan American Highway System.
Along with these were many other decisions which
reflected the determination of governmental and
private bodies to make headway rapidly and con-
structively on the problems of highway improve-
ment and expansion.
The Caracas meeting, latest of a series which
began at Buenos Aires in 1925, was pronounced
by many participants as the most effective to date.
It carried out successfully the formative planning
begun at the Fifth Congress at Lima in 1951 and
a special Congress at Mexico City in 1952,^ and
marked the coming to full maturity of this impor-
tant hemispheric organization. In all of these
activities, the United States has played a lead-
ing part.
The Seventh Congress will be held at Panama
City, R P., in 1957.
United States Delegation
The members of the U.S. delegation were as
follows :
AValter Williams, Under Secretary of Commerce, Chair-
man
Charles P. Nolan, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, De-
partment of State, Vice Chairman
J. Harry McGregor, Chairman, Subcommittee on Roads,
House of Representatives
George H. Fallon, Member, Committee on Public Works,
House of Representatives
Herbert Ashton, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Depart-
ment of Commerce
Sewell Marcus Gross, American Road Builders Associa-
tion
Edwin W. James, American Society of Civil Engineers '
Henry H. Kelly, Office of Transport and Communications
Policy, Department of State
Gale Moss, American Association of State Highway
Oificials
Francis C. Turner, Bureau of Public Roads, Department
of Commerce
Norman B. Wood, Bureau of Public Roads, Department
of Commerce
William L. Brewster, second secretary of the
American Embassy at Caracas, acted as liaison
officer.
Organization of the Congress
All working sessions were held in the library
building of the University City, a large enclave
of structures which eventually will house many
thousands of students. The physical facilities of
the building were excellent, with auditoriimis and
' For an article on the special Congress, see Bulletin
of Jan. 19, 1953, p. 105.
■ Special mention should properly be made of the par-
ticipation of Mr. James, who has attended all of the Pan
American Congresses except the first two as a U.S. delega-
tion member. Mr. James was in charge of the coopera-
tive work of the U.S. Bureau of Public Roads on the
Inter-American Highway from 1929 until his retirement
in 1953. During that period he made more than 60 in-
spection trips to various parts of the highway, in addition
to engineering surveys in Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador,
Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Brazil, Cuba, Haiti, the Dominican
Republic, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands. To in-
numerable government oflScials, engineers, and economists
throughout the Americas, he is known as "the father of the
luter-American Highway."
666
Deparimeni of State Bulletin
assembly rooms of ample dimensions and attrac-
tive arcliitectural style.
On the morning of July 11, the chiefs of dele-
gations met in a preliminary session with the
Organizing Committee and principal officere of
the secretariat and designated the Minister of
Public Works of Venezuela, Dr. Julio Bacalao
Lara, as president and Dr. Eduardo Arnal, Dean
of the Faculty of Engineering, Central University
of Venezuela, as secretary general of the Con-
gress. Dr. Francisco J. Hernandez of the Pan
American Union was pernument secretary, as at
previous Congresses.
At the formal opening session the same after-
noon, held in the Great Hall of Univei-sity City,
these designations were confirmed. In addition,
the Presidents of the American Republics were
made honorary presidents and the Ministers of
Public Works honorary vice presidents. Five
technical commissions were established, to cover
the following subjects : international affairs, high-
way education, construction and maintenance,
legislation and administration, and highway
safety. A committee on coordination and style
was also appointed.
Technical Papers and Reports
As is customai-j' in a technical conference, large
numbers of papers had been submitted by organ-
izations or individuals for consideration. The
Final Act of the Congress listed 159 such papers.
Of these, 51 were the subject of resolutions; 59
were recommended to be published in full in the
proceedings (including the following from the
United States: "Economic Potentialities of the
Pan American Highway," by Edwin W. James;
"Soil Testing," by M. D. ISIorris; and "Repair
Shops for the Care of Highway Equipment" and
"Highway Planning in the United States," by the
Bureau of Public Roads) ; and 49 were recom-
mended to be summarized in the proceedings (in-
cluding a paper by J. Stanley Williamson on
"Highway Maintenance in Ecuador").
The most important reports presented were
those of four special committees appointed bj' the
Mexico City Congress in 1952 to prepare for the
Caracas meeting. A so-called Interim Commit-
tee, which was in effect an executive committee,
with its chairman representing Mexico and with
officials from Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and the
United States as its members, recommended a plan
of organization for the future Congresses and
offered suggestions on the technical committee re-
ports. The latter were submitted by committees
on financing, chaired by Mexico; on planning and
routing, cliaired by Brazil ; and on the organiza-
tion of highway departments, chaired by Peru.
Work of the Commissions
Much of the work of the Congress was per-
formed in the technical commissions, although this
did not prevent many hours of discussion in the
plenary sessions as well. Members of the U.S.
delegation took an active part.
In Commission I, on international affairs, the
principal topic was the permanent organization
of the Congresses. After a brief discussion of a
revised plan informally submitted by the perma-
nent secretariat, the original "Plan of Organiza-
tion of the Pan American Highway Congi-esses"
as drawn up by a five-nation committee earlier
this year was unanimously approved with only
minor editorial changes. Other matters handled
by this commission included the regional and
worldwide treaties on international road traffic of
194.3 and 1949, plans for financing the construc-
tion and improvement of the Pan American High-
way System, and coordination of transport.
In Commission II, on highway education,
papers were presented on three principal sub-
jects— descriptions of national highway systems,
histories of national highway development, and
the preservation of archeological and historical
monuments.
Commission III, dealing with plans, con-
struction, and maintenance, was divided into six
subcommissions : preliminary studies, earth move-
ment, pavements, bridges, drainage, and mainte-
nance. The principal work of the subcommis-
sions was to consider and recommend disposition
of some 25 technical papers submitted to the Con-
gress.
Commission IV dealt with highway legislation,
administration, economics, and finance. Repre-
sentative McGregor served as vice chairman of
this commission, of which the principal work was
the consideration and discussion of the recom-
mendations of the Technical Committee on High-
way Administration (Lima Committee). Of spe-
cial interest to the United States, and particularly
to the Bureau of Public Roads, was a resolution
which recommends that the several countries
November 1, 1954
667
establish priority of construction on the Pan
American Higliway as follows: first — opening
and constructing impassable sections to all-weather
standard; second — improving substandard sec-
tions to all-weather standard and constructing
permanent structures; third-paving. This resolu-
tion coincides with the policy of the Bureau of
Public Roads to establish just such priority of
construction on the Inter-American Highway
progi'am throughout Central America and
Panama.
Commission V, on highway operation and
safety, cx)nsidered a number of papers on highway
traffic standards, signs, and nomenclature.
Among other actions it requested the executive
committee to undertake studies which would fix
tliQ, basis for greater uniformity in the designation
and identification of highway routes throughout
the various American countries.
Resolutions
In four jjlenary sessions, spaced at intervals
during the Congress and ending on July 20, de-
finitive action was taken on the many proposals
considered by the Congress. The Final Act was
signed at a brief closing ceremony on the morning
of July 23.
The total number of resolutions adopted was 53.
Notable among them were the following :
Resolution I : Recommendation of a permanent
"Plan of Organization of the Pan American High-
way Congresses," which sets forth among other
matters the objectives of the organization — chief
of whicli is to facilitate and promote the develop-
ment of highways in the American continent ; es-
tablishes relations with the Organization of
American States; provides that the Congresses
will be held every 3 years, with five classes of par-
ticipants— official delegates appointed by Gov-
ernments of the American States, certain commit-
tee members, the representative of the Organiza-
tion of American States, special observers repre-
senting international organizations, and other ob-
servers ; creates a permanent Executive Committee
and four technical committees of experts to cover
the fields of goveramental highway departments,
planning and routing of highways, financing, and
terminology; and calls for a permanent secre-
tariat, to be provided by the Pan American Union.
In a separate action, tlie Congress designated
the following countries to hold the chairmanships
of these committees: executive, Mexico; highway
departments, Peru ; plamiing and routing, Brazil ;
financing, Venezuela; terminology, Argentina.
The United States will have membership on all
except the committee on plamiing and routing.
The Executive Committee will be the chief moti-
vating force for the next Congress, since respon-
sibility for carrying out the recommendations of
the Caracas meeting will largely devolve upon it.
Its members are Mexico (chairman), Argentina,
Brazil, United States, Panama, Peru, and Vene-
zuela. Its first meeting will be held at Mexico
City, January 13-17, 1955.
An interesting feature of this new organization
plan, which won unanimous approval at Caracas,
is that it involves no financial commitments for
the member countries other than the expenses of
the host countries for the periodic Congresses or
for committee meetings. Operation of the plan
will be watched with gi'eat interest, for if it proves
successful, its simplicity, economy and concentra-
tion upon effective committee work may well com-
mend it as a prototype for similar international
technical organizations. Tlie Caracas resolution
was framed in the form of a reconunendation to
the Council of the Organization of American
States, but its approval by that body and its con-
sequent entry into force for all future Congresses
are expected.
Resolution II: Organization of a technical
study, with the authorization and collaboration
of Panama and Colombia, of a practicable route
for the Pan American Highway through the Isth-
mus of Darien. All of the American countries in-
terested in this project are invited to lend their
assistance, and tlie permanent Executive Com-
mittee is placed in general charge. The Darien
Peninsula, still largely unexplored, presents one
of the most difficult gaps in the Pan American
Highway, with about 170 miles of undeveloped
and unknown territory between the present liigh-
way connections in Panama and Colombia. The
Caracas resolution marks the start of a vigorous
attack upon this problem. The United States is
expected to offer technical assistance, particularly
as regards aerial surveys, with no commitment as
to financial assistance.
Resolution III : Preparation of a plan, by the
Financing Committee and the Executive Com-
mittee, for the financing of the entire Pan Ameri-
668
Department of State Bulletin
can Hi{j;lnv!iy SysUnii "on the basis of continental
cooperation, both govornnieutal and private."
Resolution IV: Preparation of a formula, by
the Executive Committee in cooperation with the
International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment, to assist individual countries to obtain
funds for highway development.
Resoluiion V : An expi-ession of thanks t-o the
U.S. Government for its help in the construction
of the Inter-American Highway (Guatemala to
Panama) .
Resolution X: Suggestion that the American
countries adopt uniform symbols for highway
maps and that the United Nations be urged to
continue its efforts to establish worldwide uni-
formity in road signs and signals.
Resolution XIII : Recommendation that the
Executive Committee study the possible uniform-
ity of highway specifications and design standards
which would conform to the limitations on vehicle
dimensions and weights as set forth in inter-
national conventions. (The U.S. delegation un-
derstands this to have particular reference to the
vehicle size and weight limitations embodied in
annex 7 to the Convention on Road Traffic of
1949.»)
Resolution XVI: Interchange of information
among the countries of the Gulf of Mexico and
Caribbean Sea area and convening of a confer-
ence by the Executive Committee to establish a
"tourist circuit" embracing the southern United
States, Cuba, Yucatan, and central Mexico.
Resolution XVIII: Compliments to the United
Nations Economic Conxmission for Latin America
for its study on transportation in Central Amer-
ica, with a recommendation that it produce a
similar study for South America.
Resolution XIX: Recommendation that gov-
ernment agencies, automobile associations, and
organizations of commerce, industry, and produc-
tion support the formation of bodies representa-
tive of commercial highway transport in all its
phases.
Resolution XX: Recommendation that all the
American States should adhere to the worldwide
' For a summary of the 1949 convention see Bulletin
of Dec. 12, 1949, p. 886.
ConviMition on Road Traffic (Geneva, 1949), es-
tablish promptly the distinctive sign indicating
national origin of motor vehicles in international
traffic as provided by that treaty, and study the
United Nations proposals for qualifications of
drivers in international traffic with a view to their
adoption as a basis for uniform issuance of driv-
ers' permits; and that any country which has not
yet done so should also ratify the regional Con-
vention on Regulation of Inter-American Auto-
motive Traffic (Washington, 1943) in order to
meet the special documentary reijuirements of
countries in this hemisphere pending ratification
of the world convention.
Resolution XXIV: Recommendation tliat a
Department of Traffic, Highways, or Roads be
created in each country where it does not already
exist and that information on such departments be
sent to tlie permanent secretariat.
Resolution XXVI : Suggestion that adequate
rights-of-way be obtained for highways, 60-met«r
minimum width for principal routes and 30-meter
for secondary, with 100 meters, if possible, for all
roads on the Pan American Highway.
Resolution XXVII: Recommendation that
each country establish a National Commission on
Connnunications to prepare a general plan for the
national and regional development of highways,
x'ailways, inland and ocean waterways, and air-
ways, with a view to coordinated economic and
social betterment ; that such a plan determine the
steps necessary to be taken for both immediate and
future development of the country; and that on
completion of the work of the Commission, a
National Council of Communications be estab-
lished as a consultative body to study traffic
changes in the various modes of transport and
other unforeseen developments which may affect
the coordinated program.
Resolution XXIX: Suggestion that the
American States adopt the contract method for
construction of highways.
Resolution XXX: Suggestion that the govern-
ments give preferential attention to the mainte-
nance of highways.
Resolution XXXIII: Suggestion that the
governments promote the construction of local
roads in order to augment areas under cultivation,
November 1, 7954
669
attract new industries, increase traffic on the prin-
cipal routes, and develop the national economy
and culture.
Resolution XXXIX: Eecommendation to the
Inter- American Economic and Social Council to
convene a meeting of traffic experts before the next
Pan American Highway Congress is held.
Resolution XLII: Kesolution to hold the
Seventh Pan American Highway Congress in
Panama City, K. P., in 1957.
Resolution XLIV-A: Recommendation that
schools for operators of construction and transpor-
tation equipment be established and that aerial
photographs be used as part of the means for
determining highway locations.
U.S. Announcement
One of the chief events of the Congress required
no specific resolution. It was an announcement
by the chairman of the U.S. delegation in the
plenary session of July 16 to the following effect :
I am sure that most of you already know that in May
of this year the United States Congress made an effective
contribution toward completion of the inter-American
portion of the I'an American Highway between Mexico
and the Panama Canal by authorizing the future appro-
priation of funds required to complete the Inter-American
Highway by 1960 in cooperation with the Central Ameri-
can countries and Panama. You will be interested to
learn that this legislation was introduced and skillfully
guided to final approval in the Congress by the Honorable
J. Harry McGregor, Congressman from the State of Ohio,
aided by the Honorable George H. Fallon, Congressman
from the State of Maryland, both of whom are present,
with us here in Caracas as members of the United States
delegation to this Congress.
As all of us are aware, one of our objectives here is to
develop a means to hasten opening of the 25-mile gap in
the highway in northern Guatemala. I am glad to be able
to announce to the delegates to this Sixth Pan American
Highway Congress that I have just received information
that hearings have already been completed and that the
Congress of the United States has before it now the bill
for the actual appropriation of sufficient funds to permit
the United States Government to enter into a cooperative
agreement with the new Government of Guatemala to
commence work on this section of the highway. Should
the United States Congress act favorably on this appro-
priation, funds would then be available with which the
United States and Guatemala could negotiate an agree-
ment for the immediate beginning of construction on this
important section of the highway.
The statement was greeted by applause. To
many of those present, it meant that the last politi-
cal obstacle to completion of the Inter-American
Highway was about to be removed and that a
through overland connection between the United
States and the Panama Canal could become a
reality, if the United States Congress so desired,
within a period of perhaps 5 years.
*This report was drafted for the UjS. delega-
tion hy H. H. Kelly, ojjicer in charge of inland
transport matters for the OiJice of Transport and
Cormnunications Policy.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Agriculture
International plant protection convention. Done at Home
December 6, 19.51. Entered into force April 3, 1952.'
Notification hy Australia of extension to: Territories
of Papua and New Guinea, Nauru and Norfolk Island,
August 9, 1954.
Commodities — Sugar
International .sugar agreement. Done at Loudon under
date of October 1, 1953.
Ratification deposited: Lebanon, September 23, 1954.
Shipping
Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Consul-
tative Organization. Signed at Geneva March 6, 1948.'
Acceptance deposited (icith reservation) : Mexico, Sep-
tember 21, 1954.
Slave Trade
Protocol amending the slavery convention signed at
Geneva on September 25, 1926 (46 Stat. 2183), and
annex. Done at New York December 7, 1953.'
Acceptance deposited: Egypt, September 29, 1954.
BILATERAL
Greece
Treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation. Signed
at Athens August 3, 1951. Entered into force October
13, 1954.
Proclaimed ii/ the President: October 18, 19154.
Treaty of establishment. Signed at Athens November 21,
1936. Entered into force October 22, 1937. 51 Stat. 230.
Terminated : October 13, 1954 (upon entry into force
of the treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation
of August 3, 1951).
' Not in force for the United States.
' Not in force.
670
Deparimeni of State Bulletin
November 1, 1954 Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 801
Affriculture
Tiniwrt Fees Imposed on Almonds and Filberts (text of
proi'laiimtlon) <150
LImitntluns on Imports of Oats Into United States (text
of proi'Iamatlon) 657
American Kcpublica. Progress In Highway Development for
Latin Anierlcft (KoUy) 666
Asia
The Colombo Plan (Waugh) 040
Econoinio IVvelopment and Political Evolution In Asia
(Haldwln) 6-«6
Economic Affairs
The Colombo Plan (Waugh) 640
Economic Development and Political Evolution In Asia
(Baldwin) 646
Four Engineers Go to Thailand To Plan Highway Project . 658
The Need for a More I-lberal Foreign Trade Policy (Ald-
rlch) 64!)
Progress In Highway Development for Latin America
(Kelly) 606
Reorganization of German Coal and Iron and Steel Indus-
tries 654
World Bank Loan to El Salvador for Coastal Highway . . 055
El Salvador. World Bank Loan to El Salvador for Coastal
Highway 655
Europe. Paris Conference on European Security (text of
communique and Dulles statement) 638
Foreign Service. Rededlcation of Memorial to Foreign
Service Officers (Murphy, Dulles, Eisenhower) . . . 037
Germany. Reorganization of German Coal and Iron and
Steel Industries 654
Immigration and Naturalization
Admission of Polish Seamen to U. S 653
Petty Offenses Under Immigration Laws 653
International Organizations and Meetings
Calendar of Meetings 659
Progress In Highway Development for Latin America
(Kelly) 666
Japan. Transfer of Destroyers to Japan (Drumright) . 644
Military Affairs. Disarmament Talks in U. N. Political
Committee (Wadsworth, text of resolution) .... 660
Mntaal Security
The Need for a More Liberal Foreign Trade Policy (Aid-
rich) 649
Paris Conference on European Security (text of com-
munique and Dulles statement) 638
Strengthening Pakistan's Economy and Defense Capabil-
ities (text of Joint communique) 639
Transfer of Destroyers to Japan (Drumright) .... 644
Netherlands, The. Case of Joseph F. Petersen .... 654
Pakistan. Strengthening Pakistan's Economy and Defense
Capabilities (text of joint communique I 639
Poland. Admission of Polish Seamen to U. S 653
Presidential Documents
Fifth Annual Honor Awards Ceremony 636
Import Fees Imposed on Almonds and Filberts .... 656
Limitations on Imports of Oats Into United States . . 657
Redi'dlcatinn of Memorial to Foreign Service Officers
(Murphy, Dulles, Eisenhower) 637
South Africa, Union of. Letter of Credence (Holloway) . 645
Stale. Dcparlmrnt of. Fifth Annual Honor Awards Cere-
mony (Dulles, Elsenhower) 635
Thailand. Four Engineers Go to Thailand To Plan High-
way Project 658
Treaty Information. Current Actions 670
United Nations. Disarmament Talks In U. N. Political
Committee (Wadsworth, text of resolution)
Xame Index
660
Aldrlch. Wlnthrop W 649
All, Mohammed 639
Baldwin. Cliarles F 646
Drumright. Everett F 644
Dulles. Secretary 635, 637, 638
Elsenhower, President 636, 638. 656, 657
Holloway. John Edward 645
Iguchi, Sndao 644
Kelly, H. H 666
Kirkpatrlck. Ivone 654
Lewis, Geoffrey W 654
Murphy, Robert D 637
Petersen, Joseph S 654
Wadswortii. James J 660
Waugh, Samuel C 640
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 18-24
Releases may be obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to October 18 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Xos. 56S
of October 11, 575 of October 13, 570 and 577 of
October 14.
Subject
Agreement with Belgium.
Union of South Africa credentials
(rewrite).
Drumright : transfer of destroyers.
Visit of Adenauer.
Honor awards ceremony.
Statement to Unesco Commission
Drew : swearing-in ceremony.
Educational excliauge.
Hare : designation as Director Gen-
eral of Foreign Service.
U.S. delegation to NAC meeting.
Dulles : awards ceremony.
Dulles : departure for Paris.
New regulation on immigration.
Dulles : Suez Base agreement.
Petersen case.
Wainhouse : U.N. Charter review.
Treaty with Greece.
Arrival of Hong Kong refugee.
U.S.-Pakistan communique.
Copyright arrangement with India.
Foreign Relations volume.
Brown : Germany's role in free world.
Dulles : United Nations Day.
Admission of Polish seamen.
•Xot printed.
jHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS
The Record on Disarmament
Publication 5581
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A Subcommittee of Five of the U.N. Disarmament Commis-
sion met at London in May-June 1954 to carry out the General
Assembly's resolution of November 28, 1953, to "seek in private
an acceptable solution." Following these talks, the Subcommit-
tee's report was transmitted to the Disarmament Commission,
which dealt with the Subcommittee's results at New York on
July 20-29, 1954.
The Record on Disarmament is a report on these meetings.
As stated in the Letter of Transmittal, the discussions gave a
clear indication of the present direction of Soviet thinking on
disarmament. The Soviet Union showed no serious desire to
negotiate the subject. It confined its efforts to glib distortions
to support the propaganda slogan "ban the bomb."
I This 20-page document gives a running account of the de-
velopments in the secret talks at London, the records of which
have now been made public, and the meetings at New York.
The booklet provides a summary of the chief Western proposals
and tactics. It concludes with a section on the implications
of the discussions.
Copies of The Record on Disarmament may be purchased
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tJne/ u)eha/)(i7}ien(/ xw Criaie/
Vol. XXXI, No. 802
November 8, 1954
PEACE IN FREEDOIM • Address by tKefrestSen^^ . . 675
SECRETARY DULLES REPORTS TO PRESIDENT IN
FIRST OPEN CABINET MEETING 677
VISIT OF CHANCELLOR ADENAUER 680
THE UNITED NATIONS AND WORLD SECURITY •
by Assistant Secretary Key 701
A PREVIEW OF THE U.S. POSITION AT THE RIO
CONFERENCE • by Assistant Secretary Holland . . . 684
THE COMMUNIST CONSPIRACY IN GUATEMALA •
Statement by Ambassador John E. Peurifoy 690
SOVIET PROPAGANDA AND INTERNATIONAL TEN-
SION • by Ambassador John Moors Cabot 697
INTENSIFYING INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS TO AID
REFUGEES • Statements by A. M. Ade Johnson ... 703
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Lil-rary
Euperintendont of Documents
NOV 2 4 1954
^Ae ^ehcf/i^^^eTit ci^^ ^ytate
bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 802 • Publication 5652
November 8, 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing GITice
Washington 2S, D.C.
Price:
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Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has been
approved by the Director of the Bureau of
the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation ol the Department
o? State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the tvork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various pluises of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
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Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Peace in Freedom
Address by the President '
AVe have come together in niemoiy of an inspir-
ing moment in history — that moment, 300 years
ago, when a small band of Jewish people arrived
on the ship Saint Charles in what was then the
Dutch colony of New Amsterdam. It was an
event meaningful not only to the Jews of America
but to all Americans — of all faiths, of all national
origins.
On that day there came to these shores 23 people
whose distant ancestors had, through the Old
Testament, given new dimensions of meaning to
the concepts of freedom and justice, mercy and
righteousness, kindness and understanding — ideas
and ideals which were to flower on this continent.
They were of a people who had done much to give
to Western civilization the principle of human
dignity; they came to a land which would flour-
ish— beyond all I7th century dreams — because it
fostered that dignity among its citizens.
Of all religious concepts, this belief in the infi-
nite worth of the individual is beyond doubt
among the most important. On this faith our
forefathers constructed the framework of our
Republic.
In this faith in human dignity is the major dif-
ference between our own concept of life antl that
of enemies of freedom. Tlie chief of these enemies
a decade and more ago were Nazi and Fascist
forces, which destroyed so many of our fellow men.
Today the Communist conspiracy is the principal
influence that derides the truth of human worth
and, with atheistic ruthlessness, seeks to destroy
the free institutions established on the foundation
of that truth.
Asher Levy and his party came to this land on
that long-ago day because even then they had to
' Made at the American Jewish Tercentenary Dinner at
New York, X. T., on Oct. 20 (White House press release).
find a country where they could safely put into
practice their belief in the dignity of man.
In this respect, as in so many others, they were
no dill'erent from scores of other groups that
landed on our shores. Only 34 years earlier, an-
other party had landed at Plymouth Rock. That
group, too, came here in the hope of escaping
persecution, of gaining religious freedom, of
settling quietly in the wilderness to build their
homes and rear their families.
And there was another noble concept of our
common Judeo-Christian civilization shared by
these two groups and by all others who have come
to this land : the ideal of peace.
I recall that wonderful prophecy of Isaiah:
"And the work of righteousness shall be peace;
and the effect of righteousness, quietness and as-
surance forever."
The pursuit of peace is at once our religious
obligation and our national policy. Peace in free-
dom, where all men dwell in security, is the ideal
toward which our foreign policy is directed.
I know that I am speaking to people who deeply
love peace. I know that, with all other Americans,
you share a profound thanksgiving that, for the
first time in 20 years, there is no active battlefield
anywhere in the world.
Moreover, while fighting has been brought to
a halt during the past 21 months, still other de-
velopments favorable to the maintenance of peace
have been brought about through understanding
and through persistent and patient work, in which
your Government has been a helpful participant.
Some of these developments have commanded our
headlines— Korea, Indochina, Egypt, Trieste,
Iran, Guatemala.
Our people and their Government are dedicated
to making this a just and lasting peace.
In the years immediately ahead, the advance-
November 8, 1954
675
ment of peace -svill demand much of us — our
strength, our patience, our -wisdom, our will. It
will demand, above all, a realistic comprehension
of the world and of its challenging problems.
Some of the factors in these problems are new,
some old.
The principal and continuing factor is the per-
sistently aggressive design of Moscow and Pei-
ping, which shows no evidence of genuine change
despite their professed desire to relax tensions and
to preserve peace. Continuing, also, is the breadth
and scope of the Comnnmist attack; no weapon is
absent from their arsenal, whether intended for
destruction of cities and people or for the destruc-
tion of truth, integrity, loyalty.
Development of New Weapons
The major new factor in the world today, beside
the absence of tighting, is the rapid development
in military weapons — weapons that in total war
would threaten catastrophe. This single product
of science should be sufficient to stimulate the genu-
ine efforts of all, including the Kremlin, to give
to the world a true and permanent peace.
For our part, we shall explore every avenue
toward that goal. With any and all who demon-
strate honesty of purpose, we are happy to confer.
But well we realize that, in the circumstances of
the moment, America must remain strong, and the
community of free nations must likewise remain
strong, to discourage the use of force in the world.
In this effort, we must help to harmonize the di-
vergent views of the many free, self-governing
nations, and without encroaching upon rights
which all people cherish. For in the diversities
of freedom are a tremendous might, a might which
the imposed system of communism can never
match.
Our nation, because of its unmatched produc-
tivity and power, both existing and potential,
holds a prime responsibility for maintaining
peace. How, then, shall we meet this responsi-
bility? With what policies can we best pursue
our goal of peace ?
Certain fundamentals are clear. Our nation
does not covet the territory of any people. We
have no wish to dominate others. The peace we
seek is a secure and a just peace, not bought at the
expense of others, of principle, or of abject sur-
render of our vital interests. Peace so bought
would at best be an illusion, and at worst a perma-
nent loss of all that we hold most dear.
The following avenues must be trod as we make
our way toward our peaceful goal.
First, we must tirelessly seek — through the
United Nations, through every other available
means — to establish the conditions for honorable
peace.
Second, we must promote the unity and collec-
tive strength of other free peoples.
Third, we must maintain enough military
strength to deter aggression and promote peace.
In these thoughts, we Americans overwhelm-
ingly agree.
To examine briefly the first principal avenue,
we stand ready to join all others in removing fear
among nations. We shall resolutely adhere to the
principles of the United Nations Charter. We
shall constantly urge the Communist rulers to do
the same. We shall keep open the existing chan-
nels for negotiation and shall use them whenever
there is any jjrospect of positive results.
At the Berlin and Geneva conferences, our na-
tion sought serious negotiation on German unity,
on a treaty for Austria, and on a political settle-
ment for Korea. Our efforts found no similar re-
sponse from the Communist side. We will not be
misled by proposals intended to divide the free
nations and to delay their efforts to build their
own defenses. Nevertheless, no matter how dis-
couraging the prospect, no matter how intractable
the Communist regimes, we shall press on in search
for agreement.
We will welcome an agreement on a workable
system for limiting armaments and controlling
atomic energy. INIoreover, if the ai'maments bur-
den can be lifted, this Government stands ready to
ask the Congress to redeem the pledge made a year
ago last April to help support, from the funds
thus saved, a worldwide development program.
The second road leading toward our peaceful
goal concerns our efforts to strengthen and unify
other free peoples.
To meet the challenge destiny has laid upon our
country, we must strive to help free peoples
achieve their own security and well-being; we
must encourage regional groupings of these peo-
ples ; we must ourselves foster and practice policies
that encourage profitable trade and productivity
in the free world.
In these areas, there has been heartening prog-
676
Department of State Bulletin
Secretary Dulles Reports to President in First Open Cabinet Meeting
On the evening of October 25 President Eisenhower and his Cabinet met at the White House in an open session,
with nationwide press, radio, and television coverage, to hear Secretary Dulles' report on the outcome of the recent
negotiations at Paris. Mr. Dulles reviewed the Four Power meeting, where agreements were approved on the
subject of restoring German sovereignty; the Nine Power meeting, which reached final agreement on the documents
required to amend the Brussels Treaty, establish the Council for Western European Union, and set up an agency
for the control of the armed forces; and the meeting of the Council of Ministers of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, where the 14 members unanimously approved the protocol which will invite Germany to become a
full and equal member of NATO.
Several of the other Cabinet members asked Mr. Dulles specific questions — on the Saar settlement,
on the prospects of ratification, on Soviet reaction. To the question about how the Soviet Union feels about the
Paris agreement, Mr. Dulles replied, in part: "I would say that I feel pretty confident that the Soviet Union
doesn't like what is going on. . . . There is behind this program a sense of urgency and momentum, so that
I don't believe the Soviet Union will be able to break it up."
In conclusion Secretary Dulles said : "What has happened during these last few weeks has demonstrated that
there is a basis for a good partnership on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean."
A transcript of the Cabinet meeting, reproduced in pamphlet form, may be obtained from the Public Services
Division, Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
November 8, 1954
677
ress. We have broadened our alliances. We have
helped to remove sources of conflict. We have
helped to build firmer foundations for social and
economic progress in our quest for peace.
Negotiations at Paris
For some years free world nations have sought
to associate the Federal Republic of Germany in
the Atlantic community. Rejection of the Euro-
pean Defense Treaty by the French Assembly 7
weeks ago was a setback to that hope. Yet, no
nation in Western Europe was willing to accept
tliis setback as final. In the recent meetings at
London, the free Western nations reasserted their
basic unity and established a new pattern for
achieving their common purposes. Secretary of
State Dulles has just joined our European allies
in Paris in further important negotiations to
strengthen European cooperation.
In Southeast Asia we have sought united action
to preserve for the free countries of that area the
independence accorded them at the end of World
War II. Unfortunately, in recent years no foun-
dation was laid for effective united action to pre-
vent Communist gains. Because of their conse-
quent isolation, the governments that bore the
burden of the Indochina war understandably
sought its conclusion in the face of the limitless
manpower of China.
But recently at Manila we succeeded in nego-
tiating a treaty with Asian and European coun-
tries. This pact symbolizes the desire of these
nations to act together against aggression and to
consult together on measures against subversion.
The Manila Fact, bringing together states of the
East and tlie AVest, and the related Pacific Charter
are a long step toward tlie peaceful progress to
which all Asian peoples aspire, whether or not
members of the pact.
In this hemisphere, we have strengthened our
solid understanding with our American neighbors.
At the Caracas conference earlier this year, the
American Republics agreed that if international
communism were to gain control of the political
institutions of any one American state, this con-
trol would endanger them all and therefore would
demand collective action. Recently sucli a threat
arose in Guatemala. The American states were
preparing to act together to meet it when the
Guatemalans themselves removed the danger.
The Caracas agreement will stand as a bulwark j
of freedom in the Western Hemisphere.
In a number of areas throughout the free world,
dangers to peace have been eliminated. The prob-
lem of Trieste, a threat to peace for a decade, has
now been satisfactorily solved by Italy and Yugo-
slavia, with friendly assistance from the United
States and Great Britain. Egypt and Britain ap-
pear to have reached an amicable adjustment of
questions centering on Suez. Iran has been helped
in settling its difficult internal problems and is
moving toward firm and friendly relations with
the West.
In the Near East, we are all regi-etfully aware
that the major differences between Israel and the
Arab States remain unresolved. Our goal there,
as elsewhere, is a just peace. By friendship to-
ward both, we shall continue to contribute to
peaceful relations among these peoples. And in
helping to strengthen the security of the entire
Near East, we shall make sure that any arms we
provide are devoted to that purpose, not to creat-
ing local imbalances which could be used for in-
timidation of or aggression against any neighbor-
ing nations. In every such arrangement we make
with any nation, there is ample assurance that
this distortion of purpose cannot occur.
The fact that so many stubborn problems have
been resolved with patience and forbearance surely
justifies ovir hope that, by similar efforts, the na-
tions of the free world will be able to eliminate
other problems. Such efforts themselves tend to
bring the free nations closer together. In speak-
ing recently of the London Conference, Sir
Winston Churchill said of his country and the
United States, "True and friendly comprehension
between our kindred nations has rarely reached a
higher standard."
When we tliink of these many encouraging de-
velopments over the world, and the patient, help-
ful work that brought them about — when we con-
template the fact that the seemingly endless war in
Korea, with its tragic casualty lists, is a thing of
the past — and when we see improvement in area
after area, from Suez to Iran, from Trieste to
Guatemala, from London to Manila — then we in-
deed take heart.
In addition, we must devise means by which
more highly developed countries can assist peoples
who face the difficulties of an earlier stage of eco-
nomic development.
678
Department of State BuUetin
As we continue to assist in tliese efforts, we shall
also contribute much to free world unity by the
wise use of ovir sireiit economic power. AVo have,
in the past, provided indispensable assistance to
our partners. We continue to stand ready to help :
to repair the ravages of war; to ease economic diffi-
culties caused by vital efforts to build defensive
military strength; to relieve disasters from flood
or famine.
Sharing the Economic Burden
Economic relations, however, are not a one-way
street. If the common goal is to be reached, free
nations nmst subordinate tlie selfish to the general
interest. All must bear tlieir fair share of the
common burden. All must do more to liberalize
the exchange of goods among free peoples. Let
us be mindful, first of all, of our own responsibility
in this field. Bold action could release powerful
forces of economic enterprise from which the
whole free world would benefit.
If there were no other reason for national policy
being concerned every day and every minute with
the nation's economy and with full employment, it
would be justified by the need for this kind of eco-
nomic strength in meeting world problems.
We must continue to explore ways in which nu-
clear discoveries can be turned to the service of
man's peaceful needs. Since our nation's pro-
posal for an international effort toward this end
was laid before the United Nations last December,
we have taken the initiative in this direction. We
would welcome the participation of the Soviet
Union. But this great effort for hiunan welfare
cannot wait upon their decision.
Our third major road leads us to maintain
enough military strength to deter aggression and
to help keep peace in the world.
This strength is a trust on which rests the hope
of free men.
Neither in size nor in character can our military
establishment remain static. With constantly
changing dangers, with rapidly changing develop-
ments in the science of warfare, our militarj'
forces, too, must change. From atomic submarine
to atomic cannon, from new weapon systems to
new military organizations, this giant, complex
structure must respond to the current needs of our
time. Above all, its purpose is to prevent aggres-
sion and war. Our forces will never be used to
initiate war against any nation; they will be used
only for the defense of the free world.
Together with the armed strength of other free
nations, our military power — the greatest in our
peacetime history — is today a deterrent to war.
This awesome power we must and shall maintain,
for we are determined that at all times, in today's
uncertain world, we shall be able to deal effectively
and flexibly with whatever situations may arise.
My friends, in these many ways our nation will
continue tirelessly in its quest for peace based on
justice. In recent months, we have come far, and
yet we know that the road ahead is long and diffi-
cult. But we shall continue to press on toward
our goal.
And as we do, we shall keep faith with those of
earliest America who, as they came to these shores
three centuries and more ago, launching a venture
in freedom unparalleled in man's struggle over the
ages, sought peace and freedom and justice, for
themselves and for those who were to follow.
Yes, my friends, we know, with the prophet
Isaiah, that the work of righteousness shall be
peace.
We know that the Lord will give strength unto
all of us as we strive tirelessly, confidently, for
peace.
Visit of Prime Minister Yoshida
The Department of State announced on October
28 (press release 614) that Prime Minister Shigeru
Yoshida, after completing visits to Canada,
France, West Germany, Italy, the Vatican, and
the United Kingdom, would arrive at New York
on November 2 and at Washington on November 7.
The purpose of his visit is to promote amicable
relations and to further understanding between
Japan and the United States. He will meet
President Eisenhower, Secretary Dulles, and other
American leaders with whom he hopes to exchange
views on matters of mutual interest and concern
to both countries.
The Prime Minister will stay in Washington
until November 11, when he will leave for Japan,
traveling by plane by way of San Francisco and
Honolulu.
November 8, 7954
679
Visit of Cliaricellor Adenauer
Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of the Federal
RepiiMic of Germany arrived at Washington on
October 27 for discussions with the President and
Secretary Dulles. During his stay he and the
Secretary, on October 29, signed a Treaty of
Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation between
the United States and the Federal Republic. Fol-
lowing are the texts of a statement made by Chan-
cellor Adenauer on his arrival at the Washington
National Airport, a statement issued by the Presi-
dent and the Chancellor on October 28, and an
announcement of the treaty signing, together with
statements made at the signing by Secretary Dulles
and the Chancellor.
AIRPORT STATEMENT BY THE CHANCELLOR
[Translation]
Today, for the second time, I set foot on the
soil of this hospitable, great, and free country.
Many decisive events have taken place within the
year and a half since my last visit.^ At that time
a question was not yet settled which perhaps was
a matter of life or death for my people and was
of the utmost importance to the fate of Europe
and to the preservation of peace in the world.
The question was whether the North Atlantic
Alliance, on whose strength and eti'ectiveness the
freedom of the world is based, could be so imple-
mented in Europe that it would constitute a genu-
ine deterrent to any aggressor. This was the
meaning of the invitation extended to us to join,
as a new partner, the community of the free peo-
ple united in this alliance.
The German people, aware of their common re-
sponsibilities with the free world, did not hesi-
tate to accept the invitation. It was uncertain for
' For material relating; to the Chancellor's visit in April
1933, see Buixetin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 5ti5.
a long time, however, which form of German par-
ticipation in the defense of the free world would
find the agreement of all European partners.
AVe hope that these doubts and this uncertainty
have now passed. During the conferences of Lon-
don and Paris, solutions were found to which all
participating govermnents could agree. We could
not have overcome the terrible state of uncertainty,
anxiety, and insecurity with which we lived so
long had we not had the generous support of the
American Government and American public opin-
ion on our road to assmning our own full responsi-
bilities and to our final acceptance into the com-
munity of free peoples.
My satisfaction with what we have just achieved
is, therefore, mixed with deepest gratitude toward
the American people and their Govermnent for
their understanding and their assistance. "We owe
gratitude to President Eisenhower for liis un-
failing confidence in us, and we owe gratitude to
Secretary of State Dulles for his foresight, wis-
dom, and steadfastness which were so much in evi-
dence at the conferences where our fate was de-
cided.
I am moved to express this feeling at the very
moment of my arrival in the United States. The
whole German people are united in the desire to
live in continual, cordial friendship with the
American people.
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT AND THE
CHANCELLOR
White House press release dated October 28
At the end of tlieir meeting today the President
and the Chancellor issued the following statement:
During this morning's conversations we took an
opportunity to renew the spirit of friendship and
680
Depattment of Stale Bullelin
confidence which lias marked our rehitionship in
the past, especially in our eli'orts to overcome the
very serious situation which faced us during; the
past few months. We reviewed the decisions taken
at Ix>ndon and Paris and we are convinced that
with the coming into etl'ect of the Agreements
signed this past weekend, the road towards a strong
and imited Europe will have been paved. We
view the understanding reached between the Gov-
ernments of France and the Federal Republic of
Grermany as an especially encouraging step to-
wards lasting peace in Continental Europe. This
understanding was greatly furthered by the com-
mitment on the part of the United Kingdom to
maintain forces on the Continent. The basis for
a European community has thus been established.
The continued interest in and support of this
community by the United States was reiterated.
Together with the strengthened North Atlantic
Treaty Oi'ganization, now to include the Federal
Republic of Germany, these new agreements will,
we are convinced, serve to reinforce the defense
system of the free world.
II
We particularly addressed ourselves to the ques-
tion of German reunification. The demand for
a reunited Germany in freedom is viewed by us
as the legitimate demand of the German people.
We are agreed that this aim shall be achieved only
by peaceful means. We are convinced of the ne-
cessity of continued efforts towards this goal and
are agreed that such efforts will be made by the
United States and the Federal Republic of Ger-
many together with the Governments of the United
Kingdom and France.
In this connection, we exchanged views on the
latest Soviet note.- It is our initial view that this
does not seem to offer any new proposal on the
part of the Soviet Union ; it appears essentially as
a reiteration of the positions taken by Mr. Molotov
at the Conference in Berlin regarding Germany
and European security.
We have no doubt that the strengthening of
free Europe which will result from the recent Imu-
don and Paris Agreements will aid our efforts to
bring freedom and unity to all of the German
people.
Ill
Wo discussed the unfortunate fact that huge
numbers of Gernuin prisoners of war and civilian
deportees are still held in custody in areas behind
the Iron Curtain, mainly the Soviet Union. The
Chancellor re(iuested the continued assistance of
the United States in obtaining the release of these
prisoners. This question has for some time been
the subject of investigation by a United Nations
Conunission. The Chancellor was assured that the
United States stands ready, now as in the past, to
offer every support and assistance considered use-
ful in accomplishing this end.
IV
We also discussed the question of German assets
in the United States. The President expressed
sympathy for the problem raised by the Chancellor
in his letter of July 17, 1954, to him on this sub-
ject^ and again expressed his willingness to ex-
plore such problems along with the question of
American war claims. We were agreed that con-
versations between representatives of our two Gov-
ernments will soon begin.
SIGNING OF TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP
Department Announcement
Press release 616 dated October 29
Secretary Dulles and Chancellor Konrad Ade-
nauer today signed a Ti-eaty of Friendship, Com-
merce, and Navigation between the United States
of America and the Federal Republic of Germany.
The treaty signing is the culmination of a nego-
tiation that began at Bonn over a year ago and
was completed in Washington by delegations
headed respectively by Walther Becker of the Ger-
man Foreign Office and Thorsten V. Kalijarvi,
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs.
The treaty is designed to regulate basic eco-
nomic relations between the two countries in ac-
cordance with advanced and enlightened stand-
ards and to direct the future development of those
relations along mutually beneficial lines. It re-
places, in the greater part, that treaty of 1923 be-
tween the United States and German}' which was
the forerunner and basic instrument in tJie devel-
' Delivered to the U.S., British, and French Ambassadors
at Moscow on Oct. 23.
' Bulletin of Aug. 23, 1954, p. 270.
November 8, 1954
681
opment of this Government's modem commercial
treaty progi'am.
The new treaty contains 29 articles, together
with a protocol and exchanges of notes, and cov-
ers in some detail a wide range of subject matter.*
In brief, each of the two countries (1) agrees to
accord within its territories to citizens and corpo-
rations of the other, treatment no less favorable
than it accords to its own citizens and corporations
with respect to engaging in commercial, industrial,
and financial activities; (2) formally endorses
standards regarding the protection of persons,
their property and interests that reflect the most
enlightened legal and constitutional principles;
(3) recognizes the need for special attention to
stimulate the international movement of invest-
ment capital and agrees tliat such movements shall
not be unnecessarily hampered; and (4) reasserts
its adlierence to the principles of nondiscrimina-
toiy treatment of trade and sliipping.
From tlie standpoint of aiding tlie economic
interests of Germany, the treaty is the first of this
type negotiated by that country since the war and
represents an additional step in its forward-look-
ing plans to attain a viable and sound economy
and thereby contribute to the improvement of the
economic welfare and security of the European
community.
The U.S. program for the negotiation of trea-
ties of friendship, commerce, and navigation is an
integral jiart of tliis country's policy for the fur-
therance of liberal principles of trade and eco-
nomic relations in general, and particularly for
creating tliroughout the world conditions favor-
able to economic development. Tliis treaty is the
eleventh of its type which tlie United States has
signed since Woi-ld War II and follows the same
general pattern as the others. Internationally,
these treaties provide a detailed legal basis for
the protection of American private interests
abroad. Domestically, thej- reinforce in terms of
international obligation tlie position of the Fed-
eral Govermnent as guardian of the rights of for-
eigners and foreign enterprises in this country, a
policy that has developed in conformity witli the
Constitution and Federal law. Treaties of tliis
type also confer upon qualified aliens "treaty
merchant" and "treaty investor" status under the
immigration laws, i. e. the privilege of indefinite
*Tlie unofl5eial text (not printed hero) is attached to
press release 616.
sojourn in the United States for engaging in trade
between the two countries or for supervising a
substantial investment.
The treaty will be submitted to the Senate for
advice and consent and, after tlie constitutional
ratification 2)rocess of both countries has been com-
pleted, will enter into force one montli after the
exchange of ratifications.
Statement by Secretary Dulles
Press release 617 dated October 29
Mr. Chancellor: The signing of this treaty
will mark the final official act of your all-too-short
visit to "Washington. Its meaning goes far beyond
the terms whicli it contains. For this treaty will
stand as the symbol of the completion of the
process of reestablishing normal relations between
our two countries. It will place our commercial
relations once again on a peacetime basis.
I am particularly mindful of the fact that this
treaty is not only a treaty of commerce but also a
treaty of friendship. That relationship has
marked our recent historic discussions in Bonn,
London, and Paris and our talks here during the
past 2 days. Now, this friendship is duly formal-
ized for the years to come.
Some observers consider that the Paris agree-
ments whicli we signed last Saturday had pri-
marily as their objective a contribution by Ger-
many to the "Western defense, or, to put it more
directly, German rearmament. That is not how
we in the United States regard the matter, and I
know that it is not how you regard the matter.
The responsible leaders of both our nations have
learned the dangers of militarism. Of course, all
of the free peoples have a duty to contribute to the
common defense. But our primary concern is to
develop strong ties of friendsliip and peaceful
commerce between the nations. It is that great
and noble end wliich will be served by this treaty
which we sign here today.
Statement by Chancellor Adenauer
[Trauslation]
Mr. Secretary : On behalf of the Federal Re-
public of Germany I have signed M'ith particular
pleasure this Treaty of Friendship, Commerce,
and Navigation, which was negotiated between our
two Governments in a positive and constructive
spirit.
682
Department of State Bulletin
I wliolelicartcdl}' aprep witli what you said in
evaluating the results of the Paris Coni'orence.
It is not the question of raisino; some divisions
which is at the bottom of our political activities,
but the strengthening of ties of friendship within
the free world and the further development of the
welfare of our nations. We regret that we are
forced to undertake efforts in the military lield in
order to protect these values.
I therefore welcome this treaty as a further tirm
element in the peaceful cooperation of our two
countries. This treaty is a commercial and legal
instrument of a comprehensive and modern char-
acter which is intended to establish a lirm basis
for relationships of trade, industry, and naviga-
tion between our two countries, as well as between
individual citizens, on which our economic, cul-
tural, and human relations can freely develop. I
hope that this treaty will give new and strong
momentum to the stream of living forces which in
the past few years has begun to flow again from
the manifold contacts and relations between the
United States and Germany.
It was the particular aim of these negotiations
to make our mutual trade relations as liberal as
I)ossible and to create favorable conditions for the
exchange of goods and services betv.-een our two
economies. I am therefore convinced that the
treaty will have fruitful effects for the activities
of our two countries.
A^^lat gives this event deeper significance is
the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany
concluded its fii'st Treaty of Friendship, Com-
merce, and Navigation with the great American
nation.
In the last few years and months we have
rightly recalled to ourselves again and again the
importance for us and for the other freedom-lov-
ing countries of the protection that our m.ightj'
American friend is offering us against the threat
to which we are continuously exposed. But we
do not want to forget that the worth of that pro-
tection is not higher than the values it protects.
A rich and prosperous life shall be possible
within this protected area; free countries shall
peacefully compete in a free exchange of their
gifts and (lie products of their industry to promote
the welfare of their citizens and to further their
civilization.
Tiiese convictions form the basis of the impres-
sive development of the United States and are the
same ideals which form the foundations of our
own political and economic life.
This common character of the ethical founda-
tions is tlie basis of the friendship that unites our
nations. This friendship is therefore much more
than a mere community of interests which owes
its existence to a present, and we hope passing,
external threat.
That is why this friendship constitutes a last-
ing element in the life of our nations. To bear
witness to this is the main object of the treaty
we have just concluded.
Iranian Oil Agreement
Press release 610 dated October 2S
The U.S. Government is happy to learn that the
agreement-in-principle, signed on August 5, 195i,
between the Government of Iran and an Inter-
national Oil Consortium, has been ratified by the
Iranian Senate [October 28] following its recent
approval by the lower house.
This action by the Iranian Parliament lays the
basis for the immediate resumption of Iran's oil
industry.
Under the leadership of the Shah and Prime
Minister Zahedi there is good reason to believe
that Iran will be in a better position than in the
recent past to make full use of its great natural re-
sources; that, as a result of this far-reaching
development, its people will enjoy a new era of
economic and social progress; and that they will
play an ever-increasing role in the maintenance
of peace and security in the Middle East.
November 8, 1954
683
A Preview of the U. S. Position at the Rio Conference
&3/ Henry F. Holland
Assistant Secretary for I nter- American Affairs ^
The bond that unites our American States is in
its essence a spiritual tie born of our common
struggle for liberty and of our consecration to
identical moral and ethical standards. It is a
relationship which we believe ennobles all those
who share it. Its genius is our knowledge, proven
again and again by experience, that through pa-
tience, understanding, and tolerance this kinship
becomes steadily more meaningful — a source of
sti'ength and gi'owth for all of us. Tonight I
shall undertake a second report on the economic
aspects of that relationship. The first was made
in a talk given last April in New Orleans.- I
still adhere to the convictions expressed then and
shall recall one or two of them to you.
Our basic goal in the economic field in this hemi-
sphere is to make an effective contribution to the
establishment in each American Republic of a
strong, self-reliant, and durable economy, one
that will mean better living standards for all our
peoples. We recognize and we shall vigorously
defend the right of each American State to deter-
mine the methods by which it will seek that goal.
Correspondingly, in our contributions we shall try
to be consistent with those sound principles which
experience has demonstrated to be the basis of
strong economies.
One of these is the principle that governments
should invade the field of business only when ab-
solutely necessary and then, if possible, only on a
temporary basis. Where private enterprise is
willing to undertake the task, it should be made
responsible for the production, distribution, and
' Address made before the Pan American Society of the
United States, Inc., at New Yorlj, N. T., on Oct. 27 (press
release 608).
' Bulletin of May 17, 1954, p. 704.
marketing of goods and services. The role of
governments in the economic field, we believe, is
to create those conditions under which private en-
terprise can perform its task with maximum ef-
fectiveness and with full respect for its obliga-
tion to society and humanity. These conditions
include guaranties of property and contract rights ;
an opportunity to earn a reasonable rate of return
adequate to attract new capital; a stable and ex-
I^anding international trade; the establishment
of sound currencies ; clearly enunciated and stable
economic policies; the encouragement of strong
and independent labor movements. They also in-
clude constant vigilance for the phj'sical and
spiritual needs of our people.
In April I emphasized the importance of the
Conference of Ministers of Finance or Economy to
be held next month in Rio de Janeiro. That con-
ference gives us an opportunity to define economic
goals, to compare our policies, and to coordinate
them as far as possible. At Rio we can work to-
ward the establishment of that kind of economic
relation that should exist normally and perma-
nently between mature, peaceful, and self-respect-
ing nations, nations which are genuinely and
deeply interested in each other's welfare. The
time has come for us to concentrate on the kind of
help which we can give to each other consistently,
dependably, and on a long-term basis, shifting our
emphasis from temporary and emergency meas-
ures.
In New Orleans I said that in preparation for
the Rio Conference we would undertake to clarify
and define our Government's policies and would
discuss them with our sister states well in advance
of the meeting. In other words, we do not view
that conference as an occasion for any dramatic
disclosures of new policies. We are considerably
684
Deparfment of State Bulletin
more interested in perforniiinco and accomplish-
ment. That calls fur extensive consultation not
only at the conference but before and after it. The
economy of tliis hemisphere is a whole composed
of interrelated parts. The more smoothly those
parts fit together, the stronger is the whole. This
process of interlocking is not a task to be under-
taken and concluded at the Rio Conference. It
is a long-term job, in which that conference should
be only an episode, albeit a very important one.
Preparations for Rio Conference
Taking this approach we began in April to pre-
pare for the conference. A sub-Cabinet commit-
tee comprised of representatives from every
interested department and agency of our Govern-
ment met twice weekly over a period of months
to review our past economic policies in the hemi-
sphere and to make specific recommendations for
the future. The work of that group was largely
concluded by the latter part of August, and its
recommendations have been accepted. A number
of us have spent much of the intervening time dis-
cussing those plans and policies with tlie govern-
ments of our sister republics. Let me outline them
for you.
"We have reemphasized that our mutual Ameri-
can goal must be a world at peace, in which the
free democratic peoples can prosper and in which
every man may have a chance to provide for his
family improved standards of living and better
opportunities for the future. Perhaps the most
important single economic development in the
hemisphere is the growing determination among
men everywhere somehow to achieve better living
standards, to feed, clothe, house, and educate
themselves and their families better. That de-
termination, if encouraged, can become a powerful
factor in our progress. If the Rio Conference is
to have any significance, it must be remembered
as a time when the American family assembled to
rededicate itself to a joint and several effort to
better the lives of its men, women, and children.
Americans everywhere as they go about their
daily work must have the confidence that here
work and self-discipline will achieve the kind of
housing, clothing, food, and education that make
for dignity in living. Our children must look at
their future with the same confidence. As nations,
as peoples, as business and industrial communities,
everj- step that we take toward achieving tliis goal
will be richly rewarded. I^et me emphasize that,
wliile tliat achievement will surely help in our
united eilort to eliminate communism from the
Americas, our purpose would be the same if there
were no Conmiunist problem. It is our own in-
terest in making of this hemisphere a better home
for ourselves and our children that makes us stead-
fast in this purpose. An acceptable standard of
living shoukl be sought as an end in itself, not as
a defense against communism.
The primary burden in each state nnist be borne
by its own people and its own government. Noth-
ing tliat the government or people of one country
can do will raise living standards in another unless
the internal conditions essential for progress are
already there. If they are, we can, however,
hasten the process somewhat by our own helpful
policies. These to a considerable extent depend
upon economic and legislative actions by our gov-
ernments. This is particularly true with respect
to the elimination of unnecessary controls and
regimentation of economies. An outstanding ex-
ample is the recovery made by Peru in the last
.5 years where unsound controls and regulations
were removed and export and import trade were
progressively allowed to set the exchange rates
without artificial manipulation. As was to be
expected, the initial effects were disquieting, but
the long-term advantages of a free economy are
now fully apparent.
So each of us must be ready to carry his own
load. That does not mean, however, that he must
carry it alone. We know now that, just as there
is an American political security, there is an Amer-
ican economic security in which we are all partners,
and that whenever in any American State that
freedom and that security are impaired, every
other member of the family suffers. The long-
term self-interest of each of us justifies our helping
others to progress steadily toward a solution of this
basic economic problem. The fight against hun-
ger, disease, illiteracy, and human misery in this
hemisphere must become more of a joint and
several effort, each facing his own problem
squarely but each trying in good faith to make
some contribution to the efforts of the others. We
attach great importance to the combined aspect
of this effort. The problem is not how one na-
tion can help 20 others to raise their living stand-
ards. It is how every American State without
neglecting its domestic responsibilities can find
November 8, 1954
685
some ^Tay to help the other 20. The problems of
none of us are so great but that each can find some
way to demonstrate his sincere interest m the ^vei-
f are of every other.
Wiat have we concluded will be our own con-
tribution « We believe that it can be most effective
in three fields-commerce, fbnxnce, and technical
assistance. In each, we have tried to define poli-
cies which are consistent with our laws and with
what we believe to be practically possible m the
United States today. Anything else would be pure
theory, and we are interested in accomplishment.
We shall, of course, take active interest m otlier
fruitful fields of cooperation such as the encour-
agement of tourist travel.
Strengthening Commerce
In the field of commerce our policy will be that
announced by Tresident Eisenhower m his mes-
sage on foreign economic policy sent to Congress
last March.^ By those means which our laws per-
mit and which are practically achievable we shall
attempt to achieve more free and healthy trade and
payments, to stabilize and strengthen our inter-
national commerce, and gradually and selectively
to reduce those artificial barriers which obstruct
it both here and abroad. .
It may be hard to develop a policy, but it is
harder still to apply it in the individual test cases
Here in this country when an issue is to be decided
those on each side support their views tenaciously
and energetically. That is wholesome even though
it produces some pretty hot contests, particularly
in the field of tariffs and quotas. Moreover, even
people who wholeheartedly support a general
policy of expanding foreign trade will fight hard
for higher tariffs to protect their own interest.
We would be unrealistic if we expected people
to act in a less human fashion.
One thing is certain. Again and again the
President's policy on foreign trade will be put to
test, and each time it is, these clashes between
opinions and interests will occur. No one can
prophesy with certainty their outcome m specific
cases and under specific circumstances. It is obvi-
ous from experience in a world of affairs that our
performance in the application of our announced
policy in the field of international and inter-Amer-
ican trade will not be uniform. However, I be-
= /Mr/., Apr. 19, 1954. p. C02
686
lieve that we can say with conviction that the
great majority of our decisions will be consistent
with the President's policy and that the exceptions
will be based upon good and valid reasons. In my
iudgment there has never been a time when the
people of the United States and their representa-
tives in the legislative and executive branches of
our Government have been more aware of the
crucial importance of international trade to our
survival. To preserve the strength of our economy ,
this Nation must export and import. To export
we must accept the goods of other nations m pay-
ment for ours. It is just as simple as that. Un-
less we buy more from our neighboi-s m this
hemisphere and sell more to them, neither our
economies nor theirs will develop rapidly.
I am asked what guaranties we can give of the
stability of this foreign trade policy. The an-
swer is obvious. The best guaranty of that policy
lies in spreadinsr to every corner of our country
a clear understanding of the stake that each
United States citizen has in our foreign trade. It
we reduce our purchases of sugar from Cuba, by
the same dollar amount we reduce our sales to her
of automobiles, farm implements, rice, and other
agricultural products. If we do not buy oil from
Venezuela, we correspondingly reduce our tre-
mendous volume of exports to her. The same
happens if we reduce our purchases of wool from
Uruguay or of coffee from Brazil, Colombia, and
the other coffee-producing countries, if we do not
buy lead and zinc from Canada, Mexico, and Peru,
copper from Chile, tin from Bolivia. The same
truth holds throughout the hemisphere.
Capital for Economic Development
The second field in which we shall try to make
an effective contribution toward raising living
standards is that of finance. To progress eco-
nomically a nation must have capital. It must
come, of course, from either public or private
sources. By far the more prolific is the last
Private investors in the aggregate are able at any
time to produce quantities of capital that enor-
mously exceed the maximum that governments
can contribute. Today much private capital is
available here and in other nations which accu-
mulate it.
This being true, if a government wants to at-
tract capital for economic development, what bet-
ter can it do than institute those policies and cre-
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bullefir
ate those coiulitions that will lopieally encoiirajre
all private investors, both domestic ami foreign.
Both proups on the whole will react in the same
way to a given set of conditions. .Viiytliiiig that
discouragccb a Mexican investor is likely to dis-
courage one from the United States or Argentina.
By the same token conditions that attract one will
attract the other.
I am afraid we may have placed too much em-
phasis on measures to attract the foreign investor.
A government that wants foreign investors should
first take a careful look at the local investor. If
he is exporting his capital or investing it oidy in
such nonj^roductive things as real estate, then it is
a reasonable certainty that the foreign investor
will l>e reluctant to enter. But if the domestic
businessman is demonstrating his own confidence
by investing in the sound and productive eco-
nomic development of his country, then in order
to attract the foreign investor it is necessary to
add only two factors. The first is assurance of
equal treatment to domestic and foreign investor,
and the second is reasonable assurance of an op-
portunity to repatriate profits. "Wliere the local
situation is such that the domestic investor is ac-
tive, add these two factors and the foreign inves-
tor will come if he is wanted.
We believe that in the 20th-century American
busines-sman, be he Brazilian, Mexican, Xorth
American, or what you will, lies the greatest hope
for prosperity in our hemisphere. Private enter-
prise went through a period of evolution when its
lack of interest in basic human welfare brought
it into ill repute and led nations to experiment with
other systems. Those experiments have generally
failed miserably, producing high costs, inferior
goods and services, financial and political insta-
bility. They tended to make people lose confi-
dence in currency, their savings, and their ability
to take cai'e of themselves and to devote their at-
tention instead to plans to insure that govern-
ments would take care of them. "We may now be
emerging from that period of experiment. If so,
it was not in vain.
In the last decades and particularly since World
War II, I believe a new kind of businessman has
developed throughout the American hemisphere,
a 20th-century businessman, one with a social con-
.science, who understands that a business which
habitually fails to pay its workers a decent liveli-
hood is not an asset to its owners, to its commu-
nity, or to i(s nation. This new businessman has
demonstrated a willingness to discii)liiie himself
and to submit to just discipline from his govern-
ment. .\t the same time lie lias preserved that
relentless drive, inexliaustible resourcefulness, and
fierce pride in excellence of performance that no
other system has even approached. lie deserves
the support of our governments.
I am told that we place too much emphasis on
the role of private enterprise in solving our eco-
nomic problems. The system has no peculiar
sanctity. Our attitude toward it derives from the
fact that it is the only economic system that fully
preserves our philosophy of the dignity of every
nam ; because better than any other system yet de-
vised by man it has demonstrated the ability to
make vast quantities of goods and services avail-
able at reasonable prices. Only private enter-
prise is e(iual to the task of developing the huge
resources of this vast hemisphere, resources which
could support a greatly increased population and
at a inucli higher standard of living.
Government Financing
Yet we know that private enterprise cannot do
the job without some govermnent hel[). There are
development projects that are essential to the prog-
ress of our countries and for which ))rivate capital
will not be available even under the most favorable
circumstances. That is true heie in the United
States as well as in Latin America.
For those projects governmental fuiancing is
needed. In some cases the local government will
be equal to the task. In others it will be unable
itself to provide the required amount of capital
but will be able to service a long-term international
loan.
Here we think first of the International Bank.
It was created to perform precisely this task. On
the whole its record has been excellent. Its per-
sonnel is highlj' trained and experienced. It has
capital available to lend. It would be shortsighted
not to make maximum use of the bank. However,
we recognize that there will bo i^rojects, both public
and private, for which foreign financing will be
required and which will lie outside the normal
scope of Intei-natioiial Bank lending.
To meet this need the United States proposes to
intensify and expand the activities of the Export-
Import Bank. Through it we shall do our utmost
to satisfy all applications for economic develop-
November 8, 1954
687
ment loans that fulfill certain sound and logical
standards. First, the project must be one for
which private capital would not reasonably be
available, even under favorable conditions. Pref-
erence will be given to applications from countries
which have taken measures which would reason-
ably encourage private capital. The project must
be one for which it cannot be reasonably expected
that capital will be available from the local gov-
ernment or from the International Bank.
Secondly, the loan itself must be economically
sound. We feel that unsound loans, those which
a reasonable man must assume will not be repaid,
do more harm than good. A defaulted loan im-
pairs a nation's credit and makes it harder for
it to negotiate loans which would otherwise be
perfectly sound. A defaulted loan creates resent-
ments at home and abroad. Several Latin Amer-
ican governments have expressed to us strong
opposition to accepting so-called soft loans, point-
ing out that the liquidation of old debts which
should never have been incurred imposes an un-
justified burden on a national economy. On the
other hand, acceptance of a sound loan stand-
ard encourages us all to follow those wholesome
policies that not only increase the borrowing
cajjacity of governments but lead to the establish-
ment of strong business enterprises which can
themselves qualify for loans that do not encumber
the credit of their governments.
Third, the project to which the loan relates
must be one in the mutual interest of the two
governments and their peoples. The credit of a
government should not be burdened for a project
which has no bearing on the welfare of the tax-
payers who must eventually repay it.
Lastly, the amount of the loan should not exceed
the prudent lending capacity of the Export-
Import Bank. After thoughtful consideration,
we believe that the bank's capacity is and will
continue to be adequate fully to support this
policy. In reaching this conclusion we are en-
tirely aware that this policy implies a substantial
increase in the bank's activities.
Technical Assistance
I now come to the field of technical aid. This
hemisphere is richly endowed with natural and
human resources which are as yet but inadequately
developed. Through technical assistance and
training, these presently available resources can
more quickly and effectively be put to use.
Through technical assistance, agricultural lands
which barely feed their occupants can be made to
produce marketable supplies for cities as well.
Technical assistance can correct substandard hous-
ing by making information available on constinic-
tion methods and economical materials. Through
tecluiical assistance, disease can be reduced and
life expectancies raised. In the field of tech-
nical assistance almost every nation can fuid some
way to make its contribution to a vast attack on
human misery. Our policy will be to strengthen
and to diversify our contribution in the field
of technical assistance, but only, of course, if
this is desired and requested by the governments
concerned.
The policies which I have outlined mark, as
you might expect, a compromise between the sin-
cere convictions of those within our Government
who would not have gone so far and those who
would have gone farther. A number of proposals
submitted from within our own Government or
from abroad have not been accepted. We are not
foreclosing the discussion at Rio of any proposal
supported by any delegation. We shall partici-
pate in all discussions and in good faith. How-
ever, we feel that it is constructive to announce
our own views far in advance of the conference and
to invite those of the other governments so that the
work of coordinating our policies and our efforts
can begin long before we arrive at Rio.
Price Stabilization
The governments of Latin America are inter-
ested in devising means to stabilize prices for the
products which they sell in world markets. The
problem is one M'hich concerns us as well, for we
also have exports whose prices fluctuate widely.
We have attempted by various means to solve this
problem here at home. None has proved entirely
successful. This does not mean that we will
abandon our efforts to find a solution or that we
will be unwilling to consider those proposed by
other American States. However, our own ex-
perience leads us to believe that a hemisphere-wide
program which would simply shift to this Nation
a large part of the risk for price fluctuations is
not justified by the nature of the problem. The
cost would exceed our capacities whether the pro-
gram contemplated direct payments or buffer
stocks created to support prices.
688
Department of State Bulletin
We arc reluctant to jruarantee to finance what-
ever portion of tlie cost of developnieut, projects a
local government may find itself unable to carry
liccause of a drop in prices of its floods. Such
l)rograins would tie up part of the j^'overnmcnt's
borrowing capacity without any certainty that it
would ever in fact be used.
There arc practical ways to reduce the nuigni-
tude of the problem, even if it cannot be eliminated.
Maintaining high and stable levels of economic
activity and income will help. Assm-ance to pro-
ilucers everywliere of greater and moi-e depend-
able access to the world's markets will neutralize
some of the factors that produce these violent
tluctuations in prices. If we maintain more ac-
curate methods of estimating future supply and
demand, those unforeseen shortages and excesses
that distort prices can be minimized.
Another proposal which has been made is that
we create an inter-American bank whose capital
would be largely furnished by the United States
and which would make loans directly to foreign
companies without the guaranty of their govern-
ments. "We feel that such a bank would either
compete with private lending institutions or would
largely duplicate services available through the
Export-Import Bank. The latter is now author-
ized to extend credit to private borrowers whether
domestic, foreign, or mixed, and it does not always
require a guaranty from the local government. So
flexible is the service offered by the Export-Import
Bank that there are few lending operations which
it cannot undertake within the limits of the policy
we have outlined. We feel, therefore, that the
benefits from creating still another independent
banking institution would not justify the expense
and time required to organize it, assemble and
train its personnel, and establish operating proce-
dures. Better, quicker, and more effective, we
feel, is the achievement of those same benefits
through intensified activity of the Export-Import
Bank.
We have heard but little support either at home
or abroad for massive programs of grant aid in
this hemisphere. I believe that it is generally
recognized that, save in cases of real emergencies
and such special projects as the Inter-American
Highway, these programs are neither needed nor
wanted by the other American States.
I should mention at least briefly the question so
often asked as to whether our policy is not really
November 8, J 954
320480—54 3
to discourage industrialization in Latin America,
forcing it to supply us with raw materials which
wo will fabricate and resell as nuvnufactured goods.
Such a policy would be directly contraiy to our
own best interests. One of our problems is to sell
our own foods and raw materials, as well as our
manufactured goods. We export more than four
times as much to Canada as to any other country
in the world. Canada is rapidly industrializing,
and the more she industrializas the more she buys
from us and we from her. The same is true in
Latin America. Mexico, Venezuela, and Cuba are
industrializing rapidly. They are, respectively,
our third, fifth, and sixth most important cus-
tomei-s. Obviously, we serve our own interests by
encouraging sound industrialization in Latin
America.
These, then, are the policies which we are sub-
mitting to the Latin American Govermnents and
to the Cabinet Ministers who will head their dele-
gations at Rio. I have heard surprise that they
include no dramatic, startling new element that
will create a theatrical impact at Rio. I am
grateful for that. It lets us center emphasis and
attention where it should be centered, on our great
need to define our basic problem — how to better the
lives of our people — and to set about solving it.
The reaction of the South American Govern-
ments and business communities to these policies
is in my opinion profoundly significant. In the 10
South American capitals whence I have just re-
turned we found general receptiveness to our be-
lief that if vigorously and energetically pureued
by our Government these policies will meet the
need that exists in this hemisphere. Latin Ameri-
cans are clear and intensely realistic thinkers, and
I found everywhere a willingness to face their
problems squarely and analyze them with com-
mendable courage. Om- sister republics are not
waiting passively for us or for anyone else to come
and solve their problems for them. The other
membei-s of tliis American family look to us for
economic policies and conditions of trade which
fully protect our own interests but which are sta-
ble, dependable, and generous. They look to us as
a source of capital on sound terms and conditions.
They are anxious to participate with us in pro-
grams of tecluiical assistance that will pool and
extend our common resources in that field. They
agi-ee with us that the 20th-century private busi-
nessman, whatever may be his nationality, can do
689
more for this hemisphere than can all our govern-
ments combined, and that he d&serves our support.
The great question mark that I found every-
where was not as to the adequacy of these policies
but as to how we will apply them. These policies
require self-restraint and some sacrifice from us.
They will prove more controversial here at home
than programs whose only significance is their
dollar cost. These policies are aimed squarely at
the basic needs of Latin America — stable and ex-
panding markets, access to sound development
loans, technical assistance. Their effect in this
hemisphere can be tremendous. If we are loyal
to them, if we apply them vigorously and gener-
ously, we will have done our part. With these
assurances from us any American State that is re-
solved to combat inflation thi'ough sound fiscal and
monetary policies, and to clear the way for an
enlightened private enterprise, can reasonably ex-
pect to make steady progress toward the goal to
which I have so often referred. I am confident
that the governments and the peoples of this hemi-
sphere are disposed to adopt that course and to
pursue it steadfastly. This conviction leads me
to submit that, if we as a people and we as a Gov-
ernment determine that these undertakings which
we propose to make to Americans everywhere shall
be fairly and generously fulfilled, then truly we
stand in this hemisphere on the threshold of an
era of great progress which will make of our lands
a better inheritance for our children and will earn
for us the gratitude of future generations.
The Communist Conspiracy in Guatemala
Statement hy John E. Peurifoy
Ambassador Designate to Thailand ^
Let me say that I am deeply and sincerely
pleased at the opportunity to testify before your
committee. I believe that the Communist attempt
to seize Guatemala, and particularly their reversal
last June, is one of the most dramatic episodes
that has taken place in a long and tremendously
costly ideological struggle that has engulfed us
since the end of AVorld War II. As several wit-
nesses commented, we liave seen one free people
after another disappear behind the Iron Curtain.
Last June in Guatemala, for the first time one of
them returned. The revolution led by Col.
Carlos Castillo Armas demonstrates what a few
courageous, determined, and dedicated persons can
' Made before the Subcommittee on Latin America of
the House Select Committee on Communist Aggression on
Oct. 8. Mr. Peurifoy was Ambassador to Guatemala from
Oct. 5, 1953, to Sept. 15, 1954.
For a documentary study on Intervention of Interna-
tional Communism in Guatemala, see Department of State
publication 5,556, for sale by the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25,
D. C, 35 cents.
accomplish even in the face of the organized might
and ruthlessness of a police state.
Before beginning my testimony, I would like
to take this opportunity to explode a popular and
flattering myth regarding the part that I person-
ally played in the revolution led by Colonel Cas-
tillo. My role in Guatemala prior to the revolution
was strictly that of a diplomatic observer: to in-
form my Government regarding events there and,
when requested to do so, to advise the responsible
officials in the Department of State on policy mat-
ters concerning Guatemala. The first and only
active role that I played in the events last June
was to lend my good offices to assist in negotiating
the truce between the forces of Colonel Castillo
and the military junta that was established in
Guatemala after President Arbenz resigned. And
even this role, Mr. Chairman, was undertaken
only at the request of the junta. The revolution
that overthrew the Arbenz government was engi-
neered and instigated by those people in Guate-
mala who rebelled against the policias and ruthless
690
Department of State Bulletin
oppression of tlie Communist-controlled gov-
ernment.
It is my understanding, Mr. Chairman, that the
purpose of your hearings is to determine:
1. Whether or not the government of President
Arbenz wtvs controlled and dominated by
Communists.
2. Whether or not the Communists who domi-
nated Guatemala were in turn directed from the
Kremlin.
3. AVhether or not the Connuunists from Guate-
mala actively intervened in the internal ail'airs of
neighboring Latin American Republics.
4. Whether or not this Connnunist conspiracy
which centered in Guatemala represented a men-
ace to the security of the United States.
My answer to all four of those questions is an
unequivocal "yes."
The Arbenz government, beyond any question,
was controlled and dominated by Communists.
Tliose Communists were directed from Moscow.
The Guatemalan Government and the Communist
leaders of that country did continuously and ac-
tively intervene in the internal affairs of neigh-
boring countries in an effort to create disorder and
overthrow established governments. And the
Communist conspiracy in Guatemala did represent
a very real iuid very serious menace to the security
of the United States.
And with your permission, Mr. Chairman, I
would like to add a fifth point ; that menace still
continues in Latin America. The Red conspiracy
in Latin America has not been completely
crushed. The loss of Guatemala represents a seri-
ous setback to the Kremlin, not a final defeat. As
President Castillo pointed out in a statement
before j'our committee, the democratic forces have
merely won the first battle in a long war.
Of course it is true that the seriousness of the
threat to our security has been greatly diminished
since Colonel Castillo's successful revolution.
Nevertheless, as long as this conspiracy is active —
and I fear that will be for many years to come —
the menace will continue to be a very real one in
this hemisphere.
That is the reason why I think your committee
is rendering a very substantial service to the
American people in holding these hearings. Your
committee is alerting the public to the danger to
us represented by Moscow's program of aggression
in Latin America. As you know, Mr. Chairman,
it is exceedingly difficult for our Government to
formulate elective policies to combat a situation
as si>rious as this one without the support of a well-
informed public.
I believe that these hearings will not only be
invaluable to C'ongress in evaluating legislative
proposals concerning Latin America but that they
will also greatly assist the executive branch by
mobilizing informed public opinion.
Now, with your permission, I should like to
elaborate brieOy on the four points summarized
alH>ve.
Communist Control of Arbenz Government
I believe that an incident which occurred shortly
before I became Ambassador to Guatemala illus-
trates conclusively the fact that the government
was under the complete domination of the Com-
munists. One of the principal programs of the
Communist Party in Guatemala was the agrarian
reform, which they used as a weapon to gain politi-
cal control over the farmworkers and the landless
peasants. I understand that an officer of the De-
partment of State may testify before your com-
mittee at a later date and will be prepared to give
you a more detailed discussion of the agrarian
reform law. For the purpose of my testimony, it
is sufficient to state that under the agrarian reform
law President Arbenz was the final arbiter of any
and all disputes concerning the expropriation of
land and its redistribution among the peasants.
Owners of expropriated land were denied the right
of appeals to the courts. Nevertheless, one Guate-
malan landowner did appeal. And on February
6, 1953, the Supreme Court of Guatemala rocked
the government and particularly the Communist
Party by announcing, as a result of a 4—1 vote,
that it would hear the landowner's appeal.
The decision was immediately and angrily de-
nounced by the Communists, who charged that it
was in violation of that section of the law denying
the right of such appeal. Carlos Manuel Pellecer,
Victor Manuel Gutierrez, Jose Manuel Fortuny,
and other Communist leaders demanded that the
court be impeached. The next day a resolution
was submitted to the Congress by a Communist
deputy, was immediately passed, and the entire
court was impeached. New judges were quickly
appointed, including the one who had voted
against granting the hearings, the decision was
hastily i-econsidered by the new court, and the
owner was denied the right of appeal.
November 8, 1954
691
Mr. Chairman, I submit to this committee that,
when the Communist Party can demand and get
the dismissal of a Supreme Court of a country,
then the Communist Party, for all practical pur-
poses, controls the government of that country.
Tliis, however, is only one illustration of the
degree of control that the Communists exercised
over the government of Guatemala during the
regimes of Juan Jose Arevalo and Jacobo Arbenz.
The facts of Communist penetration of the
Guatemala Government and of the political, eco-
nomic, and social life of the nation are well known
to your committee. It is hardly necessary for me
to recall the salient features — that of the 56 mem-
bers of the Guatemalan Congress 51 were members
of the "national front" supporting Arbenz and
dominated by its Communist members; that prin-
cipal Government agencies in agriculture, social
security, propaganda and public information, edu-
cation, and labor were in the direct hands of the
Communist Party ; that the labor organization of
the country was entirely dominated by Commu-
nist-controlled unions affiliated with the Commu-
nist Western Hemisphere labor arm, the CTAL,
and with the worldwide Soviet labor instrument,
the WFTU. In addition, the press, radio, and pub-
lic forum were increasingly warped into tools of
Communist propaganda and relentlessly being
closed to anti-Communistic patriotic Guatemalans.
The Guatemalan delegates to international organi-
zations sucli as the United Nations, the Organiza-
tion of American States, and the numerous
regional and functional agencies of international
cooperation whicli liave been set up to aid the
■worldwide cause of peace were mere spokesmen
for Soviet aggression and deception.
Part of Kremlin Strategy
This Communist penetration in Guatemala was
the most striking example of the Kremlin's
strategy in Latin America. Busy with power
•expansion into Europe and Asia, the Red rulers
of Russia have long pushed their conspiracy in
Latin America as a diversionary tactic which,
while sliowing no immediate gain of territory
under their domination, would at least weaken
and liarass our defenses. By creating a beachhead
witliin our own zone of vital security, from wliich
sabotage and subversion could be achieved against
ns and our neighbors, the Kremlin aimed at pro-
moting anarchy within the Western Hemisphere;
they aimed at demoralizing this hemisphere by
breaking its unity against Communist aggression j
and throwing the inter-American system into a
state of confusion and dispute. They sought to
divert Latin American attention from their depre-
dations and crimes in Europe and Asia by pushing
forward Spanish-speaking front men who, in
native accents, accused the United States of the
aggressions and crimes which the Soviet itself was
actually performing.
The Communists in Guatemala were working
for these Soviet aims under consistent and disci-
plined Soviet control. This control was exercised
directly through the Conununist Party itself.
Seven of the 11 members of the Party's political
committee are known to have visited the Soviet
Union, 6 of them having made trips in the past
2 years. Jose Manuel Fortimy, the Party's Secre-
tary General, took liis most recent trip to Moscow
from November 5, 1953, to January 12, 1954. The
Party's leadere in labor unions, agrarian unions,
and teacher unions all visited the Soviet Union in
recent times, at least within the past 2 years, as
did also leaders of Communist- front organizations
such as the youth organization, the women's or-
ganization, and the university students' front.
The effectiveness of the training and instruction
given to the Guatemalan Communists while in the
Soviet Union was immediately manifest in the
close integration of the Communist institutions in
Guatemala with Soviet policy. No case of Soviet
direction was more clear than what occurred after
the return of Fortuny last Januai*y. A press and
propaganda campaign, stirring alann over resist-
ance of anti-Communists to the Arbenz regime,
was immediately cranked up in the endeavor to
prepare public opinion for the blow to fall. Then,
at the end of January 1954, the dramatic announce-
ment was made of the uncovering of a subversive
"plot," with the sinister note of foreign interven- ,
tion, linking the United States by innuendo as |
"the country of the North" from which direction
and aid were allegedly being furnished the
"plotters."
This set the stage for wholesale arrests of anti-
Communist citizens and for subsequent imprison-
ment, torture, and even murder. Many who were
later released, beaten and broken, were puslied
across the frontiers into Mexico and Honduras by
the vicious trunclieon-wielding police. These vic-
tims of Communist suppression comprised out-
standing leaders in the free labor movement, the
«92
Department of State Bulletin
independent press, radio connnentatore, and the
decent citizenry wlio did not bow down to a Com-
munist state ruled by Arl)enz. Your connnittee is
well aware that these tactics of brutal suppression
and terroi'ization of the opposition are character-
istically the last blow of coinniunisui in a country
outside of the Soviet Union before complete sei-
zure of power.
Extensive Travels of Guatemalan Communists
The contacts between the Guatemalan Commu-
nist Party and the international Communist move-
ment were easily niaintuined through travel other
than to Moscow. Guatemalan Communist labor
leaders, for instance, affiliated with and working
for the Soviet international labor organization,
traveled to the WFTU headquarters in the Soviet
sector of Vienna in Eastern Europe and made
lengthy visits to the Conununist centers in Buda-
pest and Bucharest, under the guise of attendance
at annual conventions of international Communist
labor organizations. The youth organization, the
"Alliance of Democratic Youth of Guatemala,"
affiliated with the "World Federation of Demo-
cratic Y'outh with headquarters in Bucharest, Ru-
mania, sent its leaders behind the Iron Curtain
each j-ear to attend and receive instructions at
these Soviet congresses.
The women's organization, the "Guatemalan
Women's Alliance," affiliated with the Interna-
tional Federation of Democratic Women, had
headquarters in the Soviet sector of Berlin. The
student group, "The Democratic University
Front," affiliated with the International Student
Unions with headquarters in Prague, Czechoslo-
vakia, sent its delegates to these student meetings
for their dose of Communist indoctrination and
organization. The phony peace front, "The Na-
tional Peace Committee," affiliated with the World
Peace Council, also with headquarters in Com-
munist Czechoslovakia, made amjjie use of the
various Soviet-sponsored so-called "Peace Confer-
ences" held in Europe and Asia, as a means of
orientation, instruction, and indoctrination of
Guatemalan Communists traveling as delegates to
these affairs.
I have for the committee's attention a chart
indicating travel back and forth to the Soviet
Union by principal Guatemalan Communists in
recent years.^
' Not printed.
No one knowing the complexity of operating a
large political movement on an international scale
i-an observe the cohesion which the (Jominunist
organizations in Guatemala displayed with their
international Communist headquarters without
realizing that such would be impossible without
the most efficient and rapid system of communica-
tions, instruction, and directives. Frequent travels
to Moscow, useful and necessary though they are
for training and indoctrination, are hardly suffi-
cient to assure simultaneous action of all cogs in a
worldwide machine. This system requires com-
munications, and these we know were regularly
transmitted by courier, radio, and cable. The
presence of the Soviet Embassy in neighboring
Mexico kept open a channel of communications,
enjoying tlie privilege of diplomatic immunity and
confidential codes; and it was no accident that
the two principal Guatemalan representatives in
Mexico were both identifiable Communists, Am-
bassador Alvarado Fuentes and Consul General
Pinto Usaga.
The Soviet itself did not plant its own diplo-
matic mission in Guatemala, as this would have
been too obvious a link between the Guatemalan
Communists, traitors to their country, and the
gi-eat Soviet fatherland whose agents they had
become. Just as the Guatemalan Commimist
Party did not disclose itself under its true name
until 1951, preferring the security of a veiled
operation within other parties, so the Soviet itself
did not show its hand openly but operated through
satellite missions, commercial travelers, and its
own traveling officials, such as the Commercial
Attache of the Embassy in Mexico City.
Threat to Guatemala's Neighbors
The threat of Soviet communism, which is dedi-
cated to expansion, conquest, and ultimate world
revolution, was therefore not directed against
Guatemala alone but to its peaceful and vulner-
able neighbors. The Guatemalan people were the
first nation in the hemisphere to suffer Communist
control, but others were marked for conquest. The
Guatemalan Govermnent, as a tool of Soviet pol-
icy, aimed at disruption of the peace of the area
by cynically maintaining a sustained campaign to
undennine their governments.
Your committee has already heard testimony to
the efl'ect that the principal Communists of Cen-
November 8, 7954
693
tral America had received refuge, aid, and comfort
in Guatemala. Many of them had even been re-
warded with government jobs. Thase foreign
agents of communism were thus able to use Guate-
mala as a base for their operations against their
home countries. They were assisted in their sub-
versive activities by scores of Guatemalan Com-
munists and many Spanish Communists who were
given visas to Guatemala during the early years
of President Arevalo's regime. The increasing
flow of propaganda material and trained agitators
from Guatemala into the neighboring countries of
El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua became so
overt that each of tliese governments, at various
times, found it necessary to close their borders to
Guatemalan travelers and to invoke rigid restric-
tions on all travel. This conunittee will be inter-
ested in these samples of Communist propaganda,
printed in Guatemala and freely circulated in
Central America. I am glad to submit these
copies.
One of the most blatant examples of interven-
tion by Guatemalan Communists in the affairs of
neighboring republics was the strike which para-
lyzed Honduras for 8 weeks last sjoring. The suc-
cess of their efforts came to startled public
attention on May 1, 1954, when a general strike
broke out in tlie nortlieni area of the country and
continued for a period of 8 weeks. There had been
no previous labor disturbances in Honduras, no
negotiations for contracts pending, and no rejec-
tions of workers' petitions. The duration of the
strike would have been impossible without sub-
stantial help from abroad.
There is ample evidence that the strike was
planned, instigated, and directed from Guatemala
and was midoubtedly intended to unseat the Hon-
duran Government. Help to the strikers was
channeled through Guatemala and consisted not
only of guidance and instructions but surely of
tlie material aid publicly promised by the Com-
munist-dominated Guatemalan National Federa-
tion of Labor, for a minimum calculation of the
cost of the strike, involving as many as 44,000
workers over a period up to 8 weeks, would indi-
cate it to be not less than three-quarters of a
million dollars. No such sums of money were ever
collected among the strikers in Honduras and
could only have come from a foreign power. The
Honduran Government, which had seized a Guate-
malan military plane wliich flew into the northern
694
area of the country without authorization a month
before the strike, found reason to expel three
Guatemalan honorary consuls who had been ap-
pointed to small towns in the strike zone only a
few months before. The damage to the economy
of Honduras was very considerable and was clearly
a part of the Communiet plan to disrupt Central
America.
Arms Shipment in May 1954
The jars and jolts to Guatemala's neighbors in
Central America through strikes, political agita-
tion, and subversion were evidences of the growing
Connnunist threat, but it was during the critical
period of the spring of 1954 that the Soviet made
its big stab to solidify its strength in Guatemala.
This was the shipment of arms on the S. S. Alfhem,
which came into Puerto Barrios on ^lay 15, 1954.^
The cargo manifest was fraudulent, listing as
glassware and laboratory equipment some 2,000
tons of modern arms for the Arbenz government,
packed in more than 15,000 cases. The cargo,
which was of Czech origin, had left the Communist
port of Stettin, Poland, about 3 weeks before and
pursued a zigzag course across the Atlantic, giving
false destinations three times en route.
The Guatemalan armed forces were not without
arms, and their numbers were already at least
equal and probably superior to the total anned
forces of the three immediate neighbore, El Sal-
vador, Honduras, and Nicaragua. The Soviet
primarily intended to drive a wedge into the
middle of this continent. The four Central
American Governments, Honduras, El Salvador,
Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, all communicated to
the Department of State their request for joint
measures against the introduction of further
armed force into the area. Our Government was
moving rapidly to present this threat to all mem-
bers of the Organization of American States, for
action by the inter-American system, when the
movement by Col. Castillo Armas in late June 1954
overthrew the Communist government which had
acquired the arms.
How thoroughly the Arbenz goverimient was
following the dictates of the Soviet Union was
clearly shown during this crisis in the incident of
tlie nonaggression pacts. At a moment when the
alarm nf Guatemala's neighbors was highest over
' Bulletin of June 7, 1954, p. 873.
Department of State Bulletin
the Alfhem sliipment, the Guatemalan Foreign
Minister ostentatiously sent cables to the Govern-
ments of Honduras and El Salvador, protesting
friendship and otl'ering to sign treaties of nonag-
gression with them. The very term used, "nonag-
gression {)act,'' was a giveaway of the inspiration
whence this maneuver came. It is a Soviet term,
unfamiliar to Central American diplomacy and
almost unheard of in the relations of our hemi-
sphere, which hixs a long and honored history of
peaceful settlement of disputes by the machinery
set up in our inter- American system. The nonag-
gression pact idea has repeatedly been used as a
tactic of deception. Indeed, if we could write an
accurate dictionary delinition of the term "non-
aggression pact," it would be "(a) Agreement
between St^ilin and Hitler on August 23, 1939, just
before outbreak of World "War II which paved
way for Nazi attack and was later used to conceal
preparation for war between Russia and Germany ;
(b) Any similar agreement, apparently for peace-
ful purposes but concealing intent to make war.''
Guatemala's smaller neighbors were not deceived
and rejected the invitation, reminding the Guate-
malan Government that no need for such a pact
exists between peace-loving neighbors. Indeed,
Honduras invited Guatemala to show its peaceful
purpo-ses by ceasing to support the strike in north-
ern Honduras.
The Guatemalan Communists also planned
high-level iniiltration of all Central America, but
in this adventure their plans were too ambitious
and failed.
New Central American Organization
We in the United States are always so conscious
of our own mistakes, Mr. Chairman — and I might
add particularly those mistakes in the fields of
foreign affairs — that it is rather comforting to
note that the other side sometimes makes their
mistakes too. One such incident involved the
Organization of Central American States, which
is generally referred to as Odeca. Such an organi-
zation had been discussed for generations among
the Central American republics. In 1951 the Com-
munist-oriented Government of Guatemala, anx-
ious to extend its influence in Central America,
seized the initiative and sent proposals to the Gov-
ernments of El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica that a conference be held to lay
plans to form such an organization. The confer-
ence was held at San Salvador, and a charter of
the organization was adopted. An interim com-
mittee was set up. A subsequent meeting to draft
final plans was scheduled in Guatemala in the
latter part of 1952.
However, suspicion developed that the Com-
munists of Guatemala planned to use the new
organization as an additional vehicle for extend-
ing their inlluence into the allairs of neighboring
Central American republics. Shortly before the
meeting in Guatemala City was to be held, the
Government of El Salvador became so incensed
at the activities of Guatemalan Communists agi-
tating within that country that they closed the
borders, rounded up more than 1,500 subversive
suspects — many of them Guatemalan nationals —
and expelled them from the country. Then the
Government of El Salvador notified the other
members of Odeca that it proposed to submit a
resolution at the conference in Guatemala City
demanding investigation of communism in Central
America and the adoption of measures by all five
Central American countries to counteract this
menace.
This boomerang of Communist plans was ex-
ceedingly embarrassing to the Arbenz government,
for the organization Arbenz had initiated in an
eli'ort to extend Communist influence was threaten-
ing to go into reverse and become a vehicle to
combat communism. The Arbenz government
twice postponed the proposed conference in Guate-
mala City and exerted the strongest diplomatic
pressure on El Salvador not to submit its proposed
resolution. When these efforts failed and El Sal-
vador stood firm in its intent, Guatemala finally
withdrew from Odeca, on April 1, 1953, brazenly
charging its neighbors with "aggression." This
is another typical Soviet tactic, to accuse the peace-
ful victims of Communist schemes of the very
crime which the Communist aggressors are about
to commit against them.
To attract as much attention as possible, the
Guatemalan Foreign Minister sent a message to
the Security Council of the United Nations repeat-
ing the same charges. He did not, however, ask
for any action, which was in itself confession that
the charges lacked proof and that the forum of
the United Nations was used only for propaganda
purposes. Since it was obvious that only one
country, Guatemala, was the source of the Com-
munist problem in the area, the Arbenz regime
could not tolerate that its activities against its
November 8, 1954
695
neighbors be placed under the spotlight of an
international meeting. And it had one other
equally serious motivation, that the Organization
of Central American States, a new and valiant
effort by these small countries themselves to inte-
grate their economies and lift the living standards
of their people, should collapse and not become a
bulwark against Conununist advances in the area.
Threat to U.S. Security
I need hardly refer to the menace of this Soviet
attempt to win Central America as aimed at our
own vital interests and security; this is self-evi-
dent, for geography alone supplies the reason.
Central America lies almost at our southern bor-
ders, no more than 3 houi"s' flying time by modern
warplanes from the Gulf ports and even nearer to
our greatest strategic installation anywhere in the
world, the Panama Canal. If any part of this area
should fall under Soviet power, it would shake
the foundations of our defenses. The Soviets
know that. They wei'e willing to pay a very high
price in funds, manpower, organization, propa-
ganda, and subversive skills to gain a base in
Guatemala. And we know that the hardheaded,
practical men of the Kremlin dedicate their best
efforts on objectives which strike closest to the
United States. For if we should weaken and suc-
cumb, the road would lie open to their domination
of the whole world.
Thus, the struggle of the Guatemalan people to
throw off' the Communist control was as much a
struggle for the safety of Guatemala's neighbors,
and ourselves, as it was to regain their own
liberties.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, let me state that
the menace of communism in Guatemala was
courageously fouglit by the Guatemalan people
themselves, always against the superior odds which
a police state has over the decent, patriotic citizen.
Connnunist power was broken by the Guatemalans
alone, and their deeds of heroic sacrifice deserve
and will always receive the admiration and ap-
plause of our own people. They fought the battle
which is the common battle of all free nations
against Communist oppression, and they won the
victory themselves.
President Eisenhower and Secretai-y Dulles have
botli publicly pledged our supjx^rt to the new
Government of Col. Castillo Armas and our aid
to the Guatemalan people. It is my earnest hope
and confidence that all feasible means to extend
this aid will be promptly developed, so that Guate-
mala may resume its place as a prosperous and
progressive member in the family of free nations.
U.S. Aid to Guatemala
Press release 618 dated October 29
On October 30 Norman Armour, Ambassador to
Guatemala., delivered the following aide memoire
to the President of Guatemala, Carlos Castillo
Armas :
The American Ambassador informed His Ex-
cellency that the following aid is being made avail-
able by the United States to the Government and
people of Guatemala for the present fiscal year:
Roosevelt Hospital $500,000; Inter-American
Highway $1,425,000 ; general purposes $3,200,000 ;
technical assistance $1,300,000 ; total $6,425,000.
The Ambassador recalled that the Government
of Guatemala is to make matching contributions
of its own towards some of the projects for which
the aid is to be used and stated that he and the
officials of the Foa would be pleased to discuss
promptly with the Government of Guatemala pro-
cedures for utilization of the aids.
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy:
83d Congress, 2d Session
study of Overseas Administrative Personnel Problems.
Hearing before a Subcommittee of the House Com-
mittee on Government Operations. March 16, 1954.
21 pp.
Report on Audit of the Institute of Inter-American Af-
fairs for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1953, with
Letter of Transmittal from the Acting Comptroller
General of the United States. H. Doc. 399, May 20,
1954. 26 pp.
Review of the United Nations Charter. Hearing before
a Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations on I'ropDsals To Amend or Otherwise Mod-
ify Existing International Peace and Security Or-
ganizations, Including the United Nations. Part 6,
Des Moines, Iowa, .lune 19, 1954. 156 pp.
Strategy and Tactics of World Communism. Hearings
before the Subcommittee To Investigate the Admin-
istration of the Internal Security Act and Other In-
ternal Security Laws of the Senate Committee on the
•Judiciary. Part 3. .July 1 and 8, 1954. 40 pp.
Return of Confiscated Properly. Hearings before a Sub-
cominillee of (he Senate Committee on the .Judiciary
on S. 3423 To Amend the Trading with the Enemy Act.
July 1 and 2, 1954. 248 p]i.
696
Department of State Bulletin
Soviet Propaganda and International Tension
by John Moors Cabot
Amhcuisador to Sweden^
In democracies tlie people determine the broad
lines of foreign policy. Any organization which
helps to keep the people informed about what is
going on in other countries is therefore doing
something very necessary. I applaud the work
of tho Swedish-American Association of Bor&s
because it is doing that needed work.
AVe know that in our generation democracy has
been challenged both on the right and on the left.
Those who would destroy democi'acy are forever
trying to promote misundei-standings within de-
mocracies and between democracies. As the rep-
resentative of another democracy, a traditional
friend of Sweden, I should like to discuss a prob-
lem which faces all free nations. You will rightly
recognize what I say as a plea for my country's
viewpoint. You may well not agree with me, but
I hope that you will think over the case I present
carefully.
"Warmongering Imperialists"
The biggest newspaper chain in the world is
not in the United States, although one edition is
published in New York. Other newspapei-s of
the chain are published practically all over the
world ; I believe you have a couple here in Sweden.
The head office of the chain is in Moscow, and it
keeps a very tight rein on all of the member news-
papers.
Now this newspaper chain talks continually
about a lot of things we should like to see in this
world, such as peace and coexistence and better
living conditions for the masses. It says that all
these things "would be possible if only the ruling
' Address made before the Swedish-American Associa-
tiou at BorSs, Sweden, on Sept. 30.
circles in tJie United States, together with their
reactionary stooges in other countries, were not
greedy, warmongering imperialists. Inciden-
tally, until recently the chain insisted that among
the most reactionary of these stooges were the
Social Democratic parties in Europe, but there has
apparently been an agonizing — and doubtless
temporary — reappraisal in this regard.
This charge of imperialism and warmongering
seems pretty serious, and it doesn't refer to the
dead past when the United States and many other
democracies showed imperialistic tendencies. It
refers to the recent past and the present. If it were
justified, the record should show brilliant suc-
cesses for such a policy backed by our great power
and wealth. I think when these newspapers charge
us with imperialism they might explain why over
the years it has increasingly been the miserable
failure the actual record shows.
To the north of us lies Canada, a country of
immense natural wealth still largely undeveloped
despite the fabulous progress of recent years.
Twice in the last 40 years Canada has loyally sent
her forces to aid the mother country. Great Brit-
ain, in desperate struggles to preserve freedom in
Europe. By so doing, Canada clearly exposed a
.3,000-mile frontier to such imperialist ambitions
as the ITnited States might manifest. Was it
strange that Canada didn't send a single regiment
to the frontier as a precautionary measure in either
"World War? The curious fact is that, if we have
our family differences with Canada, I frankly can-
not imagine either nation worrying about possible
aggression from the other.
To the south of the United States is Mexico.
Our relations with Mexico have not always been
happy— we fought a war in 1846-48 and have had
recurrent troubles until recently.
Movember 8, T954
697
We continue to have oui' differences with Mexico,
but I think an event which I personally witnessed
is typical of our present relations. In October
1953 the Presidents of Mexico and the United
States together dedicated Falcon Dam on the
Kio Grande — the Mexican-American border.
Could it be imperialism to build a dam in coopera-
tion with a neighboring nation when the money
might so easily have been spent for military ad-
ventures? Could it be that, despite the pretexts
an imperialistic nation might have used during
Mexico's prolonged civil war in 1911-20 and again
when our oil properties were expropriated in 1938,
we actually preferred to cooperate with a weaker
neighbor ?
In the sparkling Caribbean area, to the south
of the United States, are a number of small re-
publics— just as there used to be some small repub-
lics across the Baltic Sea. Historically, these Car-
ibbean republias have tended to be poor, weak,
and disorganized. "Wliat tempting morsels for
imperialist ambitions! In one, Panama, is our
greatest strategic asset, the Panama Canal, which
we hold under a perpetual treaty. Panama has
no army, yet in 1936 and again in 1953 it asked us
to revise certain treaty provisions regarding the
canal which it did not consider fair. We failed to
use the Panamanian demands as an excuse to gob-
ble Panama — in fact I doubt that the Panamanians
would have made the demands if they had had
certain other neighbors. Instead, we sat down
with the Panamanians to work out revised agree-
ments.
Lest anyone think the governments of the Carib-
bean republics are stooges of the United States,
let me mention a couple of personal episodes. In
May 1953, when I was Assistant Secretary for
Inter-American Affairs, one Caribbean republic
put out a story that I was consorting with Com-
munist agents to overthrow its government. It
happens the government was badly misinformed,
but do you recall any case in which any newspaper
in the chain to which I referred earlier made any
such accusation against its head officers?
False Charges in Guatemala
In 1953 we became increasingly concerned that
the then Government of Guatemala had suc-
cumbed to the blandishments of this newspaper
cliaiii. When I strove mildly to point out the
danger, tlic chain accused me of favoring the inter-
ests of the United Fruit Company, which had
important interests in Guatemala, because I was a
big stockholder in it. Incidentally, the Swedish
newspapers in the chain repeat this story from
time to time; you will probably find it in tomor-
row's editions if you look. The fact is that I have
never had a share of United Fruit stock in my life,
and I have no other personal reason to favor the
United Fruit. The same accusation has been made
with equal untruth about Secretary Dulles. All
of this was merely a part of the campaign the
Communist marionettes in Guatemala put on
against the United States ; I really don't recall any
case in history where a small nation has put on
such a provocative campaign against a powerful
neighbor, whether or not the neighbor was im-
perialistic. Fortunately, the people of Guatemala
have now taken care of the situation there.
In the Western Hemisphere our sister republics
are going through a period of amazing, fruitful
development — a period similar to that through
which the United States went in the past century.
Even today, although their combined military
strength is a small fraction of ours, their economic
resources are already substantial and are develop-
ing rapidly. "What a luscious morsel for im-
perialist greed !
How did the United States react to these un-
paralleled opportunities? In 1823 we proclaimed
that we would not tolerate any effort of any Euro-
pean power to oppress or control the destiny of
any American republic which had declared its in-
dependence. During the 19th century a series of
attempts were made to break this Monroe Doc-
trine, particularly when we were distracted, as
during our Civil War. We thwarted them — at
times by a show of militai'y force — and every
American nation which was independent in 1823
is independent today.
Inter-American Cooperation
Far from seeking to dominate our sister re-
publics, we have been seeking in a series of inter-
American conferences since 1889 to build up a co-
operative relationship with them. If the spirit of
our relations is similar to that existing between
the Scandinavian nations, I ask you to remember
that the material factors — the military and eco-
nomic power, the traditions, the language, and
organizational stability — were very disparate in
America. Europeans sometimes forget how much
698
Department of Stale Bulletin
oiii- Aiiieiiiaii experience in cooperative rcliition-
sliips contributed to tlie United Nations, and liow
the basic coiu'ei)t of Nato, that an attack on one
is an attark on all, was llrst worked ont by the
AnuM-ican Rc[)nblics. In the liglit of our lon<;
and honorable record of settlin*; disputes in the
Americas by peaceful means, it was really a bit
annoyinu; in the recent case of Guatemala to have
inter-American action stopped by a veto in the
Security Council, and then to have not only the
chain of newspapers to which I have referred,
but also many of our Eurojjean friends, lecture
us on our failure to protect the Guatemalan Gov-
ernment which had (lime everythinj; in its power
to harm us.
But for Europeans, American problems seem
far away. Let us consider wliat tlic United States
might have done in the Old World if it had acted
in the imperialist tradition.
From 191-1: to 1918 all of the great powers in
Europe were engaged in a desperate war. To
secure allies, eacli side dangled juicy offers before
other nations, and a series of secret ti'eaties were
written describing liow the booty was to be di-
vided even before it was secured. In 1917 we
entered the war. ^Vhat did we demand of our
prospective allies as the price of our entry?
Nothing. Having contributed the winning mar-
gin in blood and treasure to our weary allies,
what did we secure in the peace settlement? For
ourselves, nothing — not an inch of territory, not
even an economic asset. We tried at the peace
table to uphold the principle that people have the
right to determine under what government they
wish to live. By the mandate system, we tried
to circumscribe the old colonialism. We let others
t^ike these mandates, and took none ourselves —
strange conduct for an allegedly imperialist
nation.
At the end of W^oi'kl War I we had two million
soldiers in Europe, and our war production was
just beginning to roll. For years after the war
Europe lay prostrate, requiring our help simply
to live. Machiavelli would have rubbed his hands.
We, however, disbanded our army, sponsored a
series of disarmament agi'eements in which we
made the greater sacrifices, and helped the Euro-
pean nations regain their feet. Strange to say,
we haven't been hearing very much from the news-
paper chain recently about the massive aid we ex-
tended to Russia to relieve famines on more than
one occasion between the wars.
Lend-Lease in World War II
Despite the proverb that opportunity kiK>cks
but onco at any man's door, the KSe^ond World
War gave us an even better opportunity to pro-
mote our alleged imperialistic purposes. ^V^ult
did we do? We provided England, Russia, and
other nations lighting aggression enormous (pian-
tities of gCKKls to help them in tlieir fight. We
took such risks that we were ourselves attacked.
To Russia alone we sent over $10 billion of lend-
lease equipment. What did we demand in return
from the luird-presscd nations which we were aid-
ing? Nothing. If the United States was an im-
perialist nation, its diplomacy was singularly
inept.
At the end of World War II we again had a
powerful army in Europe and incomparably the
gi-e4itest fleet and air force in the world. We
alone had the atom bomb. The Old World was
again prostrate after 6 years of war. If ever a
nation was in a position to promote imperialistic
purposes, it wiis the United States in 1945.
What did we do? We again disbanded our
army and air force and put our fleet in mothballs.
We shipped hundreds of millions of dollars of
relief supplies through Unrra to Soviet Russia
and other parts of Europe. We offered to share
tlie secret of the atom bomb with other nations in
return for their agreement that it should be placed
under secure international control. If you look in
any edition of the oft-mentioned newspaper chain,
you might not realize that we were the first to pro-
pose a means of stopping atomic warfare, when
we had the bomb and no one else did. At the same
time we gave full independence to the Philippines
and we offered it to Puerto Rico.
Marshall Plan Aid
The postwar prostration of Europe was such
that it became doubtful that Europe could recover
with its own resources. We again offered our help
through the Marshall plan — and the offer origi-
nally included Soviet Russia, which rejected it.
In the piust 40 years we have poured some $75 bil-
lion into Europe. We are supposed — and you
don't have to read the newspaper chain to hear
this — to be very materialistic, always chasing dol-
lars. If one can get dollars by giving them away,
woulcbi't it be nice to know how it is done? This
aid is also said to have promoted our economic
imperialism. If so, we've got an awfully bad bar-
November 8, 1954
699
gain for what we have poured out — our total for-
eign investments are worth only a fraction as much
as the aid, and we have secured no privileged mar-
kets or other economic concessions in return. We
do think that what helps our friends generally
helps us, but that is another matter.
Now I am sure I did not need to go into such
detail to convince you that this newspaper chain's
picture is — shall we say? — a bit distorted. Few
people in Sweden or the United States take what
it says seriously. But the shrill charges the news-
paper chain wearisomely repeats have a curious
way of turning up in the thinking of people who
haven't the slightest sympathy with what the
chain stands for. They turn up in the idea that
this is just another struggle for power between
two colossi, which is of concern to other countries
primarily because the two may go to war and in-
volve everyone else — this, although the record
shows that our direct interests have seldom been
involved in the cold war ; that, as in World War II,
we became involved because we felt that if other
nations fell, our own security would ultimately
be affected.
They turn up in the criticisms so often heard of
foreign statesmen who in their own country's in-
terest do or say something favorable for the
United States. They turn up in the criticism of
our atomic bomb tests, whereas those of others go
unmentioned. Apparently our atomic bombs are
even the only ones that affect the weather.
They turn up in attacks upon our conviction that
the Chinese Communist regime is not peace lov-
ing— and developments in Korea did not silence
them. They tuna up in attacks on our efforts to
promote an integrated system of defense forces in
Western Europe, despite the fact that such forces
would defend European homes rather than Amer-
ican interests. They turn up in the idea that it is
provocative to sign a purely defensive pact in
Southeast Asia against a clear menace of aggres-
sion.
They turn up particularly in wildly exaggerated
ideas that any foreign nation which is or might be
friendly in the face of common peril is untrust-
worthy, weak, greedy, corrupt, reactionary, vacil-
lating, rash, imperialistic, and anything else which
may make it difficult for nations to cooperate for
the common good.
This newspaper chain works skillfully on our
own democratic mentalities, which tend to believe
that where there is smoke there must be fire ; that
where there is a dispute, there must be right and
wrong on both sides ; that the truth must always
be between extremes. 'Wlien the newspaper chain
makes up a stoi-y out of whole cloth and only ten
percent of it is believed — or only ten percent of
the people believe it — it is still that much ahead.
When a democratic political leader or editor feels
that he must attack a friendly foreign nation to
show how objective he is, the newspaper chain has
again profited.
I hope you will think deeply of the factors which
are producing international misunderstanding
today. I know that you here in Sweden justly
pride yourselves on your ability to ascertain, amid
all the sound and iuiy, what is really going on, but
that is a quality which democratic nations need
more than ever today. I hope particularly that
all free nations will try to be under-standing of
each other and of each other's motives. The most
powerful newspaper chain in the world is work-
ing overtime to sow suspicion, distrust, and dis-
agreement between free nations. If those nations
listen to this siren's voice and quarrel among
themselves, it will be at sorry day for freedom —
everywhere.
Nuclear Explosions in U. S. S. R.
The Atomic Energy Commission announced on
October 26 that there had been a series of detona-
tions of nuclear explosives in Soviet territory.
This series began in mid-September and has con-
tinued at intervals to the present. As is gener-
ally the case with nuclear detonations, these tests
have resulted in some widespread fall-out of
radioactive material, but insignificantly in the
United States.
700
Department of Slate Bulletin
II
The United Nations and World Security
hy David McK. Key
Assistant Secretaiy for Internatianal Organization Affairs '■
As we here in Wiishington join today witli more
than 7,000 other American communities and with
the peoples of 80 nations in celebrating United
Nations Day, we have a feeling of special close-
ness to the organization that was conceived in the
dark days of the war. For it was in this city, in
the seclusion and beauty of Dumbarton Oaks, that
the Great Powers in 194-i committed themselves
to the creation of the world organization to be.
The representatives of those powere recognized
the signs of victory through the clouds of war,
and they realized that the responsibility for plan-
ning an organization for the maintenance of peace
was in tlieir hands. Tliey acted accordingly.
Had these men been unable to agree among them-
selves at Dumbarton Oaks, there would have been
no basis for the founding conference to be held
in San Francisco the following year.
But if we take pride in our special tie with the
United Nations, let us be even more grateful that
it has extended round the world. Let us be grate-
ful that it binds us with many other countries, a
number of whose diplomatic representatives are
present here to share with us this celebration of
the ninth anniversary of the coming into force of
the United Nations Charter.
In addition to welcoming these distinguished
diplomatic representatives, we are honored in
having with us Mr. Morehead Patterson, National
Chairman of the United States Committee for
United Nations Day. I also wish to congratu-
late Mr. Edgar Morris, Chairman of the "Wash-
ington Committee, and thank him and the other
members of the Committee for their able efforts in
organizing this celebration. And to all of you I
' Remarks made at the Washington, D. C, United Na-
tions Day observance on Oct. 24.
am privileged to bring the warm greetings of the
Secretary of State.
I think we would do well to consider for a few
minutes why we assemble here to observe United
Nations Day. What is the significance of this
public gathering and of countless others like it
in every country of the world ?
In the first place, we pay tribute to man's suc-
cessful efforts to agree to organize world society
against war and for the creation of conditions of
peace and well-being. In the second place, we
mark 9 years of growth and progress of the organi-
zation established to accomplish these purposes
and its evolution toward a more effective instru-
ment of international security and world order.
In the third place, we indicate our faith in the
future of the United Nations and our determina-
tion to make it serve ever better the interests of
peace.
Purpose of United Nations Day
The United Nations can have little effect and
influence in the world beyond the faith and loyalty
which its member nations and the citizens of these
member nations give to it. Therefore, it is most
fitting that one day a year be set aside for such
observances as these in which we can reaffirm the
unity of mankind's need for the United Nations.
This common agreement and support is too often
lost sight of during the day-to-day operations of
the organization when the task of reconciling op-
posing views of member states on crucial world
issues sometimes makes it appear that the United
Nations is itself the cause of strife and disunity.
I think it is correct to say that the importance
which the public attaches to the deliberations,
recommendations, and actions of the United Na-
November 8, 1954
701
United Nations Day
statement iy Secretary Dulles '
Sunday [October 24] the world is celebrating the
ninth anniversary of the coming into force of the
charter of the United Nations. The 60 members of
the United Nations, and several nonraember nations,
are observing this anniversary.
In the United States alone, 7,000 cities, towns,
and villages are holding celebrations.
A spontaneous bond of tliis kind is symbolic of
the vitality of the United Nations. It can only arise
from a deep conviction that the United Nations is a
living force throughout the world.
The charter is a great landmark in the under-
standing of the nature of peace. It recognizes that
peace is far from being a passive concept. It recog-
nizes that peace is a call to action. To attain it
requires faith and comradeship among the nations,
great courage and great sacrifice.
That is the spirit of the charter, and that is the
spirit in which peace must be sought without ceas-
ing.
I believe that the peace we all long for is an
attainable goal. I believe that the United Nations
can greatly help to realize that dream of peace.
Thus the United Nation.s justifies our faith and (nir
support.
' Issued on Oct. 23 (press release 603 dated Oct.
22).
tions is yearly becomine; greater. As the problems
facing the world community have become more
critical, owing in large part to developments in
atomic energy, the world has looked more and
more to the United Nations for security and for
long-range solutions designed to ease international
tensions. This public concern and impatience is
basically a healthy sign and an indication of the
vitality of tlie organization. If during its llrst
9 years the United Nations had become nothing
more than a figurehead or .symbol of man's good
intentions, public support and interest would long
ago have abandoned it. The United Nations lias,
however, increased in stature during these years
and by its action has earned increased public
confidence.
A record number of communities in the United
States are observing United Nations Day this year.
In this connection, it is gratifying to note that an
analysis of United States public opinion polls and
other indices of public sentiment indicate that
never in its history has the United Nations enjoyed
the support of so large a proportion of the Ameri-
can public.
Value of Criticism
Perhaps I should also observe that there has at
the same time been much outspoken and sometimes
bitter criticism of the United Nations. This criti-
cism does not cause me undue concern. In fact,
criticism should be welcome since no organization
or system which depends for its life on the under-
standing and support of the people can develop
in a healthy and vigorous manner without the
warnings and stimulation of vigorous opposition
and criticism. If this is a sign of vitality, and I
believe it is, we have no need to fear that the
United Nations is in danger because of public
criticism. On the contrary, we should be concerned
if there were an absence of criticism, which would
indicate public apathy.
Let us rededicate ourselves here to the basic
proposition of the founders of the United Na-
tions— namely, "to save succeeding generations
from the scourge of war." Only 4 days ago Presi-
dent Eisenhower, underlining the urgency which
faces us in turning this proposition into a work-
able plan, stated that science has brought the world
to a point where war does not jsresent the possibil-
ity of defeat or victory but only the alternative in
degi'ees of destruction. In other words, it is no
longer the "scourge of war" but annihilation by
war which we face. The world caiuiot again haz-
ard recourse to war as a shortcut to peace. Our
only rational alternative is to use peaceful means
to establish international peace. This must be
done by and through the United Nations, which
the President has described as "man's best organ-
ized hope to substitute the conference table for the
battlefield."
In closing, I wish to pay tribute to the tliousands
of men and women, emploj'ees of the United Na-
tions or of its respective member governments,
whose lives are devoted to carrying forward the
purposes of the United Nations and wlio, though
scattered in many lands, are working in common
under the United Nations Charter for the peace,
security, and well-being of mankind. We who
observe here today the founding of the United
Nations owe fhcui a continuing debt of gratitude.
702
Department of State Bulletin
Intensifying International Efforts To Aid Refugees
Statements by A. M. Ade Johnson
VjS. Representative to the General Assemhly *
U.S. ROLE IN REFUGEE RELIEF
U.S. (lolo.i^ntlon press release lOlH dated October 4
Today I have my first opportunity to speak be-
fore tliis {rroup, ami I would like to express it that
I am highly gratified to be associated with the
humanitarian work of the Third Committee. As
one who has spent a good part of his life in var-
ious welfare causes, 1 feel proud to be one of you
who are working in international fellowship — in
the spirit of one for all and all for one — to help
alleviate human distress.
Here in the United States virtually all of us
are descendants of immigrants, and a goodly por-
tion of our ancestors came to our shores as refu-
gees. Some of them sought sanctuary from op-
pressive political systems, some sought a place
where they could practice their religious beliefs
freely, some souglit homesteads and a higher
standard of life. In a sense, the refugee problem
has been with us in America since almost the first
days of our nation. We are a nation of refu-
gees. For this reason, among others, we have
always been deeply attentive to the plight and
aspirations of those seeking refuge.
Over the years, the American Government and
the American people have played a conscientious
part in the relief and resettlement of refugees.
Statistics do not give more than a cold picture
of our traditional concern, but they do reveal the
extent to which the United States has participated
in refugee and migration affaii-s in recent years.
To various United Nations and intergovernmental
agencies including UNRRii, my government pro-
vided more than $;^, 16 1,000,000. In progi-ams di-
rectly administered by tlie United States Govern-
ment, more than $68 million have been expended.
More than $900 million have been conti'ibuted to
bilateral programs. And contributions from pri-
vate organizations and individuals in the United
States amount to $1 billion 724 million since 1040.
The total of these various programs relating to
refugee aid is close to $6 billion. I think that this
is — and that you will agree that this is — some
measure of contemporary American interest, so far
as our interest can be measured in monetary terms.
As a descendant of an immigi-ant family, I have
shared with other Americans an awareness of the
events and circumstances that have caused peoples
to seek better and freer lives in places of their own
choosing. My work in the labor field has brought
me even closer to the problems of this nature, and
I was quite moved by the report we heard last
Friday from Dr. van Ileuven Goedhart.- The
plight of so many thousands of uprooted and dis-
placed persons in Europe and Asia wliich he de-
picts was noted by all, I am sure, with deep
concern.
On behalf of my delegation I want to thank Dr.
van Heuven Goedhart for his report, and particu-
larly for his devotion to a vast and complicated
task. Undeterred liy acute difficulties, he has
tackled his job with determination and, it is obvi-
ous, with a sense of personal obligation.
It is with satisfaction that my delegation takes
note that the High Commissioner has continued
his work in cooperation with a number of other
'Made in Committee III (Social. Humanitarian, and
Cultural) on Oct. 4 and Oct. 12 and in plenary session on
Oct. 21.
'Dr. G. .T. van Ileuvon Gwdliart, U.N. Hi.i;h Commis-
sioner for RefuKCCs, introduced liis annual report (U.N.
docs. A/2648, Add. 1 and Add. 2) on Oct. 1.
November 8, J 954
703
agencies concerned with different aspects of the
refugee problem. Among tliese agencies are the
International Labor Office, United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Ciiltural Organization, the
World Health Organization, the Council of Eu-
rope, the Inter-Governmental Committee for Eu-
ropean Migration, the Organization for European
Economic Council, the United States Escapee
Program, and the many voluntary organizations
in the field. The cooperation between the Office of
the High Commissioner and the Inter-Goverimien-
tal Committee for European Migration has been of
the gi'eatest importance in moving European refu-
gees from Shanghai. It is essential that this close
cooperation between the High Commissioner and
the Migration Committee be continued. Our dele-
gation notes with special satisfaction that in 1953
the Migration Committee assisted in the resettle-
ment of 19,711 refugees, and has made provisions
for moving another 19,800 refugees in 19.54.
Dr. van Heuven Goedhart's report shows the im-
portance of providing legal and political protec-
tion to refugees. This continuing responsibility
may be technical and unspectacular in character,
but it has a vital significance in the lives of many
thousands of refugees throughout the world. It
is a heavy responsibility, one which the High
Commissioner has carried out conscientiously.
Thousands — hmidreds of thousands — of refugees,
directly or indirectly, have received protection and
assistance from the High Commissioner's office.
Through the efforts of the High Commissioner and
the cooperation of various non-governmental or-
ganizations, many of those people have found their
way out of refugee camps to new homes. It is my
view that Dr. van Heuven Goedhart has served
with distinction.
Much Still To Be Done
Yet, as no one knows better than the High Com-
missioner, there is much work to be done.
It is now 36 years since the First World War,
but today we are again confronted by the need of
helping displaced victims of that conflict. Many
of them are aging, and less able to help themselves
than formerly. We also have tens of thousands of
victims of the Second World War to think about —
men, women, and children in Europe and Asia
who, for whatever reasons, are seeking settlement
outside the countries of their origins. As the High
Commissioner has so graphically pointed out, some
of the families involved have been living as long as
8 or 9 years in various refugee camps, without cer-
tainty as to the future, and some, no doubt, with
little hope. There are children in those camps
who have known no other homes. Eelatively few
of these refugees are employed. This is a big and
tragic problem and one for which all of us must
feel a deep sense of resj^onsibility and accept will-
ingly the moral obligations to seek some kind of
solution.
The principal problem before this committee is
the new proposal of the High Commissioner con-
cerning permanent solutions of the most difficult
refugee cases. The Executive Branch of the
United States Government has given careful con-
sideration to the proposal of the High Commis-
sioner, and our delegation had listened with deep
interest to the further explanation given by the
High Commissioner in his very inspiring state-
ment last Friday afternoon.
The present emergency program of the High
Commissioner is of great impoi'tance and of con-
cern to the members of this committee. The
United States Government concurs in the con-
viction of the High Commissioner that it is not
enough merely to provide emergency relief to the
most desperate cases in Shanghai and elsewhere,
important as this is from a humanitarian point of
view. It is essential that permanent solutions be
found at an early date for the other difficult cases,
especially the 88,000 refugees now living in
camps — the group whom the High Commissioner
calls "the forgotten people." On behalf of the
United States Government our delegation en-
dorses, in principle, the proposals of the High
Commissioner for a progi-am for these refugees.
Concerning the administrative aspects of the
High Commissioners activity, the United States
Government has concluded that the establishment
of two separate programs and two separate funds
might lead to confusion on the part of govern-
ments, legislative bodies, and the public in our
several comitries. Our Government proposes
therefore that the General Assembly authorize the
High Commissioner to establish a single, combined
fund. This fund, like the present United Nations
Refugee Emergency Fund, would be financeil by
voluntary contributions from govermnents and
private sources. The fund would be devoted pri-
marily to the promotion of permanent solutions
but would also include assistance to the most
needy cases.
704
Deparlment of Sfate Bulletin
Text of Resolution Authorizing International Fund for Refugee Aid '
U.N. iloc. A/Ki'solutloii/203
The Geueriil Assembly,
Baring coitsitlered the itrobleins of refugees
within the lunndnte of the riiited Notions Hiyh
Comniis-sioner for HefuKees in the linht of his reiwrt
to the General Asseuit)l.v at its nintli session,
Hating noted trith satinfarlion tlie work iiccom-
plished for refugees,
Noting that, in spite of the efforts made, there is
little hope that — at the present rate of repatriation,
resettlement, or integration — a satisfactory solution
to these problems will be reached within a reason-
able period of time.
Considering that, while the ultimate responsibility
for the refugees within the mandate of the High
Commissioner falls in fact upon the countries of
residence, certain of these countries have to face
particularly heavy l)urdens as a result of their geo-
graphical situation, and some complementary aid
has been shown to be necessary to accelerate tlie
implementation of a programme for permanent
solutions,
Recitlling resolution 72S (VIII) of the General
Assembly and resolution 549 (XVIII) of the ESco-
nomic and Social Council,
Considering that the programme outlined in the
report of the High Commissioner contains a number
of constructive elements for an effective attempt at
achieving a permanent solution to the problems of
certain groups of the refugees who are the concern
of the High Commissioner, having special regard to
family groups,
1. Authorizes the High Commissioner, in accord-
ance with his Statute, to undertake a programme
designed to achieve permanent solutions within the
period of his current mandate for the refugees in-
cluded within the proposals in his report to the
General Assembly at its ninth session (A/2648,
chapter IV, section 4, and A/2(>4S/Add.2, paragraphs
1 to 11) ;
2. Requests the Negotiating (Committee for Extra-
Budgetary Funds, in co-operation with the High
' Sponsored by Australia, Belgium, Costa Rica,
Ecuador, France, the Netherlands, Turkey, and the
United States; approved by Committee III on Oct.
18 by a vote of 40-,'5 (Soviet bloc) - 10; adopted by
the General A.ssembly on Oct. 21 by a vote of 44-5-8.
Comiiiissic.ii.-r. to negotiate with the GovernnK-nts of
Member and non-member States for voluntary con-
tributions towards a fund based on the proposals of
the High Commissioner (the amount to be deter-
mined l>y the High Commissioner's Advisory Com-
mittee at Its next session), to be devoted principally
to the promotion of permanent solutions, and also
to i)ermlt emergency assistance to the most needy
cases, swell fund to Incorporate the fund authorized
by the General Assenilily in resolution 53S B (VI) ;
3. Authorizes the High Commissioner to make
apiM'als for funds for the purposes set forth In para-
graph 2 above ;
4. Requests the EJconomic and Social Council, not
later than its nineteenth session and in the light of
proposjils to be submitted to It by the High Com-
missioner uiwn the advice of his Advisory Commit-
tee, either to establisli an Executive Committee re-
sponsible for giving directives to the High Commis-
sioner In carrying out his programme and for exer-
cising the necessary controls in the use of funds al-
lotted to the Office of the High Commissioner or to
revise the terms of reference and composition of the
Advisory Committee in order to enable it to carry
out the same duties ;
5. Requests the High Commissioner to prepare,
for presentation to the inter-governmental body
mentioned in paragraph 4 above, detailed proposals
for projects designed to achieve permanent solu-
tions. Including plans for adequate financial or other
contributions from sources within the countries of
residence ;
C. Hcqiicsts the Governments concerned, in the
negotiation of agreements with the High Commis-
sioner for the projects for permanent solutions
under this programme, to give assurances that they
will assume full financial responsibility should any
of the refugees within the scope of the programme
still require assistance at the end of the stipulated
period ;
7. Urges Member and non-member States to co-
operate with the High Commissioner to the fullest
extent in this programme;
8. Requests the High Commissioner to include in
his annual reiwrt a statement on the measures
which he has taken under the terms of the present
resolution.
The main objective of a single, combined fund —
or inde€d, of any new program in the refugee
field — should be to enable the United Nations to
make one final effort to assist in finding solutions
for the most difficult refugee cases. It has always
been the position of the United States Govern-
ment, and it continues to be the position of our
Government, that the primary responsibility for
refugees must rest with the countries of asylum.
Other countries, either through niiilateral action
or through contributions to international agencies,
can help the countries of asylum temporarily in
November 8, J 954
705
caring for refugees on their soil and in repatri-
ating or in resettling them, or in assimilating them
into their own population. But the primary re-
sponsibility, the ultimate responsibility, must rest
with the countries of asylum.
The High Commissioner has proposed a 5-year
progi'am by which the United Nations would assist
the countries of asylum in finding permanent solu-
tions for the refugees on their soil. It is our view
that this concept of a 5-year program is essential
to whatever plan the General Assembly may adopt.
Our Government feels strongly that United Na-
tions financial support for providing emergency
assistance and for promoting permanent solutions
should be limited to another 5-year period. This
would not mean that some refugee problems would
not remain after 5 years and that the work of the
High Commissioner with regard to the legal and
political protection of refugees might not be
continued. This does mean, however, that the
High Commissioner should do everything possible
over the next 5 years to help find permanent solu-
tions for all the refugees in question. This also
means that the basic responsibility for refugees
rests now, and will continue to rest, with the coun-
tries where the refugees reside. The High Com-
missioner should approach these countries in order
to obtain their assurance that they will assume
full financial responsibility at the end of the 5-
year period should any of these refugees still
require assistance.
Careful consideration would have to be given
to the financing of such a program and to its
administration. Only 16 governments and the
Holy See have contributed to the United Nations
Refugee Emergency Fund. Of these only 12 are
members of the United Nations. Any program
in the refugee field, to be really successful, must
have a wider range of financial support. Any
such program must also have adequate matching
contributions from the countries of asylum. These
are matters wliich will need to be weighed in estab-
lisliing realistic financial plans for any such
program.
The Assembly sliould also make provision, if it
wishes to accept the High Commissioner's pro-
posals, for greater governmental participation in
the planning and budgeting of the program. This
would provide the Higli Commissioner with assist-
ance in the projior management and financing of
the kind of combined program which I have been
outlining. Greater governmental authority could
be achieved either by expanding the terms of refer-
ence of the present Advisory Committee to the
High Commissioner or by establishing a new
executive committee representing the governments
primarily concerned in the financing and admin-
istration of the combined program.
U.S. Proposals
To recapitulate, Mr. Chairman, these are the
points which the United States feels are essential
for the establishment of the new program :
(1) The program should be designed to achieve
within a 5-year period permanent solutions for
the refugees included in the High Commissioner's
proposals ;
(2) There should be only one fund, which would
be devoted primarily to the promotion of perma-
nent solutions but which would include emergency
assistance to the most needy cases;
(3) The basic responsibility for the refugees
must continue to rest with the countries of asylum,
and, in addition, the High Commissioner should
approach these countries to obtain assurances that
they will assume full financial responsibility
should any of these refugees still require assistance
at the end of the 5-year period ;
(4) Provision should be made for greater gov-
ernmental participation in the planning and budg-
eting of the High Commissioner's work ;
(5) The program must have a wide range of
financial support, including adequate matching
contributions from the countries of asylum.
If there is a satisfactory resolution of these
points, the Executive Branch of our Government
will request the Congress for an authorization
and an appropriation for a contribution to the
program. Our delegation must make clear, how-
ever, that its general support for such a combined
program of 5 years' duration cannot be construed
as a commitment to jirovide funds to the program,
and the delegation cannot, of course, give any
assurance at this time of what action the Congress
will take.
The final decision of the United States Govern-
ment on a possible contribution to a new, combined
program will be influenced by the extent to which
otlier governments are prepared to make fmids
available for this program. It will be influenced
also by the extent to which governments of the
706
Department of Slate Bulletin
countries of residence cooperute in plamiiiij; sind
financing projects. In fact, tlie Assembly's reso-
lution slionKl urge tliose governments to sustain
u concerted ellort to resolve their refugee problems
during the 5-year period of the United Nations
program. The tinal decision of our government
will al.so dei)end, of coni-si>, upon the merits of the
particular projects which might later be proposed
under the program.
In conclusion, Mr. ClKiirman, I wish to repeat
that the United States delegation holds the work
of the High Connnissioner in high regard and is
anxious that it succeed. Our delegation desires
that these tragic victims of war and revolution
find security and an opportunity to build a normal
life. Our delegation desires that the United
Nations do what it can within the next 5 years
to assist the countries where these refugees reside
in solving their problems. This is a hiunanitarian
cause, one which shoidd enlist the support of gov-
ernments, non-governmental organizations, and
private citizens. It is a humanitarian cause to
which the United Nations has already contributed
much. It is a cause which deserves the support of
each and every one of us.
FALSE ACCUSATIONS BY SOVIET
U.S. delegation press release 1977 dated October 12
I spoke briefly at the end of the last session ' in
response to the false accusations of the representa-
tive of the U.S.S.R. [G. F. Saksin] against my
coiuitrj-. His statement, which purported to be a
reply to the High Commissioner, was actually an
unprovoked attempt to divert this committee from
the humanitarian issue before it by obscuring it
under a propaganda barrage.
The speech was obviously carefully prepared
in advance for such a deliberate attack, an attack
that can only poison the atmosphere of this com-
mittee and create further international tensions.
It calls into question the sincerity of Soviet pre-
tentions, loudly proclaimed in recent months, that
it is seeking to lessen these tensions.
The representative of the U.S.S.K. claimed
that the free world in general and the United
States in particular was artificially fostering the
refugee problem in order to obtain cheap labor.
' Not printed here.
November 8, J 954
This is a strange charge from a country which
has been found by a United Nations body to em-
ploy slave labor on a vast scale.
Earnings of Refugees
I can state categorically to this committee that
refugees ailmitted to the United States earn wages
comparable to tho.so of other residents. As a mat-
ter of fact, before any refugees may be admitted
under the laws at present in force, govermnent
employment bureaus in the area to which they
are to go mn.st certify that tiiey will be given wages
and working conditions comparable to those of
other people in the area.
I might also point out, Mr. Chairman, that even
if the allegation were true that refugees earn only
half of the wages of a citizen, they would still be
earning about three times the amount they could
expect in the U.S.S.R. Anyone who cares to
check this can do so in the United Nations Publica-
tion on National and Per Capita Incomes in Sev-
enty Countries in lOJfi, the latest information the
United Nations has produced.
\\\{\\ respect to repatriation I have already
made our position clear. The United States has
no objection, and has never had any objection, to
voluntary repatriation. We will oppose any
forcible repatriation witli ail our power. What
irritates the U.S.S.R. is that whenever residents
of Communist countries have had an oppoi'tu-
nity to be free of their control, many thousands
of them have refused to return. What can be
wrong with conditions behind the iron curtain
to cause this?
With respect to subversion, one need only ex-
amine the record. The irresponsibility and in-
sincerity of the Soviet allegations is evident to
the entire free world, which knows well such names
as Nikolai Khokhlov, Yuri Rasvorov, Vhulimir
Petrov and his wife, as well as Dr. Marek Koro-
wicz. Except for the latter, the world knows that
they were part of the worldwide intelligence ap-
paratus of the Soviet Union.
The U.S.S.R. attack on the so-called Kersten
Amendment of the Mutual Security Act is an old
and familiar allegation — the falsity of which has
been exi)osed in previous sessions of the General
Assembly. The purpose of the amendment was
to give aid and comfort to those escaping from
behind the iron and bamboo curtains.
707
The only activity undertaken by the United
States Government under the so-called Kersten
Amendment (Sec. 401) of the Mutual Security
Act of 1954 has been the United States escapee
program, and about $12.7 million has been made
available from its inception in March 1952 through
June 30, 1954.
The objectives and activities of the escapee
program are : "to provide reception, interim care
and maintenance, and resettlement assistance to
recent Soviet and satellite escapees in Europe,
and to undertake assistance projects on behalf of
selected escapee groups or individuals in other
areas of the world."
As of May 31, 1954, 11.027 escapees had been
resettled from Europe, primarily in the United
States, Canada, Australia, and Latin America.
On the same date, 24,126 escapees represented the
current case load in Europe. This has been a tre-
mendous humanitarian effort ■which has earned
not only the gratitude of those unfortunate ones
who were able to escape but of the entire free world.
Heroic Feats of Escapees
The record of those who have used every con-
ceivable means to flee from their Soviet masters
is well known. One reads daily of the heroic feats
of those who have risked their lives to escape the
barbed wire, the mine fields, and the other nefari-
ous impediments that have been erected to pre-
vent this ever-increasing flight to freedom. Un-
fortunately we also read about those who have
lost their lives or have been maimed in those at-
tempts.
Despite the "new look" put on the horrors of
Soviet existence by the new regime, the continued
opposition among the masses and the spreading re-
vulsion among members of the state apparatus is
reflected in the thousands that continue to flee un-
der the threat of life imprisonment in forced la-
bor camps or even punishment by death.
Is it not significant that during the first C
months of 1954, 4,624 persons were officially regis-
tered as escapees from the Soviet Union and the
satellite countries? These included 989 from the
U.S.S.R., 350 from Albania, 29 Baits, 141 Bul-
garians, 1,234 from Czechoslovakia, 791 Hungar-
ians, 844 from Poland, and 246 Eumanians.
In the first half of this year a total of 95,200
East Germans reported to refugee-receiving cen-
ters in West Berlin and the Federal Republic.
These figures reflect a continuing pattern of those
escaping in earlier years.
I suppose it is because of the extent of this mass
flight, and the fact that it reveals the horrible
conditions of life under Soviet control and the will
of man to revolt against these conditions, that the
U.S.S.R. representative has taken it upon himself
to attempt to divert attention from the true pic-
ture bv making wild and false allegations.
U.S. SUPPORT FOR RESOLUTION
U.S. delegation press release 1987 dated October 21
The problem of refugees has become such a fa-
miliar aspect of life in this present century that
we are constantly in danger of forgetting that
refugees are human, with the same hopes, the same
aspirations, and the same desires that exist within
the hearts of us all. In this turbulent world any-
one might say and might well say that there but
for the grace of God go I.
The refugee problem is a human problem with
which we are all concerned. "We should all deal
with it in a human way. We were asked today to
approve a resolution which will make possible an-
other expression of the traditional assistance for
refugees which the international community has
extended through the United Nations and other-
wise. The resolution before us is but a piece of
paper which can have meaning only under two
circumstances. The first is the provision of gen-
erous financial support by a large number of gov-
ernments. The second is a vigorous implementa-
tion of the program to reach permanent solutions
for these refugees. I am confident that under the
able leadership of Dr. van Heuven Goedhart the
refugees will receive efficient and understanding
aid. I hope that the governments here will be in
a position to provide him with the resources es-
sential to his task.
It is with a good deal of personal satisfaction
that I am able to express the support of the United
States of America for this resolution and to inform
this Assembly that the executive branch of the
U.S. Government will request the Congress for
authorization and an appropriation for our con-
tribution to this program. I must also state that
this obviously cannot be construed as a commit-
ment at this time.
708
Department of Slate Bulletin
The Soviet tlele-iiition has clainieil tliat tlieie
would be no refugee problem but for the political
and economic purposes of the free world. The
shallowness, the falsity of this allegation is so ob-
vious that it needs no further elaboration here.
No amount of words and no amount of verbal
smog can obscure the true situation. As the High
Connnissioner so adequately said in his report, it
must never be forgotten that the refugees are
people who have made a sacrifice for the sake of
freedom. There can be no question but that the
free world is under obligation to see that their
sacrifice is not made meaningless. The problem
of the refugee is a concern for all of humanity.
It is a problem with only one political aspect, and
that is the conflict between the desire of tlie ref-
ugees to remain free and the desire of certain
countries that these refugees should be forcibly
returned to an uncertain fate in the lands from
which they had fled. This demand for forcible
repatriation is obviously miacceptable to free
peoples anywhere.
The policy of my Government is to continue to
make every efl'ort to aid those in need. "We are
happy to join in support of this project which
touches the conscience of the freedom-loving
world.
Foreign Forces in Burma
Statements 6y Charles H. Mahoney
UjS. Representative to the General Assembly ^
PROGRESS IN EVACUATION
U.S. delegation press release 1975 dated October 12
The statements which we heard yesterday have
made it clear that substantial results have been
achieved in the evacuation of foreign forces from
Burma. The hopes which were expressed in the
General Assembly last December have been ful-
filled to a marked extent. In fact, the results
have surpassed the expectations which were then
entertained. According to the final report of the
Joint Military Committee,^ prepared pursuant to
the General Assembly's Resolution of December
8, 195.3, a total of 5,742 troops and 881 dependents
' Made in the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Oct. 12 and
Oct. 14.
' U. X. doc. A/2740.
were repatriated to Formosa, along witli 177
prisoners of war and Ibti refugees.
The task was not an easy one. Negotiations to
reconcile the interests of several jiarties seldom go
smootlily. It was to be expected that delays and
dillicult situations would at times arise to plague
tlie course of the operation. Nevertheless, despite
tiie inevitable delays and difficulties, the Joint
Military Committee has given us an excellent
example of what can be accomplished through
peaceful international action and the exercise of
good will and perseverance. Although the Gov-
ernment of Burma withdrew from the four-
nation conunittee in September 1953, it contiimed
to cooperate with the Governments of Thailand,
China, and the United States through a liaison
group which was an integral part of the joint
effort. Without the cooperation of Thailand —
which cooperation was given wholeheartedly and
unstintingly — no evacuation would have been pos-
sible. The Government of the Republic of China,
for its part, did not rest with the evacuation of the
2,000 at first anticipated. It continued to exert
its influence to set in motion a second, then a third,
phase of evacuation.
Even before this problem was first discussed in
the Seventh General Assembly, the United States
fully recognized the justice of Burma's desire to
eliminate from its territories these foreign forces,
who i-efused to submit to Burmese authority and
who engaged in improper activities on Burmese
soil. We have consistently adliered to that view.
At the same time we have maintained that there
are limits to what can be done through interna-
tional action. The objective has been a limited
one : to persuade as many irregulars as possible to
leave voluntarily, and to provide the means for
their doing so — thus easing the problem and re-
ducing it to manageable proportions for Burma.
I am happy to note that this objective has been
achieved.
An undetermined number of irregulars still
remain in Burmese territory, despite all efforts
to induce their voluntary evacuation. It is our
understanding that the majority of these forces
are scattered and in disorganized groups. Their
overall leadership disappeared with the surrender
of the headquarters at Mong Hsat and the other
principal bases.
Some of the remnants are reported to have re-
tired to the remote regions of the northern Shan
November 8, 1954
709
State. Others are in the Tenasserim Peninsula,
■which forms the southern tip of Burma. Still
others are reported in the border area between
Burma and Thailand. It is indeed heartening to
know that the Thai and Burmese Governments
are now concerting plans to deal jointly with this
mutual problem. It is noteworthy, too, that this
useful example of international cooperation has to
some extent grown out of the relationships formed
during the activity of the Joint Military Com-
mittee.
That Committee has finished its task. The
evacuation operation in which the Governments
of Burma, China, Thailand, and the United States
have been jointly engaged — pursuant to the Gen-
eral Assembly's Kesolutions of April 23 and De-
cember 8, 1953 — has been brought to a close by
mutual consent of those four Govermnents.
The United States Government, however, will
not abate its interest in the problem. We would
be prepared in the future, as we have been in the
past, to exchange views with the interested parties
regarding such aspects of the problem as they
may wish to raise.
In closing, I should like, on behalf of the United
States Government, to thank the distinguished
representatives of the Governments of Burma,
Thailand, and China for their expressions of ap-
preciation for the part played by the United
States in the joint operation recently completed.
U. S. POSITION
D.S. delegation press release 1978 dated October 14
I wish to make a few comments on the resolu-
tion before us.
I shall not take the time of the Committee to
refute the completely false and unfounded charges
made by the Polish representative against the
United States yesterday. The record of the United
States speaks for itself. The Government of
Burma, itself, has expressed its appreciation for
the persistent efforts on the part of the United
States in the peaceful evacuation of the irregular
forces from Burma.
I now turn to the draft resolution which is being
sponsored by Australia, Canada, India, Indonesia,
New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, Sweden, the
United Kingdom, and Uruguay.^ We are happy
to note tliat among these countries are those which
pooled their collective judgment in sponsoring the
resolution adopted last year by the General As-
sembly. They have once again given positive evi-
dence of their continued interest in the peaceful
settlement of this problem pursuant to the Gen-
eral Assembly Eesolution of December 8, 1953.
The U.S. Government will support the 10-
power resolution. It is a document which we be-
lieve meets the requirements of the situation. It
strikes a positive note. It recognizes that the
situation in Burma has been eased and the mag-
nitude of the problem considerably reduced. At
the same time, in our view, it would be remiss for
the General Assembly to adopt a resolution which
overlooks the fact that foreign forces still remain
in the territory of the Union of Burma and have
failed to respond to the declarations of the Gen-
eral Assembly. Burma has a right to expect the
continued moral backing of the General Assem-
bly in the task wliich lies ahead of it before a com-
plete solution of this problem can be accomplished.
The U.S. Government has cooperated willingly
during the past year and a half in bringing about
the results achieved to date through the Joint
Military Committee. That Committee was formed
by the Governments of Burma, Thailand, China,
and the United States in order to give concrete
substance to the recommendations of the General
Assembly — and it was only after the interested
parties had recognized that the limits of volun-
tary evacuation had been reached that the Joint
Military Committee's activities were terminated.
Our support for this resolution is not only an
affirmation of our view that real progi'ess has
been made but also a reaffirmation that our inter-
est in Burma's problem will not abate. We stand
ready to exchange views with the parties concerned
regarding any measures which may be suggested
in keeping with the spirit and letter of the resolu-
tion before us and the previous resolutions adopted
by the General Assembly.
TEXT OF AGREED RESOLUTION «
U.N. doe. A/AC. 76/L.2 dated October 15
The General Assembly,
Having considered the report (A/2739) dated 27 Sep-
" U. N. doc. A/AC.76/L.1 dated Oct. 1.3.
710
' Adopted by the Ad Hoc rolilical Committee on Oct. 15
by a vote of 57-0-0 ; China did not participate. In a sepa-
rate vote on paragraph 2, the U. S., Thailand, and the
Soviet bloc ab.staiued. The resolution was approvinl in
plenary session on Oct. 29, 56-0-0.
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
tember 1051 of tlie Government of the Union of Burmn
on the situation relntiug to the presence of foreign forces
In its territory.
Having takin note of the report (A, 2740) of the Joint
Military Committee for the evacuation of foreign forces
froiM Burma, the edorts of which were directed to secur-
ing the removal of these foreign forces,
1. .Vo*e« tcith satisfaction that nearly 7,000 persons, both
foreign forces and their dependants, have liceii eviu-uatcd
from Buriua and that this constitutes a substantial con-
tribution to the solution of the problem pursuant to the
recommendations of the General Assembly ;
2. A'j-prc.i.scs its aiyprcciation of the efforts of the Govern-
ments of the United States of America and of Thailand
in helping to bring about this evacuation;
3. Deplores the fact that coiisiilcrMl)h' foreign forces with
a sipnitkunt quantity of arms still remain in the territory
of the Union of Burma and have failed to respond to the
declarations of the General Assembly that they should
either leave the territory of the Union of Burma or submit
to internment ;
4. Declares once more that these forces should submit to
disarmament and internment;
5. Assures the Government of the Union of Burmn of its
continuing sympathy with and support of the efforts of
that Government to bring about a complete solution of
this serious problem ;
6. Urges all States to take all necessary steps to prevent
the furnishing of any assistance which may enable foreign
forces to remain in the territory of the Union of Burma
or to continue their hostile acts against that country ;
7. I myites the Government of the Union of Burma to re-
port on the situation to the General Assembly as appro-
priate.
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Contracting Parties to GATT
The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 26 (press release 609) that Samuel C. "Waugh,
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs, would
be chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Ninth
Session of the Contracting Parties to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt), opening
at Geneva on October 28. The delegation also
includes the following :
Vice Chairman
Winthrop G. Brown, Counselor of Embassy for Economic
Affairs, London
Congressional Members
Senator Albert Gore
Senator Frank Carlson
Iteprcscntatlve Jere Coop<>r
Iteprcscntallvc Klchard .M. Simpson
Public Members
Lamar Fleming, Jr., Anderson, Clayton and Co., Houston,
Tex.
Cola Godden Parker, Kemberly-Clark Corp., Neenah, Wis.
\<l risers
Kathleen Bell, Department of Stale
A. Kichard IX'Felice, department of Agriculture
Robert Eisenberg, American Legation, Luxembourg
Morris Fields, Department of the Treasury
Joseph Grcenwald, Department of State
Walter Ilollls, Department of State
Klorencc Kirliii, Department of State
Gerald D. Morgan, Administrative Assistant to the
I'resident
Bernard Norwood, Department of State
Alexander Rosenson, Department of State
Robert E. Simpson, Department of Commerce
Edward F. Thompson, Department <jf the Treasury
Leonard Weiss, Department of State
Clayton E. Whipple, Department of Agriculture
Secretary of Delegation
Henry F. Nichol, Department of State
Technical Secretary
Virginia McClung, Department of State
The Xinth Session will deal primarily with a
proposed revision of the GA-rr. In his message
of March 30, 1954, to the Congress, the President
recommended that the Gatt be renegotiated with
a view to simplifying and strengthening the in-
strument in order to make it contribute more ef-
fectively to a workable system of world trade.
He also stated that the renegotiated organizational
provisions of the agreement would be submitted to
the Congress early next year for its approval.
The G.\tt was originally developed in 1947 to
lay down a set of rules for the conduct of inter-
national trade. The current review will take into
consideration the improved world economic situ-
ation since 1047. It is hoped that this improve-
ment will make possible further relaxation of re-
strictions now imposed by some countries on the
import of U.S. goods. The review will also con-
sider the need of underdeveloped countries to de-
velop and strengthen their economies. Provi-
sions of the agreement affecting international
trade in agricultural commodities are also ex-
pected to be examined during the review.
November 8, 1954
711
TREATY INFORMATION
U.S.-Belgian Agreement on
Defense Use of Technology
Press release 5S1 dated October 18
The Secretary of State announced on October 18
the signing of an agreement with Belgium to fa-
cilitate the interchange of patent rights and tech-
nical information for defense purposes. The
agreement was signed in Brussels on October 12
by the Belgian Foreign Minister, Paul-Henri
Spaak, and U. S. Ambassador Frederick M.
Alger, Jr.
The agreement is expected to foster the exchange
of technology for defense purposes both between
the Govermnents of Belgium and the United
States and between the private industries of the
two countries. Thus it should benefit the efforts of
both countries in providing for their national de-
fense and in contributing to the mutual defense
of the North Atlantic Treaty area.
This agreement with Belgium is the third of a
series being negotiated with the Nato countries,
and with Japan, to be signed to date. Similar
agreements have been signed with Italy and the
United Kingdom.
The agreements recognize that privately owned
technology should, to the greatest extent practi-
cable, be exchanged through commercial agree-
ments between owners and users. They also stip-
ulate that rights of private owners of patents and
technical information should be fully recognized
and protected in accordance with laws applicable
to such rights. Other provisions are intended to
assure fair treatment of private owners when they
deal directly with a foreign government and in
cases in which private information communicated
through government channels might be used or dis-
closed without authorization. Another feature of
the agreements relates to arrangements by which
owners of patentable inventions placed under
secrecy by one government may obtain comparable
protection in the other country.
The agreements also provide as a general rule
that government-owned inventions shall be inter-
changed for defense purposes on a royalty-free
basis.
Each of the agreements provides for the estab-
lishment of a Technical Property Committee to be
composed of a representative of each Government.
These Committees are charged with general re-
sponsibility for considering and making recom-
mendations on any matters relating to the
agreements brought before them by either Gov-
ermnent. One of the specific functions of the
Committees is to make recommendations to the
Governments, either in particular cases or in gen-
eral, concerning disparities in their laws affecting
the compensation of owners of patents and tech-
nical information.
The U.S. representative to the bilateral commit-
tees in Europe is assigned to the Office of the U.S.
Special Representatives in Europe, 2 Rue St.
Florentin, Paris.
The U.S. representatives on the Technical Prop-
erty Committees are backstopped by the Inter-
agency Teclniical Property Committee for
Defense, chaired by the Department of Defense
and includijig representatives of the Departments
of State, Justice, and Commerce, the Foreign Op-
erations Administration, and the Government Pat-
ents Board. This Conunittee is assisted by
a business advisory group representing the pri-
mary industries concerned with defense pro-
duction.
Treaty of Friendship
With Greece Proclaimed
Press release 597 dated October 21
The President proclaimed on October 18, 1954,
the treaty of friendship, commerce, and naviga-
tion between the United States and Greece. The
treaty was signed at Athens on August 3, 1951.
It was approved, subject to a reservation respect-
ing the practice of professions, by the U.S. Sen-
ate on July 21, 1953, and by the Greek Parliament
on June 1, 1954. Instruments of ratification were
exchanged at Athens on September 13, 1954, and
by its terms the treaty entered into force 1 month
thei-eafter on October 13, 1954.
Entry into force of the new treaty establishes
a comprehensive and formal set of advanced
standards to govern basic economic relations be-
tween the United States and Greece, and to serve
as a potential means of directing the future devel-
opment of those relations along mutually bene-
ficial lilies. It contains provisions on basic per-
712
Department of Slate Bulletin
sonal freedoms, property rights, investment and
business activities generally, exchanjie regula-
tions, the treatment of imports and exports, ship-
ping, and other matters atrecting the status and
activities of the citizens and enterprises of either
country when within the territories of the other.
U.S. and Mexico To Negotiate
Broadcasting Agreement
Press release 615 dated October 28
The United States has accepted the invitation
of ilexico and will send a delegation to Mexico
City to begin discussions with Mexican authorities
on standard-band broadcasting on November 4,
10."i4. The U.S. delegation will be headed by Rosel
H. Hyde, Commissioner of the Federal Communi-
cations Commission, and will include officials from
the Fee and the Department of State and from
industry.
The primary purpose of the meeting will be to
negotiate an agreement on standard-band broad-
casting between the two Governments. The pre-
vious basic agreements between the United States
and Mexico in this field have expired.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Copyright
Uuiversal copyright convention and three related proto-
cols. Done at Geneva September 6, 1952.'
Ratification deposited: Haiti, September 1, 1054.
Accession deposited: Laos, August 19, 1954.
Postal Matters
Uuiversal postal convention, with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution : and provisions regarding air-
mail and final protocol thereto. Signed at Brussels
Julv 11, 1052. Entered into force July 1, 1953. TIAS
2S0O.
Ratification deposited: Rumania, September 27, 1954.
Telecommunications
Telegraph regulations (Paris revision, 1049) annexed to
the international teleconinmnication convention (At-
lantic City, 1047), and final protocol. Signed at Paris
August 5, 1049. Entered into force July 1, 1950. TIAS
2175.
Acceptance deposited: Mexico, September 13, 1954.
BILATERAL
Germany
Agreement concerning the treaty of friendship, commerce
and consular rights of December 8, 192:}, as amended
(44 Stat. 2132 and 49 Stat. 3258). Signed at Bonn June
' Not in force.
3, llKia. Rntlfied liy the President October S, 10.'")4. In-
Ntruineiits nf ratltlcatloii exchanged October 22, 1004.
/.lid c. (/ i)i(o force: October 22, 1954.
Guatemala
.VgrccincMl aincnding agrceini'iil of May 10, 1043 (57 Stat.
1111) t«> provide for completion of construction of the
Inter-Anierlcan Highway in Guatemala. Effected by
exchange of notes at Washington July 2s and August
2,s, 1054. Entered into force August 28, 1954.
India
Agreement relating to copyright relations. Effected by
exchange of notes at Washington October 21, 10.54. En-
tered Into force October 21, 1054 : operative retroactively
from August 15, 1047. Presidential proclamation issued
October 21, 1954.
Ryukyu Islands
Parcel post avrreenieiit. and detailed regulations. Signed
at Tokyo July 10. 10."i4 by the Governor of the Ryukyu
Islands and at Washington July 30, 1054 by the U.S.
Postmaster General. Ratified i)y the President August
23, 1954. Entered into force October 15, 1054.
United Kingdom
Supplementary protocol amending the convention for the
avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal
evasion with respect to taxes on income of April 16,
1045 (TIAS 1546) as modified by the supplementary
protocol of June 6, 1946 (TIAS 1546). Signed at Wash-
ington May 25, 1954.
Ratified hy the President: September 22, 1954.
STATUS LIST »
Regulations for Preventing Collisions at Sea. .\pproved
by the International Conference on Safety of Life at Sea
at London June 10, 1948. Entered into force January
1, 1954. TIAS 2809.
Countries ichich have accepted the regulations
Date of
Coiintrien acceptance
Australia Dec. 9, 1949
Belgium July 19, 1951
Brazil Sept. 27, 1949
Bulgaria Dec. 15, 1953
Burma Dec. 23, 1949
Canada July 15, 1949
Chile May 23, 1949
Colombia Oct. 10, 1952
Denmark Nov. 28, 1949
Dominican Republic Aug. 3, 1949
Ecuador Dec. 13, 1949
Egypt Sept. 8, 1951
Finland Sept. 6. 1951
France Apr. 23, 1949
Germany Jan. 22, 1954
Greece June 24, 1950
Haiti May 26, 1954
Hungary Feb. 1, 1952
Iceland Aug. 19, 1949
India Mar. 28, 1950
Iraq Aug. 8, 1949
Ireland Oct. 16, 19.50
I.srael Dec. 29, 1953
Italy Feb. 19, 1951
Liberia Dec. 30, 19.53
Mexico Nov. 18, 1949
Netherlands June 2, 1949
.New Zealand May 23, 1949
' .^s of Sept. 27, 1954.
November 8, J 954
713
Date of
Countries acceptance
Nicaragua Dec. 23, 1949
Norway July 4, 1952
Pakistan Nov. 23, 1949
Panama Feb. 4, 19-54
Peru Sept. 4, 1952
Philippine.? Mar. 3, 1953
Poland Aug. 12, 1949
Portugal Feb. 24, 1953
Kumania Jan. 10, 1952
Spain Aug. 5, 1950
Sweden Mar. 4, 1950
Turkey Nov. 27, 1950
Union of South Africa July 24, 1950
U. S. S. R July 19, 1951
United Kingdom June 14, 1950
United States Oct. 26, 1951
Venezuela Dec. 28, 1953
Yugoslavia Oct. 7, 1949
PUBLICATIONS
Foreign Relations Volume
Press release 601 dated October 22
The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 30 the publication of Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1937, Volume V, The American
Republics. This is the last of the series of five
volumes of diplomatic correspondence to be pub-
lished for the year 1937.
The multilateral negotiations covered by the
documentation in this volume are about equally
concerned with economic and political questions.
Economic matters are emphasized in the corre-
spondence on bilateral relations between the
United States and other American Republics.
Such correspondence comprises three-fourths of
this 800-page volume.
In the record on multilateral negotiations a
major portion of the documents relates to three
subjects: the Chaco dispute between Bolivia and
Paraguay, construction of the Inter-American
Highway, and a pi'oposal by the United States to
lease destroyers to the American Republics for
training purposes. The latter proposal (pp. 149-
174) and a suggestion by the President of Colom-
bia that the United States and Colombia cooper-
ate in surveillance of areas adjacent to the Pan-
ama Canal (pp. 438-^39) are evidence of an
awareness among the American Republics of the
coming of World "War II.
Discussions concerning possible reciprocal trade
agi'eements and efforts to secure equitable treat-
ment for American business interests are the chief
subjects of bilateral diplomacy dealt with in this
volume. Trade agreement talks were held with
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El
Salvador, and Venezuela. Equitable treatment
for American business interests was the subject
of discussions with Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil,
Chile, and Mexico.
Copies of this volume (V, 807 pp.) may be pur-
chased from the Superintendent of Documents,
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C.,
for $3.75 each.
THE DEPARTMENT
Designations
Christopher H. Phillips as Deputy Assistant Secretary
for International Organization Aftairs, effective October
15 (press release 579).
Victor Purse as Deputy Chief of Protocol, effective
October 10.
Charlton Ogburn, Jr., as Chief of the Division of Re-
search for the Near East, South Asia, and Africa, effec-
tive October 10.
Office Designation
The following office designation is effective September
22 under the Bureau of Inspection, Security, and Con-
sular Afl^airs : Departmental Inspection Service (DI).
FOREIGN SERVICE
Recess Appointment
The President on October 11 appointed Gerald A. Drew
to be Ambassador to Bolivia.
714
Department of State Bulletin
\..Nember 8, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 802
American Principles
Veace in Frt'otloin tEisonhower) G75
'Soviet PropiipiiKlii niiil International Tension (Cabot) . GUT
American Republics
A I'revlew of the U.S. Position iit I he Klo Conference
(Hoiliuul) 084
Soviet Proimcauda and International Tension (Cabot) . 007
Atomic EnerBy. Nuelear Explosliins In U.S.S.K 700
Beleium. r.S.Heljilan Agreement on Defense Use of
Technology 712
Burma. I'Vireicn Forces In Burma (statements by Mahoney
and text of U.N. resolution) 709
Congress. The
Till' Commuuist Conspiracy in Guatemala (Peurlfoy) . . 690
Cuirent Le^'lsliitlon 896
Economic Affairs
Contractlnj,- Parties to GATT (U.S. delegation) .... 711
A Preview of the U.S. Position at the Ulo Conference
(Holland) 884
Treaty of Friendship With Greece Proclaimed .... 712
Europe
Secretary Dulles Reports to President In First Open
Cahinet Meetlnj; 877
Soviet Propaganda and International Tension (Cabot) . C97
Foreign Service. Recess Appointment (Drew) .... 714
Germany. Visit of Chancellor Adenauer (statements:
Adenauer, Eisenhower, Dulles) 680
Greece. Treaty of Friendship With Greece Proclaimed . . 712
Guatemala
The Communist Conspiracy in Guatemala (Peurifoy) . . 690
Soviet Pro|ia;;a!ula and International Tension (Cabot) . 007
U.S. .\id to Guatemala (.\rniourl 690
International Organizations and Meetings. Contracting
Parties to GATT (U.S. delegation) 711
Iran. Iranian Oil Agreement 683
Japan. Visit of Prime Minister Yoshlda 679
Mexico. U.S. and Mexico To Negotiate Broadcasting
.\grcement 713
Mutual Security
U.S. Aid to Guatemala (Armour) 696
U.S. -Belgian Agreement on Defense Use of Technology . 712
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary Dulles Re-
ports to President in First Open Cabinet Meeting . . 677
Presidential Documents. Peace in Freedom 675
Publications. Foreign Relations Volume 714
Refugees and Displaced Persons
Intensifyin;; International Efforts To Aid Refugees
(Johnson! 703
Text of Resolution Authorizing International Fund for
Refugee Aid 705
State. Department of
Designations (Ogburn. Phillips. Purse) 714
Oflice Designation (Departmental Inspection Service) . . 714
Treaty Information
Current .\etions 713
Iranian Oil Agreement 683
Treaty of Friendship With Greece Proclaimed .... 712
U.S. and Mexico To Negotiate Broadcasting Agreement . 713
U.S. Belgian .\Kreement on Defense Use of Technology . 712
Visit of Chancellor Adenauer (statements : Adenauer,
Eisenhower, Dulles) 680
U.S.S.R.
Nuclear Explosions in U.S.S.R 700
Soviet Propaganda and International Tension (Cabot) . 697
United Nations
Foreign Forces In Burma (statements by Mahoney and
text of U.N. resolution) 709
Intensifying International Efforts To Aid Refugees
(Johnson) 703
Text of Resolution Authorizing International Fund for
Refugee Aid 705
The United Nations and World Security (Key) .... 701
United Nations Day (Dulles) 702
Name Indvai
.Vilenauer. Konrad 080
Armour, Norman 696
Cabot, John Moors 697
Drew. Gerald A 714
Dulles, Secretary 677,080,702
Elsenhower, President 075, 080
Holland. Henry F 084
Hyde. Rosel H 713
Johnson. A. .M. Ade 703
Key, David McK 701
Mahoney, Charles H 709
Oghurn, Charlton, Jr 714
Peurlfoy, John E 090
Phillips, Christopher H 714
Purse, Victor 714
Waugh, Samuel C 711
Yoshlda, Shlgcru 679
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 25-31
Releases may bo obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Wasliington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to October 25 wliich
appear in tliis issue of tlie Bulletin are Nos. 579
of October 15, 581 of October 18, 597 of October 21,
and (!()1 and C03 of October 22.
Subject
Woodward : Swearing-in ceremony.
Hearings on Pliilippine trade.
Delegation to metal trades meeting.
Holland : Preview of Rio Conference.
Delegation to Gatt meeting.
Iranian oil agreement ratified.
Educational exchange.
Exchange of publications with Ger-
many.
Merchant : U.S. diplomacy.
Visit of Yoshida (rewrite).
Radio tallis with Mexico.
Friendship treaty with Germany.
Dulles: Signing of friendship treaty.
Aid to Guatemala.
Death of Bundestag president.
*Xot printed.
fHeld for a later issue of the Bctlletin.
No.
Dale
*eo5
10/25
*60C
10/26
t607
10/26
608
10/27
(309
10/2G
610
10/28
•611
10/27
t612
10/27
1613
10/28
614
10/28
615
10/28
616
10/29
617
10/20
618
10/29
*019
10/29
V. S. «OVKflRMENT PNINTIN6 OFFtCCi l»B4
the
United States
Government Printing Office
DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
Washjngton 25, D. C.
PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVON
PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. S300
(GPO)
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Foreign Relations of the United States . . .
the basic source of information on U.S. diplomatic history
1937, Volume Y, The American Republics
Department
of
State
The multilateral negotiations covered by the documentation
in this volume are about equally concerned vfiVa economic and
political questions.
In the record on multilateral negotiations a major portion
of the documents relates to three subjects: The Chaco dispute
between Bolivia and Paraguay, construction of the Inter-
American Highway, and a proposal by the United States to
lease destroyers to the American Republics for training
purposes.
Discussions concerning possible reciprocal trade agreements
and efforts to secure equitable treatment for American busi-
ness interests are the chief subjects of bilateral diplomacy
dealt with in this volume. Trade agreement talks were held
with Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador,
and Venezuela. Equitable treatment for American business
interests was the subject of discussions with Argentina, Bo-
livia, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico.
Copies of this volume may be purchased from the Superin-
tendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D.C., for $3.75 each.
Order Form
To: Supt. of Documents Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United
Govt. Printing 0(&c« States, 1937, Volume V, The American Republics.
Washingrton 25, D.C.
Name:
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y5s^, / /
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J/ie^ zJ^efta/Ktnie'n{/ /C^ t^tat^
Vol. XXXI, No. 803
November 15, 1954
^eNx Ofr
RESULTS OF PARIS CONFERENCE • Texts of
Agreements 719
SOME PROBLEMS OF CHARTER REVIEW • by David
W. Wainhouse 737
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN DEVELOPING
THE PEACEFUL USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY
Statement by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 742
Text of Draft Resolution 743
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Li'.:rary
Superintendent of Documents
DEC 2 8 1954
^ne z!/^e/i€C')(&nent c£ t/tci^e
bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 803 • Publication 5667
November 15, 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Oovemment Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C .
Price:
52 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.26
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has been
approved by the Director of the Bureau of
the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the fieUl of foreign
relations and on the w^ork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of the Department, as well as
special articles on viarious phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
tchich the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
ivcll as legislatii^e material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Results of Paris Conference
The Department of State this month released a
jmhlication entitled London and Paris Agree-
ments, September-October 1954 {for sale by the
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, 4S cents)
containing documents on the recent London and
Paris conferences. The volume also includes the
text of Secretary Dulles'' report to the President
and the Cabinet on October 25. Reprinted below
are texts of the agreements signed at Paris on Oc-
tober 23 relating to NATO, to the Brussels Treaty
of 1948, to the occupation of the Federal Republic
of Germany, and to Berlin.
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO NATO
Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the Acces-
sion of the Federal Republic of Germany
The Parties to the Xorth Atlantic Treaty signed
at Washington on 4th April, 1949,
Being satisfied that the security of the North
Atlantic area will be enhanced by the accession of
the Federal Republic of Germany to that Treaty,
and
Having noted that the Federal Republic of Ger-
many has by a declaration dated 3rd October,
1954,^ accepted the obligations set forth in Article
2 of the Charter of the United Nations and has
undertaken upon its accession to the North Atlan-
tic Treaty to refrain from any action inconsistent
with the strictly defensive character of that
Treaty, and
' For text of the Final Act of the London Conference,
Section V of which contains the Oct. 3 declarations, see
BuiiETlN of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 515.
Having further noted that all member govern-
ments have associated themselves with the declara-
tion also made on 3rd October, 1954, by the Gov-
ernments of the United States of America, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland and the French Republic • in connection
with the aforesaid declaration of the Federal
Republic of Gennany,
Agree as follows:
Article I
Upon the entry into force of the present Proto-
col, the Government of the United States of
America shall on behalf of all the Parties com-
municate to the Government of the Federal Re-
Sublic of Germany an invitation to accede to the
orth Atlantic Treaty. Thereafter the Federal
Republic of Germany shall become a Party to that
Treatj' on the date when it deposits its instru-
ments of accession with the Government of the
United States of Atnerica in accordance with
Article 10 of that Treaty.
Article II
The present Protocol shall enter into force,
when (a) each of the Parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty has notified to the Government of the
United States of America its acceptance thereof,
(b) all instruments of ratification of the Protocol
Modifying and Completing the Brussels Treaty
have been deposited with the Belgium Govern-
ment, and (c) all instruments of ratification or
approval of the Convention on the Presence of
Foreign Forces in the Federal Republic of Ger-
many have been deposited with the Government
of the Federal Republic of Germany. The Gov-
ernment of the United States of America shall
inform the other Parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty of the date of the receipt of each notifica-
tion of acceptance of the present Protocol and of
the date of the entry into force of the present
Protocol.
November 15, 1954
719
Article III
The present Protocol, of which the English and
French texts are equally authentic, shall be de-
posited in the archives of the Government of the
United States of iVmerica. Duly certified copies
tliereof shall be transmitted by that Govermnent
to the Governments of the other Parties to the
North Atlantic Treaty.
In wttness whereof, the undersigned Represen-
tatives, duly authorised thereto by their respective
Governments, have signed the present Protocol.
Signed at Paris the twenty-third day of October
nineteen hundred and fifty four.
For Belgium : P. H. Spaak
For Canada : L. B. Pearson
For Denmark : H. C. H!ansen
For France : P. Mendes-France
For Greece : S. Stephanofoulos
For Iceland : Kristin Gudmundsson
For Italy : G. Martino
For the Grand-Duchy of Luxemburg : Jos. Bech
For Netherlands : J. "W. Beyen
For Norway : Halvard Lange
For Portugal : Paulo Cunha
For Turkey : F. KopRtiLiJ
For the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern-Ireland : Anthony Eden
For the United States of America : John Foster
Dulles
Resolution To Implement Section IV of the Final
Act of the London Conference Concerning the
Powers of the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe
The North Atlantic Council :
1. Recognising the necessity of strengthening
the structure of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization and of reinforcing the machinei-y for
the collective defence of Europe, and desirous of
specifying the conditions governing joint exam-
ination of the defence effort of member countries,
2. Recalls that:
(a) the resources which member nations in-
tend to devote to their defence effort as well as the
level, composition and quality of the forces which
the member nations are contributing to the de-
fence of the North Atlantic area are each year
subject to collective examination in the Nato An-
nual Review for the purpose of reaching agree-
ment on force goals, taking into account expected
mutual aid;
(b) the defence expenditures incurred by the
member nations and the extent to which the rec-
ommendations emerging from the Annual Re-
view have been carried out are the subject of pe-
riodical review during the year.
3. Agrees with the terms of the Agreement on
Forces of Western European Union ; ^ and that
with respect to the forces which the members of
"Western European Union will place under Nato
Command on the mainland of Europe and for
which maximum figures have been established in
that Agreement, if at any time during the Nato
Annual Review recommendations are put for-
ward, the effect of which would be to increase the
level of forces above the limits established in this
Agreement, the acceptance by the country con-
cerned of such recommended increases shall be
subject to unanimous approval by the members
of Western European Union, expressed either in
the Council of "Western European Union or in the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
4. Decides that all forces of member nations
stationed in the area of the Allied Command
Europe shall be placed under the authority of the
Supreme Allied Commander Europe or other ap-
propriate Nato Command and under the direction
of the Nato military authorities with the excep-
tion of those forces intended for the defence of
overseas territories and other forces which tlie
North Atlantic Treaty Organization has recog-
nised or will recognise as suitable to remain under
national command.
5. Invites member nations to make an initial
report for consideration and recognition by the
Council on those forces which they plan to main-
tain within the area of Allied Command Europe
for the common defence, but not to place under
the authority of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization, taking into account the provisions of
relevant Nato directives bearing on that subject;
the initial report will include a broad statement
of the reason for which the above forces are not
so placed. Thereafter, if any changes are pi'o-
posed, the North Atlantic Council action on the
Nato ^Innual Review will constitute recognition
as to the suitability and size of forces to be placed
under the authority of tlie appropriate Nato Com-
mand and those to be retained under national com-
mand.
6. Notes that the agreements concluded within
the framework of the Organization of "V\'^estern
European Union on the internal defence and police
forces which the members of that Organization
' See p. 724.
720
Department of State Bulletin
will maintain on the maiiihuul shall be notilied to
the North Atlantic Council.
7. Agrees, in the interest of most ellVctivc col-
lective defence, that in respect of combat forces in
the area of Allied C'onmiand Kurope and under the
Supreme -Vllied C'onnuaiuler Kurope;
(a) all deployments shall be in accordance
with Nato stratcfiy ;
(b) tlie location of forces in accordance witii
Nato operational plans shall be determined by the
Supreme Allied Conmiander Europe after con-
sultation and a{;reement with the national author-
ities concerned ;
(c) forces under the Supreme Allied Com-
mander Europe and witliin the area of Allied
Command Europe shall not be redeployed or used
operationally within that area witliout the ccflisent
of the Supreme Allied Connnander Europe, sub-
ject to political guidance furnished by the North
Atlantic Council, when appropriate, through
normal channels.
8. Decides That:
(a) integration of forces at Army Group and
Tactical Air Force level shall be maintained ;
(b) in view of the powerful combat support
units and logistic support organization at Army
level, integration at that level and associated Air
Force level will be the rule, wherever formations
of several nationalities are operating in the same
area and on a common task, provided there are no
overriding objections from the point of view of
military effectiveness;
(c) wherever military efficiency permits, in
light of the size, location and logistic support of
forces, integration at lower levels, both in the land
and air forces, shall be achieved to the maximum
extent possible ;
(d) proposals to the North Atlantic Council,
indicating any increases in conmionly financed
items of expenditure, such as infrastructure which
might be entailed by the adoption of such meas-
ures, should be submitted by the Nato military
authorities.
9. Agrees that, in order to improve the capabil-
ity of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe to
discharge his responsibilities in the defence of
Allied Command Europe, his responsibilities and
powers for the logistic support of the forces placed
under his authority shall be extended.
10. Considers that these increased responsibili-
ties and powers should include authority :
(a) to establish, in consultation with the na-
tional authorities concerned, requirements for the
provision of logistic resources; '
(b) to determine, in agreement with tlie na-
tioiuil authorities concerned, their geographic
distribution;
(c) to establish, in consultation with these
authorities, logistic priorities for the raising,
equipping and maintenance of units;
(d) to direct the utilisation, for meeting his
rei|uirements, of those portions of the logistic sup-
port systems made available to him by the appro-
priate authorities;
(e) to co-ordinate and supervise the use, for
logistical iHU-poses, of Nato connuon infrastruc-
ture facilities and of tlicse national facilities made
available to him by the national authorities.
11. Agrees that, in order to ensure that adequate
information is obtained and made available to the
appropriate authorities about the forces placed
under the Supreme Allied Connnander Europe in-
cluding reserve formations and their logistic sup-
port within the area of Allied Command Europe,
the Supreme Allied Connnander Europe shall be
granted increased authority to call for reports re-
garding the level and effectiveness of such forces
and their armaments, eciuipment and supplies as
well as the organization and location of their lo-
gistic arrangements. He shall also make field
inspections within that area as necessary.
12. Invites nations to submit to the Supreme
Allied Commander Europe such reports to this
end as he may call for from time to time; and
to assist inspection within the area of Allied Com-
mand Europe by the Supreme Allied Commander
Europe of these forces and their logistic support
arrangements as necessary.
13. Confinns that the powers exercised by the
Supreme Allied Commander Europe in peacetime
extend not only to the organization into an ef-
fective integrated force of the forces placed under
him but also to their training; that in this field, the
Supreme Allied Commander Europe has direct
control over the higher training of all national
forces assigned to his command in peacetime ; and
that he should receive facilities from member na-
tions to inspect the training of those cadre and
other forces within the area of Allied Command
Europe earmarked for that Command.
' By logistic resources should be understood all the
materiel, supplies, installations nnd parts thereof neces-
sary for the prolonged conduct of combat operations.
[Footnote in the original.]
November ?5, ?954
721
14. Directs the Nato military authorities to ar-
range for the designation by the Supreme Allied
Commander Europe of a highranking officer of
his Command who will be authorised to transmit
regularly to the Council of Western European
Union information relating to the forces of the
members of Western European Union on the main-
land of Europe acquired as a result of the reports
and inspections mentioned in paragraphs 11 and
12 in order to enable that Council to establish that
the limits laid down in the special agreement men-
tioned in paragraph 3 above are being observed.
15. Agrees that the expression "the area of Al-
lied Command Europe" as used throughout this
Resolution shall not include North Africa; and
that this Resolution does not alter the present
status of the United Kingdom and United States
forces in the Mediterranean.
16. Directs the Nato Military Committee to in-
itiate the necessary changes in the directives to
give effect to the above policies and objectives of
the North Atlantic Council.
Welcome the extension of the Brussels Treaty
as an important step toward the achievement of
European unity; and express confidence that
there will be the closest co-operation between the
Western European Union and the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization which remains the founda-
tion of the security and progress of the Atlantic
Community.
Take Note with satisfaction of the statements
made on 29th September 1954 in London by the
United States Secretary of State and the Canadian
Secretary of State for External Affairs, and of
the declaration by the Foreign Secretary of the
United Kingdom concerning the maintenance of
United Kingdom forces on the continent of
Europe ; ^
Finally,
Record their deep satisfaction at the happy con-
clusion of all the above arrangements which to-
gether constitute a decisive step in fortifying the
North Atlantic Alliance and uniting the Free
World.
Resolution on Results of the Four and Nine Power
Meetings*
The North Atlantic Council :
Recognising that all the arrangements arising
out of the London Conference form part of one
general settlement which is directly or indirectly
of concern to all the Nato Powers and has there-
fore been submitted to the Council for information
or decision ;
Have Learnt with satisfaction of the arrange-
ments agreed between the Governments of France,
the United Kingdom and the United States of
America and of the Federal Republic of Gei-many
for the termination of the occupation regime in the
Federal Republic as set forth in the Protocol
communicated to the Council;
Welcome the decision of the Brussels Treaty
Powers to invite the Federal Republic of Ger-
many and Italy to accede to the Brussels Treaty
as modified and completed by the Protocols and
other documents communicated to the Council, and
hereby record their agreement with the provisions
of those Protocols and documents insofar as they
concern action by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization ;
'Adopted by the North Atlantic Connoil on Oct. 22.
For text of the communique issued on the same date,
see p. 732.
Resolution of Association With the Tripartite
Declaration of October 3, 1954
The North Atlantic Council,
Welcoining the declaration made in London by
the Goverimient of the Federal Republic of Ger-
many on 3rd October, 1954, and the related
declaration made on the same occasion by the
Goveriunents of the United States of America,
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and North-
ern Ireland and the French Republic,
Notes With Satisfaction that the representatives
of the other Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty
have, on behalf of their Governments, today asso-
ciated themselves with the aforesaid declaration
of the Three Powers.
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE BRUSSELS
TREATY
Declaration Inviting Italy and the Federal Republic
of Germany To Accede to the Brussels Treaty
The Governments of Belgium, France, Luxem-
bourg, the Netherlands and tlie United Kingdom,
Parties to the Brussels Treaty of March the I7th,
1948, for collaboration in economic, social and cul-
' BtrLLEHN of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 523.
722
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
tural matters and for legitimate collective self-
defence ; *
Awaro that tlio principles underlying the asso-
ciation created by the Brussels Treaty are also
recognised and applied by the Federal Republic
of Germany and Italy;
Noting with satisfaction that their devotion to
peace and their allegiance to democratic institu-
tions constitute connnon bonds between the coun-
tries of Western Europe ;
Convinced that an association with the Federal
Kepublic of Germany and Italy woiiKl represent
a new and substantial advance in the direction
already indicated by the Treaty;
Deckle,
in application of Article IX of the Treaty, to
invite the Federal Republic of Germany and Italy
to accede to this Treaty, as niodilicd and completed
in accordance with the decisions of the Conference
held in London from September the 28th to Oc-
tober the 3rd 19ol, which are recorded in its Final
Act.
Protocol No. I Modifying and Completing the Brus-
sels Treaty
His Majesty the King of the Belgians, the Pres-
ident of the French Republic, President of the
French Union, Her Roj^al Highness the Grand
Duchess of Luxembourg, Her jNIajesty the Queen
of the Netherlands and Pier Majesty the Queen
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland and of Her other Realms and
Territories, Head of the Commonwealth, Parties
to the Treaty of Economic, Social and Cultural
Collaboration and Collective Self-Def ence, signed
at Brussels on JNIarch the l7th, 194:8, hereinafter
referred to as the Treaty, on the one hand,
and the President of the Federal Republic of
Germany and the President of the Italian Re-
public on the other hand,
Insjiired by a common will to strengthen peace
and security ;
Desirous to this end of promoting the unity and
of encouraging the progressive integration of
Europe ;
Convinced that the accession of the Federal Re-
public of Germany and the Italian Republic to
the Treaty will represent a new and substantial
advance towards these aims ;
Havinsr taken into consideration the decisions
' For text, see London and Paris Agreements, p. 57, and
Bulletin of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 528.
November 15, J 954
of the Ivondon Conference as set out in the Final
Act of October the 3rd, 1954 and its Annexes;
Have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries:
AVho, having exhibited their full powers found
in good and due form,
I lave agreed as follows :
Article I
The Federal Republic of Germany and the
Italian Republic hereby accede to the Treaty as
modilied and completed by the present Protocol.
The High Contracting Parties to the present
Protocol consider the Protocol on Forces ot "West-
ern European Union (hereinafter referred to as
Protocol No. II), the Protocol on the Control of
Armaments and its Annexes (hereinafter referred
to as Protocol No. Ill), and the I'rotocol on the
Agency of Western European Union for the Con-
trol of Armaments (hereinafter referred to as
Protocol No. IV) to be an integral part of the
present Protocol.
Article II
The sub-paragraph of the Preamble to the
Treaty : "to take such steps as may be held neces-
sary in the event of renewal by Germany of a
policy of aggression" shall be modified to read : "to
promote the unity and to encourage the progi'es-
sive integration of Europe".
The opening words of the 2nd paragraph of
Article I shall read: "The co-operation provided
for in the preceding paragraph, which will be ef-
fected tlirough the Council referred to in Article
VIII. . . ".
Article III
The following new Article shall be inserted in
the Treatj' as Article IV : "In the execution of the
Treaty the High Contracting Parties and any
organs established by Them imder the Treaty
shall work in close co-operation with the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization".
Recognising the undesirability of duplicating
the Militaiy Staffs of Nato, the Council and its
agency will rely on the appropriate Military
Authorities of Nato for information and advice
on militaiT matters.
Articles'lV, y, VI and VII of the Treaty will
become respectively Article V, VI, VII and VIII.
Article IV
Article VIII of the Treaty (formerly Article
VII) shall be modified to read as follows:
"1. For the purposes of strengthening peace and secu-
rity and of promoting unit.v and of encouraging the pro-
gressive integration of Europe and closer co-operation l)e-
tween Them and with other European organizations, the
High Contracting Parties to tlie Brussels Treat.v shall
create a Council to consider matters concerning the execu-
723
tion of this Treaty and of its Protocols and their Annexes.
"2. This Council shall be known as the "Council of
Western European Union" ; it shall be so organized as to
be able to exercise its functions continuously ; it shall set
up such subsidiary bodies as may be considered necessary :
in particular it shall establish immediately an Agency for
the Control of Armaments whose functions are defined in
Protocol No. IV.
"3. At the request of any of the High Contracting Par-
ties the Council shall be immediately convened in order
to permit Them to consult with regard to any situation
which may constitute a threat to peace, in whatever area
this threat should arise, or a danger to economic stability.
"4. The Council shall decide by unanimous vote ques-
tions for which no other voting procediire has been or may
be agreed. In the cases provided for in Protocols II, III
and IV it will follow the various voting procedures,
unanimity, two-thirds majority, simple ma.1ority, laid
down therein. It will decide by simple majority ques-
tions submitted to it by the Agency for the Control of
Armaments".
Article V
A new Article shall be inserted in the Treaty as
Article IX : "The Council of Western European
Union shall make an Annual Report on its activi-
ties and in particular concerning the control of
armaments to an Assembly composed of repre-
sentatives of the Brussels Treaty Powers to the
Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe".
The Articles VIII, IX and X of the Treaty
shall become respectively Articles X, XI and XII.
Article VI
The present Protocol and the other Protocols
listed in Article I above shall be ratified and the
instruments of ratification shall be deposited as
soon as possible with the Belgian Government.
They shall enter into force when all instru-
ments of ratification of the present Protocol have
been deposited with the Belgian Government and
the instrvunent of accession of the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany to the North Atlantic Treaty has
been deposited with the Govermnent of the United
States of America.
Tlie Belgian Government shall inform the gov-
ernments of the other High Contracting Parties
and the Govermnent of the United States of
America of the deposit of each instrument of
ratification.
In witness whereof the above-mentioned Plen-
ipotentiaries have signed the present Protocol and
have affixed thereto their seals.
Done at Paris this 23rd day of October 1954
in two texts, in the English and French languages,
each text being equally authoritative in a single
copy which shall remain deposited in the archives
of the Belgian Government and of which certified
copies shall be transmitted by that Government to
each of tlie other Signatories.
For Belgiimi : P. II. Spa.\k
For France : P. INIendes-Fkance
For the Federal Republic of Germany : Adena-chee
For Italy : G. Marti no
For the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg : Jos. Bech
For the Netherlands Tj. "\Y. Bei-en
For the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern-Ireland : Anthony Eden
Protocol lio. BI on Forces of Wcstem European Union
His Majesty the King of the Belgians, the Presi-
dent of the French Republic, President of the
French Union, the President of the Federal Re-
public of Germany, the President of the Italian
Republic, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess
of Luxembourg, Her ilajesty the Queen of the
Netherlands, and Her Majesty the Queen of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland and of Her other Realms and Territories,
Head of the Commonwealth, Signatories of the
Protocol Modifying and Completing the Brussels
Treaty,
Having consulted the North Atlantic Council,
Have appointed ,
Have agreed as follows :
Ai'ticle 1
1. The land and air forces wliich each of the
High Contracting Parties to the present Protocol
shall place under the Supreme Allied Commander
Europe in peacetime on the mainland of Europe
shall not exceed in total strength and number of
formations :
(a) for Belgium, France, the Federal Re-
public of (jermany, Italy and the Nether-
lands, the maxima laid down for peace-
time in the Special Agreement annexed to
the Treaty on the Establislunent of a Euro-
pean Defence Community signed at Paris,
on 27th May, 1952 ; and
(b) for the United Kingdom, four divisions
and the Second Tactical Air Force ;
(c) for Luxembourg, one regimental combat
team.
2. The number of formations mentioned in para-
graph 1 may be brought up to date and adapted
as necessary to make them suitable for the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, provided that the
equivalent fighting capacity and total strengths
are not exceeded.
3. The statement of these maxima does not com-
mit any of the High Contracting Parties to build
up or maintain forces at these levels, but maintains
their right to do so if required.
Article 2
As regards naval forces, the contribution to
Nato Commands of each of the High Contracting
724
Department of Stale Bulletin
Parties to tlie present Protocol shall bo detonnined
each year in the course of the Annual Review
(which takes into account the reconnucndations of
tlie Nato niilitarv authorities). The naval forces
of the Fctlcral Ke|)ul)lic of Germany shall con-
sist of the vessels and formations necessary for
the defensive missions assipneil to it by the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization within the limits
laid down in the Sjiecial A<rreeincnt mentioned in
Article 1, or equivalent liirhtin<j capacity.
Article 3
If at any time dnrinji the Annual Review
recommendations are put forward, the efl'ect of
which would be to increase the level of forces
above the limits specilied in Articles 1 and 2,
the acceptance by tne country concerned of such
recommended increases shall be subject to the
unai>imous approval of the Ilifrh Contracting
Parties to the present Protocol expressed either
in the Council of Western European Union or in
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Article ^
In order that it maj- establish that the limits
siiecified in Articles 1 and 2 are being observed, the
Council of "Western European Union will regu-
larly receive information acquired as a result of
inspections carried out by the Supreme Allied
Commander Europe. Such information will be
transmitted by a high-ranking officer designated
for the ])urpose by the Supreme Allied Com-
mander Europe.
Article 6
The strength and armaments of the internal
defence and police forces on the mainland of
Europe of the High Contracting Parties to the
present Protocol shall be fixed by agreements
within the Organization of Western European
Union, having regard to their proper functions
and needs and to their existing levels.
Article 6
Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Northern Ireland will con-
tinue to maintain on the mainland of Europe,
including Germany, the effective strength of the
United Kingdom forces which are now assigned
to the Supreme Allied Commander Europe, that
is to say four divisions and the Second Tactical
Air Force, or such other forces as the Supreme
xVllied Commander Europe regards as having
equivalent fighting capacity. She undertakes
not to withdraw these forces against the wishes of
the majority of the High Contracting Parties who
should take their decision in the knowledge of the
views of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe.
This undertaking shall not, however, bind her in
the event of an acute overseas emergency. If
the maintenance of the United Kingdom forces on
the mainland of Europe throws at any time too
great a strain on the external finances of the
United Kingdom, slie will, (hrougli Her Govern-
ment in the United Kingdom of Great Hritain
and Northern Ireland, invite the North Atlantic
Council to review the financial conditions on which
tlie United Kingdom fornuitions are maintained.
In witness whereof, the above-mentioned Plen-
ipotentiaries have signed the present Protocol, lac-
ing one of the Protocols listed in Article I of the
Protocol Modifying and Completing the Treaty,
and have affixed thereto their seals.
Done at Paris this 2;5rd day of October, 1954, in
two texts, in the English and French languages,
each text being equally authoritative, in a single
copy, which shall remain deposited in the archives
of the Belgian Government and of which certi-
fied copies shall be transmitted by that Govern-
ment to each of the other Signatories.
[Signatures same as in Protocol No. I.]
Protocol No. Ill on the Control of Armaments
His Majesty the King of the Belgians, the Pres-
ident of the French Republic, President of the
French Union, the President of the Federal Re-
public of Germany, the Pi"esident of the Italian
Republic, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess
of Luxembourg, Her Majesty the Queen of the
Netherlands, Her Majesty the Queen of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
and of Her other Realms and Territories, Head
of the Commonwealth, Signatories of the Protocol
Modifying and Completing the Brussels Treaty,
Have appointed . . . . ,
Have agreed as follows :
Part I — Armaments not to be manufactured
Article 1
The High Contracting Parties, members of
Western European Union, take note of and record
their agi'eement with the Declaration of the Chan-
cellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (made
in London on 3rd October 1954, and annexed
hereto as Annex I)'* in which the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany undertook not to manufacture in
its territory atomic, biological and chemical weap-
ons. The types of armaments referred to in this
'" London and Parin Agreements, p. 46 ; Bxjlletix of Oct.
11, 195-1, p. 519.
November 15, 1954
725
Article arc defiiied in Annex II.' These arma-
ments shall be more closely defined and the defini-
tions bi'oufiht up to date by the Council of Western
European Union.
Article 2
The Hifijh Contracting Parties, members of
Western European Union, also take note of and
record their agreement witli tlic undertaking
given by the Chancellor of the Federal Republic
of Germany in the same Declaration that certain
further types of armaments will not be manufac-
tured in the territory of the Federal Republic of
Germany, excejjt that if in accordance witli the
needs of the armed forces a recommendation for
an amendment to, or cancellation of, the content
of the list of these armaments is made by the
competent Supremo Commander of the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization, and if the Govern-
ment of the Federal RejMiblic of Germany sub-
mits a request accordingly, such an amendment or
cancellation may be made by a resolution of the
Council of Western Euro])ean Union i)assed by a
two-thirds majority. The types of armaments
referred to in this Article are listed in Annex III.*
Part II — Armaments to he controlled
Article S
Wlien the develoj^ment of atomic, biological
and chemical \ve;)])ons in the territory on the main-
land of Europe of the Iligli Contracting Parties
wlio have not given ii|) the riglit to jiroduce them
has jiassed the expei'imenlal stage and ed'ective
])r()duc(ion of them lias started tlierc, tlie level of
stocks that the Higli Contracting Parties con-
cerned will be allowed to hold on the mainland
of Euro])e sliall be decided by a majority vote of
tlie Council of Western European Union.
Article 4-
Without prejudice to the foregoing Articles,
the tyjies of armaments listed in Annex IV will be
controlled to tlie ex(A>nt and in the numner laid
down in Protocol No. IV.
Article 5
The Council of Western European Union may
vary tiie list in Annex IV by unanimous decision.
In witness whereof, the above-mentioned Plen-
ipotentiaries have signed the present Protocol,
being one of the Protocols listed in Article I of
the Protocol Modifying and Completing the
Treaty, and have aflixed thereto their seals.
Done at Paris on the 2;5rd day of October 1954,
in two texts, in the English and French languages,
each text being equally authoritative, in a single
' IjoniUm and Pn7is Agreements, p. 47.
'J hid., 1). 48.
copy, which shall remain dei)osited in the archives
of the Belgian Government and of which certified
copies shall be transmitted by that Government to
each of the other Signatories.
[Signatures same as in Protocol No. I.]
Protocol No. IV on the Agency of Western European
Union for the Control of Armaments
His Majesty the King of the Belgians, the Presi-
dent of the French Republic, President of the
French Union, the President of the Federal Re-
public of Germany, the Pi-e.sident of the Italian
Republic, Iler Royal Highness the Grand Duchess
of Luxembourg, Her Majesty the Queen of the
Netherlands, Her Majesty tlie Queen of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
and of Her other Realms and Territories, Head of
the Connnonwealth, Signatoiues of the Protocol
Modifying and Completing the Brussels Treaty,
Having agreed in accordance with Ai'ticle IV
of the I*rotocol Modifying and Completing the
Treaty, to establish an Agency for the Control of
Armaments,
Have appointed ,
Have agreed as follows:
Part I — Coiistitution
Article 1
The Agency for the Control of Armaments
(hereinafter referred to as "the Agency") shall be
responsible to the Council of We^stern European
Union (hereiiiafler i-eferred to as "the Council").
It shall consist of a Director assisted by a Deputy
Director, and supported by a stall' drawn equitably
from nationals of the High Contractmg Parties,
Members of A\'estern European Union.
Article 2
The Director and his staff, including any officials
who may be put at the disposal of the Agency by
States Members, shall be subject to the general
administrative control of the Secretary General
of Western European Union.
Article 8
The Director shall be aiipointed by unanimous
decision of the Council for a period of live years
and shall not be eligible for re-appointment. He
shall be responsible for the selection of his staff
in accordance with the ]irinci])le mentioned in
Article 1 and in consultation with the individual
States Members concerned. Before lilling the
posts of Deputy Director and of the Heads of
Departments oi' the Agency, the Director shall
726
Department of Stale Bulletin
the moiulHTs oi W ostorii Kiironoivn
Union and from the iiiipropriiito Nato
obtain from tlio Connoil ajiproval of tlip ]ic>rsons
to Ix' ui)p()inti'tl.
Article 4
1. Tlio Director slutll submit to tho Council,
throujiii tiie Secri'tarv (iiMU'ral, a plan for tlio or-
ganization of thi' A<;;enoy. The orfjanization
Siould provide for dopartment-s dealinfr respec-
tively with :
(a) the examination of statistical and buds;:-
etary information to be obtaineil from
the members of Western Kiiroi)ean
Union and
authorities;
(b) inspections, test checks and visits;
(c) administration.
2. The organization may be modified by deci-
sion of the Council.
Article 5
The costs of maintainiiif; tlie Ajjency shall
appear in the budjiet of "Western European Union.
The Director shall submit, tliroii<;ii the Secretary
General, to the Council an annual estimate of
these costs.
Article 6
Officials of the Agency shall be bound by the
full N.\To code of security. They shall in no cir-
cumstances reveal information obtained in con-
ne.xion with the e.xecution of their official tasks
except and only in the performance of their duties
towards the Agencv.
Part II — Functions
Article 7
1. The tasks of the Agency shall be :
(a) to satisfy itself that the nndertakings
set out in Protocol No. Ill not to manu-
facture certain types of armaments men-
tioned in Annexes II and III to that
Protocol are being observed ;
(b) to control, in accordance with Part III of
the present Protocol, the level of stocks
of armaments of the tyjies mentioned in
Annex IV to Protocol No. Ill held by
each member of Western European
Union on the mainland of Europe. This
control shall extend to production and
imports to the extent required to make
the control of stocks effective.
2. For tlie purposes mentioned in paragi'aph 1
of this Article, the Agency shall :
(a) scrutinise statistical and budgetary infor-
mation supplied by members of Western
European Union and by the Nato
authorities;
(b) undertake on the mainland of Europe
test checks, visits and inspections at pro-
duction plants, depots and forces (other
November 75, J 954
than depots or forces under Nato
authority) ;
^c) report to the Council.
Article 8
Witii respect to forces and depots under Nato
authority, test checks, visits and inspections shall
be undertaken by the api)i()priate authorities of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in the
case of the forces and depots under tlie Supreme
Allied Connnander Europe, the Agency shall re-
ceive notitication of the information supplied to
the Council through the medium of the high-rank-
ing officer to be de^^ignated by him.
Article 9
The operations of the Agency shall be confined
to the mainland of Europe.
Article 10
The Agency shall direct its attention to the pro-
duction of end-items and components listed in
Annexes II, III and IV of Protocol No. Ill, and
not to processes. It shall ensure that materials and
products destined for civilian use are excluded
from its operations.
Article 11
Inspections by the Agency shall not be of a
routine churacter, but shall be in the nature of
tests canned out at irregular intervals. Such in-
.spections shall be conducted in a spirit of harmony
and co-operation. The Director shall propose to
the Council detailed I'egulations for the conduct
of the inspections providing, inter alia, for due
process of law in respect of private interests.
Article IS
For their test checks, visits and inspections the
members of the Agency shall be accorded free
access on demand to plants and dejpots, and the
relevant accounts and documents shall be made
available to them. The Agency and national au-
thorities shall co-oi)erate in such checks and in-
spections, and in particular national authorities
may, at their own request, take part in them.
Part III — Levels of Stocks of Armaments
Article 13
1. Each member of Western European Union
shall, in respect of its forces under Nato authority
stationed on the mainland of Europe, furnish an-
nually to the Agency statements of:
(a) the total quantities of armaments of the
types mentioned in Annex IV to Protocol
No. Ill required in relation to its forces;
(b) the quantities of such armaments cur-
727
rently held at the beginning of the control
years;
(c) the programmes for attaining the total
quantities mentioned in (a) by:
(i) manufacture in its own territory;
(ii) purchase from another country;
(iii) end-item aid from another country.
2. Such statements shall also be furnished by
each member of Western Eui'opean Union in re-
spect of its iiiternal defence and police forces and
its other forces under national control stationed on
the mainland of Europe including a statement of
stocks held there for its forces stationed overseas.
3. The statements shall be correlated with the
relevant submissions to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
Article 11^
As regards the forces under Nato authority, the
Agencj' shall verify in consultation with the ap-
propriate Nato authorities that the total quantities
stated under Article 13 are consistent with the
quantities recognised as required by tlie units of
the members concerned under Nato authority, and
with the conclusions and data recorded in the
documents approved by the North Atlantic Coun-
cil in connexion with the Nato Annual Eeview.
Article 15
As regards internal defence and police forces,
the total quantities of their armaments to be ac-
cepted as appropriate by the Agency shall be those
notified by the members, provided that they re-
main within the limits laid down in the further
agreements to be concluded by the members of
Western European Union on the strength and
armaments of the internal defence and police
forces on the mainland of Europe.
Article 16
As regards other forces remaining under na-
tional control, the total quantities of their arma-
ments to be accepted as appropriate by the Agency
shall be those notified to the Agency by the
members.
Article 17
The figures furnished by members for the total
quantities of armaments under Articles 15 and 16
shall correspond to the size and mission of the
forces concerned.
Article 18
The provisions of Articles 14 and 17 shall not
apply to the High Contracting Parties and to the
categories of weapons covered in Article 3 of
Protocol No. III. Stocks of the weapons in ques-
tion shall be determined in conformity with the
procedure laid down in that Article and shall be
notified to the Agency by the Coimcil of the West-
ern European Union.
Article 19
The figures obtained by the Agency under
Articles 14, 15, 16 and 18 shall be reported to the
Council as appropriate levels for the cui'rent con-
trol year for the members of Western European
Union. Any discrepancies between the figures
stated under Article 13, paragraph 1, and the quan-
tities recognised under Article 14 will also be
reported.
Article W
1. The Agency shall immediately report to the
Council if inspection, or information from other
sources, reveals :
(a) the manufacture of armaments of a type
which the member concerned has undertaken not
to manufacture ;
(b) the existence of stocks of armaments in
excess of the figures and quantities ascertained
in accordance with Articles 19 and 22.
2. If the Council is satisfied that the infraction
reported by the Agency is not of major impor-
tance and can be remedied by prompt local action,
it will so inform the Agenc}' and the member con-
cerned, who will take the necessary steps.
3. In the case of other infractions, the Council
will invite the member concerned to provide the
necessary explanation within a period to be de-
termined by the Council; if this explanation is
considered unsatisfactory, the Council will take
the measures which it deems necessary in accord-
ance with a procedure to be determined.
4. Decisions of the Council under this Article
will be taken by majority vote.
Article 21
Each member shall notify to the Agency the
names and locations of the depots on the mainland
of Europe containing armaments subject to con-
trol and of the plants on the mainland of Europe
manufacturing such armaments, or, even though
not in operation, specifically intended for the man-
ufacture of such armaments.
Article 22
Each member of Western European Union shall
keep the Agency informed of the quantities of
armaments of the types mentioned in Annex IV to
Protocol No. Ill, which are to be exported from its
territory on the mainland of Europe. The Agency
shall be entitled to satisf}' itself that the arma-
ments concerned are in fact exported. If the level
of stocks of any item subject to control appears
abnormal, the Agency shall furtlier be entitled to
enquire into the oi-ders for cxjjort.
728
Department of State Bulletin
Article 23
The Council shall transmit to the Apcncy in-
formation reooivod from the CJovernmeiits of the
United States of America and Canada respecting
military aid to be furnished to the forces on the
mainland of Europe of members of Western Eu-
ropean Union.
Ix WITNESS WHEREOF, the abovc-mentioned Plen-
ipotentiaries have signed the present Protocol, be-
ing one of the Protocols listed in Article I of the
Protocol Modifying and Completing the Treaty,
and have affixed thereto their seals.
Done at Paris this 23rd day of October 1954, in
two texts, in the English and French languages,
each text being equally authoritative, in a single
copy, which shall remain deposited in the archives
of the Belgian Government and of which certified
copies shall be transmitted by that Government
to each of the other Signatories.
[Signatures same as In Protocol No. I.]
Resolution on Production and Standardisation of
Armaments'
The Governments of the Kingdom of Belgium,
the French Kepublic, the Federal Republic of
Germany, the Italian Republic, the Grand Duchy
of Luxembourg, the Kingdom of the Netherlands,
and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland,
Anxious to increase the effectiveness of their
common Defence forces to the maximum,
Desirous of ensuring the best possible use of
their available armament credits by means of the
rational organization of production.
Noting the importance in this connection of
standardising weapons and weapon components.
Desirous of facilitating any agreements to this
and between all or certain of the Seven Powers:
(1) Recall the decision taken at the London
Conference to set up a Working Party to study the
draft directives submitted by the French Govern-
ment on 1st October 1954 and such other docu-
ments as might subsequently be submitted on the
problem of the production and standardisation
of armaments.
(2) Agree to convene a Working Group in Paris
on the 17th January 1955 of the Representatives of
Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Nether-
lands, the Federal Republic of Germany and the
United Kingdom, to study the draft directives
and other documents referred to in the foregoing
paragraph, with a view to submitting proposals
to the Council of Western European Union when
it comes into being.
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE OCCUPATION
OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
Protocol on the Termination of the Occupation
Regime in the Federal Republic of Germany
The United States of America, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
the French Republic and the Federal Republic of
Germany agree as follows :
Article 1
The Convention on Relations between the Three
Powers and the Federal Rejiublic of Germany,
the Convention on the Rights and Obligations
of Foreign Forces and their Members in the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, the Finance Conven-
tion, the Convention on the Settlement of Mat-
ters arising out of the War and the Occupation,
signed at Bonn on 26 May 1952, the Protocol
signed at Bonn on 27 June 1952 to correct certain
textual errors in the aforementioned Conven-
tions, and the Agreement on the Tax Treatment
of the Forces and their Members signed at Bonn
on 26 May 1952, as amended by the Protocol signed
at Bonn on 26 July 1952,^° shall be amended in ac-
cordance with the five Schedules" to the present
Protocol and as so amended shall enter into force
(together with subsidiary docmnents agreed by the
Signatory States relating to any of the aforemen-
tioned instruments) simultaneously with it.
Article 2
Pending the entry into force of the arrangements
for the German Defence Contribution, the fol-
lowing provisions shall apply :
(1) The rights heretofore held or exercised by
the L^nited States of America, the United
'Adopted by the Nine-Power Conference on Oct. 21.
November 15, 1954
'" For a summary of the Bonn conventions of Jlay 26,
1952, see Bulletin of June 9, 1952, p. 8S8 ; for texts, see
S. Executives Q and R. 82d Cohr., 2d sess.
" Schedule I is entitled Amendments to the Convention
on Relations between the Three Powers and the Federal
Republic of Germany; Schedule II, Amendments to the
Convention on the Rights and Obligations of Foreign
Forces and their Members in the Federal Republic of Ger-
many; Schedule III, Amendments to the Finance Conven-
tion; Schedule IV, Amendments to the Convention on the
ffettlement of Matters Arising out of the War and the
Occupation; Schedule V, Amendments to the Agreement
on the Tax Treatment of the Forces and their Members.
For texts, see London and Paris Agreements, pp. 65-94.
729
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland and the French Republic relating"
to the helds of disarmament and demili-
tarisation shall be retained and exercised
by them, and nothing in any of the instru-
ments mentioned in Article 1 of the present
Protocol shall autliorize the enactment,
amendment, repeal or deprivation of effect
of legislation or, subject to the provisions
of paragraph (2) of this Article, executive
action in those fields by any other authority.
(2) On the entry into force of the present Pro-
tocol, the Military Security Board shall be
abolished (without prejudice to the validity
of any action or decisions taken by it) and
the controls in the fields of disarmament and
demilitarisation shall thereafter be applied
by a Joint Four-Power Commission to
which each of the Signatory States shall
appoint one representative and which shall
take its decisions by majority vote of the
four members.
(3) The Governments of the Signatory States
will conclude an adininistrative agreement
which shall provide, in conformity with the
provisions of this Article, for the establish-
ment of the Joint Foiir-Power Commission
and its staff and for the organisation of the
work.
Article 3
1. The present Protocol shall be ratified or ap-
proved by the Signatory States in accordance with
their respective constitutional procedures. The
Instruments of Ratification or Approval shall be
deposited by the Signatory States with the Gov-
ermnent of the Federal Republic of Germany.
2. The present Protocol and subsidiary docu-
ments relating to it agreed between the Signatory
States shall enter into force upon the deposit by
all the Signatory States of the Instruments of
Ratification or Approval as provided in paragraph
1 of this Article.
3. The present Protocol shall be deposited in the
Ai'chives of the Government of the Federal Re-
public of Germany, which will furnish each Sig-
natory State with certified copies thereof and
notify each State of the date of entry into force
of the present Protocol.
In faith whereof the undersigned Representa-
tives duly authorized thereto have signed the pres-
ent Protocol.
Done at Paris this 23rd day of October, 1954, in
three texts, in the English, French and German
languages, all being equally authentic.
730
For the United States of
^Vjnerica: John Fostee Dulles
For the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland : Anthony Eden
For the French
Republic : P. Mendes-France
For the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany : Adenauer
Convention on the Presence of Foreign Forces in the
Federal Republic of Germany
In view of the present international situation
and the need to ensure the defence of the free
world which require the continuing presence of
foreign forces in the Federal Republic of Ger-
many, the United States of America, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
the French Republic and the Federal Republic of
Germany agree as follows :
Article 1
1. From the entry into force of the arrange-
ments for the German Defence Contribution,
forces of the same nationality and effective
strength as at that time may be stationed in the
Federal Republic.
2. The effective strength of the forces stationed
in the Federal Republic pursuant to paragraph 1
of this Article may at any time be increased with
the consent of the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany.
3. Additional forces of the States parties to
the present Convention may enter and remain in
the Federal territory with tne consent of the Gov-
ernment of the Federal Republic of Germanj' for
training purposes in accordance with the proce-
dures apiilicable to forces assigned to the Supreme
Allied Commander, Europe, provided that such
forces do not remain there for more than thirty
days at any one time.
4. The Federal Republic grants to the French,
the United Kingdom and the United States forces
the right to enter, pass through and depart from
the territory of the Federal Republic in transit to
or from Austria (so long as their forces continue
to be stationed there) or any country Member of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, on the
same basis as is usual between Parties to the North
Atlantic Treaty or as may be agreed with ef-
fect for all Member States by the North Atlantic
Council.
Article 2
The present Convention shall be open to acces-
sion bj' any State not a Signatory, which had
Department of Slate Bulletin
forces stiitioned in the Feilerul teiritory on tlie
diite of tlio signntiire of the Protocol on tlie 'IVr-
niinution of tlie Occupation Kefxinie in the Feilerul
liepublic of Germany sif^ned ut Paris on -S-'t Oc-
tober 1904. Any such State, desirinij to accede to
the present Convention, may ileposit with the Uov-
emnient of the Federal Kepnblic an Instrument of
Accession.
Article 3
1. The present Convention sliall expire with
tlie conclusion of a Gernnin peace settlement or if
at an earlier time the Sijxnatory States agree that
the development of the international situation jus-
tifies new arrangements.
•2. The Signatory States will review the terms
of the present Convention at the same time and
subject to the same conditions as provided for in
Article 10 of the Convention on Relations between
the Three Powers and the Federal Republic of
Germany.
Article Jf
1. The present Convention shall be ratified or
approved by the Signatory States and Instruments
of Ratification or Approval shall be deposited by
them with the Goverinnent of the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany which shall notify each Signatory
State of the deposit of each Instrument of Ratifica-
tion or Approval. The present Convention shall
enter into force when all the Signatory States have
made such deposit and the Instrument of Accession
of the Federal Republic of Germany to the North
Atlantic Treaty has been deposited with the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America.
2. It shall also enter into force on that date as to
any acceding State which has previously deposited
an Instrument of Accession in accordance with
Article 2 of the present Convention and, as to any
other acceding State, on the date of the deposit by
it of such an Instrument.
3. The present Convention shall be deposited in
the Archives of the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany, which will furnish each
State party to the present Convention with certi-
fied copies thereof and of the Instrimients of Ac-
cession deposited in accordance with Article 2 and
will notify each State of the date of the deposit of
any Instrument of Accession.
Ix FAITH WHEREOF the Undersigned Representa-
tives duly authorized thereto have signed the
present Convention.
DoxE at Paris this 2:3rd day of October, 1954, in
tliree texts, in the English, French and German
languages, all being equally authentic.
For the United States of
America :
For the United Kingdom
of (neat Britain and
Northern Irehnul :
For the F r e n c h
Republic:
For the Federal Repub-
lic of Germanv :
John Foster Duul»m
Anthony Eden
P. Mendes-France
Adenauer
Tripartite Agreement on the Exercise of Retained
Rights in Germany
The Governments of the United States of
America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland and the French Republic
agree as follows:
1. The rights retained by the United States of
America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland and the French Republic
after the entry into force of the Protocol on the
Termination of the Occupation Regime in the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, which are referred to
in the Convention on Relations between the Three
Powers and the Federal Republic of Germany as
amended by the said Protocol, will be exercised
by their respective Chiefs of Mission accredited
to the Federal Republic of Germany.
2. The Chiefs of Mission will act jointly in the
exercise of those rights in the Federal Republic
of Germany in matters the Three Powers consider
of conmion concern under the said Protocol and the
instruments mentioned in Article 1 thereof.
3. Those rights which relate to Berlin will con-
tinue to be exercised in Berlin pursuant to exist-
ing procedures, subject to any future modifica-
tion wliich may be agreed.
4. This agreement shall enter into force upon the
entry into force of the said Protocol.
Done at Paris on the twenty-third day of October,
Nineteen hundred and fifty-four in two texts, in
the English and French languages, both texts be-
ing equally authentic.
For the Government of the
United States of America: John Foster Dulles
For the Government of the
United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland: Anthony Eden
For the Government of the
French Republic : P. Mendes-France
November 15, 1954
731
FOREIGN MINiSTERS' STATEMENT ON BERLIN''
With respect to Berlin, in addition to the Allied
security guarantees for the city in the London
communique of October 3, 1954, the Foreign
Ministers of France, the United Kingdom and
the United States have noted with deep satis-
faction the close and friendly cooperation be-
tween the Allied and Berlin authorities. The
Three Powers are determined to ensure the great-
est possible degree of self-government in Bei'lin
compatible with Berlin's special situation. Ac-
cordingly, the three Governments have instructed
their representatives in Berlin to consult with the
authorities of that city with a view to implement-
ing jointly and to the fullest degree possible the
foregoing principles.
Special NAC iVSinisterial Session
TEXT OF FINAL COMMUNIQUE"
1. The North Atlantic Council held a Minister-
ial Session in Paris today under the Chairman-
ship of Mr. Stephanos Stephanopoulos, Foreign
Minister of Gi-eece. This meeting, which was
attended by Foreign Ministers and Defence Min-
isters of member countries, dealt with issues of
vital importance for the security of the free world,
and for the promotion of greater European unity,
within the framework of a developing Atlantic
Conimunity. In particular, the meeting was called
to approve arrangements designed to bring about
the full association of the Federal Republic of
Germany with the West, and a German defence
contribution. On the invitation of the Council,
Dr. Adenauer, Chancellor of the Federal Republic
of Germany, attended the meeting as an observer.
2. The Council noted that all the agreements
reached at the London Conference " and at the
subsequent meetings of the Four and Nine-Power
Conferences " form part of one general settlement
which is directly or indirectly of concern to all
the North Atlantic Treaty Powers and which was
'^ Issued on Oct. 23 by the Foreign Ministers of France,
the United Kingdorn, and the United States.
" Issued at Paris on Oct. 22.
"For text of the final act of the London Conference,
see BuT.iETiN of Oct. 11, 1054, p. .^l.^.
" For the communique issued on Oct. 21 after the Nine
Power Conference, see ibid., Nov. 1, 19.54, p. 638.
732
accordingly submitted to the Council. The Coun-
cil welcomed this settlement.
3. The Comicil was informed of the agree-
ment reached between the Foreign Ministers of
France, the German Federal Republic, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America in
regard to ending the occupation regime in the
Federal Republic.
4. The Council was informed of the agreement
reached on the text of four protocols strengthen-
ing and extending the scope of the Brussels Treaty
Organization — now Western European Union —
expanded to provide for the participation of Italy
and of the German Federal Republic, and on the
text of accompanying documents. The Council
welcomed this agreement and agreed with the pro-
visions of the Protocols to the Brussels Treaty
insofar as they involve action by the North Atlan-
tic Council or other Nato authorities.
5. The Council welcomed the declaration made
in London by the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany on 3rd October, 1954, and
the related declaration made on the same occasion
by the Governments of France, the United King-
dom and the United States.^" It noted with satis-
faction that the representatives of the other parties
to the North Atlantic Treaty have today associated
themselves with the declaration of the Three
Powers.
6. The Council approved a resolution to rein-
force the existing machinery for the collective
defence of Europe, chiefly by strengthening the
powers of the Supreme Allied Commander
Eurojie.
7. The Council approved a Protocol to the North
Atlantic Treaty inviting the Federal Republic
of Germany to join Nato. The Protocol will be
signed tomorrow by the fourteen Foreign Min-
isters, and will enter into force when each of the
Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty has notified
the Government of the United States of America
of its acceptance, and when all instruments of rat-
ification of the Protocol Modifying and Complet-
ing the Brussels Treaty have been deposited with
the Belgian Government, and when all instru-
ments of ratification or approval of the Conven-
tion on the Presence of Foreign Forces in the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany have been deposited
with the Government of the Federal Republic of
Germany.
" Ibid., Oct. 11, 1954, p. 520.
Department of State Bulletin
8. The Council heard a statement by tlio For-
eign Minister of Italy on the recent agreements
reached on the Trieste problem." The valne of
these agreements from the Atlantic and European
point of view was emphasized.
9. The Council agreed to hold its next Minis-
terial Meeting on or about l.lth December next.
10. The Council realllnned that the North At-
lantic Treaty remains a basic element in the for-
eign policies of all member governments. It
agreed that there nmst be the closest possible co-
operation between Western European Union and
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in all
fields and that any duplication of the work of
existing agencies of Nato will be avoided. The
Council reaffirmed its unity of purpose in the pur-
suit of peace and progress. The present confer-
ence and the agi-eements reached represent a new
and decisive step in tlie development of the Atlan-
tic Community.
11. The text of the agreements and documents
will be issued separately tomorrow, Saturday,
October 23, after the signing ceremony.
White House Consultations on
European and Asian Agreements
Statement hy James C. Hagerty
Press Secretary to the President
White House press release dated October 30
The President met today with the Secretary of
State ; Mr. Herbert Hoover, Jr., the Under Secre-
tary of State; Mr. Douglas MacArthur, Coun-
selor of the State Department; Livingston T.
Merchant, Assistant Secretaiy of State for Euro-
pean Affairs.
Consideration was given to further constitu-
tional procedures with reference to the agreements
designed to restore sovereignty to Germany and
to bring Germany into the North Atlantic Treaty
Alliance. Similar discussion and consideration
was given to the Manila Pact for collective security
in Southeast Asia.
The President decided to transmit all of the
relevant documents in both these matters to the
Senate following its reconvening on November
8th. This is being done with a view to obtaining
"For text of the agreements, see ihid., Oct. 18, 1954,
p. 556.
November J 5, 1954
82121ft— B4 3
the advice and consent of the Senate to the ratifica-
tion of such of these instruments as require Senate
action.
The President hopes that the Senate will refer
these instruments to the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee for study and report so that the full Senate
would bo able to act promptly on these matters
when it meets for its new session in January.
Reply to U.S.S.R. on
"Atoms for Peace" Program
News Conference Statement hy the President
Wbite House press release dated November 3
I thought you might be interested in knowing
about recent developments in the "Atoms for
Peace" program of the United States.
Today John Foster Dulles, the Secretary of
State, is delivering to Mr. Zaroubin, the Soviet
Ambassador, our reply ' to the Soviet aide mem-
oire of September 22d.^ You will recall that this
Soviet message indicated that they apparently
wanted to renew the negotiations to implement the
proposal which I made to the United Nations last
December' for an international pool of fissionable
material and information. I hope that this will
start a new phase in the U.S.-U.S.S.R. negotia-
tions which will be more fruitful than the first
phase, during which the Soviets showed a lack of
interest in cooperating with the United States to
further international cooperation in developing
the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
Later on this week Ambassador Cabot Lodge is
going to give a report on American preliminary
plans in connection with the international agency
in the Political Committee of the United Nations.*
This great project is very close to my heart, and I
am glad to see that we are making good progress
toward establishing the agency. We are deter-
mined to get on with this international project
whether or not the Soviets participate.
I am glad to be able to tell you also that More-
head Patterson of New York has agreed to serve
under Mr. Dulles, in the Department of State, as
United States representative to conduct the diplo-
' Not printed.
' Bulletin of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 486.
• /6i(f ., Dec. 21, 1953, p. 847.
'See p. 742.
733
matic negotiations looking to United States
participation in the International Atomic Energy
Agency. I am going to see Mr. Patterson tomor-
row to tell him about the great importance wliich
I attach to this International Atomic Energy
Agency.
ties Egypt has reiterated in the agreement its ad-
herence to the principle of freedom of transit
tlirough the Canal in conformity with the 1888
convention.
TEXT OF MAIN AGREEMENT'
Letters of Credence
Spain
The newly appointed Ambassador of Spain,
Don Jose Maria Areilza, Count of Motrico, pre-
sented his credentials to the President on Novem-
ber 6. For the text of the Ambassador's remarks
and the text of the President's reply, see Depart-
ment of State press release 630.
U.K.-Egyptian Agreement
Regarding Suez Canal Base
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 594 dated October 19
The signing of the fuial agreement between
Egypt and the United Kingdom on the Suez Base
is an event of far-reaching importance and an oc-
casion for renewed congratulations to both
countries.
This action, following the initialing of the agree-
ment in principle last July,^ marks the successful
resolution of a problem which has existed in some
form for many years. Its solution has been fa-
cilitated by the development of a spirit of mutual
confidence between the two countries which augurs
well for their future relations.
I believe that the removal of this deterrent to
closer cooperation will open a new approach to
peaceful relations between the Near Eastern states
and other nations of the free world. It is my hope
that this cooperation may now develop fully to the
mutual advantage of all concerned and will
strengthen the stability and security of the area.
Egypt now assiunes new and fuller responsibili-
ties as the military base in the Suez Canal Zone
passes from British to Egyptian control. I am
pleased to note that in accepting these responsibili-
' Bulletin of Aug. 9, 1954, p. 198.
The Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland and the Government of the Repub-
lic of Egj-pt,
Desiring to establish Anglo-Egyptian relations on a new
basis of mutual understanding and firm friendship,
Have agreed as follows:
Article 1
Her Majesty's Forces shall be completely withdrawn
from Egyptian territory in accordance with the Schedule
set forth in Part A of Annex I within a period of twenty
months from the date of signature of the present Agree-
ment.
Article 2
The Government of the United Kingdom declare that
the Treaty of Alliance signed in London on the 26th
of August 1936, with the Agreed Minute, Exchanged
Notes, Convention concerning the immunities and priv-
ileges enjoyed by the British Forces in Egypt and all other
subsidiary agreements, is terminated.
Article 3
Parts of the present Suez Canal Base, which are listed
in Appendix A to Annex II, shall be kept in efficient
working order and capable of immediate use in accordance
with the provisions of Article 4 of the present agreement.
To this end they shall be organised in accordance with the
provisions of Annex II.
Article 4
In the event of an armed attack by an outside Power
on any country which at the date of signature of the
present Agreement is a party to the Treaty of Joint De-
fence between Arab League States, signed in Cairo on the
13th of April 1950, or on Turkey, Egypt shall afford to
the United Kingdom such facilities as may be necessary in
order to place the Base on a war footing and to operate it
effectively. These facilities shall include the use of Egyp-
tian ports within the limits of what is strictly indis-
pensable for the above-mentioned purposes.
Article 5
In the event of the return of British Forces to the
Suez Canal Base area in accordance with the provisions of
Article 4, these forces shall withdraw immediately upon
the cessation of the hostilities referred to in that Article.
' For texts of an annex on withdrawal, an annex on the
organization of the Base. 17 exchanges of notes, and an
agreed minute, see British Command Paper 9298.
734
Department of Slate Bulletin
Article C
In the event of a throat of an nrmed attai-k by an out-
side Power on any I'oiintry whli'h at the date of signature
of the present Asrreenient is a party to the Treaty of Joint
Defence between Arab League States or on Turkey, there
shall be immediate consultation between Egypt and the
United Kingdom.
Article 7
The Government of the Republic of Ejrypt sliall afford
over-flying, landing and servlcinj; facilities for notified
flights of aircraft under Royal Air Force control. For
the clearance of any llights of such aircraft, the Govern-
ment of the Republic of EL:j-pt shall accord treatment no
less favourable than that accorded to the aircraft of any
other foreijm country with the exception of States parties
to the Treaty of Joint Defence between Arab League
States. The landing and servicing facilities mentioned
above shall be afforded at I'^gyptian Airfields in the Suez
Canal Base area.
ArUcle 8
The two Contracting Governments recognise that the
Suez Maritime Canal, which is an integral part of Egypt,
Is a waterway economically, commercially and strategi-
cally of International Importance, and express the deter-
mination to uphold the Convention guaranteeing the free-
dom of navigation of the Canal signed at Constantinople
on the 29th of October 1888.
Article 9
(a) The United Kingdom is accorded the right to
move any British equipment into or out of the Base at its
discretion.
(b) There shall be no increase above the level of sup-
plies as agreed upon in Part C of Annex II without the
consent of the Government of the Republic of Egypt.
Article 10
The present Agreement does not affect and shall not be
interpreted as affecting in any way the rights and obliga-
tions of the parties under the Charter of the United
Nations.
Article 11
The Annexes and Appendices to the present Agreement
shall be considered as an integral part of it.
Article 12
(o) The present Agreement shall remain in force for
the i)eriod of seven years from the date of its signature.
(6) During the last twelve months of that period the
two Contracting Governments shall consult together to
decide on such arrangements as may be necessary upon
the termination of the Agreement.
(c) Unless both the Contracting Governments agree
upon any extension of the Agreement it shall terminate
seven years after the date of signature and the Govern-
ment of the United Kingdom shall take away or dispose
of their property then remaining in the Base.
Article 13
The present Agreement shall have effect as though it
had como into force on the date of signature. Instru-
ments of ratification shall be exchanged In Cairo as soon
as possible.
In witness whereof the undersigned, being duly au-
thorised thereto, have signed the present Agreement and
have aflJxed tliereto their seals.
Done at Cairo, this nineteenth day of October, 1954, in
duplicate, in the English and Arabic languages, both textj>
being equally authentic.
Anthony Nutting. Gamal Abdel Nabseb.
R-vuH Skrinb Stevenson. Abdel Hakim Ameb.
E. R. Benson. Abdei, Latif Baohdadi.
Sai.ah Salem.
Mahmoud Fawzi.
U.S. Aid to Viet-Nam
U.S. Ambassador Donald R. Heath on October
23 delivered the following message from President
Eisenhower to Ngo Dinh Diem, President of the
Council of Ministers of Viet-Nam :
Deiar Me, President : I have been following with great
interest the course of developments in Viet-Nam, particu-
larly since the conclusion of the conference at Geneva.
The Implications of the agreement concerning Viet-Nam
have caused grave concern regarding the future of a
country temporarily divided by an artificial military
grouping, weakened by a long and exhausting war and
faced with enemies without and by their subversive col-
laborators within.
Your recent requests for aid to assist in the formidable
project of the movement of several hundred thousand
loyal Vietnamese citizens away from areas which are
passing under a de facto rule and political ideology
which they abhor, are being fulfilled. I am glad that the
United States is able to assist in this humanitarian
effort.
We have been exploring ways and means to permit our
aid to Viet-Nam to be more effective and to make a
greater contribution to the welfare and stability of the
Government of Viet-Nam. I am, accordingly, instructing
the American Ambassador to Viet-Nam to examine with
you in your capacity as Chief of Government, how an
intelligent program of American aid given directly to your
Government can serve to assist Viet-Nam in its present
hour of trial, provided that your Government is prepared
to give assurances as to the standards of performance
it would be able to maintain in the event such aid were
supplied.
The purpose of this offer is to assist the Government
of Viet-Nam in developing and maintaining a strong,
viable state, capable of resisting attempted subversion
or aggression through military means. The Government
of the United States expects that this aid will be met
by performance on the part of the Government of Viet-
Nam in undertaking needed reforms. It hopes that such
November 15, 1954
735
aid, combined with your own continuing efforts, will con-
tribute effectively toward an independent Viet-Nam en-
dowed with a strong government. Such a government
would, I hope, be so responsive to the nationalist aspira-
tions of its people, so enlightened in purpose and effective
in performance, that it will be respected both at home
and abroad and discourage any who might wish to impose
a foreign ideology on your free people.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
With reference to the President's remarks con-
cerning the provision of American aid directly to
the Vietnamese Government, the decision was
announced in a joint communique issued at Wash-
ington on September 29 at the end of the U.S.-
French talks on Indochina^ that the channel for
French and for United States economic aid, finan-
cial support, and other assistance to Cambodia,
Laos, and Viet-Nam would be direct to each state.
It was also announced that the United States rep-
resentatives would begin discussions soon with the
respective governments of the three States regard-
ing direct aid.
United States economic assistance to Viet-Nam,
as well as to Cambodia and Laos, has been pro-
vided directly to these states for some time.
United States financial assistance for the sup-
port of the armed forces of Viet-Nam, Cambodia,
and Laos, however, has until now been provided
through the French Government. As soon as
arrangements can be made, financial support for
the Vietnamese National Army will be provided
directly to the Government of Viet-Nam, as will
be done in the case of Cambodia and Laos.
The decision to provide assistance through
direct channels conforms with the sense of Con-
gress as expressed in the Mutual Security Act of
1954, which provides that, as far as possible, assist-
ance furnished to Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-Nam
should be direct. It also conforms with the pre-
viously expressed wishes of the Vietnamese Gov-
ernment, which signified its full accord with the
decision.
Relative to the President's reference to United
States assistance in the movement of Vietnamese
citizens from areas passing under Communist mil-
itary control, the number so far evacuated, largely
through assistance provided to the Vietnamese
Government by the United States and France,
now comes to over 400,000. Of these, approxi-
' Bulletin of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 534.
736
mately 140,000 have been evacuated by the U.S.
Navy. The United States is also assisting the
Government of Viet-Nam in the resettlement of
refugees.
Settlement of Debts Represented
by German Dollar Bonds
Press release B73 dated October 12
The Allied High Commission for Germany an-
nounced on October 1 that the Combined Steel
Group had approved and issued an order under
Allied High Commission Law 27 for the settle-
ment of the debts represented by the U. S. dollar
bonds issued by the Vereinigte Stahlwerke A.G.
and one of its subsidiaries.
The settlement will result in transferring the
debts in the total amount of approximately $25
million to nine of the new companies which were
formed out of the assets of Vereinigte Stahlwerke
A.G., i. L.
There will be no joint liability for the new
debts, but the companies concerned will each issue
new bonds expressed in dollars to the amount of
their liability and will deliver these new bonds to
depositories in the United States, the Irving
Trust Company and the National City Bank of
New York. The depositories will in turn issue
participation certificates to the holders of bonds
which have been validated in accordance with the
validation law for German foreign currency
bonds, in exchange for the old bonds, giving each
such bondholder an undivided interest in the new
obligation held by the depository.
Since participation certificates will be issued
only for validated bonds, all holders of old bonds
are urged to register them for validation as soon
as possible with the Validation Board for German
Dollar Bonds, 30 Broad Street, New York, N. Y.
The depositories will collect the interest due and
the amortization payments for transmittal to the
holders of the participation certificates.
A guaranty has been given by the Kreditanstalt
fuer Wiederaufbau, Frankfurt/Main, that the
deutschemark equivalent of the payments of in-
terest and principal will be forthcoming on the
due date.
The new obligation will bear interest as pro-
vided for by the London agreement of February
Department of State Bulletin
27, 1953, and will mature on Januarj' 1, 1968<
Claimants who do not agree with this procedure
may appeal to the Board of Review as provided
for in tlio Allied High Commission Laws 27 and
76 within 6 months of the date of issue of the
order. Such appeals may bo addressed to the
board in care of the Allied High Commission at
Bonn, Germany.
Some Problems of Charter Review
by David W. Wainhouse
Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs *
First, let me commend your initiative in organ-
izing this seminar. In meeting here today to
study the problems of charter review, you are an-
swering the call of the Secretary of State to con-
tribute your views to your Government. This is
a great tribute to the working of responsible
American democracy.
Those who participated in the founding of the
United Nations in San Francisco in 1945 have not
forgotten the warmth of your hospitality and the
beauty of your city. Your consideration of the
many problems of charter review should be espe-
cially well informed because so many of you were
able to observe at close hand the birth of the
United Nations.
Secretary Dulles, as you know, has already
stated that he favors the holding of a review con-
ference. If the General Assembly next fall votes
in favor of holding the conference, as is expected,
it will presumably take place either in 1956 or at
least by 1957.
Meanwhile, the task of preparation has been
undertaken. The Secretary has called upon the
American public to help develop the position
which the United States should take at the review
conference. This in itself is an historic step in
foreign affairs. It was not so long ago that the
conduct of foreign affairs was regarded as the
domain of a privileged few. Now it is becoming
' Address made before the Bay Area Citizens Committee
for U.N. Charter Review, San Francisco State CoUeBe,
San Francisco, Calif., on Oct. 23 (press release 596 dated
Oct. 21).
more and more responsive to public opinion. For-
eign policy in our country is just as effective as
the public opinion which supports it. We cannot
and do not expect support in such a far-reaching
area as charter review without an informed public
opinion. That is the way our democracy works.
We are not convinced by arguments that the
subject matter is too technical or too controversial
for the American public. We believe that, just
because it is technical and controversial, it should
be discussed as widely and fully as possible. In
our society it is far more desirable to debate an
issue without settling it than to settle an issue
without debating it. The American people today
are debating issues of foreign policy and, more
than they realize, are helping to condition foreign
policy through their debates. Policy makers in
the Government are in a better position than ever
before to assess and give weight to public opinion
in their efforts to find solutions to these problems.
I am glad to report that preparations for the
review conference are moving ahead on many
fronts. As the result of an overwhelming vote
in the General Assembly of last year,^ the United
Nations Secretariat is now preparing important
background documentation in connection with the
charter review conference. This will include the
publication of some unpublished documents of
the original San Francisco Conference in 1945, a
survey of present duties of United Nations organs,
'For text of resolution ( A/Resolution A33 dated Nov.
28, 1953), see Bulletin of Dec. 28, 1953, p. 909.
November 15, 1954
737
and a detailed index of the San Francisco Con-
ference documents. This preparatory work can
give all members of the United Nations a general
idea of the practical adjustments to changing cir-
cumstances which have been made in carrying out
the provisions of the charter. It can show to what
extent the charter has adaptability and capacity
for development as a constitutional instrument.
It should help clarify where the imperfections of
the charter are. And it should show what de-
ficiencies in the charter can be corrected either by
changes in the charter or in the rules of procedure.
The policies which the United States will follow
at the conference will be determined after the
democratic consensus in this country, to which I
referred earlier, has made itself felt on the im-
portant problems. One of the most effective
means in developing this consensus has been the
Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Kelations
Committee, chaired by Senator Wiley. Under its
able Chief of Staff, Dr. Francis Wilcox, it has
already completed four excellent studies — on the
veto, the development of the United Nations Char-
ter, membership, and representation and voting
in the General Assembly.^ These are required
reading for all those interested in the subject of
charter review.
The Senate Subcommittee itself has been tap-
ping the grass roots of public opinion by holding
hearings in many States and areas throughout the
United States. Hearings have already been held
in Akron, Slilwaukee, Greensboro, Louisville, Des
Moines, and Minneapolis.* Others are scheduled
'The first four studies are: The Problem of the Veto in
the United Nations Security Council (Feb. 19, 1954) ;
Bow the United Nations Charter Sas Developed (May
18, 1954) ; The Prohlem of Membership in the United Na-
tions (May 21, 1954) ; and Representation and Voting in
the United Nations General Assembly (September 1954).
A fifth study has now been published : Pacific Settlement
of Disputes in the United Nations (Oct. 17, 1954).
* Review of the United Nations Charter: Hearing Before
a Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions on Proposals To Amend or Othericise Modify Exist-
ing International Peace and Security Organizations, In-
cluding the United Nations. Part 1 : Testimony of Jolin
Foster Dulles, Secretary of State, and Henry Cabot Lodge,
Jr., U. S. Representative to the United Nations, Jan. IS and
Mar. 3, 1954 ; Part 2 : Akron, Ohio, Feb. 12, 1954 ; Part 3 :
Milwaukee, Wis., Apr. 10, 1954 ; Part 4 : Greensboro, N. C,
May 15, 1954 ; Part 5 : Louisville, Ky., June 7, 1954 ; Part 6 :
Des Moines, Iowa, June 19, 1954; Part 7, Minneapolis,
Minn., July 10, 1954.
during the coming months, and I understand that
one will be held here in San Francisco. The Sub-
committee has already published some 900 pages of
these hearings. They reflect a surprising amount
of local interest in the subject in these widely
scattered parts of the United States. Everyone
has an opportunity to present his views. Many
divergent viewpoints are expressed. When the
Subcommittee finishes its hearings and studies,
its report will be awaited with great interest.
The work of the Senate Subcommittee is being
supplemented by that of private organizations,
such as the Brookings Institution and the Car-
negie Endowment for International Peace. These
are supporting, or are themselves preparing,
serious and detailed studies and are holding sem-
inars with a view to placing their findings at the
disposal of our Government. The Department of
State is also preparing detailed studies of the
problems which relate to charter review. Thus,
with an enlightened and informed public opinion,
with the recommendations of the Senate Foreign
Relations Conmiittee, and the studies of the pri-
vate organizations, we expect that sometime late
in 1955 we will be ready to consult in detail on our
specific proposals with our free world allies.
Charter review is basically a political problem.
It must be considered in the context of existing
relations among states and the demands of the
world situation from the standpoint not only of
United States interests but also of the parallel in-
terests of the rest of the free world. The United
Nations is a voluntary association of sovereign
states. It depends on the free cooperation of its
members for implementation of its decisions. Care
must therefore be taken at a review conference to
avoid action which would jeopardize this cooper-
ation and to assure that the decisions reached will
contribute to, rather than detract from, the free
world's sense of common interest. If the charter
review conference is to succeed as an instrument
for strengthening the United Nations, it can only
do so if the views of other members of the free
world are taken fully into account. As Secretary
Dulles has aptly put it :
. . . while a charter review conference should be wel-
comed as a means of strengthening the United Nations,
difference of opinion about how to do this should not then
be pressed to a point such that the review conference
would result In undermining the United Nations or dis-
738
Department of State Bulletin I
rupting tt. The Uulted Nations as It Is, Is better tbiiii
uo United Nations at ull.*
Scope of Review
This brings me to the question of whut the scope
of charter review should be. Should chiirtcr re-
view be approiiched with the thought of doing very
little or very much by way of changing the United
Nations ?
Anyone is, of course, free to suggest any pro-
posal no matter how extreme. We know that there
are those who feel that the failure of the United
Xations to fulfill all their earlier hopes derives
from the fact that it does not go far enough. They
advocate its transformation from a voluntary or-
ganization of sovereign states into some sort of
superstate. At the other extreme are those who
are basically skeptical of all worldwide efforts to-
ward international cooperation. They would
like to see the United States withdraw from the
United Nations. Still others would like to see the
U. S. S. K. and its satellites expelled and the
United Nations turned into a closely knit military
alliance.
Wliile, as I say, these advocates are entitled to
express their opinion, we have already found it
helpful to think in terms of excluding such pro-
posals from the proper scope of charter review.
We believe that the purpose of such review is to
strengthen the existing organization, not to de-
stroy it or completely change its character. To try
to write a completely new charter would, as the
Secretary of State has put it, "open a Pandora's
box." The chances of bringing together in a new
organization anything approaching the present
membership of the United Nations would not be
good.
We have made it clear to the General Assembly
that we favor review of the charter and not neces-
sarily reviMon. As our representative expressed
it, "We do not know now whether changes in the
Charter will be desirable or possible. . . ." Other
countries also have seen the question as one of hold-
ing a general conference to survey the charter in
the light of the United Nations experience since
1945— to look it over, without any advance com-
mitments or preconceived notions favoring amend-
ment. This is still our basic approach to the prob-
lem of charter review. We reject the viewpoint
' BuixCTiN of Feb. 1, 1954, p. 172.
November 15, 1954
of the Soviet bl(K', which has opposed even dis-
cussion of charter review, misconstruing it as a
campaign to amend the charter, and to amend it
in one particular — by eliminating the veto.
No decision has yet been taken on wliat amend-
ments to the charter, if any, the United States
should advocate. The past i) years' experience in
the Li'nited Nations points to certain major ques-
tions as likely to arise at any review conference,
fjet me draw your attention to some of these ques-
tions in the liope that you might lind it useful in
the course of your discussions today.
/. Membership
One of these questions is the scope of the United
Xations membership. Nine years ago the United
Xations was in a sense much more nearly universal
than it is now. Since 1945, many new nations
have come into being. A number of the ex-enemy
states, excluded from original membership in the
United Nations, are again becoming accepted
members of the world community. There are now
19 applicants for United Nations membership.
Fourteen of these would have become members
save for the Soviet veto. The other five — spon-
sored by the Soviet Union — have never received a
majority vote since it has not been thought they
met the charter qualifications for membership.
This impasse with respect to new members has
caused growing concern.
Would it be desirable to make membership in the
United Nations as nearly universal as possible,
always remembering, of course, that there are some
countries that still completely disregard accepted
standards of international conduct ? Does article
4 of the charter, which speaks of "peace-loving
states" who are "able and willing" to carry out the
obligations of the charter, set forth the proper
criteria for membership ? Should the veto on the
admission of new members be eliminated? You
will recall that the Vandenberg Resolution of
June 11, 1948, recommended a voluntary agree-
ment among the five permanent members of the
Security Coimcil to remove the veto m this respect,
but there has never been such voluntary agreement.
3. Security
It is all too apparent that the Security Council
has been unable in this sharply divided world to
exercise its "primary responsibility for the main-
tenance of international peace and security." Are
there any feasible charter changes that would en-
739
able the Council to discharge more effectively this
responsibility? Or should we rely on alternative
arrangements? For example, could the charter
provisions for membership and voting in the Coun-
cil be improved ?
It is theoretically possible to propose changes,
including additions, in the membership of the five
permanent members of the Security Council. But
such proposals, even if they are not vetoed by one
of the present permanent members, do not affect
the heart of the problem — that the Soviet abuse of
the veto has seriously impaired the Security Coun-
cil in the security field.
Perhaps some progress can be made in limiting
the area of political problems subject to the veto.
For example, should the veto be removed from
the pacific settlement of disputes under chapter 6
of the charter? This was also recommended by
the Vandenberg Resolution, but no success has yet
been achieved in that direction. Should we, then,
leave the Security Council unchanged and con-
centrate instead on carrying forward the line of
development begun in 1950 with the "Uniting for
Peace Resolution"? This would mean assigning
greater responsibility in the security field to the
General Assembly, where there is no veto. Or, in
the present world situation, might we consider
leaving primary responsibility for security to col-
lective arrangements and regional organizations
authorized by articles 51 and 52 of the charter?
5.; General Asseinbly
The General Assembly has not only grown in
importance in the field of security; it has given
increasing attention to economic and social prob-
lems and to highly charged "colonial" issues. In
view of these developments, should there be some
type of weighted voting in the General Assem-
bly, reflecting the capacity of members to assume
economic and military responsibilities?
Many suggestions have already been put for-
ward in the search for a system which would in-
crease the capacity of the General Assembly to
take action in security matters, at the same time
protecting the members against irresponsible ac-
tion in other fields. Some formulae are based
on population, some on wealth, some on area, some
on ingenious combinations of many criteria. It
is important to study all of these very carefully.
We must remember, however, that this is not a
theoretical exercise but a realistic attempt to im-
prove what we now have. In the last analysis,
what we must decide is whether any new proposal
would be clearly superior to the present system of
one vote per state with the requirement in article 18 .
of the charter that decisions on important ques-
tions receive a vote of two-thirds of the members
present and voting.
Aside from the question of weighted voting,
should there be some reallocation of functions as
between the Assembly and the Economic and So-
cial Council and the Trusteeship Council to enable
the United Nations to function more effectively ?
The magnitude of the program in the economic
and social fields, as well as its importance in
strengthening the free world, points also to a re-
examination of the relationship between the
United Nations itself and the specialized agencies
to see whether any greater integration would con-
tribute to the efficient operation of this program.
If.. Domestic Jurisdiction
There has been a growing tendency in the
United Nations for states whose sympathies are
aroused by conditions outside their own bounda-
ries to bring these conditions to the attention of the
organization. The current session of the General
Assembly, for example, has under consideration
such problems as Tunisia, Morocco, Cyprus, and
Western New Guinea. This tendency has given
rise to questions and in some cases has engendered
great apprehension concerning the interpretation
of article 2 (7) of the charter, which stipulates
that the United Nations shall not intervene in
matters essentially within the domestic jurisdic-
tion of a state. It may be asked, therefore,
whether article 2 (7) adequately delimits the com-
petence of the United Nations. Or, should a more
precise line be drawn between the common inter-
ests within the scope of the United Nations and the
individual interests that remain the exclusive con-
cern of a member state ?
5. Armaments
The f ramers of the charter were determined "to
save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war." But the question of regulation of arma-
ments did not receive particular emphasis in the
writing of the charter. One can only speculate
whether the framere of the charter would have
given more attention to disarmament if they had
known that within 3 weeks of the signing of the
charter the first successful atomic explosion would
take place. The awful destructiveness of nuclear
weapons and the basic split between the Soviet
740
Department of Slate Bulletin
b]of and (lio free world Imvo siiu-o liciivily under-
scored the need for lindin<r ii solution to this prob-
lem. IMuch effort tliereforo has been and is being
spent by the Ignited Nations on this compelling
subject.
Mr. Vyshinsky's speech to the General Assembly
last month jravc some slijjht hope that Soviet pol-
icy, which has thus far been resjjonsible for lack
of progress, might— I repeat, might — be changing
in the direction of a more constructive approach
to a comprehensive disarmament system under ef-
fective safeguards. The discussions in Commit-
tee I during the last few weeks have not given a
feeling of encouragement, but you may bo sure
that we and our allies will leave no avenue un-
explored in seeking agreement with the U. S. S. R.
on this crucial question. If it turns out that Soviet
policy still blocks progress toward disarmament,
tlie question will remain whether anything was
omitted from tlie United Nations basic stnicture
that, if added now, might assist our continuing
effort to reach general agreement on a comprehen-
sive program of safeguarded arms regulation and
reduction.
6. International Law
We would all agree, I am sure, that so far too
little progress has been made by the United Na-
tions in the advancement of international law.
The difficulty is not too hard to find. "With one-
third of the world's population ruled by those who
do not recognize any moral law and look upon
law as another means whereby those in power
destroy their enemies, we can understand the dif-
ficulties encountered in expanding the scope of
international law.
Secretary Dulles has asked whether the charter
provisions are adequate in view of the importance
of law as an accepted standard of international
conduct. The question wluch will confront the
review conference is what can be done to improve
present United Nations activities in the field of
codification and development of international law.
What can be done to make the actions of nations
more orderly ? Should efforts to prepare codes of
international law be pressed ? Should other coun-
tries which have not already done so be encour-
aged to make declarations accepting compulsory
jurisdiction of the code ? Should there be estab-
lished, as suggested by some members of the bar
and writers on international law, regional inter-
national tribunals with jurisdiction of private in-
ternational claims cases submitted by one govern-
ment against another when negotiation has been
unfruitful ^
The Case for Charter Review
I have reviewed for you some of the issues which
need to be discussed and on which we need advice.
I hope you will not be discouraged if you find that
it is hard to answer one question without raising
others equally difficult. We in the State Depart-
ment are going through that process ourselves.
The case for charter review is a strong one.
Here in San Francisco in 1945 many states ac-
cepted charter provisions to which they strongly
objected on the understanding that there would
be an opportunity to review these provisions at
the end of 10 years. It is only fair that this op-
portunity be provided them.
Charter review can in addition be the means to
achieve a real strengthening of the United Nations.
lyet us not be deterred by the presence of the veto
to block any proposal for charter amendment.
We know the Soviets can veto such proposals, but
we do not propose to do their negotiating for them
in advance.
Charter review should bring about a greater
understanding of the potentialities of the charter.
That the charter is a document capable of growth
can be seen from the dramatic transformation
which has made the General Assembly the de-
cisively important organ of the United Nations.
It should present a clearer realization of the de-
velopment within the charter framework that has
already taken place in order to meet a world situ-
ation not foreseen in 191:5. Such a reappraisal
could also serve to develop improved practices
under the charter.
On the other hand, we must bear in mind that a
review conference does have its dangers. The
United Nations was never more "sheer necessity,"
as President Eisenhower described it, than it is
now. It remains what the President has called
"man's best organized hope to substitute the con-
ference table for the battlefield."' We recognize
that calling the review conference might arouse
false hopes and might stimulate efforts to rewrite
the charter which could seriously endanger the
United Nations. We are determined to avoid
these pitfalls, and we are hopeful that from the
charter review^ conference there will result the
stronger United Nations we seek.
November 15, 1954
741
"We are glad that you will be thinking these
problems of charter review through with us.
Working together we can in the best democratic
tradition strengthen immeasurably the cause of
peace, justice, and security for Americans and for
the rest of the world.
International Cooperation in Developing the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
Almost 11 months ago many of us in this build-
ing heard a speech by President Eisenliower,^
who had flown here directly from a conference in
Bermuda. His speech addressed itself to the over-
whelming problems which then confronted the
whole world, and still confront it today.
One problem was the danger of atomic war —
wherein one nation could, by surprise attack, in-
flict gi-ievous atomic damage on the United States
and in return receive atomic retaliation of fear-
some 2)roportions, leaving a ruin of mangled
bodies, cultures, and economic and political sys-
tems after the atomic dust had settled.
President Eisenliower knew, and said, that
merely to present the threat and to promise re-
taliation was neither an adequate nor a true pic-
ture of the feelings or the purposes of the United
States. In the name of the human race, in the
name of civilization, in the name of truly peaceful
purpose, there had to be the promise of something
more than earth-shattering explosions. The Pres-
ident knew, and said, that such a speech had better
be left unspoken unless he could add a message of
peaceful hope.
In considering how best to present his message
of hope, he was faced with a historical fact of
controlling significance: the years-long, stubborn
problem of negotiating a system for reduction and
control of armaments and for the effective elimina-
tion of nuclear weapons. Seven years of debate
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security)
Nov. 5 (U.S. delegation press release 2000).
' BTTLI.CTIN of Dec. 21, 1953, p. 847.
742
and negotiations had failed to bring the world
closer to this goal.
The President, therefore, decided that to make
a proposal which would be wholly within the
framework of the trying debates of the past
would not be considered, by you or the peoples of
the world, an act of hopeful sincerity promising
early progress. He wanted to make an offer
removed from the aura of past dejection and fail-
ure; he wanted to make an offer whose outstand-
ing and unmistakable characteristic was that it
was feasible — that it was doable — that men and
nations of good will and peaceful purpose could
accept easily, and without having to lose face by
having to reverse previously stated jjositions.
And so, on December 8, 1953, standing in the
great hall upstairs and before this great Assembly,
President Eisenhower said:
I therefore make the following proposals :
The Governments principally Involved, to the extent
permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and
continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles
of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an In-
ternational Atomic Energy Agency. We would expect
that such an aaency would be set up under the aegis of the
United Nations.
The ratios of contributions, the procedures and other
details would properly bo within the scope of the "private
conversations" I have referred to earlier.
The United States is prepared to undertake these
explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United
States acting in the same good faith will find the United
States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.
Undoubtedly initial and I'arly contributions to this
plan would be small in (luantity. However, the proposal
has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without
the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any
Department of State Bulletin
attt'uipt to set up u oomplolcly acceptable system of
worldwide Inspei'tioii aud foutrol.
The President described the main purpose of the
new international a<rency in these wonls: "tt) do-
vise metliods wliereby this fissionable material
would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits
of mankind." He mentioned specifically tlie fields
of a<;riculture, medicine, and electric power.
Then he added:
Till' fnited States would 1h> more tlian wlUliit,' — It
Would lie proud to take up with others "prlmlpally In-
volved" the development of plans whereliy such peaceful
use of atomic energy would be expedited.
Of those "principally involved" the Soviet Union must,
of course, be one.
The President wished to take every precaution
in order to insure that the Soviet Government
would take this proposal at its serious, sincere,
long-term face value and not interpret it as a
sliort-term propaganda trick.
To insure this, he did two things. Fii-st, our
Ambassador in Moscow was instructed to advise
Mr. Molotov, in advance of the delivery of the
speech, that it would contain material of serious
import and that we wished the Soviet Govermnent
so to consider it. Besides, after the speech was
made, and awaiting an initiative from the Soviet
Union to hold private conversations, all indi-
viduals and agencies of the United States Govern-
ment were instructed to remain silent as to the de-
tails of the proposal and to confine themselves, if
the need for explanation arose, to a simple reitera-
tion of the President's own text and the statement
that we were awaiting word from the Soviet
Union.
The Pi-esident's second concern had to do with
this very body — the United Nations. "N^Hien he
received Secretary-General Hammarskjold's invi-
tation to address you, he chose to make his pro-
posal before this bod}', and no other, because he
wished the world to know that, in this overwhelm-
ingly important matter, he turned to the United
Nations as the international organism most appro-
priate both to hear the original enunciation of the
proposal and to participate in the development
of the plan.
Sequel of the President's Proposal
You all know the positive and hopeful response
which greeted the President's proposal from all
parts of the world. This response has greatly
heartened the United States in its work with other
states in developing a plan of action.
You know, t<Kj, that there was one disappoint-
ment— a rejection by the U.S.S.K of the Presi-
dent's proposal until the United States would
agree to an unconditional and unsafegnarded ban
on the use of atomic weapons. The story of that
is contained in a United Nations document which
is before you. Document A/2738 of 27 Sei)teniber
l!)r)4.^ Beginning on April 27 and continuing
throughout this exchange of notes, the Soviet
ITnion insisted that our new hoi)e be shackled to
the long debates of the past, where the dilliculties
of even the smallest progress had been so amply
demonstrated.
True enough, the Soviet Union told us in a
note delivered on September 22, 1954 * — the day
before the Secretary of State made his opening
address to the General Assembly — that it was keep-
ing the door open a tiny crack. Actually the
door had been thrown wide open on December 8,
1953, by the United States and has been kept wide
open by the United States ever since. The door is
still open.
On learning of the essentially negative Soviet
attitude, the United States lost no time in pro-
ceeding with conversations with other states — con-
versations whose initiation had awaited only a
clear expression of the Soviet position. The states
with which we have been conferring are those
which have either developed raw material re-
sources or advanced atomic energy programs and
are engaged in developing this great force —
namely, the United Kingdom, France, Canada,
Australia, Belgium, Union of South Africa, and
Portugal. It is significant that all of us agreed
that, despite the refusal of the Soviet Union to
participate, we should move ahead with formation
of the agency. Our discussions have made some
progress, as we shall later point out.
It was in these circumstances that Secretary of
State Dulles spoke to this Assembly last Septem-
ber 23d and said :
The United States is determined that President Eisen-
hower's proposal shall not languish until it dies. It will
be nurtured and developed. We shall press on in close
partnership with those nations which, inspired by the
Ideals of the United Nations Charter, can make this great
new force a tool of the hunianilarinn and of the states-
man, and not merely a fearsome addition to the arsenal
of war.
The United States is proposing an agenda item which
' See also ibid., Oct. 4, 1954, p. 478.
' Ibid., p. 486.
November 15, 1954
743
will enable us to report on our efforts to explore and de-
velop the vast possibilities for the peaceful uses of atomic
energy. These efforts have been and will be directed pri-
marily toward the following ends:
(1) The creation of an international agency, whose
initial membership will include nations from all regions
of the world. It is hoped that such an agency will start
its work as early as next year.
(2) The calling of an international scientific confer-
ence to consider this whole vast subject, to meet in the
spring of 1955, under the auspices of the United Nations.
(3) The opening early next year, in the United States,
of a reactor training school where students from abroad
may learn the working principles of atomic energy with
specific regard to its peacetime uses.
(4) An invitation to a substantial number of medical
and surgical experts from abroad to participate in the
work of our cancer hospitals — in which atomic energy
techniques are among the most hopeful approaches to
controlling this menace to mankind.
I would lilre to make it perfectly clear that our plan-
ning excludes no nation from participation in this great
venture.
Just this past Wednesday, November 3, Presi-
dent Eisenhower announced that the United
States had delivered to the Soviet Ambassador in
Washington a reply to the Soviet note of Septem-
ber 22, and that the President hoped that this
would start a new phase in the U.S.-Soviet ne-
gotiations which might be more fruitful than the
past efforts. The President reiterated, however,
that the United States is determined to proceed
with likeminded states in establishing an inter-
national agency to make this great power avail-
able to mankind generally as a boon which would
benefit us all.
This is the history, briefly told, of the first year
of efforts to create an international organization
to insure world cooperation in the peaceful uses
of the atom. The thought that has governed all
our suggestions is that what we propose to do is
feasible — is doable.
However, before we probe the future of inter-
national cooperation in this field, let us see where
we stand today ; let us review briefly the scientific
developments that have brought us beyond the
threshold of the atomic age.
The Threshold of the Atomic Age
This moment of our discussion is a moment of
excitement and challenge in the science and art of
the atom. We in this hall are dealing with some-
thing more than the resolutions and amendments
and forms of organization which are the tools of
our diplomatic trade. We are dealing with the
knowledge of a force, the mastery of a force,
whose gigantic power of destruction is exceeded
only by its power for human good.
Even we, as laymen, are aware of the thrilling
sense of discovery in the minds of the scientists who
have been able to put this gift in our hands. If
we can share that sense of discovery, then we may
hope that our diplomatic progress will be a worthy
match for the physical progress that has been
brought about by the most adventurous scientific
minds of our centuiy.
A few key facts of that atomic progress show
clearly that we have already passed the threshold
of the peaceful atomic age. The summary which
follows herewith will not touch on the achieve-
ments in other countries, which are equally prom-
ising and of which we shall doubtless hear more
in the course of this debate.
We are in the presence of a whole range of atomic
discoveries. Of all these discoveries, one of the
most advanced for human benefit today stems from
the use of the radioactive isotope. INIany elements
long known to physics, such as gold, cobalt, and
carbon, can be changed in atomic reactors into new
versions of themselves — radiogold, radiocobalt,
radiocarbon, and so forth. A change in their
atomic structure makes them give off rays. These
rays have two main uses. They can bring about
changes in living things. And they can be used
as tracers, giving off signals to detection machines,
to control the intricate processes of industry or to
reveal new facts about the growth and diseases of
plants and human beings that had never before
been known to man.
Here are a few examples of how these isotopes
have already been applied in the United States.
Many of these are already well known to techni-
cians in other countries.
First, consider the changing of living things by
radiation.
In treatment of cancer, radioactive cobalt and
other elements have brought great progress in the
killing of cancerous cells, far more effectively than
the old X-ray machines.
Radiation has made it possible to preserve and
store food without spoiling throughout the winter
and spring.
In the development of new agricultural strains,
radiation has been used to speed up many times
over the genetic mutations from which new and
744
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
Draft Resolution on Atomic Energy Pian ■
U.N. iluc. A/C.l/L.ion diUi-il Novfinbcr (1
The General Assembly,
Believing tliat the benefits arising from the mo-
mentous discovery of ntomic energy should he plaeed
at the service of mankind,
Hoping that International co-operation In develop-
ing and expanding' the peaceful uses of atomic energy
win assist iu lifting the burdens of hunger, jwverty
and disease,
Believing also that all nations should co-operate in
promoting the dissemination of knowledw In the
realm of nuclear technology for peaceful ends,
A. Conecrning an Intcrntitionnl .Itomie Energy
Ageney
lieealling the iuitiative of the I'resident of the
United States embodied In his address of December
8. 19.".3,
Noting that negotiations are In progress for the
establishment as quickly as possible of an Interna-
tional Atomic Energy Agency to facilitate the use
by the entire world of atomic energy for peaceful
purposes, and to encourage international co-opera-
tion in the further development and practical appli-
cation of atomic energy for the benefit of mankind,
1. Suggests that, once the Agency is established,
it negotiate an appropi-iate form of agreement with
the United Nations, similar to those of the special-
ized agencies ;
2. Transmits to the States participating in the
creation of the Agency, for their careful considera-
tion, the record of the discussion of this item at the
present session of the General Assembly ;
3. Suggests that members of the United Nations
be informed as progress is achieved iu the estab-
lishment of the Agency;
B. Coneerning the International Conference on
the Peaceful Uses of Atomie Energy
' Sponsored by Australia, Belgium, Canada,
France, Union of South Africa, United Kingdom,
and United States.
1. Declares the interest and concern of the Gen-
eral Assembly in helping iu every feasible way to
promote the peaceful applications of atomic energy ;
2. Decidts that an liiteriialional technical confer-
ence should be held under the auspices of the
United Nations, to explore means of developing the
lH>aceful u.ses of atomic energy through interna-
tloiuil eo-operatlon and, in particular, to study the
development of atomic power and to consider other
tecluilcal areas — such as biology, medicine, radia-
tion protection and fundamental science — in which
International co-operation might most effectively be
accomplished ;
3. Invites all States Members of the United Na-
tions or of the specialized agencies to participate
in the conference and to include among their repre-
sentatives individual experts competent in the
atomic energy field ;
4. Suggests that the international conference
should be held no later than August 1955 at a place
to be determined by the Secretary-General and by
the Advisory Committee provided for in paragraph
5;
5. Requests the Secretary-General acting upon
the advice of a small committee composed of rep-
resentatives of ■ ■
to issue invitations to this conference, to prepare
and circulate to all invitees a detailed agenda, and
to provide the necessary staff and services;
C. Suggests to the Secretary-General and the Ad-
visory Committee that, in making plans for the
international conference, they consult with com-
petent specialized agencies, in particular the Food
and Agriculture Organization, the World Health
Organization, and the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization ;
7. Invites the interested specialized agencies to
designate persons to represent them at the con-
ference ;
S. Requests that the Secretary-General circulate
for information a report on this conference to all
Slembers of the United Nations, and to other Gov-
ernments and specialized agencies participating in
the conference.
better strains are derived — strains winch resist
disease and produce better foods and fibers in
greater abundance.
Second, consider the use of isotopes as tracers.
The applications in this realm of scientific dis-
Joverj- are already multitudinous and in theory are
without limit. For instance :
In manufacturing flat sheets — metal, paper,
jlastic, or any material — their thickness is kept
constant by measuring the strength of atomic radi-
ition through the moving sheets.
Ill welding and riveting, radiation photogi-aphy
shows up flaws which were once extremely difficult
to detect.
In oil pipelines, a radioactive pellet is dropped
in the flowing pipe to signal the exact moment
when a new kind or grade of oil arrives at its
destination.
In agriculture, radioactive tracers mixed into
fertilizers show exactly when and how efficiently
the fertilizer is absorbed by growing plants — thus
saving tremendous waste.
In the poultry industry, chicken feed is traced
through the body of the hen until it is converted
November 75, 1954
745
into an egg — showing what kind of feed should be
given, and at what time, to produce eggs most
efficiently.
In fish breeding, tracers have shown where sim-
ple cliemical treatment could be used to convert
sterile bogs into lakes swarming with food fish.
In medicine, tracer research has given us a new
synthetic material for blood transfusion; tracers
are used to detect faulty blood circulation before
it is fatal, and to perform many other miracles of
diagnosis; tracers have brought new discoveries
about diabetes, thyroid disorders, blood diseases,
and, in fact, the entire process by which the living
body is nourished and sustained.
In control of epidemics, tracers have been used to
follow the migration of disease-bearing flies and
mosquitoes, wliicli is an essential step in stamping
out these scourges.
These, at the beginning of the atomic age, are a
few of the discoveries already made and jjut to
work. Still other projects are well under way,
among which perhaps the most extraordinary is
the research into the mysterious process of plant
growth called photosj'nthesis, the understanding
of which maj' some day enable us to manufacture
vast quantities of inexpensive food out of common
chemicals. The effect of this on the standard of
living can be conjectured.
Every one of these advances has at its center the
use of radioactive atoms. Most of these can be
produced in comparatively small atomic reactors.
In the United States the chief factory for these
isotopes is the Oak Ridge National Laboratory.
From Oak Ridge in the past 8 years nearly 50,000
shipments of isotopes have been sent out to fac-
tories, laboratories, hospitals, and universities.
Most of these have been sent within the United
States, but over 2,800 have gone to 50 countries
abroad.
It is fitting that the most imposing and most
difficult application of atomic energy should be
mentioned last: the production of electric power.
This is a subject of intensive engineering research
in the United States today. This year the Atomic
Energy Commission launched a 5-year program
for the building of five experimental power reac-
tors in the United States, all radically different in
design. None of these is expected to produce
power at prices tliat compete with power plants
that bui-n coal and other conventional fuels. But
they will tell us a gi-eat deal about the future of
atomic power. For the knowledge we shall all
gain from them, these plants will be worth the
investment. They point the way to an age when
all countries can be assured of abundant electric
power, even where natural fuels are scarce. On
the basis of this power, new industries can grow
to enrich the lives of many millions of people.
One fact stands out about the atomic power reac-
tor, even today in the minds of laymen, and that
is its great complexity. This calls for expert
knowledge and is another reason why smaller
reactore should be built in as many parts of the
world as possible. These small research reactoi-s
can be built in a year's time for well under $500,000
in many cases. They will produce most of the
radioactive isotopes whose multitude of uses I
have tried to describe. They will thus make pos-
sible a gi'eat increase both in research and in the
practical application of the atom in medicine,
farming, and industry. But beyond this, they will
afford training grounds throughout the world at
which a new generation of atomic scientists, engi-
neers, and technicians will learn the principles of
reactor technology. Having mastered the research
reactor, we will then be moving toward what the
world scarcely yet possesses — a body of men
trained in all the techniques which will be needed
to bring us practical atom power.
Mr. Chairman, the brief report just given on
atomic progress in the United States describes
many startling advances, discoveries which have
already made the world a richer place. Yet these
are no more than the nuggets which lie at the
surface of a newly discovered mine. They are
enough to give us some notion of the undiscovered
wealth that lies below.
To tap that wealth in peace and cooperation
should be a noble enterprise for the nations of
the world. It is fitting that the discovery which
brings us together in peace comes from the hands
of one of the truly global fellowships of man-
kind— the fellowship of science, which knows no
national boundaries and seeks truth and hmnan
betterment. There could be no more fitting salute
to this world fellowship of science than our com-
mon determination to share some of the atomic
knowledge and wealth we already possess, in order
that all of us may possess more.
In this spirit, the United States is prepared to
make contributions of several kinds to the next
forward steps in the atomic field.
746
Department of State Bulletin.
Next Step Forward
llaviiifj; thus crossed the threshold of the atomic
age, we come to tlie question of the next steps
by which we can explore this new world. Here
we reach the specilic activities which we contem-
plate for the international agency. We believe
that tlie agency sliould encourage worldwide re-
search in and development of the peaceful uses of
atomic energy; it shouKl arrange foi- nuclear ma-
terials to meet the needs of researcli, develop-
ment, and practical application to all manner of
peaceful activities, including the eventual pro-
duction of power. We believe the agency should
foster the interchange of information on peace-
ful use«s. We expect that the international agency
will conduct its activities in such a way as to pre-
pare for the time when the use of atomic energj'
for peace becomes the predominant and perhaps
the exclusive use of this great force.
The agency should be created by a treaty which
in our opinion should define the standards and
principles governing the organization in the dis-
charge of its functions. All states which origi-
nally ratified the agreement should become mem-
bers of the agency, and there should be a provision
for accepting additional members. We believe
that membei-s should accept an obligation to sup-
ply materials and information for the work of the
agency, financial support, facilities for open dis-
cussion and contacts among scientists engaged in
peaceful research activities.
There is so much to l>e done that it would be
inconceivable for the international agency to carry
on all the activities from the outset. As a practical
matter the international agency can carry on only
a few of the activities in the immediate future —
those most suitable to it. Nevertheless, the other
activities will and must proceed simultaneously,
since they are all part of the basic program of
steady forward movement into the atomic age.
We are prepared to start discussion with other
:ountries for the conclusion of bilateral agreements
which will make it possible for us, under our laws,
to furnish technical information, technical assist-
ance, and necessary amounts of fissionable ma-
terial for the construction and operation of re-
search reactors to be located abroad.
Now, let me tell you about the progress which
the United States is prepared to carry out pend-
ing the creation of the agency, partly as a result
of the recent amendments to our own Atomic
Energ}' Act. All these activities will be coordi-
nated with the international agency's own pro-
gram and may later be undertaken by the agency
itself.
No one has to be a scientist to appreciate the fact
that basic to success in the development and use of
power-producing reactors in any country is the
existence of a body of trained technical men. I
shall now speak in terms of what the United States
Government is prepared to do in 1955 — next year —
in this field of training.
Fii-st comes the field of nuclear reactors. We
are prepared to establish a Reactor Training
School early in 1955. The first course of this
school would deal not only with atomic power
theory but the application of that theory.
Our present plans call for inviting between 30
and 50 scientists and engineers from overseas to
study practical reactor engineering, in order to
furnish sufficient basic science and engineering
knowledge to permit the members of this group
not only to understand the theory but to become
competent to operate reactors.
Initiall}' the atomic information available to
the members of this course will be nonsecret.
But as the United States and other countries
conclude the bilateral agreements required by the
Atomic Enei-gy Act of 195-1, additional informa-
tion will be made available. From the outset,
however, the courses offered will give scientists
and engineers a basic knowledge of the all-impor-
tant experimental phases and principles of re-
search reactors; and these are the essential train-
ing ground for the far more complicated power
reactor.
Second comes the field of safety. Because we
are dealing with a power which is both a danger
and a boon, it is necessary also that special train-
ing courses in radiation safety and medicine
should be instituted simultaneously with any
training in atomic power development. W^e pro-
pose, therefore, to establish under the sponsorship
of the United States Atomic Energy Commission
the following courses which will be open to all
other nations :
Industrial Medicine — a 1- to 2-year course given by the
American universities having a relationship to the
Atomic Energy Commission in the medicinal treatment
required in industries concerned with atomic energy
activity.
Industrial Hygiene — courses in tlie techniques of main-
Vovember J 5, 7954
747
taining healthful conditions in industries dealing with
hazardous atomic materials.
Eadiological Physics and the Theory and Use of Radia-
tion Instruments — instruction to be given at the Brook-
haven National Laboratory.
Third in our training program comes the vast
field of atomic biology and medicine. The
Argonne Cancer Hospital at the University of
Chicago, the Brookhaven National Laboratory,
and the Cancer Research Hospital at the Oak
Eidge Institute of Nuclear Studies will be open
for 1- to 2-year courses on the use of atomic energy
in medicine and biology, for approximately five
to ten foreign students per course.
The field of cancer is so important, and other
countries have made such strides, that -we do not
wish to restrict our collaboration simply to the
study of our techniques. We are therefore pre-
pared to invite as many as 150 competent and dis-
tinguished visitors in the field of cancer research
from overseas to visit our cancer research facili-
ties during 1955. These guests will not only be
free to study our facilities and techniques but will
also be encouraged to exchange views with our
doctors and scientists.
Fourth and last in our training program comes
the field of radioisotope tracer techniques, whose
rapid development we have already discussed. In
this field, until now, the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion has been able to conduct only a limited train-
ing program for foreign scientists. The Com-
mission is now prepared to establish special
courses for foreign technicians to begin early in
1955 — these courses to cover a 4- week period and
to be divided into laboratory work, lectures on
laboratory experiments, and seminars on special
topics. The laboratory experiments would cover
the use of instruments, the purification and sepa-
ration of radioactive from inert materials, and
the application of various isotope techniques to
all fields of research.
Stated in statistical terms, the training courses
we propose in safety, medicine, and biology would
bring basic knowledge and training to more than
250 technical men from other nations in the course
of the next 12 to 15 months — the limitation on num-
bers being imposed not by our desire to restrict the
sharing of this knowledge but simply by our ability
to absorb this number of observers, students, and
trainees eflfectively and efficiently within our pres-
ent facilities.
So much for our early plans for training.
Closely allied to this is the question of written in-
formation about the atom. We anticipate that
from the outset the international agency will carry
on a series of information and service activities,
obtaining information from the operations of
member states in connection with their own atomic
energy programs and from the agency's own ac-
tivities. Here is a brief outline of the type of in-
formation materials which the United States is
prepared to make available in 1955 to the interna-
tional agency when it is set up.
Contrary to popular belief, the United States
has, ever since the beginning of its atomic devel-
opment, made available, through published docu-
ments of the Atomic Energy Commission and
articles in scientific journals, a vast body of re-
search material on the peaceful uses of atomic
energy. Yet the aura of mysterious monopoly
still persists in the popular imagination.
You may be surprised, as I was, to realize that,
up to now, the publication by the United States of
documents available to all on the peaceful uses of
atomic energy comes to more than 10,000 papers
totaling more than 200,000 pages of data.
Always mindful of the day when it might be
beneficial to present this material in package form
despite the fact that it has always been available
in individual items, we have accumulated 10 com-
plete libraries of our own material, which we are
prepared to give to the j^rincipal technical libraries
of cooperating nations. And we will provide more
than 10 if there is a demand for more.
Besides these libraries of our own material, we
are prepared to provide complete sets of index
cards and our journals of the past 7 years, abstract-
ing 50,000 scientific and technical books and re-
ports, published in all countries. Stated in physi-
cal dimensions, what we are prepared to furnish to
each one of these foreign libraries is the equivalent
of more than 300 lineal feet of published reports
and over 200,000 index cards.
Furthermore, we will add to all of these li-
braries as the material is published, asking only
in return that the cooperating nations provide their
collections of official nonsecret papers, not avail-
able in the general scientific literature, to be placed
in the appropriate libraries in the United States.
In addition to training and publication, there is
a third step which we must take in the field of
research and development. We must further de-
velop the practical applications of the atom to
medicine, agriculture, and other jieaceful activi-
748
Deparfment of Stafe Bullefin
ties, includinn: the eventual proihictioii of power.
The internationiil a<ieiicy will iiimiwliately encoiir-
i-e the development of such research activities and
will seek to arranjre for nuclear materials to meet
I Iic needs of research all over the worlil. It nuist
ln' recognized, however, that the bulk of research
the atom will continue to be carried on by iiidi-
; idual states.
These are the chief forward steps which we in
tlio United States contemplate for 1955. As the
President has assured you, atomic materials for
projects sponsored by this agency will be set aside
for that purpose. We are confident that corre-
sponding contributions to the common enterprise
will be made by others. Some steps will be taken
by individual states, others by the international
agency, and others partly by the states and partly
by the agency. In every case we should be guided
by the principle that the agency will concentrate
on those things which cannot be done, or done not
so well, by states and jn-ivate groups acting alone.
All these steps together, during this coming
year, 1955, will bring us measurably further along
the road that leads into the peaceful atomic age.
The United States initiated its "Atoms for
Peace" proposal through the United Nations. We
hope that it will be possible to create the kind of
international organization which will be compe-
tent rapidly, effectively, and fairly to bring this
priceless boon to mitold millions beyond our
shores.
It is our belief that a relationship should be
established between the agency and the United
Nations similar to that of the specialized agencies.
The exact terms of the relationship must, of
course, await creation of the agency itself. The
agency will be created by negotiations among
interested governments. These negotiations,
already in progi-ess, will lead to the conclusion of
a treaty subject to the usual constitutional proc-
esses of ratification. The International Atomic
Energ}' Agency would consult and cooperate as
appropriate with other United Nations bodies
whose work might be related to that of the agency,
as well as with national atomic energy organiza-
tions and regional organizations such as the Or-
ganization for European Nuclear Research
(Oexr).
It would not be practicable to spell out the pos-
sible relationships any more precisely at this time
until we know better just exactly what the agency
will look like when it comes into being. While
there has been a certain amount of general atri>i'
ment among the states which are negoliating the
creation of this agency on some of the a(hninistra-
tive features, it dcx's not seem jjossible to go i)ito
tlieso negotiating matters in great detail now.
You will recognize that the negotiations must take
into consideration the views of the eight negotiat-
ing states in the light of their special position in
the atomic energy Held and also of other states
which we hope will participate. In the main the
negotiations have followed the line which we
indicated in the March 19 outline which we sub-
mitted to the Soviet Union and which is before
the committee.' But there may be changes.
It may be appropriate at this point to mention
one problem that has come up in the negotiations.
Originally the United States visualized that the
international agency would hold ii.ssionable mate-
rials itself. But after the Soviet rejection of the
United States proposals, all the negotiating states
concluded that it might be preferal)le that the
agency act as a clearinghouse for requests made to
the agency by the various beneficiaries. The donor
state would earmark fissionable materials for the
agency's operations and would transfer those
fissionable materials directly to the projects ap-
proved by the agency. Since the resources of the
agency obviously will be limited, it seems more
useful to us to use the resources available to the
agency for additional programs rather than for
expensive custodial arrangements.
As I said earlier in this statement, the desire and
puri)ose of the United States is that what we do
shall remain within the area of the feasible and the
doable and not become hampered by being placed
in the context of unending arguments or insuper-
able vetoes. We are proceeding as rapidly as pos-
sible, determined that this hopeful enterprise shall
not be deterred nor delayed nor interminably frus-
trated by any who may not wish the blessing of
atomic energy to be spread throughout the world.
The resolution which we intend to cosponsor will
reflect this desire to go forward as rapidly as pos-
sible for the benefit of the entire world.
International Conlerence
One further way in which the United Nations
can contribute materially, in advance, toward the
■Ibid., p. 480.
November 15, 1954
749
goal of extending to all peoples the benefits of
atomic energy' is by convening an international
conference to discover the field in which progress
would be technically feasible and to develop pro-
cedures whereby the nations of the world can make
known their wants.
The United States intends to support such a
conference fully and will send as our representa-
tives qualified scientific and technical persons of
the highest calibre that we possess. Our Atomic
Energy Commission will remove restrictions from
information and make it available in the hope,
thereby, of contributing to the value of the con-
ference. Other states will undoubtedly do as
much.
The United States has long believed that such a
conference of scientists and of government offi-
cials concerned with their nations' atomic energy
development would materially contribute to the
knowledge of the participants and correspond-
ingly benefit their countries. The opportunity to
exchange information and become better ac-
quainted with each other's problems in the vast
field now opening before our eyes as the beneficial
uses of atomic energy become both more feasible
and more numerous would be fruitful.
Most of the participants in the conference will
undoubtedly be government representatives, many
of whom will be experts in the field. The United
States believes it appropriate also to invite repre-
sentatives of various specialized agencies whose
tasks are such that the discussions at the conference
would be of direct interest. We include in this
category such agencies as Unesco, the Ilo, the
Who, and the Fao.
In order to organize the conference, issue invi-
tations, prepare an agenda and rules of procedure,
the Secretary-General of the United Nations
should act on the advice of a committee composed
of representatives of certain states members of
the United Nations. For this advisory committee
of states, we have in mind a membership which
would meet two essential qualifications: knowl-
edge of atomic energy development and appro-
priate geographic representation.
We recommend that the conference should dis-
cuss topics such as probable world power require-
ments, the possible contribution of atomic energy
to meet deficits in conventional fuels, the eco-
nomics of nuclear power, the health and safety
aspects of atomic energy, among other matters.
Discussions could be held on nuclear technology,
on reactor application in research and power, on
medical and biological applications of atomic en-
ergy, on industrial application of radioactive
Ijroducts.
We know that its reports and conclusions would
be of great import both to the International
Atomic Energy Agency, when it is established, and
to individual countries so far as their own atomic
energy programs are concerned.
We intend to cosponsor a draft resolution in
this committee which will reflect the views just
expressed. We believe it will indicate the best
pattern for practical United Nations participa-
tion in this great work of international coopera-
tion in developing the use of the atom for peace.
In cosponsoring this resolution the United States
would express its wish to proceed with you on the
fulfillment of this program — whose only purpose,
in the words of President Eisenhower last Decem-
ber, is "to find the way by whicli the miraculous
inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his
death, but consecrated to his life."
Vote on Disarmament Resolutions
Statetnent hy James J. Wadsworth
U.S. Representative to the General Assenibly ^
In these brief remarks I do not propose to go into
the substance of the full and extremely valuable
debate that was held in the First Committee on the
subject of disannament. I echo the satisfaction
with which others have hailed the unanimity of
the vote on these resolutions in the committee, and
also the agreement achieved between the members
of the so-called London subcommittee in spon-
soring these resolutions. No less, Mr. President,
do I hail the unanimity with which these same
powers and many other representatives of dele-
gations have openly recognized that we have a
long and rocky road to travel. Anything less than
tliis sober recognition of the realities would give
' Made in plenary session on Nov. 4 (U.S. delegation
press release 2008). On that date the Assembly approved
unanimously the resolution which had been adopted (also
by unanimous vote) in Committee I on Oct. 27; for text,
see Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954. The Assembly's resolution
(A/ResoUition/216) refers two other proposals to the
Disarmament Commission for consideration : A/C.l/
L.lOO/Rev.l, submitted by India, and .\/C.l/L.101/Rev.l,
submitted by Australia and the IMiiliiipines.
750
Department of State Bulletin
poor service to the ciiuse to whiili we are devoted.
For our part, in voting for these resohitions today,
we pledge our continued and constant elTorts to
achieve tlie common goal.
U. S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Metal Trades Committee of ILO
The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 2G (press release 607) that the United States
would be represented at the fifth session of the
Metal Trades Connnittee of the International
Labor Organization (Ii.o) at Geneva, October
2r)-November 6, by the following delegation :
Representing the Oovemment of the United States
Delegates
Hersey E. Riley, Chief, Divisiou of Coustniction Statistics,
Bureau of Labor Statistics, Department of Labor
■William A. Vanstory, Consultant, Business and Defense
Services Administration, Department of Commerce
Representing the Employers of the United States
Delegates
Martin F. Burke, Personnel Director, United Aircraft
Corporation, East Hartford, Conn.
Herbert JI. Ramel, Vice President, Moog Industries, In-
corporated, St. Louis, JIo.
Representing the Workers of the United States
Delegates
Thomas Crowe, International Vice President, Interna-
tional Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship
Builders, Blacksmiths, Forgers and Helpers, AFL
Victor Reuther, Assistant to the President and Director,
Department for International Affairs, Congress of
Industrial Organizations
Adviser
Edward Cote, Co-Director of Region 1-A, International
Union, United Automobile, Aircraft and Agricultural
Implement Workers of America
The iletal Trades Committee is one of eight in-
dustrial committees established by the Ilo to
deal with problems in some of the most important
international industries. Representation on each
of the committees is tripartite in nature, with
government, employer, and worker representatives
from member countries.
At the fifth session, the Committee will concern
itself primarily with discussion of (1) a report
relating to jjroduction and employment at a high
level in the metal trades, which report contains an
analysis of the output, as well as of the factors af-
fecting the demand for and of measures which
might stabilize the demand for, various metal
products and (2) a report on practical methods of
labor-management cooperation in metal working
plants, which report contains an e.xamination of
eight examples of satisfactory in-plant collab-
oration in Canada, France, Switzerland, Sweden,
tlu> Tnited Kingdom, and the United States. The
Committee will also consider a general report in
which particular attention is paid to develop-
ments in the metal trades industry in various coun-
tries since the Committee's last session, Geneva,
April 21-May 2, 1952, and to important events
and developments in the metal trades industry.
In addition to the United States, the following
countries have been invited to send tripartite de-
legations to the meeting: Australia, Belgium,
Canada, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland,
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, India,
Italy, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, Norway,
Poland, the Union of South Africa, Sweden,
Switzerland, and the United Kingdom.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Customs Tariff
Protocol modifying the convention signed at Brussels
July -J. IS'M) (26 Stat. I.'.IS), relatin;,' to the creation
of an International Union for the Publication of Customs
Tariffs. Done at Brussels December 16, 1949. Entered
into force May 5, 19.")0.'
Ratification deposited: Brazil, September 21, 1954.
Germany
Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the accession
of the Federal Republic of Germany. Signed at Paris
October 23, 1954.
Enters into force when (a) each of the parties to the
North Atl.intic Treaty has notified the United States of
its accejitance thereof, (b) all ratifications of the
Protocol .Modifying and Completing the Brussels Treaty
' Not in force for the United States.
November 15, 1954
751
have been deposited with Belgium, and (c) all ratifica-
tions or approvals of the Convention on the Presence
of Foreign Forces in the Federal Republic of Germany
have been deposited with the Federal Republic of Ger-
many. Upon entry into force of the Protocol, an in-
vitation to accede to the North Atlantic Treaty shall
be communicated to the Federal Republic of Germany
by the United States on behalf of all parties to the
Protocol.
Protocol on the termination of the occupation regime in
the Federal Republic of Germany, with five schedules,
and related letters. Signed at Paris October 23, 10154,
by the United States, France, the Federal Republic, and
the United Kinsdom.
Enters into force upon the deposit of ratifications or
approvals by all signatories.
Convention on the presence of foreign forces in the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany. Signed at Paris October 2,3,
1954, by the United States, France, the Federal Republic,
and the United Kingdom.
Enters into force upon the deposit of ratifications or
approvals by all signatories and the deposit of the ac-
cession of the Federal Republic to the North Atlantic
Treaty. Open to accession by any State not a signr.tory
which had forces in the Federal Republic of Germany
on the date of signature of the Protocol on the Termina-
tion of the Occupation Regime ; accession to be effective
on the date of entry into force of the Convention or the
date of deposit of accession, whichever is later.
Tripartite agreement on the exercise of retained rights
in Germany. Signed at Paris October 23, 19.j4, by the
United States, France, and the United Kingdom.
Enters into force upon the entry into force of the
Protocol on the Termination of the Occupation Regime.
Trade and Commerce
Third protocol of rectifications and modifications to the
texts of schedules to the General Agi-eement on Tariffs
and Trade (TIAS 1700). Done at Geneva October 24,
1953.=
Siyned defmitively : Germany, September 27, 1954;
Dominican Republic, October 15, 1954; Burma, Oc-
tober 4, 1954.
BILATERAL
Belgium
Agreement to facilitate the interchange of patent rights
and technical information for defense purposes.
Signed at Brussels October 12, 1954. Entered into
force October 12, 1954.
Germany
Agreement relating to the exchange of ofiicial publica-
tions. Effected by exchamre of notes at Washington
October 27, 1954. Entered into force October 27,
1954.
Treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation, with
protocol and exchanges of notes. Signed at Washing-
ton October 20, 1054. Enters into force one month
after the exchange of instruments of ratification.
Libya
Agreement relating to economic aid. Effected by ex-
change of notes at Benghazi September 9, 1954. Entered
into force Septeinlier 9. 1954.
Agreement rolnting to niilitar.v bases in Libya, with memo-
randum of uiidersfanding. Signed at Benghazi Septem-
ber 0, 1054. Ratilied by Lil)ya October 21, 1954.
Entered into force: October 30, 1954 ( the date of receipt
bv the United States of notification of ratification by
Llliya).
Spain
Agreement confirming the bilateral arrangements for a
facilities assistance program pursuant to the mutual
defense assistance agreement of September 2(3, 19.53
(TIAS 2849). Effected by exchange of notes at Madrid
April 9, May 11 and 19, 1954. Entered into force
May 19, 1954.
THE DEPARTMENT
' Not in force.
Determination in Case of
John Paton Davies, Jr.
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 629 dated November 5
Executive Order 10450, issued pursuant to the
act of August 26, 1950, became elTective May 27,
1953. It deals with "Security Requirements for
Government Employment." It establishes new
criteria for continuing employment by the United
States. These criteria related not only to loyalty
but also to reliability and trustworthiness. The
new security program which this order establishes
provides for various procedures culminating in a
final determination by the head of the Depart-
ment as to whether continued employment "is
clearly consistent with the interests of the na-
tional security." If not, the head of the Depart-
ment is required to terminate the employment.
The Executive order requires that the cases of
all Departmental and Foreign Service employees
who had been investigated under the provisions
of the old loyalty program should be readjudi-
cated under the new security standards estab-
lished by the new Executive order. Accordingly,
the case of John Paton Davies, Jr., previously so
investigated, came on for readjudication.
On December 29, 1953, the Department's Office
of Security concluded that Mr. Davies should be
suspended and processed under the new security
program.
On January 20, 1954, I directed that a state-
ment of charges be submitted to Mr. Davies with
a view to obtaining his sworn answers prior to
my determination with reference to his possible
suspension. Tliis was done and Mr. Davies made
his sworn answers.
752
Department of State Bulletin
1 thereupon made ii careful oxaniiimtion of tlu>
cliarfj;i's, tlic answers, and tlio infornuition upon
whicli tlie charges were ba-sed. I conchided that
the matter required further inquiry. In this con-
nection it might bo noted that Mr. Davies liad
previously told me that he would welcome what-
ever further examination I deemed appropriate.
Accordingly, on March 23, 1954, I a.sked that a
Security Hearing Board be designated to con-
sider the case. Mr. Davies voluntarily accepted
the jurisdiction of the Security Hearing Board
and was not then suspended as would have been
tlio normal procedure. I agi'eed to nonsusi)ension
because I concluded that under the circumstances
then prevailing the interests of the United States
would not be prejudiced thereby.
On May 14, 1954, a Security Hearing Board
of five persons, drawn from other agencies, was
duly designated and convened for the purpose of
conducting a hearing according to the statute,
the Executive order above referred to, and Depart-
mental regulations. After the Board had studied
tile complete record, it held hearings throughout
the hitler part of June and the first half of July.
Throughout these proceedings Mr. Davies had
tlie benefit of able counsel. Mr. Davies testified
and called six witnesses who testified on his be-
half. Five witnesses who had furnished deroga-
tory information appeared and testified under
oath; all but one did so in Mr. Davies' presence
and subject to cross-examination by his counsel.
On August 30, after consideration of all the
available information and the entire record in the
case, the Security Hearing Board reached a unani-
mous decision. It was that the continued employ-
ment of Mr. Davies is not clearly consistent with
the interests of the national security. The Board
accordingly concluded that his employment in the
Foreign Service of the United States ought to be
terminated.
Following receipt of the Security Board's deci-
sion, I have, as required by the statute and the
regulations, reviewed the entire case, and I now
make my determination as to its disposition.
My determination accords with that of the Se-
curity Hearing Board and is that the continued
employment of Mr. Davies is not clearly consistent
with the interests of the national security and
it is advisable in such interests that his employ-
ment in the Foreign Service of the United States
be terminated.
The reason.s given \>y the .Soiiuiiy Hearing
Board for its decision are that Mr. Davies (h nion-
strated a lack of judgnu'ut, discretion, and re-
liability. The Board empiuisized tluit it defended
Mr. Davies' right to report as his conscience dic-
tated but fouiul that he nuuie known his dissents
from establislieil policy outside of privileged
boundaries. The Board also empiuisized that its
decision stenmied prepoiulerantly not fnmi de-
rogatory information su|)plied by others but from
its own thorough and exhaustive analysis of Mr.
Davies' known and admitted works and acts and,
in connection therewith, his direct admissions and
deficiencies as a witness before the Board.
The Board found that Mr. Davies' observation
and evaluation of the facts, his policy recommen-
dations, his attitude with respect to existing policy,
and his disregard of proper forbearance and cau-
tion in making known his dis-sents outside privi-
leged boundaries were not in accordance with the
standard required of Foreign Service oflicers and
show a definite lack of judgment, discretion, and
reliability.
The Security Hearing i^oard did not find, nor
do I find, that Mr. Davies was disloyal in the sense
of having any Communistic affinity or consciously
aiding or abetting an\' alien elements hostile to the
United States, or performing his duties or other-
wise acting so as intentionally to serve the inter-
ests of another government in preference to the
interests of the United States.
Under the present Executive order on security,
it is not enough that an employee be of complete
and unswerving loyalty. He must be reliable,
trustworthy, of good conduct and character.
The members of the Security Hearing Board
unanimously found that Mr. Davies' lack of judg-
ment, discretion, and reliability raises a reason-
able doubt that his continued employment in the
Foreign Service of the United States is clearly
consistent with the interests of national security.
This is a conclusion which I am also compelled
to reach as a result of my review of the case.
I have reached my determination, as the law
requires, on the basis of my own independent ex-
amination of the record. One of the facts of that
record is the unanimous conclusion of the members
of the Security Hearing Board that the personal
demeanor of Mr. Davies as a witness before them,
when he testified on his own behalf and was sub-
ject to examination, did not inspire confidence in
his reliability and that he was frequently less than
November 15, 7954
753
forthright in his response to questions. Conclu-
sions thus arrived at by an impartial Security
Hearing Board are, I believe, entitled to much
weight, particularly when those conclusions are
consistent with the written record which I have
examined.
Recent Releases
For sale Dy the Svpcrintevdent of Doi^ments ^fii^rTs's
ernment Printing Offlce, Wash,noton2o ^■J-^^jf^f'^li'
requests direct to the Suverintendent of Documents c^^-
cept in the case of free puUicat>o,<s, tchich may be 06-
tained from the Department of State.
Technical Cooperation-Program of Education. TIAS
2830. Pub. 5250. 8 pp. lOt-
Agreement, with Memorandum of U"derstancUng between
The United States and Liberia-Signed at Monrovia June
23, 1053.
Mutual Defense Assistance. TIAS 2834. Pub. 5255. 10
pp. KH-
Agreement between the L'nited States and the Republic
of^h™lippines. Exchange of notes-Signed at Manila
June 2G, 1953.
Military Bases in the Philippines. TIAS 2835. Pub.
5256. 3 pp. 5#.
Agreement between the United States and the Republic of
the Philippines, implementing agreement of March l-i,
1947, as supplemented. Exchange of notes— Signed at
Manila May 29 and June 17, 1953.
Naval Mission to Cuba. TIAS 2836. Pub. 52G8. 2 pp.
5(f.
Agreement between the United States and Cuba, extend-
ing agreement of August 28, 1951. Exchange of notes-
Signed at Washington April 14 and July 2, 1953.
Weather Stations— Cooperative Program in Mexico.
TIAS 2837. Pub. 5269. 4 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Mexico, ex-
tending agreement of March 29 and August 15, 1949, as
extended. Exchange of notes— Signed at Mexico, D. F.,
June 30, 1953.
Weather Stations— Cooperative rrog.ai.. ... ^.....c.. ^^^^
2S3S. Pub. 5270. 7 pp. 10('.
Agreement between the United States and Cuba. Ex-
change of notes— Signed at Habana June 30, 19o3.
Technical Cooperation— Industrial Apprenticeship Train-
ing Program. TIAS 2839. Pub. 5271. 2 pp. -ot
\greement between the United States and Brazil ex-
tending agreement of June 30, 1952. Exchange of notes-
Signed at Rio de Janeiro June 29, 1953.
Technical Cooperation— Program of Education. TIAS
2841. Pub. 5273. 12 pp. 10(f.
Agreement between the United States and Egypt— Signed
at Cairo June 18, 19.53.
Disnosition of Certain Accounts in Thailand, Under Arti-
cle 16 of Treaty of Peace With Japan. TIAS 2844. Pub.
5276.
pp.
Agreement between the United States and the United
Kingdom— Signed at Washington July 30, 1953.
Technical Cooperation— Public Health Program. TIAS
2852. Pub. 5293. 15 pp. 10^.
Agreement between the United States and Egypt— Signed
at Cairo June 18, 1953.
Collaboration in Atomic Energy Research and Develop-
ment. TIAS 2993. Pub. 5561. 2 pp. 5(*.
Agreement between the United States and the United
Kingdom— Signed at Quebec August 19, 1943.
Designations
Raymond A. Hare as Director General of the Foreign
Service, effective October 19.
David H. Popper a.s Director, Office of United Nations
Political and Security Affairs, effective October 24.
William J. Sebald as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Far Eastern Affairs, effective November 1.
Max W. Bishop as Special Assistant to the Under Sec-
retary, with responsibiUty for coordinating operational
planning in the Department on matters coming before the
Operations Coordinating Board, effective November 2.
Walter A. Radius as Special Assistant to the Assistant I
Secretary for Economic Affairs, effective November 2
i
754
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
November 15, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 803
Asia. White noU8C ConHultatluDH on Kiiro|>i'aii iiiiil AHlnn
Atfrt'fiiients tllaKi'i'ty) 733
Atomic EnrrEy
luti'rnatUmiil Coopciatloii In Dovi'loplnt; tlio IVacoful Uki'B
of Atomic EncFRy (Lodjje) (text of draft resolu-
tion) 7J2
Ki'ply to U.S.S.R. on "Atoms for Pence" Progrnm . . . 733
Economic AlTairs. Settlement of Debts Represented hy
Cicrniaii Dollar Ilonds 73O
Eirypl. U.K.KKyptlnn Agreonient ItepirdlnR Suo« Canal
Base (Dulles) (text of main aRreementl 734
Europe
Results of I'arls Conference (texts of documents) . . . 710
White House Consultations on European and Asian Agree-
ments (Uugerty) 733
Foreign ScrTice. Determination In Case of John Paton
Davles. Jr. (Dulles) 752
Germany. Settlement of Debts Represented by German
Dollar Bonds 736
International OrEaniiations and Meetings
Metal Trades Committee of ILO 751
Results of I'uris Conference (texts of documents) . . . 719
Special NAC Ministerial Session (text of final com-
muQliiue) 732
Military Affairs
Results of I'aris Conference (texts of documents) . . . 710
Vote on Disarmament Resolutions (Wadsworth) . . . 750
Mntaal Security
Results of I'arls Conference (texts of documents) . . . 719
Special NAC Ministerial Session (text of final com-
munique) 732
U.S. Aid to Viet-Nam (Eisenhower) 735
White House Consultations on European and Asian Agree-
ments (Hagerty) 733
Near East. D.K.-Egyptian Agreement Regarding Suez
Canal Base (Dulles) (text of main agreement) . . . 734
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Results of Purls Conference (texts of documents) . . . 719
Special NAC Ministerial Session (text of final com-
munique I 732
Presidential Documents. U.S. Aid to Vlet-Nam .... 735
Publications. Recent Releases 754
Spain. Letters of Credence (Areilza) 734
State. Department of. Designations (Bishop, Hare, Popper,
Radius, Sebald) 754
Treaty Information
Current Actions 751
Results of Paris Conference (texts of documents) . . . 719
White House Consultations on European and Asian Agree-
ments (Hagerty) 733
United Kingdom. U.K.-Egyptian Agreement Regarding
Suez Canal Base (Dulles) (text of main agreement) . 734
United Nation!
IiiliTiiallonal Cooperation In Dcveloplni; the Peaceful Uses
of Atomic Energy (Lodge) (text of draft resolu-
tion) 742
Some Problems of Charter Review (Walnhouse) .... 737
Vote on Disarmament Resolutions (Wadsworth) . . . 760
Viel-Nam. U.S. Aid to Vlet-Nam (Elsenhower) .... 736
Home Indvr
Areilza, JosA Maria 734
Hlhhi.p. .Max W 764
Davles, John Paton, Jr 752
Dulles. Secretary 7.34, 762
Elsenhower. President 783, 736
llagerly, James C 733
Hare. Raymond A 764
Lodse. Henry Cabot, Jr 742
Popper, David H 764
Radius, Walter A 754
Sebald. William J 754
Wadsworth. James J 760
Wainliouse, David W 737
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 1-7
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Pre.ss releases issued prior to November 15 which
appear in this issue of the Bdllktin are Nos. .')73 of
October 12, 594 of October 19, 59C of October 21, and
607 of October 26.
Subject
Educational exchange.
Educational exchan^'e.
U.S.-Libyan agreement ratified.
Educational exchange.
Visit of .\rab Ambassadors.
Payment for new German Embassy.
Program for Mend&s-France visit.
Visit of General I'hao of Thailand.
Dulles-Queen Elizabeth remarlis.
Dulles : John Paton Davies, Jr.
Spain credentials (rewrite).
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
•G20
n/i
•621
11/1
t622
11/1
*62.3
11/3
t624
11/3
t625
11/4
•626
11/4
•627
11/4
*(i2S
11/4
G29
11/5
630
11/6
U. S. COVCRHHCHT PAINTIHC OFFICEi l»S4
the
United States
Government Printing Office
DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
Washington 25, D. C.
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(GPO)
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Foreign Relations of the United States . . .
the basic source of information on U.S. diplomatic history
1937, Volume Y, The American Republics
Department
of
State
The multilateral negotiations covered by the documentation
in this volume are about equally concerned with economic and
political questions.
In the record on multilateral negotiations a major portion
of the documents relates to three subjects : The Chaco dispute
between Bolivia and Paraguay, construction of the Inter-
American Highway, and a proposal by the United States to
lease destroyers to the American Republics for training
purposes.
Discussions concerning possible reciprocal trade agreements
and efforts to secure equitable treatment for American busi-
ness interests are the chief subjects of bilateral diplomacy
dealt with in this volume. Trade agreement talks were held
with Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador,
and Venezuela. Equitable treatment for American business
interests was the subject of discussions with Argentina, Bo-
livia, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico.
Copies of this volume may be purchased from the Superin-
tendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D.C., for $3.75 each.
Order Form
To: Supt. of Documents Please send me copies of Foreign Relations of the United
Govt. Printing OflSce States, 1937, Volume V, The American Republics.
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J/i€/ zi)eha')^nien(/ ^^ tnate/
fli. XXX/, No. 804
November 22, 1954
Vl«NT o^
Ates o*
THE NEW ENVIRONMENT OF AMERICAN DIPLO-
MACY • by Assistant Secretary Merchant 759
STRENGTHENING THE GENERAL AGREEMENT ON
TARIFFS AND TRADE • Statement by Assistant
Secretary Waugh "^^^
TRADE AGREEMENT {NEGOTIATIONS INVOLVING
JAPAN 767
U.S. ENDORSES REPORT OF U.N. COLLECTIVE
MEASURES COMMITTEE • Statement by Charles H.
Mahoney ^^0
For index see inside bade cover
-^«"«^^
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
DEC 28 1954
*»■««. o* ■■
Me Q)e/vayi^lm.ent c/ ^lu^e jOUlIGLin
Vol. XXXI, No. 804 • Publication 5671
November 22, 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government PrintinR Offlce
Washington 2,'i, D.C.
Price;
62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of tiio
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 111,12).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF .State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as icell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Ptiblications of the Department, as
tvellas legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The New Environment of American Diplomacy
hy Livingston T-, Merchant
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs *
Tonight, at the risk of viohiting one of the
establislied principles of polit« social procedure,
I'm going to talk shop. I plan to talk about my
job and the jobs of other American diplomats.
In particular, I want to discuss the new physical
and conceptual environment in which modem
diplomacy must operate.
The job of the American diplomat has changed
tremendousl}' during the last generation. Thirty
years ago, I tliink it is fair to say that the average
citizen of this country gave relatively little atten-
tion to foreign affairs. Foreign policy was an
interesting subject for friendly speculation and
argument, but most of us did not feel that it inti-
mately affected our personal lives. We did not re-
gard it as nearly so important, for example, as the
outcome of a World Series game.
Today this attitude is greatly altered. Our
attitudes have changed because the world has
changed. A steadily increasing number of peo-
ple have come to realize that our Nation's foreign
policy is a matter of the most vital importance —
that the lives of millions of men and women who
inhabit this Nation may ultimately depend upon
the effective conduct of American diplomacy.
For this reason it may be interesting for us to
consider some of the principal ways in which the
environment of American diplomacy has changed
dui-ing the past 30 years.
In the first place, I think we can all agree that
the stakes of diplomacy are now immensely
greater than at any time in the past. Represent-
ing the United States abroad has never been an
easy or casual task. Nevertheless, in the early
years of this century, the United States did not
'Address made before the United Council on World
Affairs at Boston, Mass., on Oct. 28 (press release 613).
face an immediate threat to its very existence, as
it does today. We were protected by vast oceans,
by a long-established balance-of-power system in
other parts of the world, and by the physical in-
capacity of enemy forces to launch a successful
invasion of this continent.
The changes that have since taken place can be
attributed only in part to political events. The
greatly magnified danger to this country results
primarily from changes in our physical surround-
ings. We should remember that the inventors of
the airplane and the pioneers in the field of
nuclear fission have had a great impact upon our
foreign policies. The world has grown smaller;
the methods of warfare have grown more destruc-
tive ; and the United States has inevitably become
more vulnerable.
Just as the products of scientific genius have in-
creased our vulnerability, so has our capacity for
survival been menaced by international political
and economic developments. During the last 20
years we have witnessed the rise of two great
empires strong enough to endanger the security
of the United States. The Nazi empire was
crushed after the most painful and costly war in
human history. But the Communist empire
rapidly seized many of the territories and peoples
held by the Nazis and has continued a relentless
program of expansion in all directions.
Nature of Red Threat
Today this Comnmnist empire is the most for-
midable aggressive dictatorship the world has ever
known. It is waging a merciless "cold war"
against all free societies, with the purpose of
gradually pyramiding its own capacity for attack
and weakening the free world's capacity for resist-
November 22, 1954
759
ance. The Communist objective is to gain un-
challenged superioi'ity in all the elements of
political, military, and economic power — in popu-
lation, territory, natural resources, scientific and
technical facilities, industrial production, mili-
tary forces, and the like. For the first time in our
national history we are confronted by the possi-
bility that a potential enemy may be able to attain
this kind of superiority.
At the present time, of course, the free world as
a whole is distinctly superior to the Communist
bloc in nearly all the elements of power essential
to survival. This means that the Soviet Union is
incapable, at this time, of winning an all-out war
against the United States and its allies. But it
would be suicidal shortsightedness for us to judge
the Communist menace solely in terms of the im-
mediate military threat to ourselves. We are
menaced equally by the unceasing cold war against
other parts of the world. If the Communist bloc
should be permitted to capture new territories, to
enslave additional millions of people, and to seize
new farms, factories, mines, and laboratories, it
would eventually be able to outstrip the United
States in virtually every form of power, and might
leave us no alternatives but surrender or total
destruction. Even our substantial lead in nuclear
weapons would almost certainly melt away if the
Communist bloc should gain overall scientific and
industrial superiority. Thus, we face a danger
which is at once short-term and long-term. Our
prospects for peace and survival will depend upon
our ability to deal with both aspects of this danger.
And as our industrial expansion proceeds, we
are becoming increasingly dependent on other
jjarts of the woi'ld for raw materials. Today
there are already a large number of vital com-
modities which we must import from abroad.
With the passage of time, it will become virtually
impossible for us to maintain our peacetime living
standards, or to win any war that might be forced
upon us, without access to foreign sources of raw
materials.
Wlien we add these things together — when we
consider the gi-owth of Communist power, our in-
creasing dependence upon foreign imports, and
our vastly more dangerous physical position in the
world — we can see that the very life of this Nation
depends, as never before in history, upon active
cooperation with other free nations. A primary
objective of our foreign policy is to keep other
free lands out of Communist hands and to keep
these nations working with us toward our mutual
objectives of peace, security, and human progress.
We need strong and dependable allies, and the
maintenance of friendly and cooperative relations
with these allies is one of the principal tasks of
modern American diplomacy.
Next, we should note that as the stakes of diplo-
macy have increased, the alternatives to the art of
diplomacy have become vastly more terrible. In
past centuries certain goverimients have often
been willing to resort to war when they failed to
achieve their objectives through diplomatic de-
vices. Throughout most of human history these
wars were fought by professional armies, with
little direct effect upon the great masses of the
population. By the end of World War I, however,
warfare had already become so horrible that many
earnest men sought to abolish war as an instru-
ment of national policy. But the terrors of the
First World War, and even the Second World
War, pale into insignificance when compared with
the possible consequences of war in the atomic
age. Modern war may bring death to millions of
men, women, and children and may mean the de-
struction of victor and vanquished alike. Under
these circumstances it is clear that diplomacy is
not onh' our first line of defense. It may prove
to be the only line of defense that really matters.
Our New Responsibilities
A third major change in the environment of
American diplomacy has been the rapid movement
of the United States from a position of relative
isolation to a position of prominence and respon-
sibility in world affairs. It is sometimes difficult
for us Americans to appreciate fully the signifi-
cance of our new status. Recently a European
diplomat was going over a collection of state pa-
pers relating to European policies in the period
just prior to World AYar I. He had before him
Blue Books, 'Wniite Papei-s, Yellow Books, diplo-
matic notes, and desjiatches — all the important pa-
pers of the period. In all these state documents he
found not one single reference to the United
States as an international political factor of im-
I)ortance. And that was only 40 j'ears ago.
Today I doubt tliat one could find many oflicial
state papers anywhere which do not at least men-
tion the United States. There are few develop-
ments in the world todav which our Government
760
Department of State Bulletin
can afford to regard with disinterest, and there
arc few international issues on which the views of
tlie United States are not eagerly awaitetl.
This assumption of world responsibilities by
the United Statt^ has not been entirely a matter
of choice or design. It has been an inevitable con-
sequence of the environmental circumstances al-
ready mentioned. We have assumed new comniit-
nients abroad and have entered into new relation-
ships simply because the protection of our na-
tional safety and welfare i-cquired such steps.
Nevertheless, all these developments have pro-
foundly affected the work of the American diplo-
matic officer. As the agent of a government whose
voice is often decisive, he must combine extraordi-
nary insight and initiative with an equal measure
of caution and restraint.
The change in America's international position
is sometimes described as the "rise of the United
States to world leadership." I feel that the word
"leadership" is not the best description of our role.
It is true that the United States must take the lead
on many occasions and must exercise a constant
initiative. At the same time, I believe that Presi-
dent Eisenhower gave us a clearer and truer pic-
ture of our international position when he recently
stressed the word "partnersliip" rather than "lead-
ership." Our relationships with our friends and
allies abroad do not pennit us to demand or to dic-
tate but rather to suggest and persuade. We have
no satellites, and we want no satellites. The unity
of the free world can be maintained only on the
basis of partnership. Secretary Dulles has re-
peated)}' emphasized that.
I'm afraid that some ^^lericans expect the
United States Government to dominate all its
relations with allied governments and are some-
what critical when our allies disagree with us.
This attitude is rather unrealistic. ^Y[\en a man
enters a business partnership he knows that he
cannot thereafter run the business as if it were
entirely his own. And when a nation enters an
international partnership, it must recognize that
it has to take account of the views and interests,
and even the prejudices, of its allies. Our job
in the Department of State is to protect and pro-
mote American interests, and we never forget that
fact. But neither do we want to forget what our
basic interests really are. We would be very
foolish if we allowed ourselves to pursue our
secondary interests so intensely that we sacrifice
the all-important interest of maintaining the part-
nership itself. Diplomacy is essentially the art
of adjusting and accommodating interests, and
no partnership can survive without this process
of give and take.
A successful partnership involves obligations
and burdens, and we need to face this fact frankly.
On the other liund, I feel sometimes that we Amer-
icans think too much about the obligations and
burdens of our international alliances and think
too little about the advantages and rewards we
receive. We sometimes forget that the people of
the United States are protected today not only
by approximately 20 divisions in our own Ameri-
can Army but also by roughly iTfj divisions in
the armies of allied nations. SVe sometimes for-
get that it is not American industrial power alone
that prevents the Connnunists from achieving un-
challenged mastery of the earth but also the great
industrial power of Britain, France, Germany,
Italy, Japan, and other free nations. We forget
that the effectiveness of our Air Force would be
greatly diminished without the bases and facilities
contributed by our allies. In order to understand
the true significance of our international partner-
ship, we must constantly remember that each part-
ner receives more from the relationship than it
contributes.
An Expanding Diplomacy
Another significant development which has af-
fected the practice of diplomacy is the great expan-
sion of the scope of diplomacy — the sizable
extension of the subject matter with wliich the
diplomat must be concerned. The growing com-
plexity of modern civilization and the decreasing
self-sufficiency of individual nations have com-
bined to create international problems in fields
of activity heretofore unknown. Similarly, the
multiple devices and pressures through which the
Commmiist bloc seeks to penetrate the free world
have produced the necessity of varied kinds of
cooperation in resistance to this penetration. As
a result, for example, it is increasingly difficult
to draw a sharp distinction between national and
international problems or to separate domestic
policies from foreign policies. Our own trade and
tariff policies were once regarded as a purely do-
mestic concern ; now they have far-reaching inter-
national implications. A local election in a
particular country may be of merely internal in-
November 22, J 954
761
terest, but it may also be, on occasion, a decisive
battle between the forces of freedom and the forces
of slavery.
This development has had important conse-
quences for the job of the individual diplomat.
During recent years, there has been a considerable
growth of professional specialization in the De-
partment of State and the Foreign Service. We
need people who can deal with complex economic
problems, financial problems, scientific problems,
legal problems, informational problems, geo-
graphic problems, politico-military problems, and
a variety of other specialties. At the same time,
the need for generalists — for men and women who
can deal with a wide range of problems — seems
greater than ever before. As an organization, the
Department of State must be able to combine a
broad global perspective with the ability to deal
competently with the most finite technical details,
and this means that the business of diplomacy is
getting bigger and tougher in almost every way.
TVTiile I don't want to bore you with statistics,
I would like to illustrate the complexity of pres-
ent diplomatic operations by means of a few facts
and figures. The European Bureau of the State
Department, which I have the honor to head,
deals with all the countries of continental Europe,
on both sides of the Iron Curtain, as well as the
United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zea-
land, South Africa, and various smaller Euro-
pean dependencies, such as Bermuda and British
Guiana. "We have 277 employees in Washington
and are responsible for the work of 27 diplomatic
missions and 82 consulates in foreign countries,
containing about 2,600 American employees and
5,000 local employees. All the expenses of the
Bureau and its overseas posts, including salaries,
supplies, communications, travel, etc., total about
$40 million annually.
In an average week, our Bureau in Washington
receives 770 cables and 560 despatches from for-
eign posts. Some of these are purely information ;
others require decisions and actions by the De-
partment or other agencies of the United States
Government. In an average week we send out
approximately 200 cables and 160 instructional
messages in otlier forms. This does not include, of
course, hundreds of memoranda of official conver-
sations, letters from American citizens, Congres-
sional requests, and so forth. All told, we are re-
quired to deal with about 18,000 separate docu-
ments each week, many of which involve pains-
taking research and analysis and some of which
require decisions that can finally be made only by
the President of the United States.
Growth of Multilateral Diplomacy
Still another significant change in the diplo-
matic scene has been the growth of multilateral
diplomacy. This is a relatively recent develop-
ment. Since the end of World War II many in-
ternational questions have ceased to be considered
primarily on a nation-to-nation basis and have
become the subject matter of discussions among
large gi'oups of nations. This increased empha-
sis on multilateral diplomacy has resulted pri-
marily from the development of such organiza-
tions as the United Nations, Nato, Oas, and other
regional arrangements. It has produced a neces-
sity for a new kind of representational and negoti-
ating relationship, which is exemplified by the in-
ternational conference.
Even better examples are provided by the large
number of international bodies which meet in con-
tinuous session and reach day-to-day decisions on
a variety of matters in which we and our allies
have common interests. Nato alone has more
than 20 standing committees on which the United
States is represented, and these representatives
regularly present questions of fact or policy to the
Department of State for decision or advice. A
scholar writing a modern textbook on the arts of
diplomacy would need a special volume on the
practice of multilateral diplomacy.
I should make it clear that multilateral diplo-
macy has not become a substitute for bilateral di-
plomacy. It does not lessen the need for effective
relationships with individual countries. In some
respects it intensifies this need. In order for our
representatives to work effectively in international
organizations, they must be able to depend upon
sound relationships established with each indi-
vidual government through our regular country
missions. In any event, multilateral diplomacy
has superimposed additional demands upon our
diplomatic establishment. The multilateral con-
ference table offere unique opportunities for in-
ternational understanding and for prompt and
effective action on certain critical issues, but it has
inevitably complicated the work of the profes-
sional diplomat.
A final noteworthy change in the diplomatic
762
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
climate has resulted from the spread of demo-
cratic concepts of government. For nniny years
we have been shiftinfr from what may be termetl
"dynastic" diplomacy toward a kind of "popular'"
diplomacy. Diplomacy is becoming less con-
cerned with relationships among governments and
more concerned with relationships among peoples.
Fundamentally, our most valuable and depend-
able alliances are rooted in this people-to-pcople
relationship. Our long-range hopes for the main-
tenance of successful working relationships with
all free nations, as well as our hopes for the
eventual modification of the policies and struc-
tures of the Communist system, will depend less
upon the influence we can exert on rulers than
upon the understanding we can achieve among
whole populations.
In practical terms, people-to-people relation-
ships sometimes make the work of the professional
diplomat extremely difficult. He must now think
in terms of the entire complex of political, eco-
nomic, social, and cultural forces which determine
the purposes and practices of nations and regions.
He must recognize that the center of decision is
no longer the cloistered chamber but the public
forum and that whispered conversations between
high officials usually exert less influence upon a
nation's policies than the open and widespread
pronouncements of the press and radio. He must
be prepared at all times to have his decisions and
actions tested in the crucible of public controversy
and to see his most confidential undertakings
analyzed and dissected in the morning newspaper
headlines.
"Popular Diplomacy"
It must be confessed that some of my profes-
sional colleagues are not always happy about
certain features of this so-called "popular diplo-
macy." There are times, I think, when every
officer who has been engaged in delicate interna-
tional negotiations feels that his chances of a
successful result would be greatly enhanced if all
newspapers and radios would temporarily vanish
from the face of the earth. But the spotlight of
publicity has become a fact of life and an insepar-
able part of modern diplomacy.
There are a few oldtimers in the diplomatic
world who find it hard to adjust themselves to the
glare of constant publicity. This reminds me of
a story which is fairly well known among Wash-
ington bureaucrats. Some years ago, I am told,
a citizen wrote a letter to the Department of Agri-
culture complaining alxuit an excessive outcrop-
ping of dandelions on his front lawn and asking
liow they might be removed. The Department of
Agriculture sent him a pamphlet on the subject.
Some weeks later he wrote another letter, explain-
ing that the measures suggested in the pamphlet
had proved unsuccessful, that the dandelions were
still there in large numbers, and that he would
like further advice. This time he received a per-
sonal letter, setting forth in great detail every-
thing known to modern science about the myste-
rious techniques of getting rid of dandelions.
After a few months our lawn owner again re-
ported failure. None of the methods suggested
had proved effective, and he pleaded for additional
help. "I love my lawn," he said, "and I want
your advice as to what I should do now." The
Department of Agriculture's final letter was sim-
ple and to the point. It read : "Dear Sir : We
suggest that you learn to love the dandelions, too."
That's what we diplomats will have to do about
the newspapers and the radio. They are here to
stay, and I think we are learning to love them.
We can also take considerable comfort from the
knowledge that publicity is often helpful to the
processes of diplomacy.
New Burdens on Government
The revolutionary changes I have described
in the climate, the character, and the techniques
of diplomacy have created new burdens at various
levels of government. The President of the United
States is required to devote a great deal more of
his personal time and energy to foreign affairs
than in the earlier years of our history. Members
of the Congress have had to become expert in many
different aspects of our foreign relations. Na-
turally, the burden upon the Department of State
and the Foreign Service has been equally great.
The professional diplomat has not only been re-
quired to undergo considerable personal adjust-
ment but has also been required to evolve new con-
cepts and techniques through which the interests
of the United States can be served in this dan-
gerous and ever-changing age.
On the whole, I believe that the new climate of
diplomacy has certain distinct advantages. For
November 22, 1954
763
example, greater popular participation in the
conduct of foreign relations is preferable to the
system which prevailed in past centuries, when
the destinies of nations might sometimes be decided
by secret bargains reached by self-seeking nego-
tiators. On the other hand, I should like to em-
phasize the fact that no nation's diplomatic af-
fairs can be successfully conducted, even today,
in a goldfish bowl. There is still a definite need
for confidential consultations among govermnental
representatives and for agreements that do not
have to be hammered out in the electric atmosphere
of public debate. Moreover, the need for the
"personal touch" on the part of the professional
diplomat — the need for applying the old-fashioned
qualities of tact, patience, imagination, under-
standing, and determination — has not diminished
with the passage of time. In fact, because of the
critical nature of diplomatic decisions today, the
need for personal diplomatic skill is greater than
ever before.
The Diplomatic Corps
This brings me to another subject about which
I would like to say a few words — the job of the
individual diplomat. Since I myself am a prac-
titioner of this hazardous occupation, you are
privileged to take what I saj' with the proverbial
grain of salt. However, I sincerely believe it is a
subject that requires more attention and thought
than has been given in the past.
It is no secret that our diplomatic officers have
been subjected to severe criticism in recent years.
This criticism has been varied both in origin and
object ; it has not been confined to any particular
group or philosophy. Some of it is just. Much of
it is well-intentioned and without malice. At the
same time, I think it is not an exaggeration to say
that a great deal of this criticism has been
grossly unfair. The overwhebning majority of our
diplomatic officers, both in the United States and
abroad, are loyal, hard working, and intelligent
public servants whose labors too often pass un-
noticed.
Very few of those who have joined the American
diplomatic corps ever expected glamour or glory
as a reward. It is proper that the returning mili-
tai-y hero who has won a great battle should
receive a welcoming parade. But the diplomat
who has perhaps avoided a war — or wlio luis
achieved a vital national olijcctive without war —
gets no such acclaim. This, too, is as it must be.
Diplomatic successes do not lend themselves to
elaborate publicity. In fact, the very phrase
''diplomatic victory" is something of a contradic-
tion in terms, since a successful diplomatic ef-
fort usually involves an accommodation of in-
terests with other countries and its fruits may be
dissipated by the claim that one country or another
has achieved a "victory." The most effective
diplomacy is often ignored by the headline writers.
Most of my colleagues are quite satisfied to dis-
pense with gloi-y. They accept the fact that the
business of diplomacy, like most other businesses,
is more than 90 percent hard work — and often
very dull work. On the other hand, the average
diplomatic officer feels that it is not too much to
ask that he be given a modicum of understanding
and respect. He doesn't ask that people shower
him with ticker tape, if they will only stop pelt-
ing him with rotten eggs.
The fundamental sources of this criticism, I
believe, are not hard to find. Through no choice
of our own, we Americans have been compelled
to live in an age of extreme peril. The safety and
self-sufficiency that we once took for granted have
faded away. We are repeatedly confronted by
difficult and jjainful decisions, which affect our
own destiny and that of the whole civilized world.
The vast complex of international problems, which
seemed so comfortably remote a few years ago,
hos thrust itself rudely into our daily lives.
Under these circumstances it is probably inevitable
that the American diplomatic officer should be
regarded as an unpleasant reminder of our transi-
tion from an era of relative security to an era
of danger and insecurity. He is a tangible sym-
bol of an outside world which has become both
demanding and menacing.
To put it another way, the diplomatic officer
has the unenviable job of telling the American
people unpleasant truths and confi-onting them
with painful decisions. This is not the best way
to win a popularity contest. From ancient his-
tory, we learn that certain kings and sultans made
a ))ractico of putting messengers to death when
these messengers bore ill tidings. The result, as
you would expect, was that these monarchs gradu-
ally came to receive only good news, whatever the
actual course of events. They thereby lost con- i
tact with the true situation in their empires and
were eventually destroyed. This country is far
764
DeparlmenI of State Bulletin
too wise to repeat such a tra^jfic mistake. It is not
important that the diplomat bo popular, but it
is vitally imjiortant that ho receive the confidence
AJid respect that his labors warrant-.
I do not want to imply that the American diplo-
matic service is above criticism. Secretary Dulles
and his stall' have recognized the need for constant
improvement in the quality of the service and are
laboring steadily toward this objective. Signifi-
cant progress has already been made. In fact,
I believe it is remarkable to note the extent to
which the American diplomat has adapted himself
to the new environment of diplomacy and has risen
boldly to accept the unprecedented challenge of
the times.
No matter how effective our professional diplo-
mats may become, there will always be room for
public criticism, both of policies and techniques.
To paraphrase Clemenceau\s famous statement on
war: "Diplomacy has become much too important
to be left solely to diplomats." It is now a matter
of life and death to our entire population. But
as the general public plays an increasing role in
the development and execution of foreign policies,
it becomes all the more im])ortant that the public
understand clearly the intricate problems involved.
The final measure of American diplomacy will
be its results. During recent months American
diplomats have made important contributions to
our national security and to the peace and stability
of the whole world. The end of the war in Korea,
the accord between the United Kingdom and
Egj'pt, the settlement of the oil controversy in
Iran, the Trieste agreement, the Manila security
pact and the Pacific Charter, and the more recent
agreements in London and Paris on an associated
Western European defense system — all these far-
reaching developments offer renewed hope for a
better and safer universe. And American diplo-
mats take pride in the part we have played —
sometimes a key part — in these achievements.
We are also proud of the tribute paid the diplo-
matic corps 2 weeks ago in Washington by Presi-
dent Eisenhower when he stood before us and
spoke these words :
If there is any organization that should have the
highest morale based firmly in its own convictions as to
the importance of its work, the necessity for successful
accomplishment regardless of what critic or opponent
may say, a morale based in that high belief in a cause,
then that should be the Foreign Service and the State
Department — as, indeed, I believe it is.
U.S. and Japan Discuss
Mutual Interests
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
AND THE PRIME MINISTER
WUUe U0U8C' |»ri'is« ri-li-UHt; tluU*d Novfiuber 10
I're.sident Eisenhower ami Prime Minister Yo-
shida met on November 9 and reaiTunied the spirit
of friendly cooperalioii characterizing the rela-
tions between tiie Uiiited States and .Japan.' Tha
Prime Minister also mot with Secretary of State
Dulles, Secretary of Treasury Humphrey, Secre-
tary of Defen.se Wilson, and Director Sta.ssen of
the Foreign Operations Administration. The
Prime Minister and Secretary l^ulles at their meet-
ings this week, after a full and fiank exchange of
views on matters of mutual interest, reviewed the
conversations held during the past 3 weeks by rep-
resentatives of the two governments.
The President and the Prime Minister agreed
that the solidarity aiul determination of the free
nations had greatly advanced the cause of world
peace. They declared that their governments
would, in cooperation with the free nations of
Asia, continue their united efforts to maintain and
promote the peace and prosperity of Asia. The
Prime Minister reaflirmed his Government's de-
termination to make a full contribution to those
efforts and in particular stressed Japan's desire to
cooperate, wherever possible, in the development
of economic strength by the free nations of Asia.
The President and the Prime Minister declared
that the goals of their governments are peaceful
and that their peoples desire peace and liberty for
themselves and their neighbors.
II
Representatives of both governments discussed
Japan's economic situation in detail. It was
agreed that the economic well-being of the Japa-
nese people is a matter of importance to the entire
free world. The achievement of improved eco-
nomic conditions in Japan depends partly upon
the ability of the Japanese people themselves to
pui-sue sound and constructive internal monetary
and other economic policies and partly upon
' For an announcement of the visit of Prime Minister
Shigeru Yoshida, see Bulletin of Nov. .S, p. 679.
November 22, J 954
765
Japan's ability to expand its trade with other
countries. By various means since the end of the
war the United States has been able to contribute
substantially to the economic progress wliich
Japan has achieved. The United States is aware
of the efforts which Japan is making to solve its
difficult economic problems and will continue to
examine sympathetically means whereby it can
assist the Japanese people to advance their well-
being.
A number of specific measures were discussed in
the recent talks. General agreement was reached
that the United States would cooperate with Japan
in its efforts to expand its foreign trade and achieve
a better balance in its foreign economic relations.
It was further agreed that the United States would
sell to Japan agricultural commodities and that a
substantial portion of the proceeds of these sales
will be used for Japan's domestic economic im-
provement and defense support and for regional
economic development. Other steps were dis-
cussed, such as the establislunent of a productivity
program in Japan and the mutual benefits which
might arise from Japan's participation with the
other free nations of South and Southeast Asia
in the economic development of that area. Both
sides agi-eed that these measures would be of
marked benefit to Japan by improving its eco-
nomic position and facilitating its efforts to attain
a higher standard of living.
Ill
United States representatives expressed regret
over the incident on March 1 in which 23 Japa-
nese fishermen were injiu-ed — one fatally — ^by the
fall-out of radioactive materials following a nu-
clear test in the Pacific. They emphasized their
belief that peaceful uses of atomic energy would
be steadily developed and would eventually become
of great value to Japan and other friendly nations
throughout the world.
IV
There was also discussion of the disposition of
Japanese assets vested by the United States, and
representatives of the XTnited States stated that
this matter is under consideration. Among other
subjects reviewed were Commimist efforts to
weaken and discredit the operations of free gov-
ernments in Asia, the request of Japan for expe-
dited consideration of the cases of war criminals,
and the status of the Ryukyu and Bon in Islands
in the light of the present international situation
as well as the desire of Japan for the return to
the Bonin Islands of former inhabitants.
AGREEMENT ON AGRICULTURAL PROGRAM
Press release 643 dated November 13
The representatives of the Governments of the
United States and Japan today reached an under-
standing on a $100 million surplus agricultural
commodity program for Japan inider the pro-
visions of U.S. Public Law 480.
Of tlie total amount, commodities with a market
value of $85 million will be sold to Japan for local
currency and commodities costing $15 million will
be delivered to Japan as an outright grant to be
used in support of the school lunch and clothing
progi-am.
The major portion of the proceeds of these sales
will be used for Japan's domestic economic im-
provement, including agricultural development,
and for regional economic development. Seventy
percent of the local currency accruing from the
sale of the commodities under Title I will be used
by the Japanese Govermnent on a loan basis. The
balance of the proceeds will be used for various
U.S. purposes including the purchase of goods in
Japan for other friendly countries, cultural ex-
change, agricultural market development, and
expenditures of the U.S. forces in Japan, princi-
pally for the housing program under U.S. Public
Law 765.
Negotiations on details of the arrangements will
be continued both in Washington and Tokj'o.
Japan and the United Nations
Statement hy Henry Cahot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the United Nations
U.S./U.N. press release 1996 dated October 27
The United States will of coui-se support the
renewed application of Japan for membership in
the United Nations. Japan is the most populous
single nonmember coimtry in the world, and its
eventual membership is a certainty. The United
States (lovernmcnt believes it is essential to the
success of the United Nations that Ja])an, and aU
other peace-loving states able and willing to live
up to the charter, be admitted to membership as
soon as possible.
766
Department of Sfofe BuWetin
Trade Agreement Negotiations Involving Japan
Press release C40 dated November 12
UNITED STATES INTENTION TO UNDERTAKE
TRADE AGREEMENT NEGOTIATIONS
The Interdepartmental Committee on Trade
Agreements today issued formal notice of the in-
tention of the I"f.S. Government to participate,
under the authority of the Trade Agreements Act
of 1934 as amended and extended, in reciprocal
tariff negotiations involving Japan. The Presi-
dent has given high priority to expansion of Ja-
pan's trading opportunities because of Japan's
vital importance to free world mutual security.
Today's announcement, including the listing of
products and the scheduling of hearings, formally
opens U.S. preparations for participation in an
international tariff-negotiating conference to be
convened next February in Geneva, Switzerland,
under the sponsorehip of the countries associated
in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
The purpose of this conference will be tariff nego-
tiations looking to Japan's full accession to the
general agreement, thus enlarging her trade possi-
bilities with other countries as well as with the
United States.
To aid in the development of positions which
the United States should adopt in the proposed
tariff negotiations, and in accordance with estab-
lished procedures, a list is also published today
of the products on which the United States may
consider offering concessions. Hearings are also
scheduled and opportunity is provided for sub-
mission of briefs for the purpose of obtaining
views and infoi-mation from interest«d persons on
all phases of these negotiations, including views
for or against concessions which the United States
might seek or offer on particular products.
Attached to the committee's notice of intention
to negotiate is a list of products on whicli modifi-
cations may be considered during the negotiations.
Listing of an item is for the purpose of gathering
information on the possibility of a concession; it
does not necessarily mean that a concession will
bo offered on the product. No tariff concession
can be made by the United States on any product
not included in this or a subsequent published list.
As indicated in the announcement, tlie United
States also proposes to take advantage of the occa-
sion of tlicse tariff negotiations to carry out four
renegotiations arising out of various U.S. actions.
In two cases, there was enacted legislation calling
for modification of certain trade agreement obli-
gations by an upward adjustment of import duties
for commodities affected by exceptional develop-
ments. The laws in question are Public Law 689
on fish sticks and Public Law 479 on certain rub-
ber-soled shoes. The third case relates to the
escape-clause action taken by the LTnited States
in which it modified the concession on dried figs.
No change is contemplated in the present tariff
treatment of figs, but under the agreement the
escape-clause action permits other countries to
seek compensatory adjustments either by new con-
cessions on our part or by withdrawal of con-
cessions by affected countries. In a fourth case,
when Uruguay became a party to the agreement
last December, the United States did not find it
possible to proclaim certain concessions that had
been negotiated on meat products.
The majority of the listed articles are included
for the purpose of giving consideration to con-
cessions in negotiations directly between the
United States and Japan. There are, however,
many articles which are of primary interest to
other countries. For these articles consideration
will be given to possible concessions under cii'cum-
stances where these other countries are also ne-
gotiating with Japan under the general agreement
and where a concession by the United States would
broaden the overall results of the multilateral
negotiations through the triangular exchange of
benefits.
November 22, J 954
767
In addition, because of the extensive and time-
consuming nature of the procedures for getting
information on possible concessions, there are a
relatively few articles of interest primarily to
countries which may decide to negotiate with
Japan though they have not yet done so. As a
general rule no concessions would be made on such
products if the country having a primary interest
does not complete its negotiations with Japan.
As required by law, the Committee for Reci-
procity Information also gave notice that it will
receive views of interested persons concerning any
aspect of the proposed negotiations. The members
of the Committee for Reciprocity Information and
the Committee on Trade Agreements are the same.
They include a member of the U.S. Taritf Com-
mission and representatives designated by the
Secretaries of State, the Treasury, Defense,
Agriculture, Commerce, Labor, and Interioi-, and
the Director of the Foreign Operations Admin-
istration.
Domestic producei's, importers, and other inter-
ested persons are invited to present views and all
possible information regarding products on the
published list, including information relative to
section 2 of the Trade Agreements Extension Act
of 1954. This section provides that no action
should be taken to decrease the duty on any article
where the President finds that such reduction
would thi'eaten domestic production needed for
projected national defense requirements. Consid-
eration will be given to submissions concerning
wages in the exporting country in accordance with
the President's message of March 30.^ All views
and information will be carefully considered in
arriving at a decision as to whether or not a con-
cession should be offered by the United States on
each product.
There is no limitation on the products on which
the United States may request concessions, and
domestic producers or expoi-ters interested in de-
veloping markets in Japan are invited to present
suggestions to the Committee for Reciprocity In-
formation as to concessions which should be
sought. The Dei>artment of Commerce also fur-
nishes the Interdepail mental Committee on Trade
Agreements with studies of the trade in and other
facts regarding articles exported from the United
States on which the United States might consider
seeking concessions in the hogotiations.
' Bulletin of Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602.
768
Hearings before the Committee for Reciprocity
Information will open on December 13, 1954. Ap-
plications for oral presentation of views and in-
formation should be presented to the committee
not later than 12 noon, December 3. Persons de-
siring to be heard should also submit written briefs
or statements to the Committee for Reciprocity
Information by 12 noon, December 6, 1954. Only
those persons will be heard who presented written
briefs or statements and filed applications to be
heard by the date indicated. Persons who do not
desire to be heard may present written statements
until noon, December 27, 1954. Details concerning
the submission of briefs and applications to be
heard are contained in the committee's notice at-
tached to this release.
The United States Tariff Commission also an-
nounced today that it would open public hearings
on December 13 to receive news and information
useful in preparing its "peril-point" report to the
President, as required by section 3 (a) of the
Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951, on the
extent to which U.S. concessions on particular
products may be made in the negotiations without
causing or threatening serious injury to a domestic
industry producing like or directly competitive
products.
Views and information received by the Tariff
Commission in its hearings referred to above will
be made available to the Committee for Reciproc-
ity Information for consideration by the Inter-
departmental Committee on Trade Agreements.
Persons whose interests relate only to import
products included in the list published today and
wlio have appeared before the Tariff Commission
need not — but may if they wish — appear also
before the Committee for Reciprocity Informa-
tion.
However, persons wishing to present material
on U.S. import concessions other than the mate-
rial they luive presented to the Tariff Commission
.should file written statements or briefs with the
Committee for Reciprocity Information, or may,
if they wish, request appearance before that com-
mittee. Persons wishing to suggest additional
items on which U.S. import concessions may be
considered, and which do not appear in a pub-
lislied list, should present their views to the Com-
mittee for Reciprocity Information.
Copies of the notice of the Tariff Commission
may be obtained from the Commission.
Department of State Bulletin
INTERDEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE
ON TRADE AGREEMENTS
I. Triuli'-Aiiiei'iiii'iit Ni'tjotintions under tlit> Gi-npriil
AKreemont on Tarifl's anil Tradi- Kolatin^' to Jaimii ;
II. I'ossihle Adjustment in I'rcfcrt'ntlMl Kates on Cuban
I'roduets.
Pursuant to Section 4 of the Trade Agreements
Act, approve*! June 12, 19;U, us aniended (48 Stat.
945, cli. 474 ; G5 Stat. 7.'5, ch. 141 ) and to paragrapli
4 of Executive Order 100S2 of October 5, 1!)4;) (;{
CFR, 1949 Supp., p. 12(5). notice is hereby given
by tlie Interdepartmental Committee on Trade
Agreements of intention to participate in trade-
agreement negotiations, on a reciprocal basis,
looking to Japan's accession to tlie (leneral Agree-
ment on Tariti's and Trade, as a means of improv-
ing Japan's trading prospects in tlie free world.
"With a view to the further expansion of such trad-
ing prospects, the United States is also consider-
ing, in addition to negotiations directly with
Japan, participating in limited negotiations with
other contract ing parties to tlie General Agreement
that will also be negotiating with Japan, in order
to broaden the overall results of the negotiations.
There is annexed hereto a list ' of articles im-
ported into the United States to be considered for
possible modification of duties and other import
restrictions, imposition of additional import
restrictions, or specific continuance of existing
customs or excise treatment in the trade agreement
negotiations of which notice is given above. In
addition to articles of primary interest to Japan,
there are also being listed some articles of interest
to certain contracting parties as well as to Japan,
and a few articles which are believed to be of
primarj' interest to other contracting parties that
may be negotiating with Japan, some of which
articles are closely related to articles of primary
interest to Japan.
Notice is also given of intention to negotiate
settlement of several outstanding problems arising
out of various actions by the United States. Ne-
gotiations are contemplated looking to such modi-
'Not printed here. Full list appears in the Federal
Register, Nov. 16, p. 7380, and in Department of State
Publication 5C.o3 (Commercial Policy Series 145), which is
available in the field offices of the Department of Com-
merce and from the Committee for Reciprocity Informa-
tion, Tariff Commission Building, Washington 25, D. C. ;
in addition copies are on sale for 20 cents each by the
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printin};
Office, Washington 2r), D.C.
fication of trade agreement obligations as may be
necessary in view of the enactment of Public Law
479 of the 8.1(1 Congress relating to certain rubber-
soled shoes and Public Law (ISO of the 8:id (Con-
gress relating to certain prepared fish. In addi-
tion, the United States modified it-s concession on
figs, fre.sii, drieil, or in brine, as a residt of an
escape clause action. Finally, the United States
did not find it possible to carry out obligations
negotiated with Uruguay witli respect to certain
meat products. Among the possible outcomes of
these negotiations might be a granting of such
concessions on some items in the annexed list as
may be necessary to compensate for the above
actions of the United States.
The articles proposed for consideration in the
negotiations are identified in the annexed list by
specifj'ing the numlK-rs of the paragraphs in tariff
schedules of Title I and Title II of the Tariff Act
of 1930, as amended, in which they are provided
for together with the language used in such tariff
paragraplis to provide for such articles, except
that where necessary the statutory language has
been modified by the omission of words or the ad-
dition of new langiuige in order to narrow the
scope of the original language. "UTiere no quali-
fying language is used with regard to the type,
grade, or value of any listed article, all types,
grades, and values of the article covered by the
language used are included.
In the case of each article in the list with respect
to which the corresponding product of Cuba is
now entitled to preferential treatment, the nego-
tiations referred to will involve the elimination,
reduction, or continuation of the preference, per-
haps in some cases with an adjustment or specifica-
tion of the rate applicable to the product of Cuba.
No article will be considered in the negotiations
for possible modification of duties or other import
restrictions, imposition of additional import re-
strictions, or specific continuance of existing cus-
toms or excise treatment unless it is included,
specifically or by reference, in the annexed list or
luiless it is subsequently included in a supplemen-
tary public list. Only duties on the articles listed
imposed under the paragraphs of the Tariff Act
of 1930 specified with regard to such -articles and
imix)rt taxes imposed on such articles under the
Internal Revenue Code will be considered for a
possible decrease, but additional or separate ordi-
nary duties or import taxes on such articles im-
Novemfaer 22, 1954
769
posed under any other provisions of law may be
bound against increase as an assurance that the
concession under the listed paragraph will not be
nullified. In addition, any action which might be
taken with respect to basic duties on products may
involve action with respect to compensating duties
imposed on manufactui'es containing such prod-
ucts. In the event that an article which as of
January 1, 1954, was regarded as classifiable under
a description included in the list is excluded there-
from by judicial decision or otherwise prior to the
conclusion of the trade-agi-eement negotiations,
the list will nevertheless be considered as including
such article.
Persons interested in exports may present their
views regarding any tariff or other concessions
that might be requested from Japan. Any other
matters appropriate to be considered in connection
with the negotiations proposed above may also be
presented. Public hearings in connection with the
"peril point" investigation of the United States
Tariff Commission in connection with the articles
included in the annexed list, pursuant to section
3 of the Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951,
as amended, are the subject of an announcement
of this date issued by that Commission.
Pursuant to Section 4 of the Trade Agreements
Act, as amended, and paragraph 5 of Executive
Order 10082 of October 5, 1949, information and
views as to any aspect of the proposals announced
in this notice may be submitted to the Conunittee
for Reciprocity Infomiation in accordance with
the announcement of this date issued by that
Committee.
By direction of the Interdepartmental Commit-
tee on Trade Agreements this 13th day of Novem-
ber, 1954.
Cabl D. Corse,
Chairman
Interdepartmental Comtnittee
on Trade Agreements
COMMITTEE FOR RECIPROCITY INFORMATION
I. Trade-Agreement Negotiations under the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade relating to Japan ;
II. Possible Adjustment in Preferential Rates on Cuban
Products.
Submission of Information to the Committee for
Reciprocity Information
Closing date for application to be heard, December 3,
1954
Closing date for submission of briefs, December 6,
1954
Public hearings open, December 13, 1954
The Interdepartmental Committee on Trade
Agreements has issued on this day a notice of in-
tention to participate in trade-agreement negotia-
tions, on a reciprocal basis, looking to Japan's
accession to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade, as a means of improving Japan's trading
prospects in the free world. With a view to the
further expansion of such trading prospects, the
United States is also considering, in addition to
negotiations directly with Japan, participating in
limited negotiations with other contracting parties
to the General Agreement that will also be nego-
tiating with Japan, in order to broaden the over-
all results of the negotiations.
Annexed to the notice of the Interdepartmental
Committee on Trade Agreements, is a list of arti-
cles imported into the United States to be con-
sidered for possible concessions in the negotiations.
The Committee for Reciprocity Information
hereby gives notice that all applications for oral
presentation of views in regard to the proposed
negotiations, which must indicate the product or
products on which the individuals or groups de-
sire to be heard, and an estimate of the time re-
quired for such presentation, shall be submitted
to the Committee for Reciprocity Information
not later than 12:00 noon, December 3, 1954, and
aU information and views in writing of persons
who desire to be heard in regard to the foregoing
proposals shall be submitted to the Committee for
Reciprocity Information not later than 12 : 00
noon, December 6, 1954. Written statements of
persons who do not desire to be heard sliall be sub-
mitted not later than 12 : 00 noon, December 27,
1954. Such communications shall be addressed
to "Committee for Reciprocity Information,
Tariff Commission Building, Washington 25,
D. C". Fifteen copies of written statements,
either typed, printed, or duplicated shall be sub-
mitted, of which one copy shall be sworn to.
Written statements submitted to the Commit-
tee, except information and business data prof-
fered in confidence, shall be open to inspection
by interested persons. Information and business
data proffered in confidence shall be submitted
on separate pages clearly marked "For official use
only of Committee for Reciprocity Information."
Public hearings will be held before the Com-
770
[iepatimen\ of Sfafe ^uWeWn
niittee for Reciprocity Information, at which oral
statements will be heard. The i'ust hearing will
be at 2:00 p. m. on December i:5, l!tr)4, in tlie
Hearing Koom in the Tarill Conunission Build-
ing, 7th and E Streets, N. W., Washington 25,
D. C. Witnesses who make application to be
heard will be advised regarding the time and place
of their individual appearances. Appearances at
hearings before the Conuuittee may !« made only
by or on behalf of those persons who have filed
written statements and who have within the time
prescribed made written application for oral
presentation of views. Statements made at the
public hearings shall be under oath.
Persons or groups interested in import products
may present to the Committee their views concern-
ing possible tariff concessions bj' the United States
on any product, whether or not included in the list
annexed to the notice of intention to negotiate.
However, as indicated in the notice of intention to
negotiate, no taritl reduction or specific contin-
uance of customs or excise treatment will be con-
sidered on any product which is not included in the
list annexed to the public notice by the Inter-
departmental Committee on Trade Agreements,
unless it is subsequently included in a supplemen-
tary public list.
The United States Tariff Commission has today
announced public hearings on the import items
appearing in the list annexed to the notice of
intention to negotiate to run concurrently with the
hearings of the Committee for Reciprocity Infor-
mation. Oral testimony and written information
submitted to the Tarifi" Commission will be made
available to and will be considered by the Inter-
departmental Committee on Trade Agreements.
Consequently, those whose interests relate only to
import products included in the foregoing list, and
who appear before the Tariff Commission, need
not, but may if they wish, appear also before the
Committee for Reciprocity Information.
Persons interested in exports may present their
views regarding any tariff or other concessions
that might be requested from Japan. Any other
matters appropriate to be considered in connection
with the proposed negotiations may also be pre-
sented.
Copies of the list attached to the notice of inten-
tion to negotiate may be obtained from the Com-
mittee for Reciprocity Information at the address
designated above anil may Im- inspected at the field
offices of the Department of Commerce.
By direction of the Conunittee for Reciprocity
Information this 13th day of November, 1954.
Edwakd Yaiu)i-ev
Secretary,
Committee for Reciprocity Information
Talks on U.S.-Philippine Relations
white House press release dated November 3
President Eisenhower received Senator [Jose
P.] Laurel on November 3, and they discussed in
general the relations between the United States
and the Philippines and the current consultations
between the two Governments regarding the
Philippine Trade Agreement.'
The President stated that the United States has
observed with great interest and satisfaction the
recent progress achieved by the Government of
the Philippines toward solving the problems and
dislocations caused by World War II. Senator
Laurel explained the great desire and need of the
Philippine Government to pursue its program for
economic development.
President Eisenhower indicated the continuing
sympathetic interest of the United States in the
effective and rapid economic development of the
Philippines and reiterated the intention of the
United States to continue to extend aid to the
Philippines for this pm-pose. With this in mind
the U.S. Government has extended substantial as-
sistance in the past on both a grant and loan basis
and is now considering the Philippine Govern-
ment's proposal for aid next fiscal year in the
form of loans and grants. Both forms of aid
would be extended within the framework of the
economic development progi-am now being pre-
pared by the Philippine Government and would
be designed to encourage maximum participation
by private enterprise in the development of the
Philippines.
' Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 404, and Oct. 11, 1954,
p. 541.
November 22, 1954
771
strengthening the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
Statement by Samuel C. Waugh
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs ^
The basic idea underlying the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade is as simple as it is far
reaching. This is that it is possible to construct
a code of principles and rules which will guide the
conduct of trade among all the countries of the
free world and assure that such trade is carried
on with the maximum possible freedom and on a
basis of equity to all concerned.
Sweeping as this conception is, however, it is but
a reflection of the fact embodied in so many facets
of international life today, that the world is con-
stantly and rapidly becoming smaller and that
countries in their commercial as well as political
relations must learn to live with one another. The
free world simply must not permit itself to lapse
into unrestricted protectionism, discrimination,
and controls. If there were no general agi'eement
today, we should have to create one.
In the 7 years during which it has been in effect,
the general agreement has amply justified the faith
of those who believe that a universal code of trade
principles can be made to work. Under its aegis,
tariffs of the contracting parties have been sub-
stantially lowered on a reciprocal and mutually ad-
vantageous basis; discriminations have been re-
laxed ; numerous trade disputes have been amicably
settled; and countries have acquired the habit of
consulting together on mutual trade problems.
There is every reason to believe that these accom-
plishments of the agi-eement have made a signifi-
cant contribution to the advancement of the objec-
tives which are laid down in its preamble.
' Madp at the Ninth Session of the Contracting Tarties
to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade at Geneva
on Nov. 10 (presi relea.se 6.37). Mr. Waugh is chairman
of the U.S. delegation to the .session.
772
These achievements are a source of solid satis-
faction. However, no one has ever claimed that
tlie general agreement is a perfect instrument.
Our experience with it in the light of the enormous
changes that have occurred in the world economic
situation during the last 7 years clearly points to
certain adjustments which need to be made and
serious deficiencies wliich should be remedied. If
we can reach agreement on such changes we shall
have a stionger, more flexible, and a somewhat
simpler agreement. This is the task before us,
and as the chairman " has suggested in his ad-
mirable opening address, further progress toward
an effective system of multilateral trade and pay-
ments depends in no small measure on how well
we accomplish this task.
In aj^proaching this problem my Government
has certain major objectives which I shall outline
presently. Thereafter, I shall touch on some sub-
jects in which other countries have expressed a
strong interest.
Principal U.S. Objectives
The three principal objectives of the United
States in the present review are : first, to provide
the general agreement with an organizational
framework which will permit it to operate more
effectively and on a permanent basis; secondly, to
strengthen and simplify the provisions relating
to quantitative restrictions imposed for financial
reasons; and thirdly, to safeguard the tariff con-
cessions and assure their stability, while providing
needed flexibility.
I have been gratified to note from the speeches
' Dana Wilgress of Canada.
Department of Sfofe BuUetin
«f my fellow dele<jates that the objectives I have
just outlined are shared by other countries. Per-
mit mo now to indicate in j^eneral terms my Gov-
ernment's views on each of these points.
Fii-st, as to the question of or<j;anization: The
general agreement was initiated in 11)47 as a pro-
visional arrangement except as relateil to taritt's.
This condition, unavoidable at that time, has been
a limiting factor in the work of the contracting
parties and has endowed the general agreement
with an air of impermanence which is unsuited to
the attainment of maximum etl'ective action.
Under present arrangements, the contracting par-
ties normally meet only once a year to consider
problems arising muler the agreement, between
these annual meetings, the Intersessional Com-
mittee has acted on their behalf, hut only witli
respect to a narrowly defined number of problems.
The contracting parties have themselves consid-
ered and acted on the great majority of problems
arising under the general agreement. Valuable
iis the work of tlie Intersessional Committee has
been, it has remained essentially a stop-gap device.
My Govermnent believes that this situation nuist
l)e corrected. Problems of international trade
arise almost daily, and it is essential that there be
set up, within the framework of the Gatt, proce-
dures and arrangements for dealing more expedi-
tiously with problems as they occur. In this
connection, we would emphasize the need for close
and more effective coordination between the con-
tracting parties and the International Monetary
Fund on matters of mutual concern, particularly
in the matter of quantitative restrictions for bal-
ance of pajnients reasons.
Secondly, as regards the question of quantita-
tive restrictions imposed for balance of payments
reasons: "Wlien the general agreement was nego-
tiated in 1947, the world was still struggling to
extricate itself from the ruins of the Second World
War, and most of the controls which countries had
been forced to impose on their foreign trade and
payments during the war were still being main-
tained in full vigor. With reconstruction only
fairly begun, production at low levels, inflation
still rampant, and monetary reserves depleted,
there could be no serious thought of a substantial
relaxation of restrictions. The extreme caution
necessitated by these conditions is reflected in the
broad escapes and hedges written into the balance
of payments provisions of the agreement.
November 22, 1954
321983—54 8
Improved Economic Situation
Since then, the world has come far, indeed.
Kecon-struction has been virtually completed,
monetary stabilization has been restored, inter-
national reserves have been recouped, production
far exceeds prewar levels, and real incomes are
everywhere on the upgrade. There are, of course,
exceptional situations here and there, but as a
whole we are undoubtedly in tlie midst of con-
siderable prosperity.
This gratifying state of allairs is the result of
the efforts of many countries. The war-ravaged
countries, in spite of the greatest hardships, have
accomplished in a remarkably short period of time
the task of at once rebuilding, enlarging, and to
a large extent modernizing tlieir economies. The
underdeveloped countries have made great strides
in expanding output and in developing their
human and material resources.
We are happy that our country too has been
able to play a part in the postwar recovery of the
free world, and we appreciate the friendly refer-
ences which have been made to the aid which the
United States has extended to other countries,
and to our various programs by means of which
large amounts of dollar exchange have been made
available to the rest of the world. But I should
like to direct your attention to another factor
which for some reason is frequently overlooked,
though it is probabl}' more important than any
other in the great improvement that has recently
taken place in the world's dollar situation. I
refer to the massive and constantly growing vol-
ume of imports into the United States from the
rest of the world. In 1953 the physical volume,
that is, the "quantum," of our imports was no less
than 28 percent above the volume of 1948. Pre-
liminary estimates indicate that, even with the
slight decline in the level of economic activity in
the United States, the volume of imports in 1954
will still be about 24 percent above 1948 and some
55 percent above the average for the yeai-s 1937
to 1939 inclusive.
Tlie point I should emphasize in this connection
is that the maintenance and steady growth of this
tremendous volume of imports would have been
impossible if the United States had not pursued
what, by any fair standard, must be regarded as a
liberal commercial policy. To a great extent, of
course, these large imports are associated with the
high levels of income and employment which the
773
United States has enjoyed in recent years. But
there can be no question tliat the reductions that
have been made in our tariff duties over the last
two decades, first through our bilateral reciprocal
trade agreements and more recently through the
general agreement, have contributed very sig-
nificantly to this development. In this connection
it is noteworthy that in recent years the relative
increase in imports of dutiable goods has been
considerably greater than that of goods on our free
list. Our present volume of imports also reflects
another fact, sometimes forgotten in the attention
focused on certain quotas maintained by the
United States. This fact is that, apart from tliese
exceptions which can only be regarded as minor
when viewed against the total volume of our trade,
imports into my counti-y are virtually free from
quantitative restrictions.
In calling attention to these facts, I do not mean
to imply that we intend to stop where we are. My
Government appreciates that there are certain di-
rections in which our commercial policy can be
further improved. As the President stated in his
message which I read to you on Monday, some
portions of our program have already been put
into effect and, in the President's words,
The remaining parts, especially the heart of the pro-
gram— extension and amendment of our Trade Agreements
Act — will ... be pressed at the session of the Congress
which begins in January, and I look forward to early
action.
Policies pursued by the United States have con-
tributed directly to the development of favorable
conditions making possible the removal of quanti-
tative restrictions imposed for balance of pay-
ments reasons. In successive negotiations under
the Gatt, the U.S. Govermnent has made substan-
tial tariff concessions which have encouraged the
entry of an unprecedented volume of imports.
These are in accordance with the principle of
greater freedom of trade to which the contracting
parties subscribe. What we do regret, however,
and what large elements of our business and farm
community do not understand, is that in spite of
the great improvement that has taken place in the
external financial position and competitiveness of
most countries, quantitative restrictions against
U.S. products should be so widespread.
Wliere such restrictions are maintained it is clear
that they partially or completely nullify the tariff
concessions which the United States has obtained.
Message from the President
Follomng is the text of a letter from the Presi-
dent to Assistant Secretary Waugh which the latter
read to the QATT delegates on November 8.
Deab Me. Waugh : Since you are soon leaving
to participate in the Ninth Session on the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in Geneva, I should
like to ask that you convey to your fellow delegates
the importance that we attach to a successful out-
come of the forthcoming renegotiation and review
of the Agreement. The task before the contracting
parties at this Ninth Session is one of crucial
significance to the further economic growth of the
free world.
At the time of the Eighth Session, the United
States and other countries were reappraising their
international economic policies. Based upon such
a review in the United States, I recommended in
March of this year a program for expanding inter-
national trade and overseas investment, for promot-
ing currency convertibility, and for reducing the
need for economic aid. Some portions of this pro-
gram have already been put into effect. The re-
maining parts, especially the heart of the program —
extension and amendment of our Trade Agreements
Act — will, as you know, be pressed at the session
of the Congress which begins In January, and I
look forward to early action.
That program envisages United States participa-
tion in a multilateral approach to tariffs and trade.
The General Agreement has made a useful con-
tribution to the postwar recovery and restoration of
the economic vitality of the free world. It was
established at a time when the economies of most
countries had been seriously weakened. The trade
rules of the Agreement recognized that the objec-
tive of the widest possible movement of goods
among the countries of the world could not be
Immediately realized, but the goal was set with
confidence that it would be progressively achieved.
I am convinced that economic reconstruction and
growth has now reached a point in many countries
to warrant further development of the Agreement,
so that we may progress with even more assurance
toward our ultimate objective. It would also seem
essential that an effective organization be estab-
lished for the administration of the .Agreement and
otherwise to promote an expansion of world trade.
The interests of the participating countries may
at times seem to conflict. Our mutual goal is of
such importance to the economic strength and well-
being of all our peoples, however, that this session
must be a practical demonstration of the ability of
free countries to reach agreement on difficult issues.
I am hoi)eful that ways and means of moving for-
ward now toward our common goal will be found
and that the Ninth Session of the Contracting Tar-
ties will be one of high achievement
774
Department of Stale Bulletin
This is obviously an unsatisfactory state of affairs,
from the viewpoint of the contracting parties as
well as from that of the United States, and one
which cannot continue indefinitely.
It is therefore with particular regret that we
heard suggestions on Monday that the revised
agreement should not deal tirnily and positively
with the question of limiting the use of protective
quotas. We are also disturbed at suggestions that
the firm commitments now in the general agree-
ment against protective quotas be weakened, and
that this problem l>e dealt with on a basis of bar-
gaining or regional discrimination. Such an
approach would, in our judgment, prevent the
achievement of the objectives for which the agree-
ment stands. It might well lead people in the
United States to question the value of the agree-
ment to us and whether there is any hope of our
country's ever being able to reap the benefits an-
ticipated from tariff negotiations.
Jly Government believes that conditions are
rapidly approaching the point where the tariff
concessions granted to the United States on a
reciprocal basis should be made more fully effec-
tive. This is one of the reasons for our interest
in reexamining the provisions of the general
agreement dealing with quantitative restriction
for balance of payments rea.sons.
Xow, turning to the third major objective of my
Government in the present review : The multi-
lateral and reciprocal tariff reductions that have
been negotiated in the context of the general
agreement constitute the outstanding achievement
of the contracting parties. My Government places
the gi-eatest emphasis on the need to presei-ve
these gains. Nevertheless, we recognize that spe-
cial or emergency situations may arise from time
to time which may necessitate the review of cer-
tain concessions. It should be borne in mind, how-
ever, that the tariff concessions are the material of
which the agreement is woven ; to unravel them by
a wide range of renegotiations is to risk destroy-
ing the entire postwar fabric of international eco-
nomic cooperation. Requests for renegotiation at
this session should be scrutinized carefully in this
light. My Government considers it vital to main-
tain the stability of existing tariff concessions
while providing the necessary degree of flexibility.
During the present review our delegation will
wish to discuss with the contracting parties certain
problems connected with U.S. agricultural policy.
One aspect of this policy which has been of par-
ticular concern to a number of countries relates to
the question of export subsidies. In it.s proposals
submitteil to tlie contracting parties in connection
with the review, nij' Government has already indi-
cated that it is prepared to discuss the desirability
of appropriate limitations with respect tt) tlie use
of exjxjrt subsidies in this field. As regards the
disposal of surplus agricultural commodities in
tiie world market, my GovernnuMit is proceeding
on its announced principle that such disposal
shoukl not unduly interfere with normal market-
ings.
Anotlier problem which we would hope to re-
solve at this session is the relationsliip between tlie
general agreement and section 22 of our Agricul-
tural Adjustment Act, as amended.
One of the misfortunes associated with war is
tliat it leads to a distortion of normal productive
patterns. During the Second World War and the
early postwar period, the world experienced an
extremely severe sliortage of foodstuffs and Amer-
ican agriculture was encouraged by the U.S. Gov-
ernment to expand production to the greatest
possible extent. One of the methods employed to
induce expanded output was the adoption of price-
support progi'ams designed to give the American
farmer the assurance of a fair return on his pro-
duction. Now, with the passing of the exigencies
of the war and immediate postwar era, certain
branches of American agriculture face the painful
necessity' of curtailing output.
My Government has recently reexamined the
agricultural progi-am of the United States in light
of this situation and, as you know, has conse-
quently adopted a new policy embodying the prin-
ciple of flexible price supports. This policy is
designed to bring about the necessary readjust-
ments in our agricultural production. However, it
is too early to estimate at this stage how soon, or
to what extent, it will relieve the United States
of the burden of farm surpluses.
In the meantime, it should be realized that the
United States cannot afford to permit the un-
restricted entry into its domestic market of foreign
agricultural products which would not have been
drawn thereto but for the magnet created by our
price support program. To permit such unre-
stricted entry would, in the last analysis, mean
supporting tlie world price of agiicultural com-
modities at or near the same level as that guar-
November 22, J 954
775
anteed to the corresponding American commodi-
ties. Obviously, this is something that the
American people cannot be expected to do.
Reference was made earlier to the desirability
of considering in this review the special require-
ments of the underdeveloped countries. A major
objective of U.S. policy is to encourage the devel-
opment of the economically less developed coun-
tries of the world, and it is a source of satisfaction
to my Government that the contracting parties
to the Gatt include countries in all stages of de-
velopment. As a general rale the principle of
maximum possible freedom of trade which under-
lies the whole of the general agreement is one
whose application is beneficial to all types of econ-
omies and to countries in all stages of economic
development. Nevertheless, it must be recognized
that special problems may be associated with eco-
nomic development. We believe the agreement
should be sufficiently flexible to make it responsive
to such problems, subject to procedures which will
assure the safeguarding of its general objectives.
My Government is prepared to give sympathetic
consideration to proposals which would accom-
plish this purpose.
In conclusion let me repeat the conviction ex-
pressed in President Eisenhower's message, that
our efforts here must produce a more effective
agreement attuned to today's realities. The coun-
tries adhering to the general agi-eement can afford
no other outcome, nor can the free world. If we
approach our task in the spirit that it is a rededica-
tion as well as a review, we shall succeed.
U.S. Policy on Jerusalem
Press release 624 dated November 3
The ranking diplomatic representatives of Jor-
dan, Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Libya,
Syria, and Egypt called on the Secretary of State
on November 3 to make known the views of their
Governments with respect to the plans for pre-
sentation of credentials in Jerusalem by the ap-
pointed American Ambassador to Israel, Edward
B. Lawson.
In the course of the conversation the Secretary
recalled the policy of the U.S. Government to look
to the United Nations as primarily responsible
for determining the future status of Jerusalem.
Following normal practice, the presentation of
credentials would be effected by Ambassador Law-
son at the place where the Chief of State actually
is. The fact that this means that the presentation
will take place in Jerusalem implies no change in
our attitude regarding Jerusalem nor does it im-
ply any change in the location of the American
Embassy in Israel, which is at Tel Aviv.
FOA Announces Program
of Aid to Iran
The Foreign Operations Administration on
November 2 announced that the United States
is prepared to offer aid to Iran in the form of
loans and grants totaling $127.3 million.
Both Iranian and U.S. Government circles have
concerned themselves recently with the indication
that, even with an oil settlement accomplished,
it would be 3 years until Iran's oil revenues would
permit it to finance large-scale development from
its own resources. To help Iran during the in-
terim period, the United States has decided to
make available up to $127.3 million which would
be provided from both Foreign Operations Ad-
ministration and Export-Import sources. This
total includes $21.5 million for a technical-co-
operation program; $52.8 million for consumer-
goods imports, which will be sold by the Iranian
Government for local currency (rials), wliich in
turn will be used to support basic governmental
expenditures as has been done in the past year;
and an additional $53 miUion largely for short-
term developmental assistance, which would be
provided for specifically approved projects.
Iran has not yet fully developed its own plans
for economic development although it has sub-
mitted proposed projects to the Export-Import
Bank for preliminary considerations. Some time,
however, will be required for Iran fully to pre-
pare project plans and establish priorities among
them, and for the bank to make its required investi-
gations. Of the above $127.3 million, $85 million
is being offered in the form of loans, the balance in
grants; $15 million of the latter has already been
allotted on an emergency basis.
With this assistance the Iranian Government
will be able to finance essential Govermnent opera-
tions as well as develop and initiate a sound
economic development program.
776
Department of State Bulletin
Italian Cabinet Expresses Thanks
for Offer of Emergency Aid
White House iiress ri'li'ase dated November 1
The Italian Cabinet has expressed to our Em
bassy in Rome its deep and sincere thanks for the
offer of the United States to provide emergency
relief for the flood disaster region around Salerno.
American voluntary relief agencies are actively
cooperating with Italian authorities and the Ital-
ian Ked Cross in rendering every possible assist-
ance, including the distribution of food, clothing,
and medicine to the people of this stricken area.
The Southern Area Conunand of Nato under
Admiral Fechteler has contributed drugs and
other medical supplies.
The American people will be gratified to know-
that their representatives in Italy are participat-
ing effectively to alleviate the suffering caused by
this tragic event.
Payment to German Republic
for New Embassy Building
Press release 625 dated Xovember 4
The Department of State on November 4 trans-
mitted to the Government of the Federal Republic
of Gei-many a check for $300,000 for the acquisi-
tion of an Embassy building in the District of
Columbia. In a short ceremony, Livingston T.
Merchant, Assistant Secretary for European
Affairs, and Ambassador Heinz L. Krekeler,
charge d'affaires of the Federal Republic, ex-
changed notes by wliich the check was transmitted
and its receipt acknowledged. The funds were
appropriated during the past session of Congress
as the result of a bill introduced by Senator
William Langer and Representative James G.
Fulton.
The purchase of a new German Embassy in
"Washington became nec€ssary because the previous
building was confiscated during World War II.
Following are the texts of the notes which were
exchanged.
Secretary Dulles to Ambassador Krekeler
No\TC3IBER 4, 1954
Excellency: I have the honor to inform you
that pursuant to Public Laws 663 and 758, 83rd
Congress, the sum of $300,000 was appropriated
for payment to the Fetleral Republic of Gennany
for the aajuisition or construction of an Embassy
l)iii]ding in the District of Columbia.
I believe tliis action by the Congress symbolizes
tlie ties of friendship which now exist between the
Federal Republic of Germany and the United
States of America. Con.sequently, it gives me
iiuich pleasure to transmit herewith a United
States Treasury check in the above amount.
Accept, p]xcellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.
John Foster Dulles
Amhassador Krekeler to Secretary Dulles
November 4, 1954
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge
receipt of your note of November 4, 1954, advising
that pui-siiant to Public Laws 663 and 758, 83rd
Congress, the sum of $300,000 hiis been appropri-
ated for payment to the Federal Republic of Ger-
many for the acquisition or construction of an Em-
bassy building in the District of Columbia.
The Federal Republic of Germany wishes to ex-
press its appreciation for the action of the United
States Government in providing these funds which
it will devote to acquiring or constructing a new
Embassy building in Washington.
I avail myself of this opportunity to renew the
assurances of my highest consideration.
Heinz L. Krebleler
General Collins Undertakes
Mission to Viet-Nam
White House press release dated November 3
The President on November 3 designated Gen.
J. Lawton Collins as Special United States Repre-
sentative in Viet-Nam with the personal rank of
Ambassador, to undertake a diplomatic mission
of limited duration. He will coordinate the oper-
ations of all U.S. agencies in that country.
General Collins will proceed immediately to
Saigon, where he will confer with Ambassador
Donald R. Heath prior to the latter's already
scheduled return to the United States for reassign-
ment following 41/^ years of distinguished service
in Indochina. For the duration of this assignment
General Collins will relinquish his other duties,
including that of U.S. representative on the Mil-
November 22, 1954
777
itary Committee of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
Since the conclusion of hostilities in Indochina,
the U.S. Government has been particularly con-
cerned over developments in Viet-Nam, a country
ravaged by 8 years of war, artificially divided into
armistice zones, and confronted by dangerous
forces threatening its independence and security.
The U.S. Government is fully aware of the
immense tasks facing the Government of Viet-
Nam in its effort to achieve solidarity, internal
security, and economic rehabilitation. The United
States has already played an important role in
the evacuation of hundreds of thousands of ref-
ugees from Communist rule in North Viet-Nam.
Moreover, as the President told Prime Minister
Ngo Dinh Diem in his letter of October 23d,
U.S. representatives in Viet-Nam have been in-
structed to consider with the Vietnamese author-
ities how a program of American aid given
directly to Viet-Nam can best assist that country.
General Collins will explore this matter with
Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem and his Govern-
ment in order to help them resolve their present
critical problems and to supplement measures
adopted by the Vietnamese themselves.
In executing his temporaiy mission. General
Collins will maintain close liaison with the French
Commissioner General, Gen. Paul Ely, for the
purpose of exchanging views on how best, under
existing circumstances, the freedom and welfare
of Viet-Nam can be safeguarded.
Cabinet Committee
on Telecommunications
White House press release dated November 4
The President announced on November 4 the
establishment of a Cabinet Conamittee on Tele-
conamunications Policy and Organization, with
the Director of the Office of Defense Mobilization
as chairman and the Secretaries of State and De-
fense as members. The Secretaries of Treasury
and Commerce and the Directors of the U.S.
Information Agency, the Foreign Operations
Administration, the Bureau of the Budget, and
the Central Intelligence Agency will participate
from time to time on particular matters of concern
to those agencies.
The President asked the Cabinet Committee to
review existing governmental policies and pro-
grams affecting all forms of electrical communica-
tions, such as telephone, telegraph, and radio,
except that for the purposes of this study domestic
radio and television broadcasting services have
been excluded. The Conunittee was asked to
make its report by January 31, 1955.
Developments in communications during and
after World War II in conjimction with interna-
tional political events of the postwar period have
created a whole range of problems which should
be considered from an overall standpoint, rather
than on a piecemeal basis. The Nation's basic
communications policies, which have not been
significantly revised in 20 years, were established
in a period when our position in the world and
world conditions were quite different.
The Communications Act of 1934 vests in the
President responsibility for controlling the opera-
tions of the large governmental telecommunica-
tions systems and also gives liim considerable ad-
ditional authority for use in time of war or na-
tional emergency. This act, which still is the
basic expression of U.S. communications policy,
assumed the existence of only two alternative
situations — peace or war. It contemplated no
intermediate situation such as the current cold
war period. The President has emphasized the
need for a comprehensive up-to-date telecommuni-
cations policy adequate to meet both governmental
and private requirements of these times.
The President believes that the Government
must provide effective leadership in assuring that
telecommimications policies and programs will
help enable our public and private organizations
to play their proper roles in strengthening the
unity and peaceful aims of the free world.
Standardization of FOA
Procurement Rules
The Foreign Operations Administration an-
nounced on November 4 that foreign assistance
procurement financing procedures affecting Foa
operations in more than 60 countries have been
standardized with the adoption of a revised Foa
Regulation 1.'
' 19 Fed. Reg. 6620.
778
Department of State Bulletin
I
This revision was required because of the
consolidation hist year into one agency, the
Foreign Opersitions Administration, of foreign
assistance activities previously conducted by sep-
arate agencies.
The revised regulation generally follows the
previous edition of Foa Regulation 1 but makes
the following principal changes:
It extends the regulation to all countries in
which the Foa program operates.
It distinguishes between assistance for specific
projects and for general commodity imports.
It eliminates the previous requirement that co-
operating countries make refunds to Foa of Foa
funds expended for foreign sales agents' commis-
sions.
It also provides rules with respect to reexport
and diversion of commodities.
The regulation includes the statutory provisions
for informing small business of impending Foa-
financed procurement and relating to transporta-
tion on U.S. flag vessels of commodities financed
by Foa.
Copies of Foa Regulation 1 may be obtained
from the Office of Public Reports, Foreign Opera-
tions Administration, Washington 25, D. C.
New Customs Regulations Require
Fewer Certified Invoices
The Treasury Department announced on Oc-
tober 25 changes in customs regulations wliich
will eiTect a substantial reduction in the number
of documents required of importers. The Depart-
ment said both foreign traders and the Customs
Service would benefit from the reduction in paper
work — a major objective of the bureau's continu-
ing management improvement progi"am.
The new regulations require fewer certified in-
voices, which list such information about imports
as the names of the shipper and consignee, selling
price of the merchandise, its character, amount to
be shipped, etc. The foreign manufacturer or
producer pays a consular fee of $2.50 to have the
invoice certified before the nearest U.S. consul.
The Bureau of Customs took an initial step to-
ward relaxing the certified invoice requirement in
1950. Exemptions from the requirement have
applied to merchandise that is free of duty or sub-
ject only to a specific rate of duty not dependent
upon value. The new regulations e.\tend exemp-
tions to all importations not exceeding $500 in
value even when the rate of duty depends upon
value. The value of shipments exempted from
certified invoice requirements when not impoited
for sale has been increased to $1,000.
Customs oflicials have estimated that the new
regulations will eliminate certified invoices for
approximately 10 percent of the number of ship-
ments presently requiring such invoices. Studies
are continuing to determine what further reduc-
tions in paper work, including additional exemp-
tions from consular invoices, may be authorized.
The new regulations are embodied in Treasury
Decision 53638.'
Eximbank Loan to Mexico
for Electric Power Program
The Export-Import Bank of Washington on
November 5 announced the authorization of a
credit of $750,000 to Cia. Industrial Electrica
Mexicana, S.A., to assist that company in the
purchase of U.S. materials, equipment, and serv-
ices for an expansion program which is designed
to meet the rapidly growing demand for power
in the area served by it.
Cia. Industrial Electrica Mexicana, S.A., dis-
tributes electric energy in an important agricul-
tural area in Mexico consisting of the Mexicali
Valley in Baja California, including the city of
ilexicali and nearby areas. The electric energy
distributed by the company is transmitted from
the United States.
The Bank of America has indicated a willing-
ness to participate in the financing by furnishing
a substantial portion of additional funds required
for the program without the guaranty of the
Export-Import Bank.
The credit authorized will bear interest at the
rate of 51^ percent per annmn and will be re-
payable in 20 approximately equal semiannual
installments beginning June 30, 1958.
' 19 Fed. Reg. 6857.
November 22, 1954
779
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
U. S. Endorses Report of Collective Measures Committee
Statement hy Charles H. Mahoney
U. S. Representative to the General Assembly '
In discussing the report of the Collective Meas-
ures Committee,^ we are pursuing the same im-
portant goal we have been seeking during our
consideration of disarmament. Collective secu-
rity and disarmament are opposite faces of the
same coin. Their purpose is to acliieve a reliable
common protection against aggression and thus
to insure a lasting peace.
The United States, as we have said time and
time again, strongly supports a disarmament pro-
gram wliicli would give security to all. It ear-
nestly desires a disarmament program which would
make it impossible for any country to engage suc-
cessfully in aggression against any other country.
As we seek to achieve an effective disarmament
program, it is equally important that we develop
at the same time an effective collective security
system to attain the goal of international peace
and security. In order to save the world from
the scourge of war, nations must band together to
deter or suppress aggression wherever it may
occur.
Only by a determined effort now to develop
the capacity of the United Nations to prevent or
to repel future aggression can we hope to main-
tain international peace and security. The
stronger the collective security system, the more
likely that we will be able to prevent war; that
our soldiers will never have to enter the battle-
field; that our tanks and armaments of war will
never have to leave the training grounds; and
that our airplanes can pursue the commerce of
peace.
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on
Nov. 1 (U.S. delegation jn-ess release 1997).
' Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 420.
780
The charter is not self-executing. The United
Nations cannot by some trick of legerdemain make
collective security a reality. The building of an
effective collective security system is dependent
upon the resolve and determination of the members
of the United Nations to carry out their obliga-
tions under the United Nations Charter. It means
that advance preparations are essential if any fu-
ture collective measures are to be applied promptly
and effectively. It means that the burdens in-
volved in such measures nuist be shared equi-
tably by the gi-eatest possible number of states.
The Government of the United States has con-
sistently supported an effective collective security
system under the United Nations. It strongly
urged the adoi^tion of the Uniting for Peace
Resolution in 1950.^ It has given its full support
to strengthening the capacities of the General
Assembly in the field of collective security. The
United States has wholeheartedly backed the work
of the Collective Measures Committee established
under the Uniting for Peace Resolution to study
and report to the General Assembly and the
Security Council on methods which might be used
to maintain and strengthen international peace
and security.
The task of the Collective Measures Committee
has been to explore how the collective security
system of the United Nations can be made
stronger; how an idea can take on bone and sinew
and become a real force to protect the peace. The
Committee, under the former chairmanship of
Ambassador [Joao Carlos] Muniz of Brazil, and
the present chairmanship of Ambassador [Santi-
' Ibid., Nov. 20, 1950, p. 823.
Department of State Bulletin
ago] Perez-Perez of Venezuelii, has done a useful
and constructive job, and the United Stnt«s has
deemed it ii privile;j:e to be one of it.s nieniboi's.
In conii)letiiij^ it« third ivi)ort, which we are now
considering, the Conunittee has taken another im-
portant step toward strengthening colh'ctive secu-
rity under tiie aegis of the United Nations. The
report is a useful supplement to the two previous
reports of the Conunittee. Tjike its predeces-soi-s
it is not the acconi[)lishnient of one or two .states
but ratlier of tlie entire Committee, whose mem-
bers actively participated in its preparation. It
is not too much to hope that the report will ft)rtify
our common deteraiination to prevent or suppress
breaches of the peace.
Review of Three Reports
The three reports of the Collective Measures
Committee should be viewed as a composite unit.
They constitute a broad blueprint of important
guideposts and principles of collective security
which, if they are followed and supported whole-
heartedly by states, will help to insure the main-
tenance or the restoration of international peace
and security in tlie future.
The major part of tlie first report of the Collec-
tive Measures Committee was devoted to the types
of military, jx)litical, and economic and financial
collective measures which might be applied by the
United Nations in the event of a future tlireat
to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggres-
sion. The report also included suggestions cm
how such collective measures could be coordinated
effectively and with a minimum of improvisation.
The need for this kind of prior plamiing had been
demonstrated by the difficulties encountered in
Korea in organizing hurriedly the collective resist-
ance against aggression. After analyzing the
Korean experience in detail, the Committee devel-
oped a number of importa.nt principles which
should greatly assist the United Nations to avoid
unnecessary delays if it should ever have to take
or recommend collective measures in the future.
One of tlie most important of these was that there
should be a central executive military authority
responsible for the conduct of a future military
operation under the aegis of the United Nations.
The second report of the Collective Measures
Committee, which the General Assembly reviewed
at its resumed Seventh Session in early 1953, ex-
panded upon tlie fii^st report. The Committee
gave particular attention to steps which states
might take to set aside forces for possible United
Nations service, to nuike available assistance and
facilities, and to ready tiicmselves legislatively and
administratively. In its concern with methods
which might be used to nuiximizc contributions to
the United Nations, tlie second report suggested
the {)ossibility of establishing an ad hoc negotiat-
ing conunittee to deal directly with states in secur-
ing contributions for possible collective action in
the future. The Conmiittee, in its second report,
also included compreliensive lists of arms, ammu-
nition, impleinenls of war and other strategic items
which would be of vital importance to the military
operations of an aggressor. These lists should be
of assistance to the Security Council and the
General Assembly in expediting the application of
any embargo which may be decided upon or
recomniendetl in the future.
In its tliird report the Committee has presented
certain important principles of collective security
for particular affirmation at this time in the belief
that tills would help to develop the common deter-
mination among states necessary to the effective
application of any future collective measures by
the United Nations. These principles do not ask
anything impossible of states. Varj'ing capaci-
ties of countries are recognized. While members
are expected to accept their charter responsibility
to unite their strength and efforts in the further-
ance of charter principles, each state deteniiines
for itself, in accordance with its own constitutional
processes and its own capacity, the contribution
it can make to the common cause.
The first principle affirmed in this year's Com-
mittee report underscores the importance of maxi-
mum and prompt participation in any future col-
lective measures by the greatest possible number of
states. In our view, Mr. Chairman, building col-
lective strength under the United Nations is a long-
range project. It is therefore important for all
states to give consideration on a continuing basis to
the additional preparatory steps which they might
take to place themselves in a position of readiness
should the United Nations reconmiend or decide
upon future collective measures. This principle is
derived from the valuable lesson learned in Korea.
Aside from the United States and the Republic
of Korea, 15 members contributed the equivalent
of two divisions to the United Nations action in
Korea ; over 40 states made contributions of a non-
militar}' nature; and an equal number joined in
November 22, 1954
781
the United Nations strategic embargo against the
aggressor. Wliile this marked a significant de-
velopment in collective security, I think it is gen-
erally recognized that the burdens of collective
resistance against aggression in Korea could have
been shared more equitably. This is particularly
true with respect to the contribution of manpower.
Maximum Contributions
The second principle emphasized in the Com-
mittee's third report stresses the importance of
maximum and effective contributions of man-
power. In the words of the report :
In the event that the collective use of force against
aggression is decided upon or recommended, a primary
objective shall be to secure the maximum contribution of
effective military forces. States supporting United Na-
tions collective measures should co-operate to this end not
only by making their own contributions of forces but also
by helping to provide logistic support to States which
desire to contribute forces but are unable to provide
adequately for the equipment, training or supplying of
such forces from their own resources.
There are a number of reasons why certain na-
tions were not able to contribute effective military
forces in support of the United Nations action in
Korea or could make only small contributions of
manpower. The threat of aggression is global;
it is necessary to remain vigilant and strong on
many fronts. Some states therefore could make
little or no contributions to United Nations action
in Korea because they had important commitments
to protect other crucial areas vital to the security
of the free world. The economic position of a
number of smaller states was another limiting
factor. In still other instances certain nations
wanted to contribute manpower but could not
train, equip, or transport their forces, or were
unable to maintain them in the field with the neces-
sary logistic support or make reimbursement for
such support. This inevitably had a discourag-
ing effect on troop contributions in Korea.
The United States Government, at the highest
level, has given serious consideration to the prob-
lem of developing the widest possible support for
future United Nations collective actions which
may be necessary. The policy of the United
States is in accord with the second principle enun-
ciated in the Collective Measures Committee's
report. We believe that, while each nation in-
volved in a United Nations effort to repel aggres-
sion should equip and supply its own forces to the
extent that it is able, the overriding consideration
should be the maximum contribution of effective
military forces. In the future, when any nation
is willing to contribute effective forces to a United
Nations collective action but is not able to provide
logistic support, it is the belief of the United
States that United Nations members should do
everything they can, in accordance with their own
constitutional processes and their capacities, to see
to it that needed military equipment, supplies, and
services are made available to such nations. The
United States will do its part.
This principle should give further impetus to
the development of collective security. It should
help United Nations members to contribute to the
common effort in accordance with their own capa-
bilities and facilities and resources. It should en-
courage more nations to assume their fair share
of the burdens of collective measures. We hope
that it will stimulate countries to greater prepared-
ness so that they will be able to participate
promptly and effectively in any future collective
measures.
The third principle in tliis year's report once
again affirms the mutually supporting relationship
between collective self-defense and regional ar-
rangements or agencies on the one hand, and the
more universal collective security system of the
United Nations on the other hand. The report
expresses this relationsliip in the following words :
Collective self-defence and regional aiTangements or
agencies constitute an important part of collective secu-
rity. When action consistent with the Charter is taken
in the exercise of the inherent right of individual or col-
lective self-defence contemplated in Article 51, or to main-
tain or restore international ijeace and security within
the framework of regional arrangements or agencies cov-
ered by Chapter VIII, the United Nations should take all
appropriate steps, in conformity with the Charter, to
make such action effective.
Under present world conditions the United
States attaches great importance to collective self-
defense and regional arrangements. They play an
important part within the framework of the
United Nations in organizing resistance to aggres-
sion, in creating conditions essential to peace and
security, and in reducing international tensions.
Member states have increasingly drawn together
in volimtary partnerships to obtain for themselves
the benefits and security which none of them could
achieve alone. The oldest of such partnerships,
the Organization of American States, has con-
782
Department of State Bulletin
tributed to peace and stability and to mutual un-
dei-standinjj in this hemisphere ami iuis thus
roalizwl one of (he major puriM)s«'s of (ho I'nited
Nations. The Xoith Atlantic Treaty Orj^aniza-
tion is an historic step forward toward aeliieving
the unity and security of the free countries of
Eun>i)e and North America,
Southeast Asia Treaty
Tlic SoutlKMist Asia Collective Defense Treaty,
recentlj' signed at Manila, is a signilicant contribu-
tion to i>eace and security in that part of lire
■world.'' In its pi-eamble the signatories reaffirm
their faith in the United Nations Charter. The
objectives of the treaty are to promote stability
and well-being in the treaty area ; to strengthen
peace and uphold democratic principles; to pro-
mote economic development in the area ; to stand
united against aggression; and to coordinate ef-
forts for collective defense. The treaty and the
Pacific Charter, also signed at Manila, proclaim
the dedication of all the signatories to the princi-
ples of self-determination, self-government, and
independence. One of the principal purposes of
the charter is to promote these objectives.
The words spoken by Secretary Dulles at the
opening session of the conference at Manila will
indicate the spirit in which tlie United States went
there to negotiate with others the Southeast Asia
Collective Defense Treaty. Secretary Dulles said :
We have come here to establish a collective security
arrangement for Southeast Asia. In so doing we are act-
ing under the authority, and in accordance with the prin-
ciples, of the United Nations Charter. What we do is
directed against no nation and no peoples. We exercise
what the charter refers to as the Inherent right of collec-
tive self-defense.
The United States has itself no direct territorial inter-
ests in Southeast Asia. Nevertlieless, we feel a sense of
common destiny with those who have in this area their
life and being.
I should like now to make a brief comment on
the resolution '^ which the United States is cospon-
* /Wrf., .Sept. 20, 19.J1, p. 39.3.
• U.N. doc. A/CVL. 104 dated Oct. 29. On Nov. 2, by a
vote of 50-5, Committee I approved the draft resolution,
thereby endorsing the report of the Collective Measures
Committee, directing the committee "to remain in a posi-
tion to pursue such further .studies as it may deem desir-
able," and requesting that the Committee "report to the
Security Council and to the General Assembly as appro-
priate." The resolution was approved by the General
Assembly on Nov. 4 by a vote of 48-6-2.
soring with other members of the Collective
Measures Committee. The resolution reflects the
view of the Connnittce tiiat it should renuiin in a
position to pursue sucli further studies as it may
deem desirable. This view in turn indicates the
Connnittee's awareness of the im])ortant work it
has performed in the past. It points up the con-
tribution the Committee believes it could make in
the future toward a better understanding and
strengthening of collective security.
The United States Government shares this view
with the other members of the Committee. We
recognize that the Committee's three report.s con-
stitute a relatively comprehensive examination of
the ways and means of strengthening the collective
security system of the United Nations. Neverthe-
less, in these times of important changes in the
technology of warfare, the concept of collective
security needs constant and continuous reassess-
ment. It may be that the Collective Measures
Connnittee at some future time may find it neces-
sary and desirable to undertake further studies in
order to keep pace with the changes in collective
security which we can all expect in this atomic era.
The continued availability of the Committee will
help to discharge the responsibility of the United
Nations and of states in the field of collective
security.
Treatment of Indians
in South Africa
StateJiients by /Senator H. Alexander STnith
U.S. Repi'esentative to the General Assembly '
U.S. VIEWS ON DRAFT RESOLUTION
U.S. delegation press release 19'.)4 dated October 26
The General Assembly for the eighth time since
1946 has been asked to consider the problem re-
lating to the treatment of people of Indian origin
in the Union of South Africa. Unfortunately,
this question, which is the subject of diflerences
between the Union of South Africa on the one
hand and the Governments of Pakistan and India
on the other and which has been the subject of
negotiations between governments, has perhaps
' JIade ill the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Oct. 26
and in the General Assembly on Nov. 4.
November 22, 1954
783
been one of the most difficult for the United Na-
tions since the adoption of the charter at San
Francisco.
In the past, various approaches to the problem
have been tried without success. Appeals have
been sent by the General Assembly to the Gov-
ernments of South Africa, India, and Pakistan to
negotiate for a settlement. Third-party machin-
ery, either in the form of a commission or the good
offices of one individual designated by the Secre-
tary-General, have also been included in past at-
tempts. These attempts underscore the intrinsic
difficulty of finding a satisfactory solution to a
complex and deeply rooted political and sociologi-
cal problem — one which involves the serious com-
plaint that persons are being discriminated against
because of race and color. The latest evidence
before us that no perceptible progi'ess has been
made is the re[)ort of the Good Offices Commis-
sion,^ comprised of the distinguished representa-
tives of Cuba, Syria, and Yugoslavia. The Com-
mission has reported that it has been unable to
make any progress toward the development of a
solution to the problem.
However, we have not lost hope that a mutually
satisfactory settlement may ultimately be
achieved. Complicated problems are rarely sus-
ceptible to easy and quick solutions. Like many
other representatives here who are intimately ac-
quainted with race relations problems in their own
countries, what I will have to say concerning the
basic American attitude is largely derived from
our own experience in this field within the United
States.
We realize full well, as others do, that translat-
ing ideals into realities in the field of human re-
lations is not always as rapid as we might desire.
We are a country of many strains, a melting pot
of numerous groups, and a community of many
religious beliefs. I am privileged to represent tlie
State of New Jersey in the Senate of the United
States. Among my constituents are Americans
of many groups: Hungarian, Ukrainian, Polish,
Greek, German, Italian, Irish, Negro, Slovene,
and others. A substantial percentage of the total
population of the State of New Jersey are foreign
born or are of foreign-born parents. We have
made progress, yet problems remain.
Many sincere and serious words have been
' U. N. doc. A/2728 dated Sept. 15, 1954.
784
spoken by my distinguished predecessors on
earlier United States delegations and by the
honorable members of other delegations. I have
found it instructive to study some of those
speeches. One fact which is impressive is the
nmnber of tunes the difl'erent speakers have re-
ferred to a basic tenet found in one form or other
in all leading religions in what we in America call
the Golden Rule — "Do unto others as you would
have them do unto you." Most of the delegates,
including I, believe the successive delegates of the
United States who have debated this question in
the past sessions spoke with humility and deep
awareness of the imperfections and frailties of
their own peoples and their own governments.
We are franlr to admit our share of responsibility.
At the same time, we have all drawn on some of
our own national experience to point out the di-
rection in which we all believe progress can and
should be made in this matter of race relations.
There is in the United States the strongest at-
tachment to the fundamental philosophy and con-
stitutional principle on whicJi our country was
founded, such as the proposition that "All men
are created equal" stated in our Declaration of
Independence and the guaranties of the Bill of
Rights contained in the first 10 amendments to our
Constitution. A wealth of statements from our
officials and leading citizens in all walks of life
leaves no doubt as to the position of the United
States Govermnent and the overwlielming ma-
jority of the American people on the basic problem
involved here. That position was highlighted in
the great stride forward which was taken this
year when the Supreme Court of the United States
ruled as unconstitutional any segregation in the
public schools on the basis of race, creed, or color.
In recalling that decision of the Supreme Court
of the United States, it is pertinent to consider that
there was a spread of 91 years between that deci-
sion and the Emancipation Proclamation of Presi-
dent Abraham Lincoln, which abolished the insti-
tution of slavery in the United States and freed
the slaves. I mention this in no sense suggesting
that a similar length of time will or should elapse
before the Union of South Africa resolves its own
problem in the spirit of the previous resolutions
of the United Nations and of the charter itself
but simply to reiterate the difficulty of the situa
tion and as illustration that problems of human
i-elationships are not solved overnight.
Departmenf of Stata Bullefin
It lias also been pointed out in speeches at
earlier Assembly sessions on this issue tliat a par-
ticularly disturbing; element in the problem before
as is what appeai-s to be the direction of the
Government's policy in the Union of South Africa.
The charter proclaims the fundamental equality
of man and recojjnition of the ilijxnity of eacli
individual human being. The charter places on
member govenunents the obliijation to jiromote
respect for and observance of fundamental human
rights.
I should like now to turn to the resolution l)cfore
us which is being cosponsored by the Governments
of Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador,
El Salvador, Haiti, and Honduras.^ The initia-
tive of this group in seeking to make a construc-
tive proposal on a problem which has escaped solu-
tion for yeai-s is noteworthy and commendable.
The United States Government wishes to add its
wholehearted expression of appreciation for these
efforts.
The United States has considered the resolu-
tion before us. Operative paragraphs 1 and 2
stress direct negotiations. We believe they are
constructive since they can help to create an at-
mosphere conducive to negotiations between the
parties. If there is to be progress, we believe it
can come only to the extent that the parties are
willing to confer and negotiate. The contact
between the parties which has been broken on the
Indian question needs to be reestablished.
However, the United States doubts whether
paragraphs 3 and 4 of the resolution can advance
the admirable purposes of operative paragraphs
1 and 2. The fact is that ever since 19.")0 the Gen-
eral Assembly has proposed to the parties that
they utilize mediatory machinery established by
the United Nations or under United Nations aus-
pices. Every such suggestion has failed. South
Africa has made it plain it is willing to negotiate
but only outside the United Nations. We believe
the time has come to test this avowal.
Paragraph 3 of the seven-power resolution
parallels General Assembly resolution 511 (VI).
The latter resolution authorized the Secretary-
General, if the parties were unable to agree on the
establishment of a three-man commission, to lend
his assistance to them in negotiations and further,
in his discretion and after consulting the govern-
ments concerned, to appoint an individual to ren-
' U.X. doc. A/AC.76/L.3/ReT.l dated Oct. 2.^.
November 22, 1954
der such assistance. When the Secretary-General
explored the jjossibilities of this course of action
with the parties. South .Vfrica replied that, since
it did not recognize the (Jeiii'ial Assembly's ju-
risdiction, it regretted it could not recognize the
Secivtary-(ii'nerarsc()nipet(Mice to take this action.
Consequently, the .Secrelary-General reported to
the Assembly that after consultations with the
parties ho had concluded that the appointment of
an individual to assist them in negotiations was
not opportune.
Regarding paragraph 1, if there is to be some
kind of mediator or individual rendering good
otlices, we are convinced that his efforts should
be unhampered by any requirement for General
Assembly consideration after a specilietl period.
Inclusion of time-limit provisions in operative
paragrajihs .'1 and 4 constitutes a practical and cer-
tainly a serious psychological handicap in media-
tory efforts. He should be free to report at such
time as he believes circumstances warrant. In
any event, nothing would prevent the parties, if
necessary, from placing the present question once
again on the agenda. Paragi-ajih -1, therefore, is
in our view undesirable and unnecessary.
In line with these comments I have just made,
the United States ventures to suggest a modifi-
cation and adjustment of the joint draft resolu-
tion now before the committee. We suggest the
replacement of operative paragraphs 2, 3, and 4
by a single operative paragraph reading as
follows :
Su!j(/csts moreover, pending further consideration by
the General Assembly, that the parties concerned should
cousi<ler the .selection of a Government, agency or person
to facilitate contacts between them and assist them in
settling the dispute;
Such a provision would give maximiun encour-
agement to the parties to engage in discussions,
with the assistance of a third-party mediator or
good officer if the parties, in their discretion, be-
lieve that such assistance would be helpful. The
provision would, at the same time, indicate that
the General Assembly would return to a further
consideration of this whole matter if the parties
are unable to make progress with direct negotia-
tions.
The United States is not at this time making a
formal proposal for amendment of the joint draft
resolution but earnestly commends to the spon-
sors and to the other members of this committee
the suggestion I have just outlined.
785
EXPLANATION OF U. S. VOTE
U.S. delegation press release 2007 dated November 4
We are considering once again the problem re-
lating to the treatment of people of Indian origin
in the Union of South Africa. It is a problem of
great intrinsic difficulty, and for this reason I
wish to express once again the appreciation of the
U.S. Government for the efforts made by the Latin
American sponsors in developing a resolution
which has received the overwhehning support of
the members of the Ad Hoc Political Committee.
It is our earnest hope that the parties concerned
will do their utmost to resolve the issue in the
spirit of that resolution.
The U.S. Government will vote in favor of the
preamble of the resolution and the operative para-
graphs 1 through 3. We will abstain on operative
paragraphs 4 and 5 because, as we stated in the
conuiiittee, we have serious doubts that the sug-
gestions contained therein can contribute to the
Resolution on Treatment of
Indians in South Africa >
U.N. doc. A/AC.76/L.6 dated October 28
The General AssemMy,
Recalling that at several sessions it has consid-
ered the question of the treatment of people of
Indian origin in the Union of South Africa and has
adopted resolutions on that subject,
Harming noted the report of the United Nations
Good Offices Commission (A/272.3),
1. Expresses appreciation of the work and efforts
of the Good Offices Commission ;
2. Suggests to the Governments of India, Pakistan
and the Union of South Africa that they should
seek a solution of the question by direct negotia-
tions ;
3. Suggests, moreover, that the parties concerned
should designate a Government, agency or person
to facilitate contacts between them and assist them
in settling the dispute ;
4. Decides that, if within the next six months fol-
lowing the date of the resolution that parties have
not reached agreement on the suggestions made in
the foregoing paragraphs, the Secretary-General
shall designate a person for the purposes specified
above ;
5. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the
General As.seml)ly at its next regular session on the
results obtained.
'Adopted by the Ad Hoc Political Committee on
Oct. 28 by a vote of 47-1 ( South Africa ) -10, and by
the General Assembly on Nov. 4, 45-1-11.
overall purpose of the resolution. The United
States will vote in favor of the resolution as a
whole, since we are in full agreement with its con-
ciliatory nature and in particular the objective of
direct negotiations between the parties which it
seeks to bring about.
Our belief is that progress can only come to the
extent that the parties are willing to confer and to
negotiate. We are hopeful that the expression of
the General Assembly consensus here can help to
create an atmosphere conducive to the negotiations
between the parties.
In conclusion, Mr. President, I move pursuant to
Rule 91 that each paragraph of the resolution be
put to the vote separately.
Admission of New Members
Statement iy James J. Wad.siaorth
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
In his speech before the General Assembly on
September 23, the Secretary of State, Mr. John
Foster Dulles, remarked upon the disturbing fact
that "the membership of the United Nations falls
far short of representing the totalitj' of those na-
tions which are peace-loving, which are able and
willing to carry out the obligations of the charter,
and which are indispensable parties to many criti-
cal international problems." ^ He went on to say
that "unless ways can be found to bring peace-
loving, law-abiding nations into this organization,
then inevitably the power and influence of this
organization will progressively decline."
I am sure that the overwhelming majority of
this coimnittee share these views. The efforts that
were made 2 years ago by a Special Committee on
Membership, and this past year by the Good Offices
Committee, to find ways and means of bringing an
end to the present stalemate bear witness to the
almost universal concern that no possible avenue
to solution of this issue should remain unexplored.
It is certainly cause for dismay and regi"et that
no new member has been admitted to the United
Nations since Indonesia came into the organiza-
tion in 1950. There is no dearth of qualified appli-
cants. Some have been waiting for admission
since as long ago as 1946. There are now 14 states
' Made before the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Nov.
2 (U.S. delegation press release 1999).
' BuLLETix of Oct. 4, 1954, p. 47C.
786
Department of State Bulletin
tliat have been excluded from this orgimization
by tlie actions of one monibor which has cast its
veto a total of 28 times on tiio membei'ship issue.
The Soviet Union has not hesitated to veto the
application of states for admission to member-
ship even tiiouph it openly admits it is doing so
on grounds other than failure to meet the qiuili-
fications of article 4 of the charter. The Soviet
Union has done this despite numerous determina-
tions by the General Assembly that each of the 14
applicants fully meets all qualifications for admis-
sion. Moreover, these vetoes have been cast in
defiance of the advisory opinion of the Interna-
tional Court of Justice that a permanent member
of the Security Council may not make its position
on one applicant dependent upon favorable action
on another applicant.
From the very birth of this organization it was
always envisaged that membership would encom-
pass all peace-loving states accepting the obliga-
tions of the charter and able and willing to carry
them out. "While article 4 of the charter .set certain
tests for admission, membership was understood
to be open to all states meeting these tests. The
United States has hoped that all states would
qualify for membership both because of the view
that the national interests of states make desirable
their participation in the work of the organization
and because of the larger interest of the organiza-
tion itself in having present in a single forum rep-
resentatives from every participant in interna-
tional affairs.
Committee of Good Offices
These are the considerations that have prompted
the General Assembly to try to find means for solv-
ing the membership problem. A new effort in this
direction was made last year when the Assembly
established a Committee of Good Offices on which
were represented Egypt, the Netherlands, and
Peru. Dr. Victor Belaunde of Peru served as the
distinguished chairman of the committee. All of
us are indebted to the three members of the Good
Offices Committee for the service they performed
in behalf of the United Nations during the past
year. We know that they made every effort con-
sistent with the principles of the charter to bring
about a solution of the membership problem.
All of us share the disappointment which I am
sure the Good Offices Committee itself felt when
it was compelled to report to this session of the
General A.sscmbly that it had been unable to make
any progress toward achievement of a solution."
At the same time the Good Offices Conunittee has
not abandoned hope for an eventual solution.
Likewise all of us here hope that sooner or lat«r all
those ap[)licants that are eminently qualilied for
admission to membership in the United Nations,
and who by their presence could add sub.stantially
to the weight and effectiveness of our deliberations,
will take their right fid places beside us at the con-
ference tables of the United Nations.
We share the view expressed here by others that
the General As.sembly should renew the mandate
of the Good Offices Conunittee. The committee's
continued existence would insure that the mem-
bershi[) problem will be kept under review and
that no opportunity will be lost. It will be a con-
stant reminder to the 14 (jualified applicants that
the overwiielming majority of the United Nations
wants them as members. It will help to keep the
door open, even though the outlook for a change in
the attitude of the Soviet world is not bright.
Fourteen Qualified Applicants
This committee has in the past reviewed in de-
tail every facet of the membership problem, and I
see no point in covering the same ground today.
I must repeat, however, the view of my Govern-
ment that the 14 qualified applicants, whose ad-
mission is blocked solely by the opposition of the
Soviet Union, should immediately be admitted.
There is virtually no disagreement as to their qual-
ifications. Even the Soviet Union admits that
most of them are qualified, but it has continued to
insist that they can be admitted only if certain
other applicants sponsored by the Soviet Union
are also admitted. Moreover, with respect to the 5
Soviet-sponsored candidates for membership, it is
not a matter, as has been suggested by the distin-
guished representative of Poland [Juliusz Katz-
Suchy], of internal structure, policies, or ideology.
It concerns whether they ai-e states that are peace-
loving and able and willing to fulfill charter obli-
gations. The 14 states that meet the test of ai'ticle
4 and which we believe should be admitted are:
Austria, Cambodia, Ceylon, Finland, Ireland,
Italy, Japan, Jordan, the Republic of Korea, Laos,
Libya, Nepal, Portugal and Viet-Nam.
It is unnecessary to discuss the qualifications of
each one of these applicants because the General
' U.X. doc. A/2720 dated Sept. 9, 1954.
November 22, J954
787
Assembly has already determined all 14 to be fully
qualified for admission and there have been no re-
cent developments casting any doubt on their con-
tinued eligibility for admission.
The Australian delegation has proposed * that
separate action be taken at this session on the ap-
plications of Cambodia and Laos, on the ground
that the settlement in Indochina achieved last
summer at Geneva makes even more desirable
their prompt admission to the United Nations. As
I indicated by listing the 14 qualified applicants,
my Government agrees that both states should be
admitted. Our affirmative position on the Aus-
tralian proposal does not mean that we do not
equally desire the admission of all the other quali-
fied applicants.
Naturally, in light of the past experience and
the continued deadlock in the membership field
as well as the discouraging position of the Soviet
Union, it is hard to be optimistic as to the prospect
of the admission of any new members no matter
how highly qualified they may be or what special
circumstances justifying their prompt admission
may be adduced, as in the case of Laos and Cam-
bodia. It is because of this that my Government
has been giving serious study, which we intend to
continue, to tlie possibility of arrangements where-
by qualified applicants might participate in the
work of the General Assembly to the maximum
extent possible even though they have not formally
been admitted to membership. "VVliile naturally
all the applicants would prefer full membership,
we believe the Assembly must continue to give
thought to other ways of drawing them into our
work, pending the day when they can be admitted
to regular membership in the United Nations.
^Vliile these efforts continue, we should bear in
mind the prospect of a charter review conference.
If, by the time such a conference is held, a solution
of the membership problem has not been found,
there are likely to be proposals for amending the
charter. In the interim, we believe that study
.should be given to tlie possibilities which a charter
review conference may offer.
Let me close, Mr. Chairman, by repeating our
unswerving determination to persist in exploring
all possible avenues that might lead us to the goal
that most of us seek so fervently — the seating of all
qualified states as members of this great interna-
tional body.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Draft of Report of the International Law Commission
Covering the Work of its Sixth Session. A/CN.4/L.48,
.July 1954. 5 pp. niimeo.
Information from Non-self-soverning Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted Under
Article 73 e of the Charter. Report of the Secretary-
General. Summary of information transmitted by
the Government of France. A/2654, August 13, 1954.
70 pp. mimeo.
Information from Non-self-governing Territories: Sum-
mary and Analysis of Information Transmitted Under
Article 73 e of the Charter. Report of the Secretary-
General. Summary of information transmitted by
the Government of Prance. A/2654/Add.'2, August
IS, 1954. 37 pp. mimeo.
Awards of Compensation Made by the United Nations
Administrative Tribunal : Advisory Opinion of the
International Court of Justice. A/2701, August 19,
1954. 97 pp. printed.
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly : Item pro-
posed by France. Amendment to the Rules of Pro-
cedure of the General Assembly ; Proposal for a New
Rule Concerning Corrections of Vote. Letter dated
16 August 1954 addressed to the Secretary-General by
the Permanent Representative of France to the
United Nations. A/2700, August 31, 1954. 2 pp.
mimeo.
* U.N. doc. A/AC.7G/L.4 dated Oct. 27, 1954.
788
Proclamation Affirms Reciprocal
Copyright Relations With India
At th-e Library of Congress on October 21,
George V. Allen, Amhassador to India, and Gag-
anvihari L. Mehta, Indian Ambassador to th*
United States, participated in a brief ceremony
and an exchange of notes relating to a new copy-
right arrangement between the two countries.
Following are texts of the notes, a Department
onnounceTnent, remarks inade at the ceremony by
AmbaJisador Allen, Amhassador Mehta, and L.
Quinnj Mumford, Librariun of Congress, and
Proclamation 3076, which clarifies the Hght of
Indian natio7xals to obtain copyright protection
in this country and formalizes the protection
accorded by India to United States citizens.
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
Press release 000 dated October '11
A copyright proclamation signed by the Presi-
dent on October '1\ and an exchange of diplomatic
Departmenf of State Bulletin
notes l)ot\vci'ii the Ac'tinf^ Seerefury of State unci
the IiKliiin Anibassaih)r at Wasliington served to
alliiin the continued existence of reciprocal copy-
right relations betwwn tiie United States and In-
dia. This copyright arrangement represents a
strengthening of the basis for increasing cultural
interi'hange between the two countries.
Tlie tliploniatic notes and the new i)ruchuna-
tion clarify the right of Indian nationals to ob-
tain copyright protection in this country subse-
quent to August 15. 1!)-17, when the Indian Inde-
pendence Act went intt) etfect, and formalize the
protection accorded by India to U.S. citizens,
which was nt)t all'ected by the transfer of power.
After August 15, 1947, in the absence of a
formal agreement between the two countries, the
U.S. Copyright Oflice delayed the registration of
books and other artistic and literary materials of
Indian nationals. The Copyright Ollice may now
issue certilicates of registration covering works of
citizens of India.
A number of important Indian books and pub-
lications are presently pending registration and
will be protected under the new arrangement.
These include biographies, such as The Story of
Gandhi by Krishna Nehru, and Prison and Choco-
late Cake by Nayantara Sahgal, the daughter of
Madam Pandit.
Among the works of fiction is a novel, The
Financial Expert by K. K. Narayaji, and the scien-
tific treatises include Mining, Processing, and
Uses of Indian Mica by Chand Mull Rajgarhia, a
member of the Indian Ministry of Commerce, and
Introduction to the EmhryoJogy of Angiosperms
by P. Maheshwari, professor of botany at the Uni-
vereity of Delhi.
EXCHANGE OF NOTES
The Acting Secretary of State to the Indian
Ambassador
October 21, 1954
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your note of today's date, in which
you refer to the recent conversations held in New
Delhi between representatives of our two Govern-
ments with respect to the copyright relations be-
tween India and the United States after August
15, 1947.
You state in your note that the legal obligation
of India to extend the protection of its Copyright
Law to citiziMis of the United States was not
altered by the transfer of power on August 15,
1947, since section 18 (3) of the Indian Inde-
pendence Act, 1947, provided for the continuation,
except as otherwise expressly provided, of all laws
which existed immediately before the transfer of
power. You state that similarly the legal obliga-
tions of India witii respect to copyright were not
altered by the creation of the Republic of India on
January lit), 1950, since Article ;57ii ( 1 ) of the Con-
.stitution of India provided for continuation of all
laws in force immediately before India became a
Republic. You state that in view of this, your
Government has instructed you to state its a.ssur-
ances that after August 15, 1947, as before that
date, citizens of the United States have been and
continue to be entitled to the benefits of copyright
in India on substantially the same basis as citizens
of India, including rights similar to tho.se pro-
vided by section 1 (e) of title 17 of the United
States Code.
I have the honor to inform you that with a view
to allirming the continuance of copyright relations
between our two countries, as established prior to
the change in the legal status of India, the Presi-
dent of the United States of America has issued
today a Proclamation, a copy of which is enclosed
herewith, declaring and proclaiming, pursuant to
the provisions of section 9 (b) of the said title 17
on the basis of the assurances set forth in your
note, that after August 15, 1947, as before that
date, the conditions specified in sections 9 (b) and
1 (e) of the said title 17 have existed and have
been fulfilled with respect to citizens of India, and
that citizens of India, after August 15, 1947, as
before that date, have been entitled to all the bene-
fits of the said title 17.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.
Herbert Hoo\'er, Jr.
Acting Secretary of State
The Indian Ambassador to the Secretary of State
October 21, 1954
Excellency : In accordance with instructions
from my Government, I have the honor to refer
to the recent conversations held in New Delhi be-
tween representatives of our two Governments
with respect to the copyright relations between
India and the United States after August 15,
November 22, J 954
789
1947, the date of the transfer of power pursuant
to the Indian Independence Act, 1947. It is my
understanding, that, upon receipt of affirmative
assurances that after August 15, 1947, as before
that date, Indian law has granted to citizens of
the United States the benefit of copyright on sub-
stantially the same basis as to its own citizens,
your Government is prepared to have issued a
Presidential Proclamation under section 9 (b) of
title 17, United States Code, being the Copyright
Law, to continue to grant the protection of that
law to citizens of India after August 15, 1947,
thereby providing for and affirming the continued
existence of copyright relations between our two
countries as established prior to the change in the
legal status of India.
The legal obligation of India to extend the pro-
tection of its Copyright Law to citizens of the
United States was not altered by the transfer of
power on August 15, 1947. Section 18 (3) of the
Indian Independence Act, 1947, provided for the
continuation, except as otherwise expressly pro-
vided, of all laws which existed immediately be-
fore the transfer of power. Similarly, the legal
obligations of India with respect to copyright
were not altered by the creation of the Kepublic
of India on January 26, 1950. Article 372 (1)
of the Constitution of India provided for con-
tinuation of all laws in force immediately before
India became a Kepublic. In view of this, my
Government has instructed me to state its assur-
ances that after August 15, 1947, as before that
date, citizens of the United States have been and
continue to be entitled to the benefits of copyright
in India on substantially the same basis as citizens
of India, including rights similar to those pro-
vided by section 1 (e) of the aforesaid title 17.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.
G. L. Mehta
Ambassador of India
REMARKS AT LIBRARY CEREMONY
Ambassador Allen
Mk. Ambassaix)R : I am pleased to be here today
to participate in this brief but significant cere-
mony.
The exchange of notes whicli has taken place
between India and the United States today is an
act which should lastingly affect the cultural re-
lationship of our two countries. These assur-
ances of I'eciprocal copyright protection to be af-
forded by each country to nationals of the other
demonstrate a mutual respect and appreciation
for literary and artistic works and a desire to con-
tinue the beneficial exchange of intellectual ma-
terials.
This exchange of notes constitutes an important
step in the history of Indian-American relations,
for this represents a major agreement on cultural
affairs between the United States and India sub-
sequent to the Indian Independence Act of 1947.
I am gratified, Mr. Ambassador, by the feelings
of understanding and friendship which underlie
and make possible the exchange of these mutual as-
surances.
Ambassador Mehta
YouE Excellency, It is particulai'ly appropri-
ate that on this occasion, when we are acting to
affirm the continued existence of copyright re-
lations between our two countries, we should meet
here in the Library of Congress, in this storehouse
of wisdom and knowledge, learning and scholar-
sliip, where lie enshrined the thoughts of men
from the earliest times down to the present day.
This copyright arrangement we are entering into
today will assuredly strengthen the basis for in-
creasing cultural interchange between the United
States and India. We believe that the right to
knowledge is one of the foremost rights of men,
and I know you in this gi'eat country also believe
in it with equal fervor. And it is, therefore, with
feelings of especial gratification that I perform
my pleasant task today. May the cultural ties
between our two countries grow stronger and
stronger, day by day.
Mr. Mumford
The Library of Congi'ess as the registering
agency for copyright in the United States is in
a sense a guardian of the individual rights of
authors, composers, and other creators of literary
and artistic works in this country. We are proud
today to observe the extension of this guardian-
ship to the riglits of citizens of India, whose privi-
lege and responsibility it is to provide the world
with a knowledge of their great culture.
However, the occasion for our meeting here
today seems to me to have even greater signifi-
790
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
canco. Although, as I liave indicatcil, oopyriirht
can be tlunight of in tlie li'jial st'nso of proti-ition
of property rights, I believe that tliere is a hirger
motivation behind the action wo are witnessing.
I refer to tlie desire on tlie part of our two gov-
ernments to strengtlien cultural exchange between
our two countries. The freedom of men and of
the expression of their ideas can only survive in
an atmosi)here of nmtnal trust. Today we have
reatlirmed this trust between India and tlie United
States and the deep interest which our two coun-
tries have in each other's culture.
PROCLAMATION 3076 >
Whereas section 9 of titio 17 of the riiite<] States Code,
entitled "Copyrights", as codified aiui enacted by the act
of Congress approved July .'U), 1!)4T, til Stat. G.TJ, provides
In part that the copyright secured l)y such title .shall
extend to the work of an author or proprietor who is a
citizen or subject of a foreign state or nation only :
"(a) When an alien author or projirietor shall be domi-
ciled witliiu tlie United .States at the time of the first
publication of his work ; or
'■(b) When the foreign state or nation of which such
author or proprietor is a citizen or subject grants, either
by treaty, convention, agreement, or law, to citizens of
the United States the benefit of copyright on substantially
the same basis as to its own citizens, or copyright pro-
tection, substantially equal to the protection secured to
such foreign author under this title or by treaty ; or when
such foreign state or nation is a party to an international
agreement which provides for reciprocity in the granting
of copyright, by the terms of which agiccment the United
States may, at its pleasure, become a party thereto." ; and
Whf.rhas section 1 of the said title 17 provides in part
as follows :
"Any person entitled thereto, upon complying with the
provisions of this title, shall have the exclusive right :
"(e) To perform the copyrighted work publicly for
profit if it be a musical comjiosition; . . . ProiHded, That
the provisions of this title, so far as they .secure copyright
controlling the parts of instruments serving to reproduce
mechanically the musical work, shall include only compo-
sitions published and copyrighted after July 1, 1909, and
shall not include the works of a foreign author or com-
poser unless the foreign state or nation of which such
author or composer is a citizen or subject grants, either by
treaty, convention, agreement, or law, to citizens of the
United States similar rights."; and
Whebe.\s section 9 of the said title 17 further provides :
"The existence of the reciprocal conditions aforesaid
shall be determined by the President of the United States,
by proclamation made from time to time, as the purposes
of this title may require . . ." ; and
Where.\8 satisfactory official assurances have been re-
ceived that after August 15, 1947, as before that date, the
laws of India have granted to citizens of the United States
the benefit of copyright on suhstantially the same basis as
to citizens of India, including rights similar to those pro-
vided bv section 1(e) of the said title 17 :
Now, therefore, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, do declare and
proclaim :
Tliat after August 1.', 1917, lis before tliat date, the con-
ditions spccilli'il ill s.Mlloiis9(li) and lie) of the said title
17 of (lie United Slates Code have, ns hi'lwwn the United
Slates and India, existed and been fuKllied, and that citi-
zens of India, after August 1."., 1917, as before that date,
have iHH'ii and are enlitled to all the Ix'iielltH of the said
title 17, except those conferred by tlie provisions embodied
in the se< I paragraph of seellon 9(li) thereof regarding
the extension of time for fiillllllng copyright conditions and
I'ornialities.
I.N wirNKHs wuKitKOF, I have heieunlo set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
ainxed.
Done at the City of Washington this twenty-flrst day of
Oitot)er in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
(seal) and fifty-four, and of the Independence of the
United "states of ,\inerica the one hundred and
seventy-ninth.
7
Bv the President :
HEKnEBT HoovEB, Jr.
Acting Secretary of State.
' 19 pyil. Reg. 6967.
November 22, 1954
Agreement With West Germany
on Publications Exchange
Press release 612 dated October 27
The Government of the United States and the
G&vemment of the Federal RepuWic of Germany
on October 27 conclitded an agreement on the ex-
change of officuil publications between the two
countries. Following are the texts of the notes
exchanged which constitute the agreement.
Secretary Dulles to Ambassador Krekeler
Ocri'oiJER 27, 1954
Excellexct: I have the honor to refer to the
conversations which have taken phice between rep-
resentatives of the Government of the United
States of America and represent tit ives of the Gov-
ernment of the Federal Republic of Germany in
regard to the exchange of official publications,
and to inform you that the Goverimient of the
United States of America agrees that there shall
be an exchange of official publications between the
two Governments in accordance with the follow-
ing provisions :
1. Each of the two Governments shall furnish
791
regularly a copy of each of its official publications
■which is indicated in a selected list prepared by
the other Government and communicated through
diplomatic channels subsequent to the conclusion
of the present agreement. The list of publica-
tions selected by each Government may be revised
from time to time and may be extended, without
the necessity of subsequent negotiations, to in-
clude any other official publication of the other
Government not specified in the list, or publica-
tions of new offices which the other Government
may establish in the future.
2. The official exchange office for the transmis-
sion of publications of the Government of the
United States of America shall be the Smith-
sonian Institution. The official exchange office
for the transmission of publications of the Gov-
ernment of the Federal Republic of Germany shall
be the Federal Office for the International Ex-
change of Official Publications, Marburg/Lalm.
3. The publications shall be i-eceived on behalf
of the United States of America by the Library
of Congress and on behalf of the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany by the Federal Office for the In-
ternational Exchange of Official Publications,
Marburg/Lahn .
4. The present agreement does not obligate
either of the two Governments to furnish blank
forms, circulars which are not of a public charac-
ter, or confidential publications.
5. Each of the two Governments shall bear all
charges, including postal, rail and shipping costs,
arising under the present agreement in connection
with the transportation within its own country of
the publications of both Governments and the ship-
ment of its own jiublications to a port or other
appropriate place reasonably convenient to the
exchange office of the other Government.
6. The present agreement shall not be consid-
ered as a modification of any existing exchange
agreement between a department or agency of one
of the Governments and a department or agency
of the other Government.
Upon receipt of a note from you indicating that
the foregoing provisions are acceptable to the
Government of the Federal Republic of Germany,
the Government of the United States of America
will consider that this note and your reply con-
stitute an agreement between the two Govern-
ments on this subject, the agreement to enter into
force on the date of your note in reply.
792
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.
His Excellency
Dr. Heixz L. Krekeler,
Ambassador, Charge d/ Affaires of the
Federal Republic of Germany.
Ambassador Krekeler to Secretary Dulles
Excellency: I have the honor to refer to the
conversations which have taken place between
representatives of the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany and representatives of the
Government of the United States of America in
regard to the exchange of official publications, and
to inform you that the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany agrees that there shall be
an exchange of official publications between the
two Govermnents in accordance with the follow-
ing provisions :
[See U. S. note. Items 1 through 6.]
Upon receipt of a note from you indicating that
the foregoing provisions are acceptable to the
Government of the United States of America, the
Government of the Federal Republic of Germany
will consider that this note and your reply con-
stitute an agreement between the two Governments
on this subject, the agreement to enter into foi'ce
on the date of your note in reply.
I avail myself of this opportunity to renew the
assurances of my highest consideration.
Washington, October 27, 1954.
His Excellency
The Secretary of State
OF the United States
Washington, D. C.
U.S.-Libyan Base Rights Agreement
Press release 622 dated November 1
The U.S. Government has received formal noti-
fication from the Libyan Government that the
Base Rights Agreement, which was signed by the
two Governments in Benghazi on September 9,^
has now been approved by the Libyan Parliament
and has entered into force on October 30, 1054,
following its ratification by Royal Decree of King
Idris I.
* Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 396.
Deparfmenf of %\a\Q Bulletin
The agi-eeinent sets forth tlie conditions for the
utilization of U.S. military facilities in Libya,
wlu'fo the U.S. Air Foroc niaiiitaiiis a l>asi* at
vVlu'cliis Fiekl near Tripoli. Tin- aj^ri'iMiii'iit runs
to the end of 1970 and is automatically ronewablo
in the absence of 1 year's notification to the con-
trary by either party.
(Snnd 1)11 Ilk). Effected l)y exchange of notes nl Itonn
SepteinbiT Ul mid :;4 iinil October LI iind IS, I'.tril.
Knlered Into force October 18, 1054.
Spain
.\t;rccmciit anicndiiii; llie UKreeiiicnt of .luly 'M). VXA, rc-
liillii;.' to tlie ipfTsliorc prociiri'meiit |)r<)«r:iiii in S|i»in.
ElVected by excbuuge of notes ut .Madrid October 21!,
lUfM. Entered Into force October 26, 11)54.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Aviation
Convention on international civil aviation. Forniulatod
at (.'hicaj-'o Pecenilier 7, 1044. Entered into force Ai)ril
4, 1047. TIAS loOl.
Adhercnie deposited: Viet-Nam, October 10, 1954.
Narcotic Drugs
Protocol bringing under international control dnifrs out-
side tbe scope of tlie convention of July ]:{, lO.'il, for
limiting the nianufuctuieand regidating the distribution
of narcotic druKs (48 Stat. 1543), as amended by proto-
col sijrned at I.ake Success December 11. 1040 (TI.\S
1671 and 18.J0). Done at Paris November 10, 1048.
Entered into force December 1, 1040. TI.\S 2308.
I Noliftcation b;/ Vnion of t>outh Africa of cxtrnxion to:
\ Territory of South West .\frica, October ,">, lor>4.
(Protocol for limiting and regulatins the cultivation of tbe
poppy plant, the production of, international ami whole-
sale trade In, and use of opium. Dated at New York
June -Si. 10r>.S.'
Ratification deposited {with declaration) : India, April
30, 1954.
North Atlantic Treaty
Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the Supreme
Allied Commander .\tlantic (SACLANT), and exchange
of letters. Sismed at Washington October 22, 1954.
Entered into force October 22, 1054; operative retro-
actively from April 10, ]9.'>4.
Trade and Commerce
Second protocol of rcctificatious and modifications to texts
of the schedules to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (TIAS 1700). Opened for signature at
Geneva November 8, 1952.'
Siynaiure : Burma, October 4, 1954.
THE CONGRESS
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy:
83d Congress, 2d Session
Review of ilu- Iiiiti'd .Nations Charter. Hearing before
a Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations on Proposals To Amend or Otherwise Mod-
ify Existing International Peace and Security Or-
ganizations, Including the United Nations. Part 7,
-Minneapolis, Minn., July 10, 19154. 171 pp.
Independent Management, Export-Import Bank. Hear-
ing before the House Committee on Banking and Cur-
rency on H. R. 0523, 0524, 0555, and S. 3580. July
14, 10,54. 44 pp.
Increa.se of Duty-Free Allowance to American Tourists.
Hearing before the House Committee on Ways and
Means on H. R. 8352. July 21, 10.54. 47 pp.
Military Construction, 10,54. Hearings before the Sub-
committee on Civil Functions and Military Construc-
tion of the House Committee on Appropriations. July
23, 1054. 42 pp.
Mutual Security Program. Report on the Mutual Se-
curity Program Covering Operations During the 6-
nionth Period Ended June 30, 1054, with Letter of
Transmittal from the President. H. Doc. 405, Aug.
20, 19.54. 63 pp.
THE DEPARTMENT
BILATERAL
Egypt
Asrreement relating to duty-free entry and defrayment of
inland transportation charges on relief supplies and
packages for Egypt. Effected by exchange of notes at
Cairo October 30, 1954. Entered into force October 30,
I 1954.
Ethiopia
Agreement amending the public health joint fund agree-
ment of April 29, 19.53 (TIAS 2904). Signed at .\ddis
.\baba June 11, 19.54. Entered into force June 11, 1054.
Germany
Agreement amending tlie agreement of September 9, 1952,
relating to the use of the bombing range at Cuxhaven
' .Not in force.
November 22, T954
Responsibilities Relating to Refugees
and Displaced Persons
Department Circular 123 dated November 3
1. licsponKihilities for h'unctionn Relatinti to Refugees,
Displaced Persons. Mifirantx, Stateless Persons and
Escapees
1.1 Within the Office of the .\ssistant Administrator
for the Refugee Relief Program in the Bureau of Inspec-
tion, Security and Consular AITairs (Sc.a), the Adviser
on Refugees and Di.splaeed Perscms has :
a. Responsibility for developing, coordinating and, in
consultation with the concerned bureaus and offices
of the Department, determining I'.S. policies and posi-
tions on problems concerning refugees, displaced persons.
793
migi'ants, stateless persons, and escapees, without regard
to geographic origin or location, arising in the Inter-
governmental Committee for European Migration and in
regional organizations such as Nato, Oeec, and the Council
of Europe, but excluding such policies and positions with
respect to these matters arising in the United Nations,
its organs, and the specialized agencies of the United
Nations, and in the administration of U.S. Immigration
laws.
b. Responsibility for providing advice, information, and
assistance to bureaus and offices of the Department, U.S.
missions abroad, and other Federal agencies on these
matters.
c. Responsibility for promoting U.S. policy objectives
in this field through the Intergovernmental Committee
for European Migration, for preparing and supporting
requests for appropriations for U.S. contributions to the
Committee, and for conducting liaison with the Committee.
d. Responsibility for providing basic policy guidance
to the Foreign Operations Administration with respect
to the escapee program.
1.2 The Office of International Economic and Social
Affairs (Oes) in the Bureau of International Organization
Affairs (lo) has :
a. Ac-tion responsibility for preparing positions, with
advice by the Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons,
to be taken within the United Nations, its organs, includ-
ing the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees, and specialized agencies concerning refu-
gees, displaced persons, migrants, stateless persons and
escapees, and for promoting U.S. policy objectives in this
field within these bodies.
b. Responsibility for liaison with the Adviser on Refu-
gees and Displaced Persons with a view to securing
coordination and avoiding duplication in the program of
the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migra-
tion and related programs of the United Nations, its
organs and specialized agencies.
1.3 The Office of International Administration (Oia) in
the Bureau of International Organization Affairs has
responsibility for :
a. Reviewing and advising on fiscal, personnel, and
other administrative aspects of the Intergovernmental
Committee for European Migration and the Office of the
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.
b. Reviewing estimates for U.S. contributions to the
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration ;
formulating or coordinating the formulation of U.S. pay-
ment policy and making contributions to that Committee
in accordance with such policy ; and initiating the alloca-
tion of funds from the Foreign Operations Administration
for contributions to the Committee.
2. Dcsifination of Adviner on Refugees and Displaced
Persons
Mr. George L. Warren continues as the Adviser on
Refugees and Displaced Persons.
PUBLICATIONS
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794
Deparfment of State Bvlletin
November 22, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 804
American Principles, The New Eovironiueiit of Amerlcnn
Iiilili.miiiy (MtTclmnt) 789
Conircis, The. Current LegUlatloD 7l>3
Caba. Trade Agreement Negotiations InTOlvlng Japan 767
Economic Affairs
Cablnit ComuiUloe on Telecomniunlcalionfi 778
Exlnibank Loan to Mexico for Electric Power Program . . 770
New Customs Regulations Require Fewer Certlflcd In-
voices 770
Strengthening the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (WauKh. Elsenhower) 772
Talks on D.S.-Phlllpplne Relations 771
Trade Agreement Negotiations Involving Japan . . . 707
U.S. and Japan Discuss Mutual Interests (Elsenbower-
YoshUlal 705
Foreien Service. The New Environment of American Diplo-
macy (Merchant) 750
Germanjr
Agreement With West Germany on Publications Exchange
(text of notes) 791
Payment to German Republic for New Embassy Building
(text of notes) 777
India. Proclamation Affirms Reciprocal Copyright Rela-
tions With India (text of notes, remarks, and procla-
mation) . 788
International Information. Agreement With West Germany
on Publications Exchange (text of notes) .... 791
Iran. FOA Announces Program of Aid to Iran .... 770
Israel. U.S. Policy on Jerusalem 770
Italy. Italian Cabinet Expresses Thanks for Offer of Emer-
gency Aid 777
Japan
Japan and the United Nations (Lodge) 706
Trade Agreement Negotiations Involving Japan . , , 767
U.S. and Japan Discuss Mutual Interests (Elsenhower-
Xoshlda) 765
Libya. U.S. -Libyan Base Rights Agreement 792
Mexico. Eximbank Loan to Mexico for Electric Power
Program 779
Military Affairs
U.S. Endorses Report of Collective Measures Committee
(.Mahoney) 780
U.S. -Libyan Base Rights Agreement 792
Mutual Security
FOA Announces Program of Aid to Iran 776
General Collins Undertakes Mission to Vlet-Nam . . . 777
Standardization of FOA Procurement Rules 778
Philippines. The. Talks on U.S. -Philippine Relations . , 771
Presidential Documents, Proclamation Affirms Reciprocal
Copyright Relations With India 788
Protection of Nationals and Property. Proclamation Affirms
Reciprocal Copyright Relations With India (text of
notes, remarks, and proclamation) 788
Publications
Recent Releases 794
U.N. Documents 788
Refugees and Displaced Persons. Responsibilities Relating
to Refugees and Displaced Persons 793
South Africa, Union of. Treatment of Indians In South
Africa (statements by Smith and text of U.N. reso-
lution! 783
State, Department of. Responsibilities Relating to Refugees
and Displaced Persons 793
Treaty Information
Agreement With West Germany on Publications Excbange
(text of notes) 791
Current Acllcma 793
Proclamation Affirms Reciprocal Copyright Rehitlons With
India (tilt of notes, reniarkH, ami produmutlon) . 788
Trade Agreement Ni'gotlatlonH Involving Japan .... 707
U.S.-Llbyan Base Rights Agreement 792
United Nations
AdnilHBlon of New Members (Wadswortb) 780
Current U.N. Documents 788
Japan and the United .Nations (Lodge) 700
Treatment of Indians In South Africa (statements by
Smith and text of resolution) 783
U.S. Endorses Report of Collective Measures Committee
(.MalKnicy) 780
UroKuay. Trade Agreement Negotiations Involving Japan . 767
Vict-Nam. General Collins Undertakes Mission to Vlet-
Nam 777
Name Index
Allen, George V 790
Collins, J. Lawton 777
Dulles, Secretary 777, 791
Elsenhower, President 768, 771, 772, 791
Hoover, Ilerbert, Jr 789
Krekeler. Heinz L 777, 792
Laurel, Jos« P 771
I.,awKon, Edward B 770
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 760
Mahoney, Charles H 780
Mehta, Gaganvlhari L 789
Merchant, Livingston T 759
.Muniford. L. Qulncy 700
Smith, H. Alexander 783
Wadsworth. James J 780
Waugh. Samuel C 772
Yoshlda, Sblgeru 706
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 8-14
Ui'Icat^es may be obtaini'd from the News Division,
Department of State, Wasliiiigton 2.1, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to November 8 wliich
appear iu this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 600
of October 21, 612 of October 27, 613 of October 2JS,
622 of November 1, 624 of November 3, and 62.'> of
November 4.
Subject
Protest to U.S.S.R. in plane case.
Patterson to attend Sao Paulo fair.
Trade talks with Cuba.
Dulles : press conference transcript.
Delegation to ILO meeting.
Eeou<imic talks with Yugoslavia.
Waugh : GATT conference.
Patents agreement with Germany.
Delegation to UNESCO conference.
Tariff negotiations involving Japan.
Educational exchange.
Shipping in .\ntarctica.
Surplus commodities for Japan.
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Buluttin.
No.
Date
t631
11/8
•632
11/9
•633
11/10
•634
11/9
t63.-.
11/10
•636
11/10
637
11/10
t638
11/10
t6:«»
11/11
640
11/12
•641
11/12
t642
11/12
643
11/13
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London and Paris Agreements
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Vd. XXXI, No. 805
November 29, 1954
Vie**"^ o*.
THE DEFENSE OF ASIA • by Deputy Under Secretary
Murphy 799
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LONDON AND PARIS
AGREEMENTS • by Ambassador James B. Conant . 805
CONTINUATION OF DEBATE ON PEACEFUL USES
OF ATOMIC ENERGY • Statements by Ambassa-
dor Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., and C. D. Jackson 828
SOUTHEAST ASIA COLLECTIVE DEFENSE TREATY
TRANSMITTED TO SENATE 819
WEATHER SERVICE FOR INTERNATIONAL CIVIL
AVIATION • Articte by Delbert M. Little 824
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
DEC 28 1954
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bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 805 • Publication 5675
November 29, 1954
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been approved by the Director of the
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Note: Contents of tliis publicntion are not
eopyrigiited and items contained lierein may
be reprinted. Citation of tlic Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of the
Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the tcork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign
policy, issued by the White House
and the Department, and statements
and addresses made by the President
and by the Secretary of State and
other officers of the Department, as
tcell as special articles on various
phases of international affairs and the
functions of the Department. Infor-
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and international agreements to
ujhich the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of general
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Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Defense of Asia
by Deputy Under Secretary Murphy '
Since the days of the clipper ships, Americans
engaged in foreign trade have always had a tre-
mendous interest in, and close association with,
the Far East. So I am happy over this opportu-
nity to discuss with the members of the National
Foreign Trade Council some of the problems
which our country faces in that area today.
In a brief survey there are three ivspects which
demand our most urgent attention at the present
time.
First — Communist China's part in the increasing
pressures on free Asian nations.
Second — Factors which make free Asian nations
particularly vulnerable to such pressures.
Third — What the free Asian nations and their
Western friends are doing — and can do — -
to render these pressures ineffective.
It will be helpful, I believe, to begin with an
appraisal of the continuing effects upon surround-
ing Asian countries of the Communist conquest
of China. For this conquest of China has in-
volved far more than the disappearance behind
the bamboo curtain of a population which the
Conununists estimate at over 580 millions. It has
brought other dangers than those inherent in this
vast increase of manpower that now can be ruth-
lessly exjiended in Communist aggression against
the free countries of Asia.
China
Among the most significant and menacing re-
sults for the free Asian countries is the fact that
'Address made before the National Foreign Trade
Council at New York, N.Y.. on Nov. 16 (press release 644
dated Nov. 15).
the fall of China has provided the Communist
movements throughout Asia, for the first time,
witli a firm Asian base.
Prior to World War II, Asian Communist
groups outside of China were isolated and frag-
mentetl and were sponsored and supported in
different ways. The Communist groups in Indo-
nesia and India, and to a certain extent in Indo-
china, had their inception through the proselytiz-
ing efforts of mother parties in Europe. Those in
Japan and Korea were founded directlj' bj' the
Comintern. Those in Malaya, Thailand, and the
Philippines were founded or largely supported
from China or from the Chinese colonies abroad.
The Communists in Burma were divided into
various competing factions which grew out of
resistance coalitions developed during the war
and had little firm direction from any quarter.
Because the Kremlin was too remote to provide
effective coordination and direction, the leader-
ship of these local Far Eastern parties often
struck out on their own tangents in order to insure
the survival of local Communist movements. It
was natural, therefore, that the Asian Commu-
nist movement was marked by factionalism, dissi-
dence, and the problem of leadership. The par-
ties had to rely on their own meager resources and
sense of dedicated fanaticism, for significant ex-
ternal aid was not available. They were thei-efore
capable of only limited political and subversive
objectives of sabotage and harassment against
reasonably stable administrative authority.
Into this chaotic situation the Chinese Commu-
nists have moved to provide, for the (iret time,
firm regional direction and increased control over
the lesser Communist parties in Asia. Their new
and readily accessible Asian base provides objec-
November 29, ?954
799
tives, techniques, discipline, and the aggressive
intention to translate Communist potentialities
into actualities.
This Communist consolidation of a tremendous
Asian base on the Chinese mainland has altered
the power and influence of communism in each
country of the region. No longer can each of the
non-Communist East Asian countries easily man-
age its own problem of Communist subversion and
bring its disloyal and subversive forces under con-
trol or to extinction. That was tragically demon-
strated in Indochina. Each of the free Asian
countries is now vulnerable in some degree to the
expansion of Communist power and influence.
Moreover, just as Russia provided a protecting
flank to the Communist groups operating in
China, so Communist China can now provide a
protecting flank to Communist groups operating
in Burma, Thailand, Viet-Nam, Laos, and Cam-
bodia. And, in addition, since all of the free
Asian countries are directly touched by Commu-
nist China in one or more ways — ^by common
boundaries, the flow of trade, cultural affinities,
the presence of overseas Chinese populations
totaling about 10 millions — there are many chan-
nels through which the Communist influence can
now be spread.
The tactics used by the Chinese Communists in
assaulting free Asian countries are infinitely
varied, ranging from direct Cliinese Communist
armed aggi'ession with Soviet support and direc-
tion, as in Korea, to lavish exliibits at foreign fail's
and widespread participation in foreign cultural
events and sporting matches.
Vulnerabilities
For what reasons are the free Asian countries
vulnerable to the Communist pressures which I
have just described ? There are many reasons, but
I should like to single out and discuss briefly two
reasons of major importance: first, the attitude
of neutralism which prevails in much of the area;
and second, the general economic condition of the
free Asian countries.
"^Vlien we speak of neutralism in the Far East,
we are using a vague term to cover a variety of
mental and emotional attitudes. Neutralism ap-
pears to be woven of several strands of political
opinion which, while present to a greater extent
in some free Asian countries than others, are prev-
alent throughout the entire area. They include (1)
a tendency to underestimate the Communist
threat; (2) a distrust of the motives of the West-
ern nations; and (3) a fear of involvement in war
and fear of offending neighboring Communist
i-egimes, among other things.
Vulnerable as they are to Commmiist political
and military pressures, the free Asian nations are,
in the opinion of many experienced observers of
the situation, even more vulnerable to Communist
exploitation of real and alleged grievances of an
economic nature — and of the political instability
which usually accompanies economic instability.
All of these free Asian countries, with the single
exception of Japan, are underdeveloped countries,
with the great bulk of the population earning their
meager living at a great cost in effort on a tiny plot
of land which they own, or rent, or cultivate for a
landowner. Japan itself faces similar problems,
and, although she is industrially developed, she
also suffers because other Asian countries which
need her machine products, technical skills, and
wide variety of consumer goods are unable to pur-
chase them in sufficient quantities.
As you well know, an underdeveloped country
is one in wliich resources, both material and
human, are not being used as fully as modern tech-
nology permits. In human terms this means that
the inhabitants of such countries in Asia, on an
average, have a life expectancy of only about half
of that of people of highly developed countries.
Their incomes average less than $200 per year per
person — in many countries considerably less than
$100 — with all that this implies in terms of hunger,
deprivation, and discomfort. There is a shortage
of medical services, and health conditions are
below standard. Their food supply is about a
third less than that of developed countries. The
opportunity to attend school is limited to a small
minority. Only one person in four knows how to
read and write. The supply of clothing and house-
hold furnishings is about one-fourth that of per-
sons in developed countries.
Stated most simply, the basic economic prob-
lem of these areas is that per capita income is too
low to enable the average Asian to acquire the
minimum goods essential to sustain life and leave
adequate savings. Rut such savings are essential
to generate sufficient capital for investment pur-
poses if economic progress is to bo achieved.
800
Department of State Bulletin
This is true whether it is merely a question of
the individuiil fiuiiu'i- biiyinn; fertilizer to increase
his crop, or an enterpriser pooling the savings of
many fannei-s and otiicr workers to build a fer-
tilizer plant. The problem is furtlier complicated
by the fact that underdo vclopeil countries have
rapidly increasing populations.
Therefore, the growing of food and raw-ma-
terial requirements for the economic development
in the Far East will have to bo obtained by the
more elfective utilization of existing physical re-
sources. Better technology' can assist importantly,
but this will require larger investments in capital
per worker. This means that a substantial amount
of savings and investment is constantly necessary
just in order to prevent a deterioration of the econ-
omy and a decrease in the standard of living. An
even higher rate of saving and investment is neces-
sary if the economy is to expand and improve.
But South and Southeast Asian economies gen-
erally lack an adequate number of the type of
businessmen who are capable of mobilizing sav-
ings for use in innovating commercial and indus-
trial enterprises and agrarian improvements
essential to economic progress. Governments in
this region have sought in many ways to substitute
for the shortcomings in the private enterprise
sector, but the results of both private and govern-
mental endeavor have not generally been adequate
to provide higher living standards, or even, in some
cases, to prevent stagnation or to arrest decline.
The resulting poverty, hunger, disease, and lack
of opportunity for personal self-development are
not new problems, for they have been characteristic
for centuries of the large underdeveloped parts
of the Far East. What makes this so important
today is that it has become a source of active polit-
ical unrest.
The Communists seek to exploit these economic
difficulties and gain converts by propaganda which
paints a glowing picture of economic achievement
in China and the U. S. S. R. Communist propa-
ganda used in the underdeveloped countries also
concentrates upon the agitation of economic griev-
ances, particularly those of agrarian workers
against landlords and govenmient. The Chinese
Communists are especially expert at tliis, for the
skillful manipulation of agrarian grievances and
the use of rural military bases were weapons which
they used to bring about the fall of China.
Action
Now what do these factors favoring commu-
nism in the Far East add up to? Will the Com-
numists succeed in (lisrui)tiMg and dividing more
countries as they have done in Korea and in Indo-
china? However optimistic we may be, there is
a long-run danger that, if these various Commu-
nist pressures are allowed to make headway, if
nothing is done to ameliorate the causes of wide-
S|)read local comi)laint and dissatisfaction, some
of the non-Communist governments may decline
in strength and cohesion.
Tile free Asian nations have already taken sub-
stantial internal measures, with varying degrees
of success, to halt or curb Conununist subversive
action within their borders and to do what could
be done to curtail the effectiveness of Communist
pressures from outside sources.
There are many other things that have already
been done. The United States, as you know, has
mutual security pacts with Japan, Korea, and the
Philippines and has pledged that its forces will
defend Formosa and the Pescadores. The United
States has been providing economic aid or mili-
tary assistance or both to many of the free Asian
countries. The Export-Import Bank and the In-
ternational Bank for Reconsti-uction and Develop-
ment have made significant contributions to eco-
nomic development and trade expansion in the
area.
Another very important step already taken to
improve the economic stability of the area is em-
bodied in the Colombo Plan. The Colombo
Plan was conceived initially in 1950 as an organi-
zation to focus attention on the economic develop-
ment problems of the countries of South and
Southeast Asia. It was designed to provide a
framework within which international coopera-
tive efforts can be made to promote sound and
enduring progress in the area. To its original
members — Great Britain, Canada, Australia, New
Zealand, India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Malaya, and
British Borneo — other countries have now been
added. The United States became a full member
in 1951, and Burma, Nepal, Cambodia, Laos, Viet-
Nam, Indonesia, Japan, Thailand, and the Philip-
pines have also joined, the last three only this year.
The Colombo Plan is actually a committee — a
consultative committee for economic development
in South and Southeast Asia. To this committee,
important nations of the area discuss and analyze
November 29, 1954
801
the preparation and implementation of their in-
dividual plans for economic development, includ-
ing financial requirements for carrying out the
plans. Though there is a loose line of distinc-
tion between so-called contributing countries and
recipient countries, all of the membei-s are gradu-
ally becoming contributing countries to one
another.
The United States and other free-world coun-
tries are also taking steps in the realm of inter-
national trade wliich should, if successful, serve
to stabilize the economies of free Asian nations,
including Japan.
On March 30, 1954, in carrying out the recom-
mendation contained in the Randall Commission
report that the trade policies of our country be
liberalized, the President sent a message to Con-
gress recommending a gradual and selective revi-
sion of our tariffs, through the tested method of
negotiations with other nations. He expressed
the belief that the United States should offer
needed leadership in the reduction of trade and
payments barriers that limit markets for our goods
throughout the world.
In the same message the President said, "I may
also recommend special provisions for negotia-
tion with Japan in view of the economic problems
of that country."
The economic situation in Japan, which was so
ably discussed by Assistant Secretary of Com-
merce Anderson,^ is quite different from that in
the underdeveloped Asian countries, and that is
why the President made this special reference to
Japan in his message. Virtually devoid of ex-
portable material resources and dependent upon
imports for 20 percent of its food — and most of
its industrial raw materials — Japan must trade to
live. Notwithstanding a high level of United
States expenditures, Japan last year incurred a
deficit in its foreign payments of $200 million.
The critical problem revolves about the fact that
Japan must somehow find markets to increase its
exports by at least 75 percent to compensate for
the further decline in our expenditures as United
States forces are withdrawn from the area.
There is no single answer to the Japanese prob-
lem. In the long run, the economic development
' For the text of Mr. Anderson's nildress, entitled "Some
Basic Factors in United States Foreign Economic Posi-
tion," see Department of Commerce press release dated
Nov. 16.
of free Asia holds out the most important possibil-
ities. The United States has been and is continu-
ing to assist the free nations of Asia in this
endeavor. Japan's trade relationships with the
United States are also of vital importance.
The United States has been supplying about
one-third of Japan's imports but buying from
Japan only one-third as much as it sells to Japan.
A few days ago, we announced our intention to
enter into multilateral negotiations tmder the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade with the
primary purpose of expanding Japan's trading
opportunities with the United States and other
countries.^ The United States is taking the lead
in this matter in recognition not only of the im-
portance of trade between the United States and
Japan but also of the necessity of United States
leadership if other countries are to do their share
in helping Japan to increase its trade. The en-
largement of Japanese trade opportunities within
the free world is of special importance also as a
means of reducing undue Japanese reliance upon
Communist Chinese markets with all the risks,
both economic and political, which might follow
from such reliance. By fostering economic sta-
bility in Japan we can help to retain on the free
world's side the great industrial strength and
technical skills of Japan which are so vital to the
defense of Asia.
Still another development of momentous sig-
nificance exists in the Manila Pact and Pacific
Charter, which were signed at Manila on Septem-
ber 8, 1954, by eight free nations.* The accom-
plishments at Manila did much to overcome
various misunderstandings on the part of free
Asian nations and provided vital assurances that
the Communist threat to the area, either through
armed aggression or subversion, would be effec-
tively met. In the Pacific Charter, the signatories
pledged themselves to uphold the principle of
equal rights and self-determination of peoples, to
strive earnestly by every peaceful means to pro-
mote self-government, and to secure the indejiend-
ence of countries whose people desire it and are
able to undertake its responsibilities. Further-
more, it held out the prospect of collective action
to promote higher standards of living for Asian
nations and thus remove a major .source of dissi-
dence and unrest.
' Bulletin of Nov. 22, 1954, p. 7tJ7.
* rbid.. Sept. 20, 1954, p. .'WS.
802
Department of Stale Bulletin
Tliere now rejnaiiis the very important task of
dec'idiiij!: in nioro detail liow the Matiihi Pact and
the cliarter will be inipienieiitetl, sliould neeil arise,
to assure cessation of aggression and subversion,
and tlic important task of deciding how the
crucial problem of economic development of the
underdeveloped areas of free Asia can satisfac-
torily be met. The first of these problems is under
study by the military exjierts and political leaders
of the various nations concerned, including our
own. The second — economic development — re-
lates to much that these countries can themselves
do to improve their economic position, such as
establishing sound budget and fiscal policies, en-
couraging the owners of such available wealth
and savings as do exist to invest them construc-
tively, increasing technical skills and knowledge,
increasing agricultural efliciency and promoting
greater diversity of agriculture, and providing
for more adequate electric power and transporta-
tion.
Yet, the most strenuous efforts along these lines
will not adequately solve the basic problem of
these countries, which is their inability to generate
domestically the steady and increasing flow of in-
vestment capital necessary to provide for both a
rapidly increasing population and the higher
standards of living that their populations desire.
Only such a flow of investment capital from the
outside can provide the necessary stinuilant to
strengthen these economies. Unfortunately, the
movement of foreign private investment capital
to Asia since the war has been little more than a
trickle compared with the area needs — in recent
years less than $25 million annually, slightly over
half of which has been United States private in-
vestment. I have already mentioned several types
of external government-to-government aid ex-
tended to these countries. This type of external
aid, by effective utilization, has enabled countries
in the area to initiate necessary development pro-
grams although not as rapidly as we or they believe
necessary to improve moderately the living stand-
ards of the area.
■\Mien we stop to analyze the current situation
in the Far East, I think we find from the Ameri-
can point of view a mixture of strength and weak-
ness. In terms of surface naval strength and naval
air force, the ^Vmerican position is predominant.
but we are not so certain when it comes to naval
strength below the surface. Here we are keenly
aware of the Soviet buildup in submarine power.
In terms of land forces, the colossal nuini)ower
reservoir available to our adversaries reads in
terms of hunilreds of divisions compared with our
present free-world strength of comparatively few
ilivisioius. In terms of straight airpower the situ-
ation is perhaps more nearly a matched one.
Role of Business Community
Hut 1 ilid not come here to discuss the military
aspects of the Far liast problem, even though the
impact of military strength on our political and
economic policies is of great imjjortance. I per-
sonally feel that we are now in a phiuse where Com-
munist efi"orts are directed into the classical fields
of subversion and penetration by the various tech-
niques which have become painfully familiar.
And it is in that field I believe that the American
business community and those of you especially
who are engaged in foreign trade can be of great
utility in the furtherance of American policy ob-
jectives. It has become obvious through the years
that the Communist technique of indirect opera-
tion and projection of their efforts to dominatei
world areas has shown a reliance on indirection,
using front organizations and unofficial represent-
atives in various guises. Their economic and trade
policies are weighted with political overtones.
Their use of the trade channel in promoting their
policies is notorious.
I hope I am wrong in thinking that some of the
members of our business community have an easy-
going belief that the projection of government pol-
icy is a matter restricted to official representatives.
Perhaps if we took a harder look at this question
we might conclude that it is the responsibility of
evei-y citizen. That is why an understanding of
our policies and objectives by the business com-
munity is of such immediate importance.
Those of you in the business community who are
in close touch with the Far East are in a unique
position to promote understanding on two sides
of the water. At home you can help us all to bear
in mind the vital importance of expanding trade
and establishing closer commercial links with this
area. Abroad, you can seek to promote awareness
of the fact that we are taking positive steps to aid
in overcoming the problems the free-world na-
tions of the Far East face, formidable as these
problems may be. I would like to appeal to your
membership to take an affirmative interest, as many
of you do, in accomplishing these ends.
November 29, J 954
803
Visit of Pierre Mendes-France
TEXT OF U. S.-FRENCH COMMUNIQUE
Press release 662 dated November 20
1. Following his talk with the President of the
United States [on November 18], the Prime Min-
ister of France met with the Secretary of State
on Thursday, November 18, Friday, November 19,
and Saturday, November 20. Officials of the two
Governments were present. The conversations
took place in a spirit of cooperation and mutual
confidence and have brought out once again the
fundamental unity of outlook of the two coun-
tries, and their unshakeable faith and determina-
tion in the cause of peace and freedom, which are
shared by all other like-minded govermnents and
by all the peoples of the world.
2. With regard to Europe, it was agreed that
the early ratification of the Paris agreements by
all countries concerned will strengthen the unity
of the Western World. It should open the way
for consideration of means of improving inter-
national relations, in accordance with the spirit
and the goals of the Charter of the United Na-
tions, both Governments being ready to enter, not
into improvised debates intended mainly for
propaganda, but into adequately prepared nego-
tiations, carried on in good faith.
3. The Prime Minister reviewed hopefully the
prospects for establishing increasingly fruitful
relations between France and Germany as a basic
contribution to the creation of a united and peace-
ful Europe, to which the United States also
attaches great importance.
4. The understandings reached with regard to
Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam in the talks of
September 27-29 ^ between representatives of the
Governments of France and the United States in
Washington were reaffirmed. Agreement was
reached on coordinated procedures and periodic
reviews required to carry out the j^olicies of France
and the United States in that area designed to
assist the Associated States to maintain their free-
dom and independence.
The Chiefs of the diplomatic missions of Cam-
bodia, Laos and Viet-Nam in Washington have
been informed of the exchange of views relating
to their countries.
' BuiXETiN of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 534.
804
5. The Prime Minister reviewed the recent
events in North Africa which created obstacles to
the policy inaugurated by the French Government.
He nevertheless expressed the hope that proposals
already made would lead to a prompt solution.
He stressed that external influences have affected
the situation in North Africa and compromised
the security of tliis region. The Secretary of State
declared that he would give serious consideration
to the matter.
ARRIVAL OF FRENCH PRIME MINISTER
Press release 653 dated Xovember 17
Statement of Welcome by Vice President Nixon '
It is a very great privilege to extend on behalf
of President Eisenhower a very warm welcome to
you and to Mme. Mendes-France on the occasion of
your visit to Washington.
We know you are no stranger to the United
States. We recall that you were here in connection
with the International Monetary Fund. But you
come now in a different capacity, as the head of the
Government of a nation that has been friend and
ally of the United States of America since the
time we became a country. As you are well aware,
our two peoples and two countries have a tradition
of friendship between them which has existed over
a period of 175 years, and those bonds of friend-
ship, I know, will continue to grow stronger
through the years ahead. May I say that, since
you assumed the present post that you have taken
in your country, we in the United States have
watched with great interest the work that you have
done, the energy and capacity you have shown in
dealing with the difficult problems with which you
have been confronted. We, of course, have been
particularly interested in the accords which were
reached at the Paris Conference a few days ago,
and we believe that the work that was done there
by you, bj' the other people who represented oui'
friends in the European community, by our own
Secretary of State, has done a tremendous amount
of good in creating a sound base for future peace
among the nations and among the freedom-loving
peoples of the world.
May I say, finally, that we know that your visit
' Made at the Wasblngton National Airport on Nov. 17.
Department of State Bulletin
here will be helpful. We know tliat the meetings
I hat you will have with President Eisenhower,
Secretary of State Dulles, with the otiier leadei*s
of our country will bo helpful in developing
mutual plans for the future of our two countries,
plans which will serve the cause of peace and
friendship in the years ahead. And may we also
say that, during the time that you are so busy
during this trip, you will have tlie opportunity to
see our Capital City and enjoy the very warm
friendship that will be extended to you and to
Mme. I^Iendes-France by the American people.
Response by the Prime Minister
In coming to Washington today at the invita-
tion of your great President I am gratifying a
desire that I have cherished for a long time. As
Mr. Vice President said, I have spent many pleas-
ant hours in your city in the past where I have
a great number of warm friends, and both my wife
and myself are happy to be here again.
In the next days I am looking forward to an
exchange of views with your President. I shall
also i-esumo the talks witli the Secretary of State,
Mr. Foster Dulles, which we have held so fruit-
fully during the last few montlis during a series of
meetings terminating in the London and Paris
Agreements. I come to America in a spirit of
optimism. I feel that Fiance, and indeed the
whole free world, is making steady progress on
the road to peace. I am conlident that, in concert
with your great country and in concert with other
allies, we can assure the safety and tiie develop-
ment of our common civilization.
I api)reciate the welcome shown me hero today,
and 1 wish to thanlc you, Mr. Vice President, for
your very kind words. I expect to have an oppor-
tunity to talk not only officially but with the
American people and with the American press.
"Wliile I represent my Government in my official
talks, I come here also as a French citizen express-
ing the feelings of friendship and confidence that
have bound our peoples togetlier for centuries.
The Significance of the London and Paris Agreements
by James B. Conant
VJS. High Corrvmissioner for Germany *
These have been months of momentous deci-
sions— decisions which when fully consmnmated
will affect the life of every one of us, of every
Berliner, and of every resident of the Soviet Zone.
Not much more than 2 months ago, wo seemed to
be at the brink of what could have easily become
a tragedy for the Western World. Our plans for
union, indeed our very future, seemed in jeopardy.
Yet today our unity appears more assured, our
future brighter than ever.
The turn of events is symbolized in the names
of three cities: London, Paris, and Washington.
In London the foundation was laid for a new
union, in Paris we erected the structure, and in
Washington we celebrated, as you might say, the
Richtfest. A number of important constitutional
'Address made over Radio Station RIAS at Berlin on
Nov. 9 (Hicoo press release).
and technical steps will still have to be taken before
the building is completed and inliabitable. But
there can no longer be any doubt that we are on the
way — and on the right way at that.
I was a witness to all three events. Those of
us who took part in those critical sessions in
London and Paris knew, as we might now state in
retrospect, that the fate of the free world hung in
the balance. I was deeply impressed by the fore-
sight of the European leaders, by their sense of
proportion, and by their resolve to bring the meet-
ings to a successful conclusion. I shall never
forget the historical moment when Britain's
Foreign Minister Sir Anthony Eden announced
the decision of Her Majesty's Government to
enter the union of the continental countries.^
' Bulletin of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 525.
November 29, 7954
805
Looking back at these fateful days, I can only
repeat the words of Secretary Dulles upon his
return from London : "The fact that all of this was
done . . . shows the vitality of the Atlantic
community."
Now what does all of this add up to ?
In my opinion, the agi'eements reax^hed at Lon-
don and Paris signify one of the greatest triumphs
that the West has yet achieved in the face of a
stubborn and vicious effort by a reckless opponent
to deny this very success to the nations of the free
world. It also constitutes one of the most telling
defeats that the Soviet Union has suffered in the
cold war. We have delivered a severe and, as I
hope, a fatal blow to the Soviet objective of sowing
distrust among the Western allies and of prevent-
ing them from closing their ranks. We have,
beyond this, proved the fallacy and the futility of
a policy which aims at conquest through division
and corruption and which attempts to perpetuate
the unnatural state of weakness by keeping mature
and independent peoples forever disunited in open
disregard of their national interests. Once this
Soviet objective has been fully removed, the struc-
ture of a vital part of Soviet strategy may well
become unhinged. In any event, when the Western
European Union has become an accomplished fact,
it will not only afford added strength to the West-
ern nations but will compel the antagonists of the
West to take the new situation respectfully into
account when formulating their own plans.
Over the past few years you have heard or even
used the reference to the Western "policy of
strength." There has been a tendency to define
strength as a formidable and ever-expanding ar-
senal of material and military power and to meas-
ure it in terms of sheer quantity. Actually it
would be foolish and unrealistic to deny that, in
an age of global tension and conflict, the accumu-
lation and increase of the physical means of de-
fense is indispensable to the acquisition of .strength.
However, there exists anotlier kind of sti-ength,
and it is this kind of strength tliat became manifest
at London and Paris. It is the strength that is
embedded in the moral fiber of a nation. It
encompasses those spiritual qualities which are
known as courage, determination, and high pur-
pose, including the will to sacrifice individual
preferences to the common weal. Unless it is
harnessed to these elements of spiritual and moral
strength, physical power is meaningless, in fact
may be wasteful and destructive.
But when physical power is united with moral
strength and when this power is then made to
serve the legitimate purposes of a community, we
know that it will not be misused. That is the true
meaning of the Paris protocols. The strength
achieved through unity will in time afford pro-
tection not only to all members of the union but,
as Secretary Dulles put it, to other nations as well.
Those who denounce this new union either mis-
understand or deliberately misi-epresent the pur-
pose and the character of the agreements. History
will have to disabuse them of the preconceived and
misguided notions.
Problem of German Reunification
Now you may well ask, but what about the
urgent problem of German reunification? That
is the problem which was discussed in great detail
at the Washington meeting. As you know, in
Washington the President of the United States
and Chancellor Adenauer reaffirmed the view that
"a reunited Germany in freedom is viewed by iis
as the legitimate demand of the German people."
They agreed that this aim shall be achieved "by
peaceful means." They expressed their conviction
that there was a "necessity of continued efforts
towards this goal." They agreed that "such efforts
will be made by the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany together with the Govern-
ments of the United Kingdom and France." And
they finally stated their firm belief that "the
strengthening of free Europe which will result
from the recent London and Paris Agreements
will aid our efforts to bring freedom and unity to
all of the German people." ^
This is indeed a message of liigh hope, which
manifests our unshakable belief that right will
triumph over might. True enough, it does not
contain a time schedule. It would be both irre-
sponsible and unrealistic to raise premature ex-
pectations through specific predictions. None of
us can tell how soon the Soviet Union will be
ready to recognize the justified demands of the |
German people for unity in freedom. We assume ^
they would be prepared to hold so-called "free
elections" on the model of October 17 for all of
Germany. But the Frciheit. die ich mc/nc — and
you as well, I am certain — is not what the Soviets
liave in mind. It requires gradual and painstak-
" rhid.. Nov. 8, 1954, p. 681.
806
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
ing efforts — and it will take time in coniinfj;. Wp
shall have to take one step at a time. At London
and Paris we took a decisive one. There is no
doubt in my mind that we have come closer toward
our common goal. Until the Western nations liad
achieved a measure of unity, we could hardly ex-
pect that Soviet policy would reflect appreciation
of our growing strength.
But now that the Western World is on the way
to an ever-closer unity, we may hope that the unity
created will give birth to even greater unity and
that, as a result, the area of freedom will progres-
sively expand, until it will tinally eni-onipass all
men to whom it is denied today but who will share
it with us tomorrow.
In the meantime, my Government in close alli-
ance with the British and French Governments
will not relax their efforts to hasten the advent
of freedom. We shall carefully explore all honest
and realistic proposals for a settlement of the
issues still outstanding, above all that of German
reunification.
Assistance to Berlin
We shall continue to assist the people of Ber-
lin. The United States, in association with the
United Kingdom and France, has recognized the
unique importance of Berlin to the Western World
in the tripartite declaration first made in 1952
and repeated in a framework under conditions of
growing strength at the London meeting in Oc-
tober.* This statement says that "The security
and welfare of Berlin and the maintenance of the
position of the Three Powers there are regarded
by the Three Powers as essential elements of the
peace of the free world in the present interna-
tional situation." There is no area in the world
which has been singled out in a statement so strong
indicating the protection and support of this Gov-
ernment. Nowhere have words and acts been
combined in such an effective way to bring about
vigorous reconstruction in spite of all difficulties.
This support will continue as long as needed.
Thus, the city of Berlin, although an island sur-
rounded by a Communist-dominated territory and
although subject to pressures devised by the dicta-
torial police state, has been able to develop a vig-
'Ibid.. Oct. 11, 10.'')4, p. 521. For text of a tripartite
statement issued at Paris on Oct. 23, see ibid., Nov. 15.
1954, p. 732.
orous and active economic, cultural, and political
life.
United States support, taking the form not only
of funds amounting to close to a billion dollars
over recent years but also of active i)articipation
in the development of trade, the stimulation of
pro<luction, and the improvement of industrial
conditions, has brought about a large increase in
employment and the doubling of production in
le.ss than .'5 years. Berlin continues to bo a haven
for those fleeing opjjressioii. In spite of a large-
influx of refugees which continues from day to
day, Berlin has been able to find homes and em-
ployment and to absorb many persons coming
from the East.
These accomplishments were made possible by
the close cooperation of the brave people of Berlin
and the Government of the United States.
May I ask you, in turn, to remain steadfast and
patient in the face of all trials and tribulations
and not to lose sight of the common aims which
unite us across all frontiers and iron curtains.
You are and you will remain a part not only of
Germany but of the free world. It is your own
free will alone that establishes your membership
in the community of free nations. Your right
to this membership is inalienable. Maintain it
for yourselves and your children.
And to you in the East, I say : Keep alive your
tried and tested allegiance to the West, just as we
shall remain mindful of your fate until the day
of reunification in freedom finally arrives.
Soviet Conference Proposal
Press release 648 dated November 16
At his news conference on November 16, Secre-
tary Dulles was asked his views of the latest Soviet
note proposing a multination European conference
and whether the United States has any intention of
accepting the proposal. Mr. Dvlles nvade the fol-
loaiyinff reply:
I would say that the proposal bears on its face
evidence that the Soviet Union does not expect it
to be accepted because it would be totally impos-
sible, fi-om a purely physical standpoint, for the
delegations of the number of nations involved to
gather in Paris or Moscow on the 29th of Novem-
ber, which is less than 2 weeks from now. There-
fore, as I say, I do not think that the Soviets
November 29, \9S'i
807
themselves expected acceptance, and I do not think
we shall surprise them in that respect.
Asked whether, in reality, the Soviet note did
not forecast an attem/pt on the fart of the Soviet
Union to form an Eastern European Union as a
counter to the Western Union, Mr. Dulles said:
The U.S. view has been that there already exists
what the Soviets themselves have referred to as a
monolithic system, and in fact we believe that such
satellite countries as Poland, Czechoslovakia,
Hungary, and East Germany are, in fact, already
incorporated very solidly into the Soviet-bloc sys-
tem. No new action that I can think of would
make their governments more servile than the
governments which the Soviet Union has imposed
upon them. It is, of course, always possible to
devise a different form. That is a possibility, but,
as far as the fact goes — the reality of their being
part of the bloc which is infinitely more tied to-
gether and militaristic than the Western Euro-
pean countries — as far as that fact is concerned,
there is no possibility of doubt about it.
Foreign Policy Review
Press release 647 dated November 16
At his news conference on November 16, Sec-
retary Dulles was ashed whether he favored a
public review and discussion of foreign policy at
this time. Mr. Dulles made the following reply:
I believe that there is no time when it is inad-
visable to discuss and talk about foreign policy.
In other words, I believe that foreign policy
should not only be under constant review within
the agencies of the Government, such as the De-
partment of State and the National Security
Council, but I believe that the public is generally
entitled to know, subject to security requirements,
what our views are about the international situa-
tion and be satisfied that we have adequate meas-
ures to meet it. Therefore, I am never afraid at
any time to have a discussion of these matters.
I have myself, I think, gone pretty far in talking
about foreign policy. I have made frequent radio
and television talks. I have these press confer-
ences quite frequently at wliich I answer your
questions about foreign policy. I do not think
that there should ever be the impression that there
is any blackout of discussion about foreign policy.
I do not myself see any innnediate emergency
which requires either that review or discussion
should be on any different basis from what it
normally is.
Asked whether he soaju any need for a basic
change in direction of our foreign policy, Mr.
Dulles said:
I think our foreign policy has taken into ac-
count all necessary elements. Now, as I say, if
the Communists make basic changes in policy, if
their emphasis shifts from one line to another,
that often calls for a corresponding shift on our
part. It's like any game that you play. In foot-
ball, if one side shifts to an unbalanced line, the
other may have to make a shift to compensate for
that. In that respect, foreign policy is flexible in
that it takes account of the dispositions and the
tactics of those who seek objectives which are in-
compatible with our own best interests. We don't
know yet very clearly just what is behind the So-
viet words. In a sense you may say that their
soft words involve themselves some change of
tactics. But one must look behind the words to
see what the deeds are, and I don't perceive as yet
any particular change in the actions, the conduct,
the deeds of the Soviet Communists and their
associates. ^
Bipartisanship in Foreign Policy
News Conference Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 646 dated November 16
There has been a great deal of discussion about
bipartisanship in foreign policy. This is a prin-
ciple to which I am dedicated.
Modern bipartisanship began at a meeting which
I had with Secretary Hull 10 years ago. Almost
continuously since then, I have practiced it.
I am profoundly convinced that, under the
dangerous conditions of our time, our nation can-
not be safe unless there is substantial unity on the
fundamentals of our foreign policy. That is, of
course. President Eisenhower's view, and, under
his direction, I have sought to conduct foreign
policy with the full knowledge and approval of the
responsible representatives of both of our political
parties. I am glad, as a Republican, to pay tribute
to the Democratic cooperation I have received.
There is close bipartisan cooperation with the
Congress. The President, who is constitutionally
responsible for foreign policy, has set a notable
808
Department of State Bulletin
precedent in tlie number and intimacy of foroijjn
affairs consultations betweon liis administration
and the congressional leaders of both parties.
Tomorrow, another such meeting will be held at
the "Wliite Plouse.
Since being Secretary of State, I pei-sonally have
had more than 80 meetings with congressional
leadere or congi-essional connnittees, participated
in by both political parties. This is about twice a
week when I have been in Washington and Con-
gress lias been in session. I have asked my office
to make available a list of these meetings.
I have had many more private consultations on
an individual basis and, of course, many other De-
partment officers have met with bipartisan con-
gressional groups. Meeting with bipartisan
committees which the Congress itself has estab-
lished is, of course, the normal method of putting
foreign policy mattere onto a bipartisan basis.
In the case of important international confer-
ences, there hiis always been participation, or
prior consultation, on a bipartisan basis. We
have continued the good practice of having
bipartisan delegations to the U.N. General
Assembly.
The last Democratic Under Secretary of State,
David K. E. Bruce, has been serving as consultant,
and advised me with respect to the great problem
of European unity. He attended with me the
Berlin, London, and Paris Conferences of 1954.
He is one of many Democrats on whom I depend
in the cun-ent conduct of foreign relations.
The foregoing, I think, clearly demonstrates
tlie fidelity of this administration to the principle
of bipartisanship in foreign policy. I speak not
only for myself but also for the President in say-
ing that we both welcome any procedures which
will facilitate the practice of that principle, so
as to assure a foreign policy so sound and so solidly
based as to win respect at home and abroad.
U.S. and Korea Announce
Initialing of Agreed Minute
JOINT STATEMENT
Press release 662 dated November 17
Following is the uno-ffidal text of a joint state-
ment issued at Seoul on November 17 hy the United
States Embassy and the Government of the
Republic of Korea:
T\w Foreign Minister of the Republic of Korea
and the American Ambassador to Korea an-
nounced the initialing today in Seoul of the agreed
minute marking the culmination of talks which
originated in Washington between President Rhee
and President Eisenhower ' and were continued
by representatives of the two Governments in
Washington and Seoul. The agreed minute was
initialed by His Excellency Pyun Yang-tai,
Foreign Minister, on behalf of tiie Republic of
Korea and Ambassador Ellis O. Briggs on behalf
of the United States Government.
The minute sets forth the broad area of agi'ee-
mcnt between the two Governments on matters of
a political, economic, and military nature and re-
iterates the interest of the two Governments in the
achievement of common objectives with respect to
Korea. It strengthens the basis for mutually
beneficial relations existing between the Korean
and American Governments and further cements
the friendship of the peoples of the two countries.
The American Government has agreed to an
extensive program of economic aid and direct mili-
tarj' assistance to Korea during fiscal year 1955.
Detailed provision has also been made in the
minute for American support of a strengthened
Republic of Korea military establishment in ac-
cordance with arrangements to be worked out by
appropriate military representatives of the two
Governments. The United States reaffirms its in-
tention, in the event of an unprovoked attack on
the Republic of Korea, to employ, as provided in
the United States-Republic of Korea Mutual De-
fense Treaty, its military power against aggres-
sors. The American Government also expresses
its intention, subject to necessary congressional
authorization, to press forward with an economic
program for the rehabilitation of Korea.
The Republic of Korea Government, for its part,
agrees to cooperate with the United States in its
efforts to unify Korea, including possible efforts
through the United Nations. It also accepts pro-
posed levels and principles for a strengthened
Republic of Korea military establishment, con-
sistent with economic stability and within avail-
able resources. In this connection, tlie Republic
of Korea agrees to retain its military forces under
the operational control of the United Nations
Command while that Command continues to have
November 29, ?954
' Bulletin of July 2C, 1954, p. 123, and A'ug. 9, 1954,
p. 197.
809
responsibilities for the defense of the Republic of
Korea, unless it is agreed otherwise.
In connection with the expanded program of
American economic aid, the Republic of Korea
agrees to take measures required to make the eco-
nomic program effective, including the encourage-
ment of private ownership of investment projects,
the establishment of new procedures for conversion
of dollars at a realistic exchange rate for United
States forces, and for pricing of aid goods into
the Korean economy at a similar rate in order to
make the maximum contribution to the Korean
economy. The Republic of Korea also expresses
its intention to make a realistic effort to balance
its budget and to continue to resist inflation. Both
Governments agree that material for the aid pro-
gram shall be procured wherever in non-Conmiu-
nist countries goods of the required quality can be
obtained at the best price, it being an agreed ob-
jective that the maximum possible procurement
for this purpose would be made in Korea.
This basic agreement between the Korean and
American Governments, and the Mutual Defense
Treaty which will become effective within the next
few days, are important steps toward achieving
the common objectives of the United States and
the Republic of Korea. They will strengthen the
framework of free-world cooperation and con-
tribute to the security and welfare of the free
peoples of Asia.
TEXT OF AGREED MINUTE
Press release 660 dated November 19
Follovying is the text of the Agreed Minute ini-
tialed at Seoul on November 17 by Korean Prime
Minister Pyun Tang-tai and American Ambassa-
dor Ellis 0. Briggs, together with appendix A
covering the economic program:
Agreed Minute Between the Governments of the
United States and the Republic of Korea Based on
the Conferences Held Between President Eisenhower
and President Rhee and Their Advisers in Washing-
ton, July 27 30, 1954, and Subsequent Discussions
Between Representatives of the Two Governments
It is in the mutual interest of the United States and the
l^epublic of Korea to continue the close cooperation which
has proved mutually heueflcial and has played such an
important part in the Free World's struggle against Com-
munist aggression and its determination to remain free.
Accordingly,
It is the intention and policy of the Republic of
Korea to :
1. Cooperate with the United States in its efforts to
unify Korea, including possible efforts through the United
Nations to secure this objective ;
2. Retain Republic of Korea forces under the operational
control of the United Nations Command while that Com- <
mand has responsibilities for the defense of the Republic
of Korea, unless after consultation it is agreed that our
mutual and individual interests would best be served by
a change ;
3. Accept the force levels and principles set forth in
Appendix B * which will permit the maintenance of an
effective military program consistent with economic sta-
bility and within available resources ;
4. Continue to encourage private ownership of invest-
ment projects ;
5. Cooperate in procedures for administration of United
States aid funds consistent with United States legislation
and the practices applied generally in such programs;
6. Take the necessary measures to make the economic
program effective, including those set forth in Appendix A.
Based upon the conditions which the Republic of Korea
declares it will create, it is the intention and policy of the
United States to :
1. Continue its program of helping to strengthen the
Republic of Korea politically, economically and militarily,
with programmed economic aid and direct military as-
sistance furnished during Fiscal Tear 1955 to aggregate
up to $700 million. This amount would exceed by more
than $100 million the amount of assistance previously
contemplated by the United States for Korea in Fiscal
Year 1955. Of this total, programmed economic aid, in-
cluding the CRIK [Civil Relief in Korea] carryover and
the United States contribution to UNKRA [United Na-
tions Korean Reconstruction Agency], available for
obligation in Fiscal Year 1955 would amount to approxi-
mately $280 million (actual expenditures in Fiscal Year
1955 are estimated at approximately $250 million) ;
2. Support a strengtliened Republic of Korea military
establishment as outlined in Appendix B, including the
development of a reserve system, in accordance with ar-
rangements to be worked out by appropriate military
representatives of the two Governments.
3. Consult fully with appropriate military representa-
tives of the Republic of Korea in the implementation of
the program for support of the Republic of Korea mili-
tary establishment.
4. In the event of an unprovoked attack upon the Re-
Iiulilic of Korea to employ, in accordance with its consti-
tutional processes, its military power against the ag-
gressor ;
5. Subject to the necessary Congressional authoriza-
tions, continue to press forward with the economic pro-
gram for the rehabilitation of Korea.
Appendiw A: Measures for an Effective Economic Program
The Republic of Korea will undertake the nece-ssary
measures to make the economic program effective, includ-
ing:
' Not printed.
810
Department of State Bulletin
1. with respect to oxcliiiiigo rates, tlip offldal riitf of
tlu- Ui'iniblie of Korea C!i>veriiiin-iil and the counterpurl
rate being ISO to 1, agreeiiient to procedures as propositi
by the United States for tlie conversion of dollars at a
different and realistic exchanKe rate to cover hwan draw-
ings of United States forces by sale of dollars through
the Bank of Korea, and generally to price aid goods into
the Korean econoiuy at a similar rate, thereby providing
for the niaxininni contribution to the Korean economy and
to the Korean budget from the use of these resources.
The operation of existing agreements with respect to
hwan drawings by the Unite<l States will be suspended
so long as the foregoing arrangements work out In prac-
tice to the mutual satisfaction of both Governments;
2. agreement that material for the aid program — not
furnished from the United States in kind — will be pro-
cured wherever in non-Communist countries goods of the
required (luality can be obtained at the best price (it being
the objective to perform the maximum jwssible procure-
ment in Korea at competitive world prices) ;
3. provision of adequate information to the appropriate
United States representatives concerning Korean plans
for the use of their own foreign exchange; and
4. a realistic effort to balance its budget and continue
to resist inflation (it will be the objective of both Gov-
ernments to develop the budget of the Republic of Korea
in a manner that will resist inflation).
Attack on U.S. Aircraft
by Soviet Planes
U.S. NOTE OF NOVEMBER 7
Press release 631 dated November 8
Ambassador diaries E. Bohlen on November 8
delivered the following note to the Soviet Foreign
Ministry:
November 7, 1954
The United States Government has been in-
formed that a United States B-29 type aircraft
was shot down over Japanese territory in the Hok-
kaido area on November 7 by two Soviet MIG-type
aircraft.
The United States Government strongly pro-
tests this action. It will expect the Soviet Gov-
ernment to make all such moral and material
reparations as lies within its power.
The United States Government will communi-
cate further with the Soviet Government when
the facts regarding human and material losses are
more fully known.
U.S. NOTE OF NOVEMBER 17
l'rii.» riliaiii- 1151 diil><l Ncivrmbir 17
The United States Embaasij at Moscow on
November 17 delivered the following note to the
Soviet Foreign Ministry:
The United States Governnieiit refers to its note
of November 7 to the Soviet Government concern-
ing tiie siiootiiig down of a U.S. H-2!) type aircraft
in the I lokkaido area of .lapan l)y two Soviet MIG
type aircraft on Noveiiiber 7 (local time) and U>
the Soviet Government's note of the same date on
tills subject.
The liiiited StJites Government rejects as un-
founded the account of the incident contained in
the Soviet note of November 7. The attack was
initiated by Soviet aircraft without warning and
without any attempt to signal the pilot of the
American aircraft. The United States aircraft
did not at any time fire on the Soviet aircraft. As
a result of the unwarranted and hostile act of the
Soviet aircraft, the United States aircraft was
destroj'ed, crashing near the village of Nokkegun
on Hokkaido.
The United States Government again protests
this latest incident in a long series of unprovoked
Soviet attacks on American aircraft on peaceful
missions. In this connection, the United States
Government would observe that the Soviet Gov-
ernment has not yet replied to the United States
Government's note of September 25, 1954, regard-
ing the destruction of another American B-29 air-
craft in approximately the same area and under
the same circumstances.' That note also reiterated
that the United States Government supports
the Japanese Government's contention that the
Ilabomai group is an integral j)art of the national
territory of Japan. The United States Govern-
ment further shares the deep concern of the Japa-
ne.se Goverimient that the Soviet Government not
only continues illegally to occupy Japanese terri-
tory in the Habomai Islands but also carries out
unprovoked attacks on IT.S. aircraft lawfully in
this region.
The United States Government requests that
appropriate disciplinary measures be taken with
regard to those responsible for this unprovoked
attack and that all other possible steps be taken
to prevent the recurrence of such incidents which
' Bulletin of Oct. 18, 1954, p. 579.
November 29, J 954
811
are in flagrant contradiction of recent statements
by high Soviet officials that the Soviet Union seeks
to abate international tensions. Such action by
the Soviets would be in the mutual interest of the
Governments of the U.S.S.R. and the United
States of America. In the absence of appropriate
action by the Government of the U.S.S.R. the
United States Government will be impelled to
provide the necessary defensive protection for
United States aircraft engaging in these legitimate
and peaceful missions and full responsibility for
any consequences which ensue will devolve upon
the Government of the U.S.S.R.
The Soviet Government is also informed that
the United States Government reasserts and re-
serves its rights with reference to the human and
material losses incurred as a result of the Soviet
action of November 7.
SOVIET NOTE OF NOVEMBER 7
tUnofflclal translation]
The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics considers it necessary to state the following to the
Government of the United States of America:
In accordance with established facts, on November 7
of this year at 1 : 20 p. m. local time (12 : 41 p. m. Vladi-
vostok time) a four-motored military airplane of the B-29
type with identification marks of the military forces of
the U.S. violated the state boundary of the Soviet Union
in the region of Tanfllyev Island (Kurile Islands) and
continued to penetrate into the air space of the U.S.S.R.
in the direction of this island.
At the time of its flight over Tanfllyev Island the Ameri-
can airplane was met by two Soviet fighters with the
purpose of indicating to it that it was within the boun-
daries of the U.S.S.R. and of proposing that it immediately
leave the air space of the Soviet Union. Upon the ap-
proach of the Soviet fighters, the American airplane
mentioned opened fire on them. In view of this unpro-
voked action by the American intruder, the Soviet air-
planes were forced to open answering fire, after which
the American airplane left the air space of the Soviet
Union in a southwesterly direction.
The Soviet Government decisively protests to the U.S.
Government this gross violation by an American military
airplane of the Soviet boundary.
This is a new instance of a violation by American mili-
tary airplanes of the state boundary of the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Government brought the attention of the U.S.
Government to similar instances of violation, in particular
in its notes of September 5 ' and S " of this year.
The Soviet Government notes with regret that instances
of violation of the Soviet boundary by American military
airplanes which occurred earlier involved losses which
were in no way justified, as was indicated in relevant
notes of the U.S. Government.
The Soviet Government considers that the taking of
measures for the prevention in the future of violations by
American airplanes of the Soviet state boundary would
be in the interests both of the Soviet Union and of the
United States and expects that to this end appropriate
instructions will be given by the U.S. Government to ths
command of the American military air forces.
Purpose of Rio Conference
Statement hy Under Secretary Hoover ^
I am leaving today for Brazil, where there will
be a Meeting of the Ministers of Finance or Econ-
omy of the American Republics and where I look
forward to renewing many old friendships. This
meeting, like the other regular meetings of the
Western Hemisphere system, is an example of how
our Republics can work together constructively as
partners to solve our common problems.
At Rio de Janeiro the representatives of the
people of the Americas will discuss international
trade and economic development. Some of these
problems are complex, yet upon their solution will
depend much of the future progress for human
welfare on our two continents.
If I may say a personal word, it is with special
pleasure that I go to Brazil for this conference.
My father first enunciated the Good Neighbor
Policy when he visited South America in 1928.
I feel confident that this conference will still fur-
ther cement our relations as good neighbors and
will mark a new era in our partnership to improve
the social and economic well-being of all of our
peoples.
Latvian Independence Day
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 656 dated November 18
On the occasion of the 36th anniversary of the
declaration of Latvian independence, I would like
to extend to the people of Latvia the best wishes
and warmest sympathies of the American people.
During two decades of national independence
Latvia gave impressive demonstration of the good
* Ihid., Sept. 13, 1954, p. 365.
' Not printed.
' Made at the Washington National Airport on Nov.
20 (press release 661).
812
Department of State Bulletin
fruits of her freedom. She won worldwide rec-
ognition and respect as an exemplary member of
the family of free nations.
"We know that the Latvian people retain their
unshakable will to be free again. We are con-
vinced they cannot indefinitely be deprived of their
right to a government, an economic system, and
cultural institutions of their own choosing. In
withstanding Soviet ojiprossion, the jieoplo of
Latvia may rely on the irresistible force of moral
principle and upon the united determination of
many peoples on both sides of the Iron Curtain
to achieve a decent future for the presently en-
slaved nations of Central and Eastern Europe.
Distant Early Warning Line
Authorized by U.S., Canada ^
On September 27, 1954, the Defense Depart-
ments of Canada and the United States issued a
joint announcement on the progress being made
in the development of a comprehensive jointly
operated system for warning of the approach of
hostile aircraft and for the control of interceptor
aircraft.^ Four main elements of a warning and
control system now appear to be practicable,
namely : the main control and warning radar in-
stallations in the populated part of Canada (the
jointly operated Pinetree network) and in the
United States, which are now in operation; a
warning line north of the settled areas of Canada
(the Mid-Canada line), being built by Canada; a
warning line across the most northerly practicable
part of North America (the Distant Early Warn-
ing line) ; and portions of the complete warning
and control system in Canada to be extended to
seaward on both flanks of the continent by the
United States.
In the announcement of September 27, it was
stated that the Canadian and United States Gov-
ernments had agreed in principle that there was a
need for a distant early warning line across the
far northern part of North America and had di-
rected that detailed planning for such a line should
be initiated at once.
As a consequence of the progress which has been
' Released to the press by the Department of Defense on
Nov. 19; released simultaneously by the Canadian Govei-n-
ment
• BuixETrN of Oct 11, 1954, p. 539.
November 29, 1954
322678—54 X
made since the announcement last September, the
two Governments have decided to proceed with
the construction of the distant early warning line.
Experience has sliown that proji-cts of this na-
ture can be carried out most elfectively by vesting
responsibility for all pha.sps of the work of con-
struction and installation in a single auth(jrity. In
the joint statement of September 27, referred to
above, it was announced that Canada had under-
taken the responsibility for the construction of
the Mid-Canada line. In the case of the Distant
Early Warning line it has been agreed that, al-
thougii l)oth Canada and the United States will
participate in the project, responsibility for the
work of construction and installation should be
vested in the United States.
U.S. Participation in Proposed
International Finance Corporation
STATEMENT BY HENRY CABOT LODGE, Jr.
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED
NATIONS
U.S./L'.N, press release 2018 dated November 11
The announcement made today by the Secretary
of the Treasury speaking for the Administration,
favoring U.S. participation in a proposed Inter-
national Finance Corporation, opens up new and
constructive possibilities for members of the
U^nited Nations and other countries. This new
approach to international economic development,
if it is approved by the Congress, should make pos-
sible a new enterprise which would contribute
substantially to the industrial progress of the less
developed countries of the world. Such an insti-
tution would fill an important gap in the existing
macliinery devoted to this end.
Many member nations of the United Nations
have been seeking channels for securing needed
capital for the expansion of their economies. The
International Finance Corporation, as envisaged
by the Administration's proposal, would be a step
forward in filling this need.
The purpose of an International Finance Cor-
poration would be to supply capital to new indus-
tries and other enterprises without government
guaranties. It would supplement the activities
of the International Bank and tlie Export-Import
Bank. Such an agency could stimulate private
813
investment by both foreign and local capital in
enterprises locally controlled and operated.
The precise scope and function of such a new
inteniational agency must of course be determined
by the participating nations — and at least 30 coun-
tries should participate if the idea is to succeed.
In the view of the United States a corporation
with authorized capital of $100 million would be
able to do big things. With success, the initial
fmids would grow by attracting new capital from
private sources. As an affiliate of the Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
it would benefit by the experience and the expert
staff of the bank.
We welcome this initial step taken by the Presi-
dent and the National Advisory Council on Inter-
national Monetary and Financial Problems. We
will listen with interest to the views of other dele-
gations on this project, which can be of gi-eat
benefit to the peoples of many nations.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT
OF NOVEMBER 11
The Administration will ask congressional ap-
proval for the United States to participate in a
proposed International Finance Corporation,
which would be organized as an affiliate of the In-
ternational Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment.
The purpose of the corporation would be to
stimulate private investment in vmderdeveloped
countries by making loans without guaranty of
member governments as is now required in loans
by the International Bank.
This announcement was made today by Secre-
tary of the Treasury George M. Humplirey as
Chairman of the National Advisory Council on
International Monetary and Financial Problems.
The time for submitting the proposal to the Con-
gress will depend upon discussions with the Inter-
national Bank and its members.
The corporation would be an intergovernmental
body created by agreement open to signature by
any member of the International Bank. The cor-
poration's initial capital would be provided by
member countries through subscriptions to its
stock, but it would be empowered to sell its obliga-
tions and its portfolio securities in private capital
markets to raise additional funds. The authorized
capital of the corporation would be $100 million.
The subscription of each member country would
be in relation to the member's stock in the Interna-
tional Bank. The U.S. subscription would be ap-
proximately $35 million. The charter would not
come into effect until $75 million had been sub-
scribed by a minimmn of 30 countries.
The proposed corporation would not directly
provide equity financing. It would, however, be
empowered to hold securities bearing interest pay-
able only if earned, as well as debentures converti-
ble into stock when purchased from the corpora-
tion by private investors. In that way it would
operate in the area of venture capital without hold-
ing equity rights of control. It would not compete
with either the International Bank or the Export-
Import Bank.
Secretary Humphrey emphasized that the oper-
ations of such a corporation would of necessity
have to be experimental and subject to review from
time to time. Its success would depend upon its
effectiveness in stimulating an increased interna-
tional movement of private funds. Secretary Hum-
phrey said.
Agreement With Turkey for
Procurement of Grain
Press release 645 dated November 16
Assistant Secretary Henry A. Byroade, repre-
senting the U.S. Government, and Melih Esenbel,
Director General for Turkish Internal Economic
Affairs, on November 15 signed an agreement pro-
viding for the procurement of about 500,000 tons
of wheat and feed grains urgently needed in Tur-
key to replenish the grain shortages caused by
recent crop failures.
Starting immediately, the U.S. Government
will, under the provisions of Public Law 480
(titles I and III) and Public Law 665, furnish
Turkey with approximately 100,000 tons of wheat
in exchange for chrome, an additional 100,000
tons purchased with Foa defense support funds,
and 300,000 tons of wheat and feed grains sold
by the Commodity Credit Corporation for Turk-
ish lira.
The Tui-kish lira derived from the purchase of
wheat with Foa defense support funds will be
used for the Turkish armed forces, and those re-
sultant from Ccc sales will be divided equally to
meet U.S. obligations and to be loaned for the
promotion of Turkish economic development.
814
Department of State Bulletin
U.S.-Cuban Discussions
on Economic Relations
Press release 654 dated November 18
The delegations of the United States and Cuba
on November 17 concluded conversations concern-
ing economic and commercial relations between the
two countries.^ The conversations, which began
on November S, were initiated at the request of
the Government of Cuba. Upon the conclusion of
the conversations, both Governinents summarized
their views in the following memorandum,.
In the course of the meetings held from the 8th
to the ITtli of November between delegations from
the govennnents of the United States and Cuba, a
preliminary study has been made of matters con-
cerning the economic and commercial relations
between both countries.
As previously agreed upon by both Govern-
ments, the purpose of these discussions was to
gather all the necessary facts and to analyze them
so that the United States and Cuban Goverimients
might continue their efforts to find ways and means
that will permit the economic relations between
the two countries to develop in a mutually satis-
factory manner. It was not the intention to en-
deavor to reach at this time definite agreements or
solutions for all the matters which were to be
discussed.
The Cuban delegation expressed the view in
broad terms that a lack of balance exists in the
trade relations between the two countries, point-
ing out that the advantages granted by Cuba give
' The delegates of Cuba were :
Amadeo Lopez Castro, Minister without Portfolio and
President, National Development Commission, chairman
Arturo M. Manas, President, Cuban Institute of Sugar
Stabilization
Joaquin Martinez Saenz, President, National Bank of
Cuba
Joaquin Meyer, Ambassador in Charge of Economic
Affairs, Ministry of State
Eduardo I. Montoulieu, Former Minister of Finance
The principal United States delegates were :
Henry F. Holland, Assistant Secretary of State for
Inter-American Affairs, chairman
Samuel W. Anderson, Assistant Secretary of Commerce
for International Affairs
Earl L. Butz, .\ssistant Secretary of Agriculture for
Marketing and Foreign Agriculture
Thorsten V. Kalijarvi, Acting Assistant Secretary of
State for Economic Affairs
Harold M. Randall, Counselor for Economic Affairs,
American Embassy, Habana
the United States a dominant position in the
Cuban market which is not adequately compen-
sated by the sliare allotted to Cuba in the United
States market, [jarticularly with regard to sugar.
The Cuban delegation stressed that Cuba's increase
in population and the need to provide employment
for its pexjple require the dcvelo|)inent of new
industrial, agi-icultural and commercial activities
to supplement sugar production, which by itself is
not sullicient completely to satisfy the needs of
the Cul)an people.
Stating that C^iba's sugar exports to the United
States are the main justification for the concessions
grunted to American agricultural and industrial
products in the Cuban market, and underscoring
Cuba's historical role in supplying sugar to the
American market, the Cuban Delegation requested
that Cuba be granted the right to supply 50% of
the sugar consumption requirements of the United
States. It also requ&sted that 22% of Cuba's
sugar exports to the United States be in direct
consumption sugar, as originally established in
the sugar legislation of 1934. It further requested
that the Cuban share in the United States sugar
market be regulated by an agreement which would
give stability to the industry and complement the
American domestic sugar legislation.
The U.S. Delegation coniirmed the recognition
by the Cuban Delegation that the Executive
Branch has no authorization to commit the U.S.
Congress to any course of action. It pointed out
that since 1934 the Congress of the United States
has enacted comprehensive legislation controlling
production of sugar in the United States and the
importation of sugar from foreign countries. The
Cuban Delegation was assured that its views
would be given detailed study by responsible offi-
cials of the Executive Branch in the light of the
importance to Cuba of its participation in the
American sugar market and the difficult situation
that Cuba is facing regarding its overall sugar
exports. The Cuban Delegation was also assured
that Cuba's vital interest in the American market,
as well as the substantial interest of the United
States in its export trade with Cuba, would be
taken fully into account.
The supply of Cuban minerals to the United
States, particularly manganese, was the subject
of careful study. The Cuban Delegation re-
quested that, in view of the full cooperation given
by Cuba to the United States during the war and
also Cuba's strategic geographical position, the
November 29, 1954
815
United States take the appropriate measures to
make possible the continued operation of Cuba's
mines, thus preventing unemployment.
The U.S. Delegation recognized the contribu-
tion of the Cuban mining industry in World War
II and during the Korean emergency. It likewise
explained to the Cuban Delegation the operation
of the mineral stoclqjiling program of the United
States and the difficulties presented by this pro-
gram to procurement for stockpiling of certain
minerals.
Kequests were also made by Cuba to facilitate
its tobacco exports to the United States in order
to overcome, at least in part, the difficulties which
the agricultural and the industrial sectors of the
tobacco industry are facing. Measures were also
proposed by the Cuban Delegation to seek ways
and means of facilitating the imports into the
United States of Cuban fruits and vegetables, rum
and other products, as well as to increase Ameri-
can tourism to Cuba.
In connection with the need to develop and
diversify Cuba's economy, the Cuban Delegation
informed the American Delegation that Cuba in-
tends to undertake a technical revision of its Cus-
toms tariff. Attention was also paid to the great
importance of promoting the investment of Ameri-
can capital in Cuba, and to this end the possibility
was discussed of negotiating a convention to solve
the problems of double taxation. The different
matters concerning the regulation of the employ-
ment and the rendering of teclinical services by
American citizens in Cuba in order to promote
American investments were also considered within
the framework of Cuba's legislation.
For its part, the United States Delegation
brought up, among other things, the difficulties at-
tending the operation of the rice agreement be-
tween the two countries, the claims of American
citizens pending with the Cuban Government and
problems arising from the operation of the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariff's and Trade. The Cuban
Delegation reiterated that Cuba will continue to
develop its production of rice within the frame-
work of its international obligations and to give
preference to imports of rice from the United
States at low rates of duty to the extent necessary
to satisfy Cuba's import requirements. On the
subject of claims the Cuban Delegation expressed
the intent of the Cuban Government to arrange
for prompt settlement of those claims which have
been adjudicated by the Cuban courts and ex-
plained the procedures established by Cuban laws
leading to systematic liquidation of other cate-
gories of debts of the Cuban Government.
A general understanding was reached with re-
gard to action which may be taken on a number
of matters which have affected the trade between
the two countries, including those having to do
with the problems under the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade.
Each of the two delegations believes that these
discussions, undertaken in an informal and
friendly atmosphere, afforded the Govermnents of
the United States and Cuba an opportunity to
acquaint each other with its views on measures
which might be taken to improve economic and
trade relations between the two countries. Both
parties have recognized throughout the discussions
that many of the questions considered do not admit
of easy or prompt solutions, but both have the
feeling that a high degree of mutual comprehen-
sion has been achieved, pointing the way towards
eventual progress in correcting the conditions
discussed.
Mexican Payment Under
Claims Convention
Press release 659 dated November 19
The Mexican Ambassador to the United States,
Don Manuel Tello, on November 19 presented to
the Secretary of State the Mexican Government's
check for $2,500,000 United States currency, rep-
resenting the thirteenth annual installment due
the United States under the Claims Convention
concluded November 19, 1941. The Secretary of
State requested the Ambassador to convey to his
Government an expression of this Government's
appreciation.
Under the terms of the convention, Mexico
agreed to pay the United States $40 million U. S.
currency as the balance due from the Govern-
ment of Mexico in full settlement of the following
claims:
(a) All claims filed by the Governments of the
United States of America and of the United Mex-
ican States with the General Claims Commission,
established by the two countries pursuant to the
convention signed September 8, 1923;
(b) All agrarian claims of nationals of the
United States of America against the Govern-
816
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
ment of tho United Mexican States, which arose
subsequent to An<rust ;5(), IDl'T, ami prior to Oc-
tol)er 7, 101(1. inchidin^ tliose referred to in the
agi-eeinent elVected by exclian<re of note.s sif^ied
by the Goveriunent of tlie Uiiited States of Amer-
ica and the Government of the United Mexican
States on November !) and 12, 19.'5S, respectively;
and
(c) All other claims of nationals of either coun-
try, which arose subsequent to January 1, 1927,
and prior to October 7. l!)f(), and involving inter-
national responsibility of either Government to-
ward the other Government as a conse<iuenco of
damage to, or loss or destruction of, or wroiinrfid
interference with the property of the nationals
of either country.
Payments heretofore made amount to $36 mil-
lion. With the present payment the balance re-
maining to be. paid amounts to $1,500,000.
Not included in the convention were claims
based upon exprojiriation of petroleum proper-
ties. Payment on those claims was completed in
1947.
No Warships To Be Sent
to Antarctica
Press release G42 dated Noyember 12
The Governments of Argentina, Chile, and the
United Kingdom liave informed the United States
that tliey do not plan to send any warships south
of latitude 60 this year.
The U.S. Government informed the other Gov-
ernments that it does not plan to send any vessels
to the Antarctic during the 1954-55 season other
than the U.S. Navy ice breaker Atha which was
announced by the Wliite House on October 2.
The practice of exchanging information on
Antarctic plans has grown up in recent years as a
means of avoiding any misunderstanding which
might affect the four interested Governments.
Import Quota Imposed on
Barley and Barley Malt
White Douse press release dated October 18
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT
The President on October 18 issued a proclama-
tion limiting imports of barley into the United
States from all sources to 27,500,000 bushels dur-
ing the period October 1, 1954, to September 30,
1955, inclusive.
Tho President's action modified the recom-
mendations of the Tariff Commission. In its re-
port ' tho Commission recommended an 8 cents per
bushel fee on imports in excess of 22,500,000
bushels. Other modilications are tho 1-year pe-
riod specified in the proclamation and an alloca-
tion of the total quota between Canada and all
other foreign countries based upon imports during
four marketing seasons, 1950-51 to 1953-54.
Concurrent with the President's action the
Canadian Government, in an exchange of notes
with tho U.S. Government, indicated that it will
take vohintai'y action during tho ])eriod of the
proclamation to limit exports to this country of
feed barley to ,'?,500,n00 bushels. Other Canadian
exports within the Canadian share of the overall
quota would consist of other kinds of barley, in-
cluding malting barley and barley malt.
The President's action was based on the recent
unanimous report on barley by the U.S. Tariff
Commission. The Commission's investigation
was made under Section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as amended, which authorizes
limitations on imports when imports are interfer-
ing with or threaten to interfere with domestic
price-support or marketing programs. The proc-
lamation applies to barley, hulled and unhulled,
including rolled barley and gi'ound barley, and
barley malt.
The Tariff Commission's report resulted from
an investigation requested by the President on
August 20, 1954.=
NOTES EXCHANGED WITH CANADA ON
OCTOBER 18
Text of Canadian Note
The Canadian Ajnbassador has the honor to
refer to the recommendation which has been made
by the United States Tariff Commission to the
President to impose an additional duty of 8 cents
per bushel on imports of barley and barley malt
in excess of 22.5 million bushels in each year
beginning the first of October, 1954 and to the
representations already made by the Canadian
' Copies of the report may be obtained from the U. 8.
Tariff Commission, WashinRton 2'i, D. C.
' BULurnN of Sept. C, 1954, p. 340.
November 29, 1954
817
Ambassador to the Department of State with
respect to that recommendation.
The Canadian Ambassador understands that
the President intends to issue a Proclamation limit-
ing imports of barley and barley malt into the
United States to 27.5 million bushels for the year
beginning the first of October, 1954. On that
miderstanding Canada as the principal supplier
is willing to undertake to limit exports of barley
for feeding purposes to the United States during
the same period to not more than 3.5 million
bushels.
The Canadian Ambassador is therefore in-
structed to inform the Department of State that
the Canadian Wlieat Board under the powers con-
ferred on it by the Canadian Wlieat Board Act
will take steps to insure that not more than 3.5
million bushels of barley purchased for feeding
purposes will be exported from Canada to the
United States during the year beginning the first
of October, 1954.
The Canadian Ambassador wishes to express
appreciation for the consideration that has been
given by the United States authorities to the
Canadian representations on this subject.
Text of U.S. Note
The Secretary of State is pleased to learn from
the note dated October 18, 1954, of the Canadian
Ambassador that the Canadian Government has
decided to limit the export of barley for feeding
purposes to the United States during the period
beginning October 1, 1954 to September 30, 1955
to not more than 3.5 million bushels.
A copy of the Proclamation limiting imports
of barley and barley malt into the United States
is attached hereto.
PROCLAMATION 3075 '
Whebeas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as added by section 31 of the act of
August 24, 19.35, 49 Stat. 773, re-enacted by section 1
of the act of June 3, 19.S7, .')0 Stat. 246, and as amended
by section 3 of the act of .Tuly 3, 1948, 62 Stat. 1248, sec-
tion 3 of the act of .luue 28, 1950, 64 Stat. 261, and section
8 (b) of the act of June 16, 1951, 65 Stat. 72 (7 U. S. C.
624), the Secretary of Agriculture lias advised me that
he has reason to believe that barley, hulled or unhulled,
including rolled barley and ground barley, and barley
malt, are being or are practically certain to be imported
' 19 Fed. Reg. 6807.
into the United States under such conditions and in such
quantities as to render or tend to render ineffective, or
materially interfere with, the price-support program un-
dertaken by the Department of Agriculture with respect
to barley pursuant to sections 301 and 401 of the Agri-
cultural Act of 1949, as amended, or to reduce sub-
stantially the amount of products processed in the United
States from domestic barley with respect to which such
program of the Department of Agriculture is being under-
taken ; and
Whereas, on August 20, 1954, 1 caused the United States
Tariff Commission to make an investigation under the
said section 22 with respect to this matter; and
Whehieas the said Tariff Commission has made such
investigation and has reported to me its findings and
recommendations in connection therewith ; and
Whereas, on the basis of the said investigation and
report of the Tariff Commission, I find that barley, hulled
and unhulled, including rolled barley and ground barley,
and barley malt, in the aggregate, are practically certain
to be imiwrted into the United States during the period
from October 1, 1954, to September 30, 1955, both dates
inclusive, under such conditions and in such quantities as
to render or tend to render ineffective, or materially inter-
fere with, the said price-support program with respect to
barley ; and
Whereas I find and declare that the imposition of the
quantitative limitations hereinafter proclaimed is shown
by such investigation of the Tariff Commission to be neces-
sary in order that the entry, or witlidrawal from ware-
house, for consumption of barley, hulled and unhulled,
including rolle<l barley and ground barley, and barley malt
will not render or tend to render ineffective, or materially
interfere with, the said price-support program :
Now, therefore, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, acting under and by
virtue of the authority vested in me by the said section
22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, do
hereby proclaim that the total aggregate quantity of bar-
ley, hulled and unhulled, including rolled barley and
ground barley, and barley malt entered, or withdrawn
from warehouse, for consumption during the period
from October 1, 1954, to September 30, 1955, boUi
dates Inclusive, shall not exceed 27,500,000 bushels,
which permissible total quantity I find and declare to be
proixjrtionately not less than 50 per centum of the total
average aggregate annual quantity of such barley and
barley malt entered, or withdrawn from warehouse for
consumption during the representative period from July 1,
1948, to June 30, 1953, both dates inclusive; and that,
of the said permissible total quantity not more than
27,225,000 bushels shall be imported from Canada, and
not more than 275,000 bushels shall be imiJorted from
other foreign countries.
For the purposes of this proclamation, 48 pounds of
barley, hulled or unhulled, including rolled barley or
ground barley, shall be considered equal to one bushel,
and 34 pounds of barley malt shall be considered equal
to one bushel.
The provisions of this proclamation shall not apply to
certified or registered seed barley for use for seeding
818
Department of State Bulletin
and crop-Improvement purposes, In linRs tngwd and
sealed by an offlcially recognized seedcertlfyliiR iiRency
of the country of production: Provided, (a) that the
individual shipment amounts to KM) bushels (of 4H pounds
each) or less, or (b) that the individual shipment amounts
to more than 100 bushels (of 4)S pounds each) and the
written approval of the Secretary of Agriculture or his
designated representative Is presented at the time of
entry, or bond is furnished in a form prescribed by the
Commissioner of Customs in an amount equal to the
value of the merchandise as set forth in the entry, plus
the estimated duty as determined at the time of entry,
conditioned upon the production of such written approval
within 6 months from the date of entry.
In witness wuereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this eighteenth day
of October in the year of our I.i<>rd nineteen
(SEAL) hundred and fifty-four, and of the Independence
of the United States of America the one hundred
and seventy-ninth.
Uy the President
John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State.
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and Protocol
Transmitted to Senate'
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF TRANSMITTAL
The White House,
November 10, 195 J^.
To the Senate of tlie United States:
"With a view to receiving the advice and consent
of the Senate to ratification, I transmit herewith
a copy of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty and the protocol thereto, both signed at
Manila on September 8, 1954.^
I transmit also for the information of the Sen-
ate a copy of a declaration known as the Pacific
Charter, which was drawn up at Manila and
signed on that same date.^ The charter proclaims
the dedication of the signatory goverimients to
the ideals of self-determination, self-government,
and independence. It is a declaration of princi-
ples and does not require the advice and consent
of the Senate.
There is further transmitted for the information
of the Senate the report made to me by the Secre-
tary of State regarding the Southeast Asia Col-
lective Defense Treaty and the protocol thereto.
I concur in the recommendation of the Secretary
that the "unanimous agi-eement" required by arti-
cle IV, paragraph 1, for the designation of states
' Reprinted from S. Exec. K, 83d Cong., 2d Sess.
' For text of treaty and protocol and of the Pacific
Charter, see Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 393.
or territories, by article VII for the invitation to
states to accede to the treaty, and by aiticle VIII
for a change in the treaty area is to be understood
in each instance as requiring the advice and con-
sent of the Senate.
The treaty is designed to promote security and
peace in Soutlieast Asia and the Southwestern
Pacific by deterring Communist and other ag-
gression in that area. It is a treaty for defense
against both open armed attack and internal sub-
version. Included in the treaty is an understand-
ing on behalf of the United States that the only
armed attack in the treaty area which the United
States would regard as necessarily dangerous to
our peace and security would be a Communist
armed attack. The treaty calls for economic co-
operation to enable the free countries of this area
to gain strength and vigor not only militarily but
also socially and economically.
The Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty
complements our other security treaties in the
Pacific and constitutes an important link in the
collective security of the free nations of South-
east Asia and the Pacific.
I recommend that the Senate give early and
favorable consideration to the treaty and protocol
submitted herewith, and advise and consent to
the ratification thereof subject to the understand-
ing of the United States contained in tlie treaty.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower.
November 29, 1954
819
REPORT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Department of State,
Washington, November 2, 195^..
The President,
The White House:
I have the honor to submit to you, with a view
to the transmission thereof to the Senate for its
advice and consent to ratification, a copy of the
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and the
protocol thereto, both signed at Manila September
8, 1954. There is also transmitted, for the infor-
mation of the Senate, a copy of the Pacific Char-
ter signed and proclaimed at Manila on the same
date. The charter is a declaration of principles
and does not require the advice and consent of the
Senate.
At your request Senator H. Alexander Smith
and Senator Michael J. Mansfield of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee accompanied me to
the Manila Conference as plenipotentiaiy dele-
gates and signed, with me, the treaty, the protocol,
and the Pacific Charter. I am greatly indebted to
the contributions which they made to the success-
ful negotiation of these instruments. This treaty
is one in which the Executive and the Senate,
through both political parties, cooperated all
along the way.
The purpose of the Southeast Asia Collective
Defense Treaty is the creation of unity for security
and peace in Southeast Asia and the Southwestern
Pacific. Eight nations — Australia, France, New
Zealand, Pakistan, the Eepublic of the Pliilip-
pines, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the
United States — participated in the negotiation as
free and equal partners. It is a treaty for col-
lective defense against both open armed at-
tack and internal subvei-sion. Although the
United States has no direct territorial interest in
Southeast Asia, we have much in common with
tJie people and governments of this area and are
united in the face of a common danger that stems
from international communism.
As I stated in my address to the Nation on Sep-
tember 15,^ the unity envisaged by the treaty is
something that the United States has long sought.
In 1951, on behalf of the preceding administration,
I negotiated security treaties with Australia and
New Zealand, with the Republic of the Pliilip-
pines, and with Japan. Since then a mutual de-
' Ibid., Sept. 27. 1954, p. 431.
fense treaty with Korea has also been concluded,
subject to exchange of instruments of ratification.
Each of these treaties has a continuing role in the
development of a Pacific security system, and each
contemplated the development of a more compre-
hensive system of regional security in the Pacific
area.
Like the earlier treaties, the Manila Pact is in
full conformity with the purposes and principles
set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and
is based on article 51, which recognizes the inherent
right of individual or collective self-defense. It
is directed against no government, against no na-
tion, and against no peoples.
The treaty consists of a preamble and 11 articles.
The preamble sets forth the spirit and purposes
of the treaty. It recognizes the sovereign equality
of all the parties and reiterates their faith in the
Charter of the United Nations and their desire to
live in peace with all peoples and all governments.
Reaffirming the principle of equal rights and self-
determination of peoples, it declares the intention
of the parties to strive by every peaceful means
to promote self-government and to secure the in-
dependence of those countries whose people desire
it and are able to undertake its responsibilities.
Declaring publicly and formally their sense of
unity, the parties give warning to any potential
aggressor that they stand together in the area.
The preamble expresses also the fundamental pur-
pose of the treaty, i. e. the further coordination
of efforts for collective defense for the preserva-
tion of peace and security.
Article I contains undertakings similar to those
in comparable articles of other security treaties.
By its terms the parties reaffirm their solemn ob-
ligations under the Charter of the United Nations
to settle by peaceful means any international dis-
putes in which they may be involved, and to re-
frain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force inconsistent with the pur-
poses of the United Nations. All of the parties
to the treaty are members of the United Nations.
Article II incorporates in the treaty the prin-
ciple of the Vandcnberg resolution (S. Res. 239,
80th Cong.), which requires that regional and col-
lective security arrangements joined in by the
United States be based on continuous self-help
and mutual aid. The parties pledge themselves
by such means not only to maintain and develop
their individual and collective capacity to resist
armed attack but also to prevent and counter sub-
820
Department of Stale Bulletin
versive activities directed from without against
their territorial integrity and political stability.
The treaty thus recognizes tlie danger of subver-
sion and indirect aggression, wiiich as we are
keenly aware have been principal tools of inter-
national coninumisni.
Article 111 recognizes the importance of free
institutions and sound economies in achieving the
objectives of peace and security. It is based on
tlie realization that the opportunities of commu-
nism will diminish if through economic coopera-
tion the free nations are able to develop their in-
ternal stability. The parties agree to cooperate
in promoting economic progress and social well-
being. This article does not connnit the United
States to any grant program. However, as I
stated in my address of September 15, Congress
had the vision to see this j^ear that there might be
special needs in Southeast Asia, By the Mutual
Security Act, Congress has already provided cer-
tain funds which may be used to assist the free
govermnents of Southeast Asia.
The article builds no economic walls against
countries or territories not parties to the treaty.
Wliile a special relationship ought to prevail as
between those countries which together assume
serious commitments, the treaty countries are fully
aware of the importance from an economic stand-
point of such nations as Japan, Indonesia, Burma,
Ceylon, India, Formosa, and other areas in the
Far East and South Asia area. Article III does
not preclude our continued economic cooperation
with these and other countries whose economic
welfare is deemed important to the stability of the
treaty area as well as to our own well-being.
Article IV contains some of the most important
provisions of the treaty. It sets forth the meas-
ures by which the parties agree to take action
against armed aggression and against the danger
of subversion and indirect aggression.
Under paragraph 1 of that article each of the
parties recognizes that —
agfcression by means of armed attack in the treaty area
against any of the Parties or against any State or terri-
tory which the Parties by unanimous agreement may here-
after designate, would endanger its own peace and safety,
and agrees that it will in that event act to meet the com-
mon danger in accordance with Its constitutional
processes.
That language is based upon the Monroe Doctrine
principle and follows the pattern of other United
States security treaties in the Pacific. Each party
i-ecognizes in article IV, paragi-aph 1, that the
armini attack referred to therein woidd be dan-
gerous to its own jK'ace and safety.
In the case of tiie United States, only a Com-
munist armed attack can bring that treaty pro-
vision into operation. The understanding of the
Unitetl States in this respect is embodied in the
treaty itself. It reads as follows:
The United States of America In executing the present
Treaty does so with the understanding that its recogni-
tion of the effect of aggression and urnied attack and Its
agri'enii'nt with reference thereto in Article IV, para-
graph 1, apply only to communist aggression but afflrma
that in the event of other aggression or armed attack it
will consult under the provisions of Article IV, para-
graph 2.
This understanding reflects the special position
of tlie United Sttites as the only one of the signa-
tories which does not have any territory in the
treaty area. For the other signatories the treaty
deals with any and all acts of aggression which
might disturb the peace of the area. For the
United States, however, it is expressly stipulated
that the only armed attack which the United States
would regard as necessarily dangerous to our peace
and security would be a Communist armed at-
tack. Recognition that Communist armed aggres-
sion in Southeast Asia would in fact endanger
the peace and security of the United States, and
call for coimteraction by the United States, is
based on the re^ilization that the spread of inter-
national communism poses a threat to the United
States as it does to the entire free world.
The langtiage of paragraph 1 also provides for
designation, by unanimous agreement, of other
states or territories an armed attack against which
will result in bringing certain of the treaty pro-
visions into operation. I recommend that you in-
form the Senate that this provision is to be inter-
preted as requiring the advice and consent of the
United States Senat« to any agreement making
such a designation.
The agreement of each of the parties to act to
meet the common danger "in accordance with its
constitutional processes" leaves to the judgment of
each country the type of action to be taken in the
event an armed attack occurs. There is, of course,
a wide range of defensive measures wltich might
be appropriate depending upon the circumstances.
Any action which the United States might take
would, of course, be in accordance with its con-
stitutional processes.
November 29, 1954
821
Provision is made in the final sentence of the
paragraph for reporting the measures taken
against armed aggression to the Security Council
of the United Nations in accordance with the ob-
ligation of the parties under article 51 of the
United Nations Charter.
The danger from subversion and indirect ag-
gression is dealt with in paragraph 2 of article IV,
which meets this difficult problem more explicitly
than any other security treaty we have made. It
provides for immediate consultation by the parties
whenever any party believes that the integi'ity of
the treaty area is threatened by other than armed
attack. The threat may be to the territorial in-
violability or integrity, or to the sovereignty or
political independence of any party in the treaty
area or any other state or territory to which para-
graph 1 of the article may from time to time apply.
The paragraph contains no obligation beyond con-
sultation, but the purpose of consultation is to
agree on measures to be taken for the common de-
fense. In its understanding with reference to ar-
ticle IV, paragraph 1, the United States affirms
that in the event of any aggression or armed attack
other than Communist aggression it will observe
the consultation provisions of article IV, para-
graph 2.
Paragraph 3 affirms the principle of equal rights
and self-determination of peoples proclaimed by
the treaty signatories in the Pacific Charter. It
states the imderstanding of the parties that, except
at the invitation or consent of the government con-
cerned, no action shall be taken on the territory of
any state designated under paragraph 1 or on any
territory so designated.
To facilitate implementation of the treaty, ar-
ticle V establishes a Council, on which each party
is to be represented. The Council will provide for
consultation with regard to military and other
planning as the changing situation in the treaty
area may require.
No material changes in the military planning
of the United States will be required by our par-
ticipation in the Comicil. At present, United
States plans call for maintaining at all times pow-
erful naval and air forces in the Western Pacific
capable of striking at any aggressor by means and
at places of our choosing. As I explained at the
Manila Conference, the responsibilities of the
United States are so vast and f ai-flung that we be-
lieve we would serve best not by earmarking forces
for particular areas of the Far East but by devel-
oping the deterrent of mobile striking power plus
strategically placed reserves.^ The Conference
accepted that viewpoint, recognizing that the de-
terrent power we thus create can protect many as
effectively as it protects one. However, other
treaty members may deem it desirable to make
their contribution toward strengthening the de-
fense of the area by specific force commitments
for that purpose.
Article VI makes clear that the obligations of
the parties under the treaty do not affect in any
way their obligations under the United Nations
Charter. It recognizes the primary responsibility
of the United Nations in maintaining interna-
tional peace and security. Each party declares
that it has no existing international obligations
in conflict with the treaty and undertakes not to
enter into any international engagements in con-
flict with it.
Article VII takes into account that not all coun-
tries whose interests now or in the future may be
bound up with the Southeast Asia Collective De-
fense Treaty are in a position to become parties
at this time. It accordingly provides that the
parties, by unanimous agreement, may invite any
other state in a position to further the objectives
of the treaty and to contribute to the security of
the area, to accede to the treaty at a later date. I
recommend that this article be interpreted as re-
quiring the advice and consent of the Senate for
the United States to join in the "unanimous agree-
ment" required for the invitation of new parties.
Article VIII defines the "treaty area" as the
general area of Southeast Asia, including the en-
tire territories of the Asian parties, and the general
ai-ea of the Southwest Pacific not including the
Pacific area north of 21 degrees 30 minutes north
latitude. Provision is made for amendment of
the treaty area by unanimous agreement. On the
part of the United States, I recommend that Sen-
ate advice and consent be required for such agree-
ment.
Article IX assigns to the Republic of the Philip-
pines the customary duties as depositary of the
treaty. Paragraph 2 provides that tlie treaty
shall be ratified and its provisions carried out by
the parties in accordance with tlieir respective
constitutional processes. The association of the
* Ibid., Sept. 20, 1954, p. 391.
822
Department of State Bulletin
United States in collective arrangements "by con-
stitutional process" was i-econimended by the Van-
denber<x resolution and li:\s Ihhmi tlie basis for all
of our security treaties.
Parajiraph 3 of article IX provides that deposit
of ratilieations by a majority of tlie si;rnat«ries
shall bring the treaty into force between the states
which have ratified it. With respect to each other
st^ito it shall come into force on the date of de-
posit of its ratitication.
According to article X the treaty has indefinite
duration, but any party may cease to be a party 1
year after its notice of denunciation has been
given. It is hoped that the cooperation for peace
and security which is the objective of this treaty
will be permanent. However, since the condi-
tions in the treaty area are subject to fluctuation,
a flexible provision in respect to duration seems
desirable.
Article XI is a formal article regarding the au-
thentic language texts of the treaty.
The protocol extends the benefits of articles III
and IV to the States of Cambodia and Laos and
the free territory under the jurisdiction of the
St-ate of Vietnam. The Indochina situation was
considered by some of the treaty signatories as
creating obstacles to these three countries becom-
ing actual parties to the treaty at the present
time. By designating them as states or terri-
tories for the purposes of article IV, the pro-
tocol assures that armed attack or indii*ect ag-
gression against Cambodia, Laos, or the terri-
tory under Vietnamese jurisdiction will bring
into operation the obligations of the parties
under tliat article. It thus throws over those new
nations a certain mantle of protection. The
protocol also extends to those countries eligibility
in respect of the economic measures, including
technical assistance, contemplated by article III.
It thus recognizes that economic progress and so-
cial well-being in these areas are essential to the
economic welfare of the whole area and a vital
force in combating the opportunities of com-
niunisiii.
In addition to the treaty and protocol, there was
also drawn up and signed at the Manila Confer-
ence a declaration known as the Pacific Charter.
The charter was the idea of President Magsaysay
of the Republic of the Philippines, who empha-
sized the importance of making clear that the
treaty signatories were .seeking the welfare of the
Asian peoples and were not promoting "colonial-
ism." As I said in my opening address to the
Conference, one of communism's most eff'ective
weapons is to pretend that the Western Powers
are seeking to imix)se colonialism on the Asian
people. I said then that we must make abun-
dantly clear our intention to invigorate in-
dependence.
The Pacific Charter proclaims certain basic
principles in relation to the right of peoples to
self-determination, self-government, and inde-
pendence. It dedicates all the signatories to up-
hold these principles for all countries whose people
desire it and are able to undertake its responsi-
bilities. In the Piicific Charter the West and the
East have joined in a pledge of fellowsliip that
supports and invigorates the basic principles
which underlie the Southeast Asia Collective De-
fense Treaty and protocol.
In view of the importance of the Southeast Asia
Collective Defense Treaty and protocol as a deter-
rent to Commimist and other aggression and as a
bulwark in the maintenance of peace and security
in the Pacific area, it is hoped that the treaty in-
cluding the understanding of the United States
contained therein, together with the protocol, will
be given early and favorable consideration by the
Senate.
Respectfully submitted,
John Foster Dulles.
November 29, J 954
823
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Weather Service for International Civil Aviation
SIMULTANEOUS SESSION OF THE COMMISSION FOR AERONAUTICAL METEOROLOGY AND
THE METEOROLOGY DIVISION OF THE INTERNATIONAL CIVIL AVIATION ORGANIZATION,
MONTREAL, JUNE-JULY 1954
hy Delhert M. Little
The safe, regular, and efficient operation of a
worldwide network of international air routes by
air carriers of the United States and other na-
tions necessitates international standardization of
procedures for supplying weather information for
such operations and periodical consultation be-
tween states in regard to their common problems
arising from the needs of tliis continually devel-
oping mode of transportation.
Weather information is just as essential for
modern high-speed aircraft operating at high
levels as it was for the earlier types of aircraft.
As new aircraft are developed and introduced into
civil operation, the character of the weather serv-
ice required for the successful commercial opera-
tion of civil air transportation changes, but the
requirement for service persists and, in fact, cre-
ates more difficult problems for national weather
services. Coupled with the much greater fi-e-
quency of flights, which itself creates special prob-
lems of meteorological workload at the various in-
ternational aerodromes, there is naturally a con-
stant demand from operators for more accurate
and detailed information which will enable their
improved equipment to be utilized with maximum
efficiency, e. g. by making landings as a routine
under weather conditions which had to be regarded
as marginal or worse with earlier equipment. The
introduction of jet aircraft, operating at very high
speeds, at levels for which meteorologists have very
little data imposes stringent requirements in re-
gard to the speed at which information is to be
developed and supplied and thus creates further
problems for the aviation meteorologist.
An aircraft is unaware of the existence of
frontiers. Its operational characteristics remain
the same whether it is taking off from a U.S. in-
ternational aerodrome or from an aerodrome in an
"underdeveloped" country thousands of miles
away, and it requires the same weather data, sup-
plied in the same form, from both places. The
problems associated with the provision of weather
service to civil aircraft are therefore truly inter-
national in character and can be resolved only
through the machinery of international confer-
ences, where the various administrations can pool
their experiences. In consultation with the
representatives of operators, they can evolve pro-
cedures which are internationally agreed as both
practicable and adequate to meet aeronautical
requirements and can formulate agreed programs
for the solution of technical problems so far un-
resolved.
The first attempt to organize international
study of the problems of weather service for in-
ternational civil aviation and the development of
internationally agreed procedures for supplying
such service was made by the former International
Meteorological Organization, a nongovernmental
association of directors of national weather serv-
ices. This organization established an Interna-
tional Commission for Aeronautical Meteorology,
which developed, in 1939, "General Regulations
for the Meteorological Protection of International
Air Navigation." During World War II, there
was considerable development of aviation, par-
824
Department of State Bulletin
ticularly of long distance and transoceanic flying,
and, when the International Civil Aviation Or-
ganization was provisionally eetahlished in 1944,
it undertook the revision of the existinjr regula-
tions of the International Meteorological Organi-
zation.
When the Coniinission for Arronautical Mete-
orology resumed activity in 194G after the cessa-
tion of hostilities, it was agreed that the further
development of the international regulations
should he a joint undertaking of hoth the Icao
and Imo and that the Meteorological Division of
IcAO, the representative hody of that organization
primarily concerned with aviation meteorological
problems, should meet sinudtaneously with the
CAeM of Imo as necessary to discuss such develop-
ment and associated technical problems. Two such
simultaneous sessions were held in 1947 and 19r)0
and resulted in the pi-omulgation by Icao and
Imo of joint "Specifications for Meteorological
Services for International Air Navigation," to-
gether with a large number of recommendations
addressed to the respective members of the two
organizations designed to further the development
of improved methods for supplying weather serv-
ice for international civil aviation.
Formation of WMO
In 1951 the "World Meteorological Organiza-
tion, a specialized agency of the United Nations,
replaced the former Imo. This organization es-
tablished a Commission for Aeronautical Mete-
orology (CAeM) to continue work on the lines of
the former Commission of tlie Imo. The Icao and
Wmo agreed that the machinery of simultaneous
sessions of the two constituent bodies should be
continued, together with the arrangements for
joint promulgation of international standards and
recommended practices in regard to the provision
of meteorological service and joint development
of recommendations to their respective members
in regard to aviation meteorological matters.
The first such simultaneous session of the two
bodies, constituting the First Session of the CAeM
of Wmo and the Fourth Session of the Meteor-
ology Division of Icao, was held in the Icao head-
quarters at Montreal from June 15 to July 14,
1954, by invitation of the Council of Icao. The
following states and territories were represented
at the conference, in their capacities as members
of one or both of the two organizations :
AiiRtralla
Bl'lKilliii
Hrazll
Hrltlish Caribbean Terri-
tories
UrltLsh Went Afrkan
Territories
Burma
Canada
Denmark
Doniinlean Iteimbllc
KKJpt
Federal Republic of Ger-
many
France
India
Iran
Ireland
Italy
Lelianon
NetherlaiidH
New Zealand
Norway
PortuRal
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Syria
Thailand
Unilwl Kingdom
United States
Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics
Observers representing the following three non-
governmental international organizations partici-
pated in the conference :
International Airline Navigators' Council
International Air Transport Association
International Federation of Air Line Pilots'
Association
The United States was represented by the fol-
lowing delegation:
D. M. Little, Chairman and delegate
A. H. Nagle, Vice Chairman and delegate
Capt. J. R. Abbott, Alternate delegate
W. L. Halnon, Alternate delegate
Maj. C. D. McCarty, Alternate delegate
L. Harmantas, Alternate delegate
N. E. Johnson, Alternate delegate
J. M. Bowman, Alternate adviser
Although the major portion of the work was
done in simultaneous meetings of the two bodies,
the CAeM, with the agreement of Icao, held sev-
eral separate meetings to deal with matters not on
the agenda for the simultaneous meetings. As a
result of the discussions in these separate meetings,
the Commission arranged for the drafting, or
recommended publication by Wmo, of manuals
on aerodrome meteorological office practice, mete-
orological observing and reporting duties at aero-
dromes, and meteorological observing in aircraft
and also arranged for the preparation of guidance
material on meteorological aircraft reconnaissance
observing techniques. The publication of such
manuals by the Wmo is regarded as an important
step toward the raising of the level of meteorolog-
ical service to international civil aviation. It will
make available, in a practical form, to new mete-
November 29, J 954
825
orological services, or services still in the course
of develoijment, the know-how and experience of
larger and more developed services and provide
a means of insuring that the international require-
ments as regards weather service for aviation,
specified by the Wmo and Icao, are met in the
most effective manner.
The Commission also recommended, for pro-
mulgation by the Wmo, comprehensive recom-
mended standards for the qualifications and train-
ing of meteorological personnel employed in the
application of meteorology to aeronautics, again
with the object of insuring the provision of an
adequate level of aviation information to air car-
riers of the United States and other nations. It
also reviewed the meteorological training specified
for aeronautical personnel (pilots, navigators,
etc.) and recommended certain improvements in
the prescribed curriculum for consideration by
ICAO.
The Commission further recommended the pro-
visional international adoption of the code for
reporting of sea ice by aircraft provisionally
used by U.S. aircraft on sea-ice reconnaissance.
It also reviewed the organization of Wmo and its
possible future work progi'am, from the point of
view of the advancement of aviation meteorology-,
and made a number of suggestions for considera-
tion at the Second Congress of Wmo (1955).
Work of the Simultaneous Session
The agenda for the simultaneous session, which
was the predominant activity, covered a wide
field. The major item, from the organizational
aspect, was the revision of the Icao-Imo "Speci-
fications for Meteorological Services for Interna-
tional Air Navigation" to bring them up-to-date
and to put them in a form suitable for promulga-
tion both by IcAO, as an annex to the Convention
for International Civil Aviation and "Procedures
for Air Navigation Services — Meteorology," and
by Wmo, as the Wmo Technical Eegulations for
Aviation Meteorology, the object being to arrive
at joint texts which would serve both purposes.
The work of the simultaneous session was di-
vided between two committees, each of which was
broken up into two subcommittees, as follows :
Subcommittee A-1 : Dealt with tlie development
of the texts referred to above.
Subcommittee A-2 : Reviewed tlie figure codes and
forms of plain-language mes-
sage employed in aeronau-
tical meteorology for commu-
nication of meteorological
information by radioteleg-
raphy and radiotelephony,
and developed requirements
for certain new codes and
observing practices.
Subcommittee B-1 : Dealt with special technical
problems such as the devel-
opment of methods of pro-
viding service for high-
speed, high-level jet opera-
tions, clear air turbulence,
ice-accretion on aircraft,
pressure-pattern navigation,
and the use of airborne radar
equipment for giving mete-
orological warnings to air-
craft. It also examined the
problem of improving ob-
serving networks, including
the utilization of automatic
weather stations, observa-
tions of atmospheric elec-
trical discharges, and ground
radar.
Subcommittee B-2 : Made a thorough study of the
aeronautical requirements
for climatological statistics
and climatological studies
and developed proposed reg-
ulations and models for such
simunaries and studies, dis-
cussed the difficult problem of
improving the supply of me-
teorological personnel for
employment at international
aerodromes, revised the
training material used by
IcAO technical assistance mis-
sions, and dealt with other
matters in connection with
IcAO publications.
The results of the work of the simultaneous
session are contained in 69 recommendations made
by the CAeM and the Meteorology Division either
to IcAo, to Wmo, or to both organizations.
Three of these deal with the review of the Imo-
IcAO "Specifications for ISIeteorological Services
for International Air Navigation" and their re-
826
Department of State Bulletin
castiiij;, in part, as « iitnv annex .'i to the Conven-
tion on Intcrnationiil Civil Aviation Organiza-
tion and as Icao "Procedures for Air Navigation
Services — Meteorology," this material to bo pro-
nnilgated also by Wiio, as part of its Technical
Regulations and, in part, as supplementary ma-
terial promulgated by Wmo alone. A complete
draft of the annex material was prepared.
Time did not permit of more than the prepara-
tion of a draft revision of the remainder of the
''Specifications" material; the completion of (his
tiraft (and the separation of it into Pans-Met
material and material to be ])ronnilgated by Wmo
only) was delegated to the Icao Secretariat and
tlie President of the Conmiission for Aeronauti-
cal Meteorology. All of the material referred to
above will shortly be circulated to conti'acting
states of Icao and members of the Wmo for com-
ment, and a final revision will be made early in
1955 by the Icao Air Navigation Conmiission, in
consultation with Wmo, for submission to top
levels in Icao and Wmo for formal approval.
Needs of High-Level Aircraft
In drafting the procedures material referred to
above, account was taken of the requirements of
the high-speed, high-level aircraft which will be
operating on international civil air routes in the
near future, but it was considered that additional
measures were necessary to insure efficient service
to such aircraft. Recommendations were adopted
stressing the need for regular upper-air observa-
tions up to at least the 100-mb. level and for even-
tual standardization of levels for wjiich high-level
charts should be prepared ; outlining the require-
ments of a high-level forecast code; and calling
for the establishment of special high-level fore-
cast centers and for a sufficiently rapid system for
communicating essential meteorological informa-
tion to such aircraft in flight.
Attention was drawn to the need for further
study and exchanges of view concerning jet
streams and high-level forecasting problems in
general. The preparation of a series of upper-
wind and temperature charts covering the whole
world was also proposed. The issuance by the
Wmo of manuals or monographs on the jet stream,
automatic weather stations, sf erics (atmospheric
dischnrges), moimtain waves, and the use of
ground-weather radar was recommended. Studies
of the methods of determining mean winds over
a route and of caleulatiiig fligiit time (Icao), of
the ditl'erences between winds computed by dif-
ferent meteorological offices (Wmo), and of a
variety of other sul)jects were also proposed.
A mimber of the recommendations deal with the
question of atmospheric turbulence. The neces-
sity for more study and research on turbulence
wasstres.sed, and intensification of the cooperative
investigation of clear-air, high-level turbulence,
initiated in 1051, under which states send all re-
ports of such turbulence encountered by aircraft
to the U.S. Weather Bureau for study and investi-
gation, was called for. A special study was made
of gust structure, aimed at developing a specifica-
tion of gusts which will adequately reflect the
parameters which influence the controllability of
aircraft during landing. The need for improved
ice-measuring equipment for aircraft and for fur-
ther study of the ice-accretion problem was em-
phasized in other recommendations.
Considerable attention was given to the question
of improving meteorological observation networks
on a worldwide basis, and guidance was given, in
a number of recommendations, to Icao and Wmo
regional bodies concerned with this problem, which
it is hoped will result in improvement of the pres-
ent situation.
The variety of subjects covered in these 69 rec-
ommendations is illustrative of the continuing
close interlocking of meteorology and aviation
and of the important role of weather service in
facilitation of safety and efficiency in civil air
transportation.
• Mr. Little, author of the above article, is As-
sistant Chief (Administration) of the Weather
Bureau and served as Chairm-an of the U.S. dele-
gat/on to tJie simultaneous session of the Com-
mission for Aeronmitical Meteorology of the
WMO and the Meteorology Division of ICAO.
November 29, J 954
827
Continuation of Debate on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
Following are the texts of statements made on
November 8, 12, and 15 in Com/rnittee I {Political
and Security) of the V.N. General Assemily hy
U.S. Representatives Henry Cahot Lodge., Jr., and
C. D. Jackson during the debate on the joint draft
resolution relating to atomic energy.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE
U.S. delegation press release 2012 dated November 8
I am obliged to you for your courtesy and for
that of the other members whose names are in-
scribed, and I shall only take 2 minutes. I would
like to do so to clear up the points which were
raised by the Eepresentative of the Soviet Union
this morning.^ I'd like to do so one by one.
He asked why the present United States pro-
posal, to use his words, "narrows down the volume
and scope of economic assistance." Mr. Chairman,
the United States proposal does not have that
effect. The United States has no policy to reduce
technical assistance but, as the President has made
clear, to increase it. We are anxious that the
abundant electric resources which can be developed
as a result of atomic energy be realized as rapidly
as possible. We must, however, sound a note of
caution against any idea that we shall wake up
tomorrow with those abundant resources actually
in existence.
The Soviet Representative then spoke about the
relationship of the international agency to the
General Assembly and the Security Council.
Wlien the agency is set up, presumably the agree-
ment between it and the United Nations will work
out any relationship that may be desirable or nec-
essary to the General Assembly and the Security
* Andrei Vyshinsky spoke on Nov. 8 in reply to Ambas-
sador Lodfre's oppniiig st;itoinent of Nov. 5 ; for text of the
latter and of tlie joint draft resolution, see BtJLLETiN of
Nov. 15, 1954, p. 742.
Council. We may perhaps be forgiven for hoping
and for expecting that it will not be a relationship
in which the Security Council veto paralyzes the
agency.
The Soviet Eepresentative referred to my state-
ment that in the near future the international
agency would be able to carry out only part of the
work which it ultimately will carry out, the part
which would be most suitable. My statement on
this matter was entirely clear, and in all candor,
Mr. Chairman, I think it was entirely honest. For
example, I outlined the training courses which the
United States is developing. It will be impossible
for the United Nations agency in its first year to
work out as elaborate a program of training as
that. If we turned over the full matter of train-
ing to the international agency in its first year, it
would turn out that we would have no training
either by the agency or by the United States. The
same holds true as to other programs which the
agency will ultimately cany out. There is so
much to be done that it will be a number of years
before the agency is able to carry out fully the
programs which we visualize for it. We do not
expect the agency to develop from birth to adoles-
cence and full maturity in 1 month or even 6
months.
Then, Mr. Chairman, the Soviet Representative
asked what measures we propose to take to reduce
the potential destructive force of world atomic
energy. This is basically a disarmament prob-
lem, and we have just unanimously agreed to a
procedure for dealing with this problem by the
Disarmament Commission.^ President Eisen-
hower made it clear last December that liis pro-
posal was not a disarmament proposal. He hoped,
however, that this experiment in international
cooperation would make it easier to make genuine
' Ibid., Nov. 1, 1954, p. 664, and Nov. 15, 1954, p. 750.
828
Department of State Bulletin
progress in roachinp agreement on disarmament.
Finally, Mr. (Miairman, it is pleasing to hoar
the Representative of the Soviet Union say that
I was wrong in claiming that the Soviet attitude
is essentially negative, whioli are the two words
that I used. He can prove lue wrong by sui)port-
ing the pending resolution, and 1 hope ho will do
so. He can also prove me wrong by starting to
negotiate, and I hope lie will do that too.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE
U.S. delegation press release 2021 dated November 12
I just wish to make a few brief remarks now,
because on Monday, [November 15], or whenever
the next meeting is, I will, of course, reply in
extenso to all the points that have been raised by
the Representative of the Soviet Union. What I
am about to say now is not to be considered as a
definitive reply to him. Moreover, at the next
meeting, I will ask Mr. C. D. Jackson of New York,
who is a delegate of the United States of America
at tills General Assembly, also to make some obser-
vations, and we will do so completely and I think
with clarity and candor.
I would like to say now that the Soviet Repre-
sentative appears to be concerned about support of
this proposed program by the United States Con-
gress and also by resistance from the American
businessman. He should really set his mind at
rest. When President Eisenhower made his pro-
posal last December, we may be sure he took all
these factors into account. As a matter of fact,
far from opposition or delay in the Congress, this
body at its last session, at the request of President
Eisenhower, amended the Atomic Energy Act in
order to have the law conform to the proposal
which President Eisenhower made. The amend-
ments which the Congress made are what make
possible our making available materials and in-
formation outside of the country. There is also
no evidence of any resistance from the business
community in this country.
I am constrained to observe that once again the
Soviet Representative has used press articles as
sacred evidence of our official policy. It is a thing
that he does very often. He did it again today.
And once again I must point out that we have a
free press in America which speaks for itself and
not for the Government.
Let me add also what is obvious, I am sure, to
all of you, tluit tliis is not a disarmament pro-
posal. There is no country in the world that is
more eager for disarmaiiuMit than the United
States, and we have proved it on every occasion.
The disarmament issue was in this Committee a
little while ago, and it was referred to the Dis-
armament Commission, which is the expert body
created just for that purpose. And no one can say
tliat this Assembly has been indiiTerent to the ques-
tion of disarmament. But to complain that this
proposal for the peaceful uses of atomic energy is
not a disarmament proposal is just like complain-
ing because the man who grows your food, let us
say, out on the farm, isn't also the same man who
builds 3'our house. They are two different things.
Also, we have not said that we refused to have
any connection with the Security Council. I re-
member what I did say. I said that I might be
forgiven the hope that this matter would not get
bogged down in the veto. I did say that. And
I still do hope that. Frankly, I take no joy in the
veto. If the Soviet Representative gets any de-
light out of the veto, he is entitled to it. He has
it heaped up and overflowing. He has used it 60
times. We have never used it at all. It is the
veto that has atrophied and paralyzed the legal
power of this organization. It hasn't destroyed
the organization liccause the organization has be-
come an extremely powerful engine for affecting
world public opinion. So the organization is very
important. It is certainly the Soviet veto that
has paralyzed the legal power of it. To say that
the veto is the motor of the Security Council — I
don't understand Russian, but that's the transla-
tion I got over these earphones — that the veto was
the motor, if you please — if that is the motor, then
the motor is stalled.
Let me repeat what we said at the beginning.
We want to do this thing — do it and not get bogged
down in vetoes, not get entangled up in parlia-
mentary devices. A great deal of the speech
that we have just heard was, I think, what the
French call "la poudre aux yeux" — a magnificent
display of forensic fireworks but very little sub-
stance to them, which I think we shall be able to
show after we have examined the speech in detail
and responded to it throughout.
The Soviet Representative's remarks about al-
leged changes in our proposal are particularly re-
markable when you consider that his Government
has had 10 long months in which to accept the
November 29, 1954
829
original wording. Today he is criticizing the new
wording because it is not old. When it is old, I
suppose he would be criticizing it because it wasn't
new. Really, this would be amusing if it were
not tragic to hear this very evident plan to delay
and delay and delay.
Wliat does the Soviet Union want? What will
the Soviet Union accept? What will your Gov-
ernment give that will come anywhere near match-
ing what we have offered ? I think those are fair
questions.
I am glad, Mr. Chairman, that the Soviet Rep-
resentative said that he was warmly supporting
the development of peaceful uses of atomic en-
ergy. I hope this means that he isn't merely sup-
porting their development inside of the Soviet
Union. I hope this means that he will vote for
the pending resolution and make the benefits of
the peaceful uses of atomic energy available to the
whole world.
STATEMENT BY C. D. JACKSON
D.S. delegation press release 2022 dated November 15
I greatly appreciate tlie honor of being able to
address this important Committee on this impor-
tant subject.
I also appreciate the generosity of the Chief of
the United States delegation. Ambassador Lodge,
for asking me to participate in this historic debate.
Needless to say, I am not a scientist; I am not
even an expert in atomic matters. I am just an
American who was privileged during 195.3 and
1954 to work with the President of the United
States, the Secretary of State, and the Chairman
of the Atomic Energy Commission on the evolu-
tion of United States thinking on the subject of
"Atoms for Peace."
Therefore, I would like to address myself today
to the particular point in Mr. Vyshinsky's speech
of last Friday [November 12] which I feel is with-
in my terms of reference. That is the point in
which he aasumes he knows what has gone on in the
minds of the President of the United States, the
Secretary of State, and the Chairman of the
Atomic Energy Commission on the subject of
"Atoms for Peace."
Last Monday [November 8] Mr. Vyshinsky
asked — "Can you t-ell us why it is that the present
United States proposal for the organization of
international cooperation in developing peaceful
uses of atomic energy narrows down the volume,
scope, and form of such cooperation as compared
to previous proposals, and especially in relation
to the technical and economic assistance to be
offei'ed underdeveloped countries?"
On the basis of my special knowledge of this
area, I can say that the objectives of the United
States today, November 15, are the same as they
were on November 5, 1954, when Ambassador
Lodge spoke before this Committee ; are the same
as on September 23, 1954, when Secretary of State
Dulles spoke before the General Assembly; are
the same as on March 19. 1954, when Secretary
Dulles delivered a memorandum to the Soviet Am-
bassador in Washington; and are the same as on
December 8, 1953, when President Eisenhower
addressed the Eighth General Assembly.
But to leave the argument at that would simply
be pitting my word against Mr. Vyshinsky's, and
that is not the basis on which the argument should
be left.
So let us take it out of the area of say-so and
put it in the area of simple aritlimetic.
The first item, the first figure, in the column is
what President Eisenhower said last December
8, and I crave your indulgence for a fairly long
quotation, because I know that it is important
that the President's carefully thought-through
statement should be presented in full context. I
quote —
I therefore make the following proiwsals :
The Governments principally involved, to the extent
permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and con-
tinue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles
of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency. We would expect that
such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the
United Nations. . . .
Undoubtedly initial and early contributions to this plan
would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has
the great virtue that it can lie undertaken without the
irritations and mutual suspicions Incident to any attempt
to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide
inspection and control.
The Atomic Energy Agency could be made responsible
for the impounding, storage, and protection of the con-
tributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity
of our scientists will provide special safe conditions under
which such a bank of fissionable material can be made
essentially immune to surprise seizure.
The more important responsibility of this Atomic Energy
Agency would be to devise methods whereby this fission-
able material would be allocated to serve the peaceful
pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to
apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine,
and other peaceful activities. K sp«icial purpose would
830
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
Ik- Io provide iibuiuiiint electrical enerKy lii the power-
starvtHl areas of the world. Thus the cimtrlliulliiK imwers
would l)e diMliiiitiuK souie of their strength to serve the
iuhmIs rather than the fears of mankind.
The I'nited States would be more than willing — It would
be proud to take up with others "principally Involved"
the development of plans whereby such i)eaceful use of
atomic enerjry would be expedited.
t)f those "principally Involved" the Soviet Union must,
of course, Iv one.
1 would t)e prepared to submit to the Congress of the
UiiitiHl States, and with every expectation of approval,
any such plan that would :
First — encourage world-wide investigation into the most
effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with
the certainty that they had all the material needed for
the conduct of all exiK-riments that were appropriate;
Second — begin to diminish the potential destructive
power of the world's atomic stockpiles;
Third — allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in
this enlightened age, the great powers of the earth, both
of the East and of the West, are interested in human
aspirations first, rather than in building up the armaments
of war;
Fourth — open up a new channel for peaceful discussion,
and initiate at least a new approach to the many dillicult
problems that must be solved in both private and public
conversations, if the world is to shake off the Inertia
imposed by fear, and is to make po.sitive progress toward
peace.
Atomic Energy Act Amended
The second fifrufe in the cohunn was inscribed
on Aufiust 30, 1954, when at the request of Presi-
dent Eisenhower the Congress of the United
States amended the Atomic Energy Act in order
to permit the United States to sliare this priceless
boon in accordance with tlie President's proposal.
Then I would like to add the next figure to the
column — from the speech b\' Secretary of State
Dulles before the General Assembly of the United
Nations on September 23, 1954. And I quote —
The United States remains ready to negotiate with the
Soviet Union. But we shall no longer suspend our efforts
to establish an international atomic agency.
The United Slates is determined that President Eisen-
hower's proposal shall not languish until it dies. It will
be nurtured and developed. 'We shall press on in close
partnership with those nations which, inspired by the
ideals of the United Nations Charter, can make this great
new force a tool of the humanitarian and of the states-
man, and not merely a fearsome addition to the arsenal
of war.
The United States Is proposing an agenda item which
will enable us to report on our efforts to explore and
develop the vast possibilities for the peaceful uses of
atomic energy. These efforts have been and will be
directed primarily toward the following ends:
November 29, 1954
(1) The creation of an International agency, whose
iidlial memberNhlp will Include nallonw from all regions
of the worhl. It is hoptnl that such an agency will start
Us work as early as next year.
(2) The calling of an International scientiflc confer-
ence to consider this whole vast subject, to meet In the
spring of UKk>, under the auspices of the United Nations.
(3) The opening early next year. In the United States,
of a reactor training si'hool where students from abroad
may learn the working principles of atomic energy with
siK-clllc regard to its peacetime uses.
(•1) The invitation to a substantial number of medical
and surgical experts from abroad to luirtlcipate in the
work of our cancer hospitals — in which atomic energy
techniques are among the most lioix,'ful approaches to
controlling this menace to umnklnd.
I would like to make iH'rfectly clear that our planning
excludes no nation from participation in this great ven-
ture. As our proposals take shape, all nations interested
in participating, and willing to take on the responsibilities
of meinbership, will he welcome to Join with us bi the
planning and execution of this program.
I would now like to add another figure to the
column — namely, Ambivssador Lodge's speech be-
fore this Committee on November 5, 1954, in which
Ambassador Lodge added to what had been said
)>y the President and by the Secretary of State
the following very specific contributions by the
United States:
1. The establishment, early in 1955, of a reactor
training school, to instruct between 30 and 50
scientists and engineers from overseas in the
theory of atomic power and the application
of that theory for the production of electrical
power.
2. The establishment, in 1955, under the aus-
pices of the United States Atomic Energy
Commission, of courses in industrial medi-
cine, industrial hygiene, radiological physics,
and the theory and use of radiation instru-
ments.
3. Opening our atomic biology and medical
centers in 1955 to foreign students for courses
in these subjects.
4. Inviting cancer specialists from all over the
world to visit, inspect, study, confer, and ad-
vise on the application of atomic energy to
the cure of cancer.
5. The establishment in 1955 of special courses
for foreign students, under the sponsorship
of the United States Atomic Energy Com-
mission, in the vast field of radioisotope
tracer techniques in industry, agriculture,
and medicine.
831
6. Offering complete cumulative atomic librar-
ies to requesting nations.
7. Endorsing and supporting in 1955 an inter-
national scientific conference on atomic en-
ergy, to study and ascertain the fields, areas,
and nations where tliis boon can be of earliest
value.
8. The reiteration of the desire of the United
States for the creation of an international
atomic energy agency under the aegis of the
United Nations.
If a line is drawn under this column of figures
and the total added, how can any United Nations
representative of good will state that the present
United States proposal narrows down the volume,
scope, and form of the United States proposal?
Is it not superabundantly clear that each one of
these events, far from narrowing the scope of the
original proposal, added to and elaborated upon
its predecessor ?
Change of Method Adopted
There has been a change in the proposal — but
a change of method, not of scope — a change de-
liberately adopted by the United States and its
associates in order to speed up the implementation
of the proposal after 10 months of silence from
the Soviet Union.
The change is very simple.
The President's plan, presented last December,
called for a United Nations agency which would
have the responsibility for the physical custody
and the protection of an international pool of fis-
sionable material. And in this connection I would
recall one important sentence spoken by President
Eisenhower — "Of those 'principally involved', the
Soviet Union must, of course, be one." During
the past 10 months, the Soviet Union — however
"warm" its "approval" of the President's pro-
posal— proved itself unwilling to be the very im-
portant "one."
Therefore, the United States, consulting with
the other nations willing and eager to participate,
realized that the bricks, and steel, and concrete,
and real estate, and scientists, and technicians, and
instruments, and workers, and guards required to
set up and maintain the physical custody of the
fissionable material would not only entail a great
delay in getting the plan into operation but would
also be needlessly expensive to the United Nations.
These producing and processing nations do not
feel they need this complicated and expensive ma-
chinery, and they can move faster without it.
So instead, the international agency is now pro-
posed as a clearinghouse to receive, study, and
supervise the exchange between those who want
and those who want to give.
I cannot conceive how this subtracts anything
from the grand total enumerated earlier. Actu-
ally it adds to the column in terms of time and
economy.
I was greatly interested last Friday to hear Mr.
Vyshinsky detail for us the contributions of Rus-
sian scientists to the discovery and development
of atomic power. We would not only be the last
to deny the tremendous international scientific
contributions in this field, but also I thought that
we had made this point extremely clear.
However, in his dissertation, Mr. Vyshinsky
failed to mention a Eussian scientist for whom
the United States not only has a profound scien-
tific respect, but also a scientist whose theories Mr.
Vyshinsky has very skillfully proved time and
time again. I refer to the great Dr. Pavlov — the
man who gave us the conditioned reflex, and
proved it with a dog, a bell, and a bowl of food.
By the time Dr. Pavlov had perfected his experi-
ment, the bell rang, the dog drooled saliva, but
there was no food.
In a very interesting way, Mr. Vyshinsky re-
peats that famous experiment. He rings his ora-
torical bell — he raises all his pre-arranged doubts
about the United States having "narrowed" its
proposal — but there is no Soviet contribution to
"Atoms for Peace."
As for my Government, I would ask you to con-
sider the simple arithmetic of what the United
States is prepared to offer to the world.
STATEMENT BYJAMBASSADOR LODGE
U.S. delegation press release 2023 dated November 15
During last week's valuable debate, some ques-
tions occurred. The first, I believe, was raised
both by the Representative of the Soviet Union
and the Representative of China. It asked
whether the pending proposal was narrower than
that of the President's of last December 8. This
has been dealt with by my colleague Mr. Jackson.
Next, the Soviet Representative made an in-
teresting statement concerning the past and pres-
ent role of the Soviet Union in connection with
832
Department of Slate Bulletin
nuclear physics. His survey of tlic devel()[)inenls
of peaceful uses of atomic energy in the Soviet
Union seemed to stress Russian accomplisluncnts
prior to World "War I. But it did point to the
successful (ievelopuieut of an electric power plant
with a capacity of 5,000 kilowatts. We congi'atu-
late the Soviet Union on this achievement,
althoujrh it is a long way from the huiUIIng of a
5,000-kilowatt pilot plant to the achievement of
abundant electrical power through the use of
atomic fuel.
The status of Soviet atomic-power technology
was described with connnendable modesty in an
article in the Soviet magazine Communist in April
of this year, by A. Nesmeyanov, who said that
Soviet scientists must strive "to make atomic
energy available for extensive utilization in in-
dustry and in transport." Then the article con-
tinues: ''The advancement of atomic energy into
wide peaceful practice is undoubtedly a matter of
a complete epoch."
Without going into the question of how long
a "complete epoch" is, it can be set down that one
of the ways to speed up the epoch of atomic in-
dustrial power is to broaden the exchange of
information. We therefore express the hope that
the Soviet Union will make public as soon as pos-
sible the design for its 5,000-kilowatt atomic power
plant. We in the United States have published
our designs for various power reactors, copies of
which the Soviet Union surely already possesses.
If the Soviet Union will put out similar publica-
tions, as I think General Romulo [of the Philip-
pines] suggested, they will certainly interest us all
and will facilitate international cooperation.
The Soviet Representative spoke also of other
kinds of atomic progress, notably in the produc-
tion and use of radioisotopes. It would be inter-
esting to learn what the Soviet program is for
exportation of these isotopes for the benefit of
other countries.
As to membership in the agency, we still believe
that the door should be left open so that all states
can assume the responsibilities and secure the bene-
fits of participation. Now we are accused by the
Soviet Representative of seeking special privilege
and engaging in exploitation. Let me say that
the only "special privilege" we claim is the "privi-
lege" of helping as many countries as we can in
this field, and the only "exploitation" we have in
mind is the "exploitation"' of atomic energy for
peace.
Agency's Relationship to U.N.
As to the agency's relationship to the United
Nations, we have not changed our view that the
agency should bo under the aegis of the United
Nations. As wo have indicated in the joint resolu-
tion, wo contemplate that an appropriate relation-
ship with tho United Nations will be worked out
once the agency is established. As 1 said in my
opening statement, it would not be practical to
spell out tho possible relationships at this time
until we know better just exactly what the agency
will look like when it comes into being. We agree
with the Soviet Representative that the resolution
to bo passed by this Committee should not pre-
judge tho nature of the relationship between the
agency and 1 he United Nations. We have not done
so in our draft resolution. We agree with him
that this is a matter which must be negotiated both
among the states which will bo forming the agency
and between the agency, once it is established, and
the United Nations. I shall deal later with the
problem of the relationship of the agency to tho
Security Council and the General Assembly.
Let us remember that here are eight nations
who are intending to give up fissionable or raw
materials which are exceedingly valuable both for
the peacetime development of these nations and
for their security. Every member of the legisla-
tive bodies of these countries, whether he sit in
the Belgian Parliament or in the Canadian Parlia-
ment or in the French Assembly or in the Portu-
guese Government or in the Legislature of the
Union of South Africa or in the House of Com-
mons in London or in the United States Congress
in Washington — every member of these bodies
would be faithless to his trust if he did not scruti-
nize closely the treaty which will come before him.
Many of you in this room have been members of
legislative bodies. These are concerns which we
understand and respect.
Also, the offer which we are making today is
made possible by the amendments to the Atomic
Energy Act which was enacted at the last session
of Congress. This law broadens what we can do
now over what we could have done last year. It
was at their last session, for example, that Con-
gress authorized us to share information and ma-
terials. Obviously, as a practical matter we must
stay within the law.
I said on November 5 that the International
Atomic Energy Agency would act as a clearing-
house for requests for allocations of fissionable
November 29, 1954
833
materials to jDrojects approved by the agency. The
Soviet Kepresentative interpreted my remarks as
follows : "If plans or projects for the use of atomic
materials to be cleared through the international
agency from one state to another in accordance
with agreement are made contingent on approval
by the international agency, then that means that
the international agency will have the right to
approve or not approve the plans of states con-
cerned in the use of fissionable materials for peace-
ful ends." That is not a correct interpretation of
our proposal. The agency would concern itself
only with fissionable materials specifically ear-
marked for agency projects by the contributing
states. It would have no control over the use of
any other fissionable material. Any contributing
state would remain free to transfer fissionable ma-
terials to another state without securing the con-
sent of the agency.
There are other problems. Many states, for
example, will have interests in this organization
and sometimes these interests will need to be har-
monized. It will be difficult to negotiate and se-
cure agreement upon even a simple organization.
The more complicated the organization and the
more intricate the negotiations, the longer will be
the delay in spreading the benefits of atomic en-
ergy. The more we attempt here to fasten a fixed
course onto these negotiations, the greater the dan-
ger that we shall create unnecessary and even
insuperable obstacles in the way of rapid progress.
We think that the best way, if not the only way,
for us to render a service to the world in this
field is to begin by simplifying the organization,
by simplifying the negotiations, by concentrating
on what is feasible — what is doable — by getting
down to work with the least possible delay.
The Soviet Representative renewed his attempt
to chain any progress in international cooperation
in developing peaceful uses of the atom to concur-
rent progress in connection with a disarmament
program, although he no longer insisted that other
states must lirst agree on an unsafeguarded paper
prohibition of the use of atomic weapons before
his Government would join the negotiations in the
field of peaceful uses.
President Eisenhower, last December, made it
clear that, while his proposal was not a disarma-
ment pro])osal, he recognized that agreement on it
might bring peace nearer and thus bring disarma-
ment nearer, because, of course, disarmament and
peace were not one and the same thing. The Presi-
dent hoped that his proposal would "open up a
new channel for peaceful discussion, and initiate
at least a new approach to the many difficult prob-
lems that must be solved in both private and public
conversations, if the world is to shake off the
inertia imposed by fear, and is to make positive
progress toward peace."
This Committee does not need to be reminded
of the importance of disarmament or of the vast
physical and mental burdens it would lift. Still
less do we need to be reminded, after 8 years' de-
bate, how difficult it is to disarm when mutual
trust is lacking.
Disarmament is one element in the building of
peace. At least one other element is a new world
outlook which may get us into the habit of work-
ing together and thus, eventually, in trusting each
other. We think that this xVtoms for Peace pro-
posal will lead the world away from war because
it is a new prism through which we can look at
the problems of the world. It is a new place at
which to begin.
We must therefore not bog down one proposal
by tying it onto another. There already exists
a separate framework for disarmament. We here
propose a framework for the parallel discussions
of the peaceful uses of the atom. We anticipate
that genuine progress in either discussion will
eventually facilitate progress in the other. We
agi'ee with the Representative of the Soviet Union
when he says that the proposals of the March 19
memorandum ^ do not, in themselves, result in the
reduction of the potential force of atomic weapons.
We agree with him on that. Neither do they
increase it. But they would certainly result in
economic and social benefits to many areas of the
world. And we, in our partnership with the other
negotiating powers, are determined that progress
in making the atom available for peace shall not
be further delayed.
The Soviet Representative contended that the
exploitation of atomic energy for peaceful uses
inevitably implies an increase in the supply of
fissionable weapon-grade materials; that the non-
dangerous materials diverted to peaceful uses
could become dangerous; and that industrial re-
actors would produce radioactive effluents or by-
products which could be used for military pur-
jx)ses. He thereby implied that the agreement for
' Ihid., Oct. 4, 1954, p. 480.
834
Department of Stale Bulletin
peaceful uses of atoinio euerpj" must include an
a<j:reonient to eliminate atomic weapons. The dis-
tinjjuislied Kepresentati vo of Sweden * also alluded
to this problem. We believe, however, that it is
not necessary to .solve tlie entire problem of inter-
national control of atomic enerj^y and the elimina-
tion of atomic weapons before we can have peaceful
projects utilizing atomic lission consistent with
international security.
Let me reaffirm the belief of the United States,
as stated in the published correspondence with the
Soviet Union contained in Document A/'J7;58, that
ways can be devised consistent with international
security for developinj; the peaceful uses of the
atom and for safeguarding against the diversion
of materials to warlike purposes. For one thing,
there are forms of peaceful utilization in which
no question of weapon-grade material arises at
all. In the activities proposed for the immediate
future as described in my speech before this As-
sembly on November 5, for example, weapon-grade
materials would not be involved in any way.
The problem of radioactive by-products sug-
gested by the Soviet Representative can also be
dealt with.
Interlocking Safeguards
As for insuring against diversion of materials
from power-producing reactors, this problem is
part of the general question of the various inter-
locking safeguards which are necessary to see to
it that fissionable materials provided for or pro-
duced in connection with peaceful uses of atomic
energy are utilized only for such purposes and
are not diverted to improper uses. This is one
problem which must be considered in the course
of negotiations to establish the International
Atomic Energj' Agency, and the various powers
negotiating, particularly those actually producing
fi.ssionable materials, will obviously make clear
their views on this matter. It is theoretically
possible, as the Soviet Representative suggested,
to build power reactors that will increase the
supply of fissionable weapon-grade materials, but
it is not inevitable. We believe that, as power-
producing reactors are designed and built in the
future, the ingenuity of the scientists and states-
men will find ways of assuring that materials are
not diverted to warlike industries.
' Rickard Sandler.
November 29, J 954
Remember that the spread of nuclear materials
through the work of the iuteriuitioiuil agency, for
the purpose of establishing atomic power plants,
would not in any degree complicate the problem
of insuring the utilization of atomic energy for
peaceful purposes only. That problem already
exists as a part of the disarmament question, and
the great powers have been discussing it for years.
The international control organ, when established,
could function perfectly well in collaboration with
the International Atomic Energy Agency. But,
in the meantime, we want to get on with the busi-
ness of helping to bring atomic energy to the
service of mankind. Nothing wo do to this end
need complicate the problem of disarmament
control.
The Soviet Representative lias also sought to
link disannament and the peaceful uses of the
atom by insisting upon the paramount role of the
Security Council in this field. The Security Coun-
cil, under the charter, has primary responsibility
for the maintenance of international peace and
security. The General Assembly likewise has re-
sponsibilities in this field. If a situation arises
in connection with the peaceful uses of the atom
in any country or group of countries which en-
dangers international peace and security, it would
be a matter of concern both to the Security Coun-
cil and the General Assembly and would doubtless
be dealt with by the United Nations as are other
situations of this nature. Thus, it is pos.sible and
indeed probable that in the interests of interna-
tional security there will be some relationship be-
tween the agency and the Security Council, the
General Assembly, and tlie Secretary-General of
the United Nations.
But the Soviet Representative harked back to
the General Assembly resolution of February 14,
194(), creating the original United Nations Atomic
Energy Commission, a body which no longer ex-
ists. This was the commission which was to make
specific proposals for the control of atomic energy
to the extent necessary to insure its use only for
peaceful purposes. Since the primary objective
of this commission was to deal with atomic dis-
armament, the commission, of course, was to report
and nuike recommendations to the Security Coun-
cil and to the General Assembly. The Soviet
Representative now seems to suggest that the
International Atomic Energy Agency, whose func-
tions will be wholly different, should be saddled
835
with the same requirement — and thus be made sub-
ject to the veto.
The truth is that the purpose which this defunct
conim^ission was designed to achieve has, by a
recent resolution (and many other previous ones),
been referred to the Disarmament Commission,
which is the body to which the United Nations
now looks for action on disarmament.
Questions have been asked by certain other mem-
bers as to the nature of the participation of under-
developed countries in the agency. I believe this
was referred to in the speech by the Representative
of Pakistan.' The memorandum handed to the
Soviet Ambassador by the Secretary of State on
March 19 contained a provision that the highest
executive authority in the agency should be
exercised by a board of governors of limited mem-
bership representing governments. The memo-
randum went on to suggest that in determining
the composition of the board of governors it might
be desirable "to take account of geographic dis-
tribution and membership by prospective bene-
ficiaries." In other words — and I stress this
point — our plans contemplate representation on
the agency's board of governors of the luiderde-
veloped countries which will also be participating
in the agency.
Another question relates to the participation in
the agency of states other than those which are
conducting the negotiations for its organization.
The Secretary of State, in his opening address to
this Assembly on September 23, made the United
States position on this entirely clear. For exam-
ple, he said :
I would like to make perfectly clear that our planning
excludes no nation from participation in this great ven-
ture. As our proposals take shape, all nations interested
in participating, and willing to take on the responsibilities
of membership, will be welcome to join with us in the plan-
ning and execution of this program.
That continues to be the United States position.
We have never contemplated a closed organiza-
tion of contributing states. Nor have we contem-
plated confronting other governments with a fait
accompli in the creation of this agency. As we
have indicated in the seven-power resolution, we
have undertaken to inform the members of the
United Nations as progress is achieved in the es-
tablishment of the agency. Moreover, I can give
a further assurance in this regard. The govern-
' Mohammad Mir Khan.
ments engaged in the current negotiations intend
to consult those governments wliich indicate an
interest in participating in the agency before the
agreement establishing the agency is submitted
for ratification. Views expressed by the govern-
ments so consulted will, of course, be seriously
taken into account.
This, then, is our program. We want above all
to find the quickest way to create this agency.
That is what the seven-power resolution is de-
signed to promote. We are pressing on with our
negotiations on an urgent basis and ask nothing
more than the cooperation and good will of other
governments so that by the next session of the
General Assembly we shall be able to discuss ac-
complislmients and concrete results of interna-
tional cooperation in putting the discoveries of
atomic science at the service of man.
U.S. Offer of Fissionable Material
Now, Mr. Chairman, just as I began this pre-
pared statement which I have just concluded, I
received a message from Washington, the sub-
stance of which I now lay before you. I hope it
will once and for all remove from the minds of
all any confusion as to how specific the United
States Atoms for Peace proposal is, whether or not
the scope of our proposal has been narrowed.
Here is the message.
I have just been authorized by the President of
the United States to state to you that the Atomic
Energy Commission has allocated 100 kilograms
of fissionable material to serve as fuel in the ex-
perimental atomic reactors to which the Secretary
of State and I have previously referred and wliich
are to be situated in various places abroad. This
amount of fissionable material is enough to acti-
vate a considerable number of these reactors
throughout the world.
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Governing Body of International Labor Office
The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 10 (press release 635) that the United States
would be represented at the 127th session of the
Governing Body of the International Labor Of-
836
Department of Slate Bulletin
fice, openinfj at Rome, Italy, on November 16, by
the following delegation:
n.8. Oovemment representative
J. Ernest Wilkiiis, Assistant Secretary of Labor, Depart-
ment of Labor
V.S. Qovernment substitute representative
Arnold Zempel, Executive Director, Office of Interna-
tlonnl Labor Affairs, Deiwrtment of Labor
V.S. Oovcnimcnt adviser
Otis E. Mllliken, Officer In ChnrRe of Social Affairs, Office
of International Economic and Social Affairs, De-
partment of State
The Governing Body, which meets three or four
times a year, is responsible for the general super-
vision of the International Labor Organization
(Ilo). It also selects items for the agenda of the
International Labor Conference, considers pro-
posals relating to the Organization's budget, and
determines the time, place, and agenda of Ilo com-
mittee meetings and regional conferences.
At its 127th session, the Governing Body will
review the reports of its committees; receive the
report of the Director General ; determine the
date, place, and agenda of the 39th (10.56) session
of the International Labor Conference; and dis-
cuss other related matters.
General Conference of UNESCO
The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 11 (press release 639) the membership of the
U.S. delegation to the eighth session of the Gen-
eral Conference of the United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(Unesco) at Montevideo, Uruguay, from Novem-
ber 12 to December 11. Delegates from the 72
member states of this specialized agency of the
United Nations will attend the General Confer-
I ence, where decisions will be made on Unesco's
biennial program and budget for 1955-56.
The U.S. delegation consists of the following:
Acting V.S. representatives
Albert F. Nufer, Chairman, American Ambassador to
Argentina
Samuel il. Brownell, Vice Chairman, U.S. Commissioner
of Education, Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare
Elizabeth E. Heffelfinger, member, U.S. National Com-
mission for UNESCO, Wayzata, Minn.
Athelstan F. Spilhaus, Dean, Institute of Technology, Uni-
versity of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn.
Congressional adviser
Hugh Scott, U.S. House of Representatives
November 29, J 954
Principal adviser
Walter .M. KoLschnlg, Director, Office of International
Economic and Social Affairs, Department of State
Advisers
Itobert 0. Angell, Chairman, Department of Sociology,
University of .Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
John I). Coiincirs, IMrcclDr, licparlnieiit of Education,
AiniTiciiti Fcdcriitlon of Lalior, Washington, D. C.
lOUph \V. Hardy, Vice rresldent. .National Assoilatiou of
Kadlo and Television Broadcasters, Washington, D. O.
Henry U. Hoik-, Chalrnjan, Fine Arts Department, Indiana
University, liloomington, Ind.
David K. Kaufman, Attorney ut Law, Philadelphia, I'a.
Carol C. Lalse, Department of State
(luy A. Lee, Department of Stale
Max McCullough. Kxecutive Secretary, U.S. National
Commission for Cnesco; Director, UwEaco Kelatlons
StalT, Deiwrtment of State
Charles R. Norberg, Attorney at Law, Washington, D.C.
David Ferslnger, Department of State
James .Slmsarlan, Department of State
Francis B. Stevens, Departmi'iit of State
Edward G. Trueblood, Counselor, American Embassy,
Montevideo, Uruguay
Hoyt N. Ware, American Embassy, Buenos Aires, Argen-
tina
One of the major questions to come before the
General Conference will be a proposal to remodel
UxESCo's extensive programs in the fields of edu-
cation, natural and social sciences, the arts, human-
ities, and mass communication by channeling these
activities into a limited number of special proj-
ects. The draft program submitted by the Direc-
tor General and the Executive Board of Unesco
contemplates a reduction of the number of projects
to be undertaken in the next 2 years, with a major-
ity of these geared to specific short-term projects
in the fields of fundamental education, compulsory
education, public libraries, reading material for
new literates, and research on the arid zones.
Meeting of Ministers of Finance or Economy,
Inter-American Economic and Social Council
The Department of State announced on No-
vember 18 (press release 657) that Secretary of
the Treasury George M. Humphrey had been
designated U.S. delegate and chairman of the U.S.
delegation to the Meeting of Ministers of Finance
or Economy, convened as the Fourth Extraordi-
nary Meeting of the Inter-American Economic
and Social Council, opening at Quitandinha,
Brazil, on November 22.
International trade, economic development,
transportation, and organizational problems will
be among the matters discussed at the meeting.
837
Others in the U.S. delegation are as follows :
Alternate delegates
Herbert Hoover, Jr., Under Secretary of State, Vice
Chairman
Henry F. Holland, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, Coordinator
Special congressional advisers
Alexander Wiley, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions, U.S. Senate
Homer E. Capehart, Chairman, Coromittee on Banking
and Currency, U.S. Senate
George A. Smathers, Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs, U.S. Senate
Senior advisers
Samuel W. Anderson, Assistant Secretary of Commerce for
International Affairs
Clarence C. Brooks, Foreign Service Officer (Retired)
Glen E. Edgerton, President and Chairman of the Board,
Export-Import Bank of Washington
James S. Kemper, U.S. Ambassador to Brazil
Andrew N. Overby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Samuel C. Waugh, Assistant Secretary of State for Eco-
nomic Affairs
Advisers
Hawthorne Arey, Assistant Director and Vice President,
Export-Import Bank of Washington
Willis Armstrong, Acting Director, Office of International
Materials Policy, Department of State
Rollin S. Atwood, Director, Office of South American Af-
fairs, Department of State
Henry W. Balgooyen, New York, N.Y.
Edward G. Cale, Director, Office of Regional American
Affairs, Department of State, Deputy Coordinator
David L. Campa, Office of Regional American Affairs, De-
partment of State
James C. Corliss, Office of Regional American Affairs,
Department of State
John S. deBeers, Chief, Latin American Division, Office
of International Finance, Department of the
Treasury
Graves B. Erskine, General, USMC, Retired, Assistant to
the Secretary of Defense
Dennis A. Fitzgerald, Deputy Director for Operations,
Foreign Operations Administration
Isaiah Frank, Deputy Director, Office of Economic De-
fense and Trade Policy, Department of State
Lloyd A. Haskins, Congress of Industrial Organizations,
Washington, D. C.
Gabriel Hauge, Administrative Assistant to the President
Franklin P. Holcomb, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs,
Department of State
William Lodwick, Administrator, Foreign Agricultural
Service, Department of Agriculture
Gerald C. Mann, Dallas, Tex.
Lewis C. Matti-son, Deputy Assistant Director for Amer-
ican Republics, U.S. Information Agency
Teodoro Moscoso, Administrator, Puerto Rican Ek;onomic
Development Administration, Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico
Richard P. Momsen, American Chaml)er of Commerce,
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Charles P. Nolan, Office of Regional American Affairs,
Department of State
Walter C. Saner, Chief, International Tax Staff, Depart-
ment of the Treasury
George H. Willis, Director, Office of International Finance,
Department of the Treasiiry
George Wythe, Director, American Republics Division,
Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Department of Com-
merce
Current Treaty Actions
MULTILATERAL
Postal Matters
Universal postal convention, with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, provisions regarding airmail
and final protocol thereto. Signed at Brussels July 11,
1952. Entered into force July 1, 19.53. TIAS 2S00.
Ratification deposited: Bulgaria, October 2, 1954; Mex-
ico, October 4, 1954.
Trade and Commerce
International convention to facilitate the importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated at
Geneva November 7, 1952.'
Accession deposited: Norway, November 2, 1954.
BILATERAL
Egypt
Agreement relating to development assistance. Effected
by exchange of notes at Cairo November 6, 1954. En-
tered into force November 6, 1954.
El Salvador
.\greement for a cooperative program of productivity, pur-
suant to general agreement for technical cooperation of
April 4, 1952 (TIAS 2527). Signed at San Salvador
August 31, 1954.
Entered into force: October 27, 1954 (the date notifica-
tion was given the United States of publication of the
agreement in the Diario Oficial of El Salvador).
Korea
Mutual Defense Treaty. Signed at Washington October 1.
1953. Senate advice and consent, with understanding,
given January 26, 1954. Ratified by the President Fet>-
ruary 5, 1954.
Entered into force: November 17, 10.54 (date of exchange
of ratifications).
' Not in force.
838
Department of State Bulletin
November 29, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 805
Acrlcolture. Import Quota Imposed ou Barley and Barley
Malt (texts of U.S., Caniidliin notes iind proclama-
tion) 817
American PrincipIrM
BlpartUniislilp In I'orelgn Policy (Dullini 808
FordKU I'olicy Uevlcw (Dulles) 808
American Republica. Purpose of Rlu Conference
(Uoover) 812
Arcentina. No Warships To Bo Si'nt to Antarctica . . 817
Alia
The Defense of Asia (Murphy) 71)0
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and Protocol
Transmitted to Senate (Elsenhower, Dulles) . . . 810
Atomic Enercy. Continuation of Debate on Peaceful Uses
of Atomic Eneruy (Lodge, Jackson) 828
Canada
Distant Early Warnlnj; Line Authorized by U.S.,
(,'anaila 813
Import Quota Imposed ou Barley atid Uarley Malt (texts
of U.S., Canadian notes and proclamation) . 817
Chile. No Warships To Be Sent to Antarctica .... 817
Consreiin. The. Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty
and Protocol Transmitted to Senate (Klaenhower.
Dulles) 810
Cuba. U.S. -Cuban Discussions on Economic Relations
(text of memorandum) 815
Economic Affairs
Agreement with Turkey for Procurement of Grain HI 4
Import Quota Imposed on Barley and Barley Malt (texts
of U.S., Canadian notes and proclamation) . . . 817
Mexican Payment Under Claims Convention 816
Purpose of Rio Conference (Hoover) 812
U.S. -Cuban Discussions on Economic Relations (text of
memorandum) 81S
ID.S. Participation in Proposed International Finance Cor-
poration (Lodge) 813
Weather Service for International Civil Aviation
(Little) 824
France. Visit of Pierre MendJs-France (text of U.S.-
French communique and statements) 804
Germany. The Significance of the London and Paris
Agreements ((\inant) 805
International OrKanizations and Meetings
Meeting of Ministers of Finance or Economy (lA-
ECOSOC) 83T
Purpose of Rio Conference (Hoover) 812
U.S. Delegations to International Conferences .... 836
Weather Service for International Civil Aviation
(Little) 824
Korea. U.S. and Korea Announce Initialing of Agreed
Minute (Joint statement, text of minute) .... 809
Latvia. Latvian Independence Day (Dulles) .... 812
Mexico. Mexican Payment Under Claims Convention . . 816
Military Affairs
Attack on U.S. .\ircraft by Soviet Planes (texts of U.S..
Soviet notes) 811
Distant Early Warning Line Authorized by U.S., Canada . 813
'No Warships To Be Sent to Antarctica 817
Mntaal Security
Agreement With Turkey for Procurement of Grain . . 814
The Defense of Asia (Murphy) 799
'The Significance of the London an(i Paris Agreements
(Conant) 805
U.S. and Korea Announce Initialing of Agreed Mlnate
(Joint statement, text of minute) 809
Presidential Documents
Import Quota Imposed on Barley and Barley Malt . . . 818
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and Protocol
Transmitted to Senate 819
Treaty Information
Agreement With Tiirk4'y fur Procurement of Grain . . 814
Curri'nt Treaty AcllonK 838
The Slk'iiillcance of Loudon and Paris Agreements
(Conant) 805
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and Protocol
TruiiNuiitteii to Senate (Elseiihotter, liuiies) 810
Turkey. Agreement With Turkey for Procurement of
Grain 814
U.S.S.R.
Attack on U.S. Aircraft by Soviet Planes (texts of U.S.,
Soviet notes) 811
Soviet Conference Proposal (Dulles) 807
United Kingdom. No Warships To Be Sent to Ant-
aritlca 817
United Nations
Continuation of Debate on Peaceful Us«'S of Atomic En-
ergy (Lodge, Jackson) 828
Weather Service for International Civil Aviation
(Little) 824
Name Indix
Conant, James B 805
Dulles, Secretary 807, 808, 812, 820
Eisenhower, President 818, 819
Hoover, Herbert, Jr 812
■lackson, CD 830
Little. Dilhert M 824
Lodge. Ilemy Cabot, Jr 813, 828, 820, 832
MendfsFraiice, Pierre 804
Murphy, Robert D 799
Nixon, Richard M 804
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 15-21
Ueleases may be obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Xovember 15 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 631 of
Xovember 8, 6.35 of November 10, 639 of November
11, and an of November 12.
Subject
Murphy : the defense of Asia.
Kxc-hange of commodities with Tur-
Ijey.
Dulles : bipartisanship.
Dulles : foreign ixilicy review.
Dulles : Soviet conference proposal.
Visit of Dr. Rarlhakrishnan.
Mutual defense ti-eaty with Korea.
Note to U.S.S.R. on B-21).
U.S.-Korean joint statement.
Nixon, Mendfes-Krance at airport.
Economic talks with Cuba.
Educational exchange.
Dulles: Latvian independence day.
Delegation to Kio Conference (re-
write).
Program for Chancellor Raab's visit.
Payment by Mexico.
Text of U.S.-Korean minute.
Hoover : departure for Rio.
U.S.-French communique.
•.Not printed.
fHeld for a later i.ssiie of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
644
11/15
645
11/16
646
11/16
647
11/16
648
11/16
*649
11/16
1650
11/17
651
11/17
f552
11/17
653
11/17
654
11/18
*(i55
11/18
(m6
11/18
657
11/18
♦658
11/19
659
11/19
660
11/19
661
11/20
662
11/20
United States
Government Printing Office
DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
Washington 25, D. C.
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the
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State
London and Paris Agreements
September— October 19 S 4
Publication 5659
45 cents
Secretary of State John Foster Dulles in his report of October
25, 1954, described the situation on European unity as of the
beginning of September as follows : "At the beginning of Sep-
tember, things looked pretty dark. The plan for the European
Defense Community had collapsed, and it looked as though the
whole North Atlantic Treaty structure, its whole system, might
be undermined and even swept away by political indecisions and
uncertainties." Then came the Nine-Power Conference at Lon-
don, September 28 to October 3, 1954, and the Conferences at
Paris, October 20 to October 23, 1954.
The historic achievement of these Conferences is recorded in
this 128-page publication, which includes the various agreed
documents, together with the transcript of the report made by
Secretary Dulles to President Eisenhower, the Cabinet, and the
American people on October 25, 1954.
Order Form
To: Supt. of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Enclosed And:
%
(cash, check, or
money order).
Please send me copies of London and Paris Agreements — Septemb'Cr-
October 1954.
Name:
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City, Zone, and State:
SITORY
^33' 3 / /
/ne/ ^f'/ufrt^nent/ /O^ tnate/
Vol. XXXT7
December 6, 1954
PROGRESS TOWARD EUROPEAN SECURITY • by
Assistant Secretary Merchant 843
PROTOCOLS ON GERMAN OCCUPATION AND AC-
CESSION TO NATO TRANSMITTED TO SENATE . 847
ECONOMIC COOPER.4TION IN THE AMERICAS •
Statement by Secretary of the Treasury Humphrey 863
PRESENTATION OF CLAIM AGAINST U.S.S.R. IN
1953 PLANE ATTACK 857
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
DEC 2 8 1954
^Ae zi^€/ta,')(l^rn€'nt cl t/ta^e
bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 806 • Pubucation 5683
December 6, 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C .
Price:
62 issues, domestic $7.60, foreign $10.26
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has been
approved by the Director of the Bureau of
the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprmted. Citation of the Department
o? State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by tlie White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Progress Toward European Security
hy Limnffstoii T. Merchant
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs *
It was with the greatest pleasure that I accepted
the invitation with which you honored me to meet
with you tonight to mark this 104th anniversary
of the Treaty of 1850 between Switzerland and
tlie United States. I feel that in doing so we are
commemorating something just as real, far older,
and more fundamental — something of which this
treaty of friendship is a symbol. This is one of
our olde-st treaties, which is a reflection of the his-
toric and traditionally close friendship between
our two countries, a friendship which springs from
our connnon dedication to the principles of democ-
racy and peace. And then there is a particular,
personal pleasure in seeing honored at tliis dinner
my old and good fi'iend, Charles Bruggmann, who
has represented his countr}- with such distinction
for so many years in Washington.
On this occasion I can think of no more fitting
opening than to extend to you President Eisen-
hower's personal greetings which he asked me to
convej'. Addressed to the American Society for
Friendship with Switzerland, the President's mes-
sage reads:
I welcome this opportunity to send to the members of
the American Society for Friendship with Switzerland
my sincere good wishes. You are to be warmly con-
gratulated for your work to stren^tlien the long-standing
friendship between the United States and Switzerland.
The peoples of both nations will never cease in their ar-
dent devotion to democracy or their tireless service to the
cause of just peace. Your efforts should therefore enjoy
continuing success in the years to come.
Peace — which is at the heart of tliis message — is
in the minds of all of us in these troubled times.
The peace we seek is not peace by capitulation.
' Made before the American Society for Friendship with
Switzerland at New York, N. Y., on Nov. 23 (press release
6C5).
Nor is it the kind of peace to be bought on the in-
stallment plan by successive acts of appeasement.
The peace of which the President speaks, and for
wliich this Government has worked and will con-
tinue to work, is a peace founded on equity and
honor. This is the only kind of peace that can
endure.
Now why is it that we of the free world are
troubled and frustrated in our quest for peace?
We and our friends have no desire other than to
live in peace, to attend to our own affairs, and to
devote all our efforts to the material and to the
spiritual advancement of our life in freedom.
The fact is that the threat that overhangs us all
resides in the character of the Soviet Government
and particularly in its actions since the end of
the Second World War. Where we all too quickly
demobilized our military strength, the Soviets re-
tained their armies on a war footing and indeed
have steadily built up their strength in conven-
tional and in atomic preparations. Moreover, the
Kremlin has never ceased to reiterate its funda-
mental conviction that in the long rim communism
will triumph over capitalism on every continent
and that meanwhile what they describe as this
historic movement must be assisted and promoted
by sabotage, by subversion, and by vicious political
warfare directed against the countries of the free
world.
The Communist coup in Czechoslovakia in Feb-
ruary 1948 was a shocking but important educa-
tional event for the West, and following that we
on our side began to draw closer together. The
Brussels Treaty among Great Britain, France, the
Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg was
signed in March of 1948, and then in April 1949
the United States and 11 other nations of the
Atlantic Community signed the historic North
Oe^ember 6, 1954
843
Atlantic Treaty. These developments took place
against the menacing backdrop of the Soviet block-
ade of Berlin from June of 1948 to May of 1949.
Soviet Imperialism
Our aims are defensive and our purposes are
peaceful. It is the record and not just the theory
of the imperialist — one might more properly say
the colonialist — policy pursued by Moscow which
has compelled us to draw together in collective
security arrangements.
This Soviet policy of imperialism has brought
under the Communist yoke hundreds of millions of
formerly free peoples and vast areas of territory
in Europe and in Asia. It has made available to
the Communist conspiracy the resources and the
manpower of a domain that reaches from Central
Europe to the Pacific and from the Arctic to the
40th parallel of latitude. This increase in terri-
torial aggrandizement is immense, and there are
no indications that the craving of the Communist
leaders for power has in any way been dulled.
Tins combination of the power potential of the
Communist bloc and its aggi'essive purpose has a
grave significance for the United States. Al-
though we enjoy a substantial technological supe-
riority, although we possess an industrial plant of
great power, and although we are richly endowed
with natural resources, the United States alone
cannot hope to match the power which could in
time be marshaled by the empire now subject to
Communist control. And if that can be said of
the United States, it certainly applies to any other
single free nation.
We are dealing then with a direct threat to the
security of this country. It is and has been obvious
that we must take those steps needed to protect our
national security. We have built up our own de-
fenses and we have joined with other free nations
who are similarly threatened and who are willing
to make sacrifices in order to remain free, so that
the combined strength of this free coalition pos-
sesses a power potential that outmatclies any that
can be mustered by the Conamunist sphere.
It was for this purpose that the North Atlantic
Treaty was negotiated and brought into effect 5
years ago.
Now, let me briefly describe the recent steps
which we have taken to strengthen further our
collective security arrangements in Europe.
Propositions Regarding Germany
We and our friends in Europe have long ac-
cepted three propositions with i-espect to that gi-eat
and vital nation, Germany. First, no one can in-
definitely hold in the status of an occupied coun-
try a proud and industrious people. To attempt
to do so inflames all the resentments on which
militant nationalism feeds. Secondly, the effec-
tive defense of Western Europe, as has been agi'eed
by all our militarj' leaders, requii'es a defense con-
tribution from Germany itself. Finally, and I
believe most important, if Western Europe is once
and for all to rid itself of the threat of recurrent
internecine wars, then Germany and its neighbors,
and particularly France, must be bound together
in a new relationship which so weaves together
their economies, their defense arrangements, and
their institutions as to make another war witliin
the Western European family not merely unthink-
able but actually impossible.
It was to achieve all these purposes that the
Treaty of Bonn and the treaty for the European
Defense Community were signed in May of 1952.
A great enterprise fell to the ground when the
European Defense Community Treaty was rejected
last August 30. It cannot be denied that this re-
sult was a blow of most serious proportions to all
those who had labored to bring about the unity
of Western Europe and to bulwark its defenses.
But, in a matter of days and to the surprise
of many, the West showed the energj' and the reso-
lution and the imagination which have made it
great. Tlie British Foreign Secretary, Sir An-
thony Eden, in quick succession visited Brussels,
Bomi, Rome, and Paris, developing, as he trav-
eled, a concept of enlarging the Brussels Treaty
by bringing Germany and Italy in as membei-s and
greatly modifying its structure. This also would
pave the way for restoration of German sov-
ereignty and Germany's admission to Nato. Our
own Secretary of State, Mr. Dulles, made a flying
visit to Bonn and to London to consult with the
German and British leaders.
On September 28, less than a month after the
failure of the Edc, the Foreign Ministers of Great
Britain, France, Germany, Italy, the Netlierlands,
Belgium, Luxembourg, Canada, and the United
States — nine powers in all — met in London. With-
in a week they worked out agreements in principle
to achieve this developing design. At that London
Conference the climax was reached in declarations
844
Department of State Bulletin
by Secretary Dulles and Foreign Secretary Eden —
statcnionts extraordinary for their dramatic values
and for their siirnilicance.'
Decisive Statements by U.S. and U.K.
Because the United States role in Europe is
necessarily dependent niion agreement among the
European nations themselves. Secretary Dulles
had deliberately refrained from taking to Ijondon
any "made in America" proposals. Ilis statement
was nonetheless a vital contribvition. It was a
lucid description of the American position with
n\gard to the unity and tlefense of Europe. Ho
said, in effect, that if arrangements were agreed
upon at London that provided for the continuing
hope of unity among the countries of Europe, then
the I'nited States would be disposed to renew its
pledge to maintain in Europe such elements of its
armed forees as may be necessary or appropriate —
necessarj' or appropriate, that is, to contribute its
fair share to the common defense of the North At-
lantic area while the threat to that area exists.
Sir Anthony Eden then announced a shift in
British policy of historic importance. In a dra-
matic statement he disclosed the readiness of Great
Britain to make a permanent commitment of
troo{)S to the Continent in an integrated European
force. I think everyone at the conference table
■was moved, as I was, by his phrase : "Ours is . . .
an island story.'' Then Sir Anthony gave this
pledge : Britain was prepared to abandon its tra-
ditionally insular policy and to align itself with
the other Brussels Treaty powers by maintaining
[four divisions of ground forces and tactical air
strength permanently on the Continent.
These two statements were decisive. The prin-
ciples of "Western European Union, which were
agreed upon at London, provide for the entrance of
a sovereign Federal Kepublic of Germany into
Nato and for a German defense contribution.
Safeguards are provided against a resurgence of
nprman militarism, and these are reinforced by
till' British commitment of troops and air contin-
Liviits to the Continent. The North Atlantic Treaty
( )i LMuization is being tightened administratively,
and the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe,
(icneral Alfred Gruenther, is being given added
autliority and responsibility.
That Conference ended on Sunday, October 3d,
with the signature of the Act of Ijondon.^ For the
next 3 weeks experts lidu)red literally night and
day to translate agreements in i)riiiciple into pre-
cise texts. Then on October 21 the same Nine
Powers reassembled in Paris. On the 2.^d the full
North .Atlantic Council met. On that Saturday
were signed the protocols and agreements * which,
when ratified and in force, will mark the comple-
tion of the labors of the past years to achieve
Western unity and collective defense.
Although the revised lirussels Treaty lacks the
broad supranational features of the European De-
fense Connnunity Treaty, it does provide a frame-
work within which European unity can develop.
Moreover, it has the great asset of British mem-
bership, which the Edc had not.
Let me also recall one other feature of the
revised Brus,sels Treaty Avhich, I think, has es-
caped general attention. This is the provision for
limitations on militai-y forces, on stocks of weap-
ons, and on the production of arms.
Connnunist propaganda promptly attacked the
agreements as aggressive in intent and a threat to
the peace of Europe. But, I submit, no body of
men who have aggression in mind are going to sit
around discussing and agreeing on the manner in
which forces should be limited or stocks of arms
controlled and their manufacture restricted. That
attitude is in itself incontrovertibly defensive.
The motivating purpose is to airive at a defensive
force that is adequate but niinimum. And this
must be just as apparent to the Communists as
to anyone else.
Tlie agi'eements reached at the London and
Paris Conferences were, beyond doubt, a shock
and a disapiX)intment to the Soviet rulers. One
did not need to be a soothsayer to prophesy that
they would seek to delay and, if possible, prevent
tlie ratification of the agi-eements that emerged
from those conferences. Soviet propaganda was
stepped up and became more shrill.
Transparent Soviet Diplomacy
Then, 10 days ago, the Soviet Government ad-
dressed to 23 European countries and to the United
States a note proposing that a conference be held
in Moscow, or Paris, on November 29, little more
than 2 weeks from the date of the despatch of the
' Bulletin of Oct. 11, 10.'')4, p. 523 and p. 525.
December 6, 7954
" Ibid., p. 515.
* Ibid., Nov. 15, ia.->4, p. 719.
845
note — a conference to consider the security of
Europe. This note did not even attempt to dis-
guise its purpose — to delay the ratification of the
agreements conchided among tlie 14 members of
the North Atlantic Treaty and the Federal Re-
public of German}' in Paris. Indeed it was almost
frivolous in its transparency. To anyone who has
even the slightest acquaintance with the amount
of preparation and the extent of the physical
arrangements necessary to hold a conference of
this size and importance, tlie date suggested was
ludicrous. Belatedly, last Saturday [November
20] , Mr. Molotov attempted to retrieve this clumsi-
ness by offering to postpone the date, if ratifica-
tion of the Paris agreements was similarly post-
poned.
This Soviet proposal is no novelty. It contains
nothing new nor any surprises. Last February,
at the Four Power Conference in Berlin, I listened
to Mr. Molotov propose a general European treaty
on collective security, to which all European
states, "irrespective of their social systems," could
become parties.^ But Mr. Molotov's pi'oposal of
February and its reiteration last week completely
miss the point. Security in Europe — or for that
matter throughout the world — cannot be achieved
by the exercise Mr. Molotov suggests. As Mr.
Dulles was quick to point out at Berlin, the Soviets
as well as we — in fact 60 nations — have subscribed
to and signed the United Nations Charter and by
that subscription and signature renounced the use
of force against the political independence and
the territorial integrity of other states. There is
nothing wrong or lacking in the wording of this
great charter. We would be hard put to it to
improve on it as a collective nonaggression treaty.
The sense of insecurity in the world springs not
from any lack of precision in the United Nations
Charter but from the fact that some of the parties
to it have not lived up to the obligations which,
by signing it, they accepted. It is a lack of trust
and confidence in the purposes and intentions of
the Soviet Union and its satellites which accounts
for the sense of insecurity in the world today.
It is that record — testified to by the rape of
Czechoslovakia, the satellization of the other East-
=■ lUd., Feb. 22, 1954, p. 209, and Mar. 15, 1954, p. 401.
em European countries, the Berlin blockade, and
cuhninating in the cruel, crude aggi-ession against
the Republic of Korea in June 1950 — which has
forced us to look to our defenses, rather than to
place our trust exclusively in solemn agreements
recorded on paper.
In so far as Europe is concerned, we have, I
think, a right to be proud of what we have built
within the Atlantic Commimity. Our unity is
great, and it will continue to grow. Our defenses
are respectable, and, by the necessary exertions,
they will be further developed to the point where
a lightning aggression in Europe need no longer
be feared as it has rightly been in the past.
But it is not enough to di-aw togetlier and assure
our defenses. We must continue in our unflagging
willingness to explore by peaceful negotiation any
safe and reasonable prospect of reducing tensions.
In Europe the sources of these tensions are well
known. Principally they are these : first, the con-
tinued division of Germany; second, the unjust
retention of Austria in occupation status more
than 10 years after the Soviets agreed that with
the war's end Austria would be considered a lib-
erated and not an enemy country; and, finally,
the imdiminished military establishment of the
Soviet Union and its Eastern European satel-
lites— or "colonies" might be a better word.
In numerous conferences — the last at Berlin
early this j'ear — we have sought the solution of
these first two great problems. We have made fair
and reasonable propositions. We have demon-
strated our willingness to compromise where prin-
ciple was not involved. In the United Nations we
have patiently searched for a road to disarmament
on which the Soviets would join our company.
The results so far have all been negative. It
may be, however, that once the Paris accords are
ratified and in force a more solid basis for nego-
tiation will exist. It would be folly to succumb
to obvious stratagems designed to delay the
achievement of the position of strength which rati-
fication of the Paris agreements will bring. But
thereafter and if evidence should develop, through
diplomatic channels which are always open, that
there is a serious intention on the other side to
reach agreement on the problems which lie at the
root of tension in Europe, then a new and more
hopeful prospect might open up for all of us.
846
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
Protocols on German Occupation and Accession to NATO
Transmitted to Senate '
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF TRANSMITTAL
The White House,
November 16, J 954.
To the Senate of the United States:
I transmit herewith for tlie consideration of the
Senate a certified copy of the Protocol on the Ter-
mination of the Occupation Regime in the Federal
Republic of Germany, signed at Paris on October
23, 195-4, to which are annexed five schedules, and
a certified copy of the Protocol to the North At-
lantic Treaty on the Accession of the Federal
Republic of Germany, also signed at Paris on
October 23, 195-4.^ I request the advice and con-
sent of the Senate to the ratification of these two
documents.
In addition, I transmit for the information of
the Senate a number of related documents. These
include a report made to me by the Secretary of
State on the present agreements; the Final Act of
the Nine Power Conference held at London, Sep-
tember 28-October 3, 1954, with annexes ; ^ 3 reso-
lutions adopted bj' the North Atlantic Council on
October 22, 1954; 4 protocols to tlie Brussels
Treaty signed at Paris on October 23, 1954, to-
gether with the text of the Brussels Treaty signed
on March 17, 1948; a declaration dated October
23, 1954, of the states signatory to the Brussels
Treaty inviting Italy and the Federal Republic
of Germany to accede to the treaty ; a resolution on
the production and standardization of armaments
adopted by the Nine Power Conference at Paris
on October 21, 1954; the Convention on the Pres-
ence of Foreign Forces in the Federal Republic
' Ht'i>rinted from S. Exec. L and M, 83d Cong., 2d sess.
■ For texts of the.se two protocols and of the other prin-
cipal documents signed at the Paris Conference, see
Biu-ETi.v of Nov. 15. 1954, p. 719.
" I hid., Oct. 11, 1954, p. 515.
of Germany, signed at Paris on October 23, 1954;
the Tripartite Agreement on the Exercise of Re-
tained Rights in Germany, signed at Paris on
October 23, 1954; certain letters relating to the
termination of the occupation regime in the Fed-
eral Ivei)ublic of Germany, dated October 23, 1954,
together with the texts of letters exchanged in 1952
referred to therein ; and a statement on Berlin
made by the Foreign Ministers of France, the
United States, and the United Kingdom in Paris
on October 23, 1954.
I know the Senate is aware of the very great
importance of these agreements to the security of
the United States and to the cause of peace and
freedom in the Morld as a whole. The agreements
represent the culmination of a joint effort, extend-
ing over several years, to promote closer coopera-
tion in security matters among the nations of
Western Europe and to find a way of associating
the great potential strengtli of the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany with that of the free world in a
manner which will ensui'e freedom and equality
for the people of Germany and at the same time
will avoid the danger of a revival of German mili-
tarism. The Congress of the United States has
recognized on several occasions that the effective-
ness of the entire Atlantic relationship depends
to a very great extent upon the attainment of these
objectives, and last summer the Senate adopted a
resolution (S. Res. 295, July 30, 1954) ■* expressing
the sense of the Senate that steps should be taken
to restore sovereignty to Germany and to enable
her to contribute to the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security.
It was hoped that these objectives would be ac-
complished through the treaty constituting the
Eurojiean Defense Community, together with the
' Ibid., Aug. 23, 1954, p. 284.
December 6, 1954
847
Bonn conventions of May 26, 1952,^ wliich were
designed to terminate the occupation regime in the
Federal Republic. But the treaty constituting the
European Defense Commimity failed of ratifica-
tion, and the conventions, being dependent on the
treaty, could not be brought into effect. Accord-
ingly, it became necessary to devise a set of alter-
native arrangements by which the nations of the
North Atlantic Community might pursue their
common security objectives, and these new ar-
rangements are embodied in the present agree-
ments.
In accordance with these arrangements, the Fed-
eral Republic will be invited to accede to the North
Atlantic Treaty and, along with Italy, to the
Brussels Treaty. Furthermore, important changes
will be made in the militaiy arrangements under
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and in
the basic nature of the Brussels Treaty to which
Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands,
and the United Kingdom are already parties.
These changes will have the effect, not only of
placing certain agreed controls on European ar-
maments, but also of strengthening and reinforc-
ing both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
and the new Brussels Treaty Organization, the
Western European Union.
In NATO, the powers of the Supreme Allied
Commander, Europe, will be strengthened in the
fields of assignment and deployment of forces,
inspection, and logistical organization. In addi-
tion, the principle of integration of units may be
carried to lower echelons than is now the case.
These measures are desirable in their own right
because they increase the general effectiveness of
NATO forces. At the same time, they create a
degree of mutual interdependence among national
forces assigned to NATO that will effectively limit
the ability of any one nation to take independent
military action within SACEUR's area of com-
mand.
The Brussels Treaty is modified so as to estab-
lish a new Council for Western European Union,
and promotion of European integration becomes a
new purpose of the treaty. The Council is given
important powers in the fields of controlling
forces and armaments. The continental forces of
the Brussels Treaty countries are set at specified
limits, conforming, for those coimtries which
would have been members of the European De-
fense Community, to the limits set by the EDO
Treaty. These limits cannot be changed except
by the unanimous consent of the Council. In ad-
dition, the United Kingdom has agreed that it
will continue to maintain on the mainland of
Europe forces of the level presently committed
there. Further safeguards are provided in the
armaments field. The Federal Republic has re-
nounced the right to manufacture atomic and
certain other weapons. Major types of conven-
tional weapons will be subject to control. An
Agency for Control of Armaments is to be set up
for the puqDOse of enforcing these arms limita-
tions.
It has also been agreed that the occupation re-
gime must be brought to an end and the Federal
Republic will assume the full authority of a sov-
ereign state in its external and internal affairs.
This will be accomplished by the Protocol on the
Termination of the Occupation Regime in the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, which amends the con-
ventions wliich were placed before the Senate in
1952 and brings them into effect as amended. The
amendments are designed principally to bring the
Bonn conventions into harmony with the new ar-
rangements for a German defense contribution and
with German membership in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization." The greater part of the
conventions has been left unchanged. They will
provide, as before, for the revocation of the occu-
pation statute, the abolition of the Allied High
Commission, and the settlement of numerous prob-
lems arising out of the war and the occupation.
The convention regulating the status of Allied
forces in Germany will continue until it is re-
placed by new arrangements based on the NATO
Status of Forces Agreement, supplemented by such
provisions as are necessary in view of the special
conditions with regard to forces stationed in the
Federal Republic. New arrangements will also
eventually have to be concluded on the support of
foreign forces in the Federal Republic. Of the
special rights retained by the United States, the
United Kingdom, and France in the original con-
ventions, those relating to Berlin and to Germany
" For a summary of the Bonn conventions, see ibid., June
9, 1952, p. 888; for texts of the conventions and of the Edc
treaty, see S. Exec. Q and R, 82d Cong., 2d sess.
" For the complete text of the Trotoeol on the Termina-
tion of the Occupation, including the five amending sched-
ules, see London and Paris Ayrecments, Department of
State publication 5C!59, p. 63.
848
Department of State Bulletin
as !i whole will be kept on the same terms us be-
fore, ami the rij^ht to station forces in (iermany
will, after German admission to NATO, be exer-
cised with the consent of the Federal (Jovernment
insofar as the Feileral territory is concerned.
Of the four conventions which are to be
amendeil by the protocol anil placed in ell'ect as
amended, only one (the Convention on Kelations
between the Three Powei-s and the Federal Kepub-
lic of Germany) was submitted to the Senate for
its advice and consent to ratification. The other
conventions were in the nature of implementing
administrative agreements, for which the Senate
i-ecognized that formal approval was unnecessary
and, furthermore, was undesirable, inasmuch as
they might require technical revision from time to
time to meet changing conditions. Approval of
the Protocol on the Termination of the Occupa-
tion Regime in the Federal Republic of Germany
will not change the nature of those related conven-
tions.
While the arrangements emlx)died in these
agreements are complex, their purposes are simple.
The Federal Republic is placed on a basis of full
equality with other states. The military strength
of the Federal Republic will be combined with that
of tlie other countries in the Atlantic community
in such a way that the development and use of
the German militaiy contribution will be in ac-
cordance with the common need. The Federal
Republic will be full)- associated with the Atlantic
community through membership in the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization, and with the Euro-
pean commimity through membei-ship in tlie AVest-
ern European Union established under the Brus-
sels Treat}'. Both of these organizations will be
strengthened internally. The procedures and in-
stitutions which are the subject of these agree-
ments make it inevitable that the states involved
will act closely together in the matters most im-
portant to their security. Tliis concert of action
will, I am convinced, foster the spirit of coopera-
tion and desire for continuing association whicli
have been evident in the free nations and which
are essential for their future safety and welfare.
One of the principal specific consequences of the
new arrangements will be the addition of a sub-
stantial increment of German resources to the
Atlantic defense system. At the same time, I
want to emphasize the fact that these agreements
are founded upon the profound yearning for peace
which is shared by all the Atlantic peoples. The
agreements endanger no nation. On the contrary,
they represent one of history's fii-st great practical
experiments in the internatiomil control of arma-
ments. Moreover, their fundamental significance
goes far beyond the combining of strength to deter
aggression. Ultimately, wo hope that they will
proiluce a new undei-standing among the free
peoples of P^urope and a new spirit of friendship
which will inspire greater cooperation in many
fields of iiunian activity.
I urge the Senate to signify its approval of this
great endeavor by giving its advice and consent to
ratification of the protocols on the admission of the
Federal Republic to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization and on the termination of the occu-
pation regime. I hope these instruments may be
Studied with a view to enabling the Senate to act
promptly on these matters when it meets for its
new session in January.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower.
SECRETARY DULLES' REPORT
Df.partmext of State,
Washington, November 12, 1954.
The President,
The White House.
Dear Mr. President:
I
I have the honor to submit to you, with a view
to transmission to the Senate for its advice and
consent to the ratification thereof, (1) a Protocol
on the Termination of the Occupation Regime in
the Federal Republic of Germany, signed at Paris
on October 23, 1954, to which are aimexed five
schedules; and (2) a Protocol to the North At-
lantic Treaty providing for the Accession of the
Federal Republic of Germany, signed at Paris on
October 23, 1954.
II
The protocols above referred to are a part of a
series of interconnecting arrangements designed
to solidify the security structure of Western
Europe. Because of such interdependence, I also
submit herewith the other arrangements, al-
though they do not themselves require Senate
action. I recommend that these documents, which
are listed in the annexed schedule, be submitted
to the Senate for its information.
December 6, 1954
849
Ill
The foregoing arrangements, when they become
operative, will, in combination, establish basically
new conditions in "Western Europe. They will
realize a result for which the United States has
long hoped.
The two world wars of this century have made
it evident that western civilization, with its dedi-
cation to human liberty, cannot survive if the
members of the western world continue to make
war on each other. Already they have so expended
their blood and treasure in fighting that they have
gravely depleted their strength, and they have
brought upon themselves the moral condemnation
of all humanity because of their failure to estab-
lish, even as between themselves, a peaceful order.
Realization of the foregoing brought the West-
ern European nations to seek such a measure of
unification, particularly in terms of military
establishments, as would make it hereafter both
militarily impractical and politically unlikely that
their military forces would be used against each
other, or indeed against anyone else for other than
clearly defensive purposes.
The need for this coincides with new dangei-s
born out of the expansionist policies of Soviet
Russia, inspired by the worldwide ambitions of
Soviet communism and backed by a vast Red mili-
tary establishment. This creates for Western
Europe a threat which can only be effectively
deterred by the achievement of a large degree of
practical unity among the European nations them-
selves, including the Federal Republic of Ger-
many, and, we hope, a unified Germany.
It was originally sought to achieve these obje^^-
tives by the establishment of a European Defense
Community, consisting of six continental coun-
tries— Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of
Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Nether-
lands. They would have created an international
organization having supranational jiowers in de-
fense matters. This would have constituted a hard
and dependable core at the critical center of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
This plan had been proposed on October 24,
1950, by Mr. Pleven, the then French Minister of
Defense. After about a year and a half of nego-
tiation, it was embodied in two interconnected
treaties — the Bonn Convention on Relations with
the Federal Republic of Germany of May 26, 1952,
designed to restore sovereignty to the Federal Re-
public, and the Paris Treaty of May 27, 1952,
designed to establish the European Defense
Community.
The Bonn convention was signed by the United
States, and on July 1, 1952, the United States
Senate advised and consented to its ratification.
The Senate at the same time consented to an ex-
tension of the North Atlantic Treaty area to
include that of the European Defense Com-
munity, the significant addition being Western
Germany. However, the Bonn convention and
the related Paris Treaty never became effective
because they were not ratified by all the signatories.
This failure to realize the European Defense
Community and to restore sovereignty to the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany created a highly
dangerous situation. It seemed that Europe might
be doomed to continue divisions which would be
disastrous both because such divisions would per-
petuate the cycle of recurrent war as between the
Western European countries themselves, and be-
cause a divided Europe would automatically be
dominated by Soviet despotic power.
IV
I desire at this point to refer to the action which
the United States Senate took on July 30, 1954.
It was then predictable that the French Chamber
of Deputies might fail to ratify the Bonn and
Paris Treaties, above referred to, and the conse-
quences of that failure could measurably be fore-
seen. In anticipation of that situation there
occurred consultations between the Executive and
the Senate, as a result of which the Senate, by a
vote of 88 to 0, adopted a resolution which asked
you in your discretion and within the limits of
your constitutional powers to seek —
to restore sovereignty to Germany and to enable her to
contribute to the maintenance of international peace and
securit.v.
This act of cooperation between the Executive
and the Senate, and the unanimous bipartisan ac-
tion of tlie Senate itself, had a steadying and sober-
ing effect at a time when there was much confu-
sion and division of coimsel. The Senate action
enabled me, as your representative, to speak with
authority in the subsequent negotiations which I
conducted on your behalf.
The forward-looking "advice" thus given by the
850
Department of State Bulletin
Senate in pui-suance of its ooiistitutionnl priMof^a-
tive has in fact been successfully transmuted into
Executive action. The first protocol referred to
in I above will "restore sovereifjnty to Germany'"
and the second protocol referred to in 1 above will
"enable her to contribute to the maintenance of
international pesice and security."
The Protocol on the Termination of the Occu-
pation Regime in the FedtMal Republic of Ger-
many is not linked to the entry into force of the
arrangements for a German defense contribution,
as was the case of the original Convention on Re-
lations with the Federal Republic. It could come
into force before it becomes possible to bring the
arrangements for the German defense contribution
into force. If there is an intervening period,
France, the United Kingdom, and the United
States will retain their existing powers in the field
of disannament and demilitarization in the Fed-
eral Republic. These powers will be exercised
through a Joint Commission, consisting of repre-
sentatives of the three powers and the Federal
Republic, who will function by majority vote.
These arrangements will be reviewed at the end of
105-i in light of the situation then existing with
regard to the entry into force of the protocol and,
at the same time, the four Governments will review
the exercise of the controls with a view to permit-
ting preparation by the Federal Republic for its
future defense contribution.
In addition to the dillereiices above mentioned,
several changes of substance have been made in the
Convention on Relations with the Federal Repub-
lic, as concluded in 1952. However, these changes
neither increase the obligations of nor diminish
the benefits to the United States as against those
reflected in the Bonn convention which was ap-
proved by the Senate on July 1, 1952. The
changes, which are significant primarily from the
standpoint of the Federal Republic of Germany,
may be summarized as follows :
(1) In article 2 of the convention as originally
concluded, the three powers retained their rights
relating to the stationing of armed forces in Ger-
many and the protection of their security, to Ber-
lin, and to Germany as a whole, including the
luiification of Germany and a peace settlement.
These powers were to be held in reserve for special
use, related to the Soviet position in Eastern Ger-
many, and were not intended for exercise in ordi-
nary German alfairs, either domestic or foreign.
It seemed preferable, therefore, that insofar as the
territory of the Federal Repui)lic was concerned,
the arrangements for the stationing of foreign
forces should be put on a contractual basis. Ac-
cordingly, the forces in the Federal Republic after
the entry into force of the arrangements for the
German defense contribution will be governed by a
separate convention under the terms of which the
Feileral Republic agrees to the stationing of forces
of the same nationality and effective strength as
may bo stationed in the Federal Republic at that
time. Any increase in the effective strength of
these forces may be made only with the consent of
the Government of the Federal Republic.
The Gernum representatives recognized that the
three powers should preserve their rights to protect
the security of forces stationed in the Federal
Republic until the Federal Government itself were
able to take the necessarj^ measures. This depends
on the Federal Government obtaining new legis-
lative powers. The termination of the general
right of the three powers in this field will not
affect the right of a military commander, if his
forces are imminently menaced, to take such im-
mediate action (including the ase of armed force)
as may be ajipropriate for their protection and as
is requisite to remove the danger.
(2) A second change in the Convention on Rela-
tions relates to the Arbitration Tribunal to be es-
tablished for the settlement of disputes arising be-
tween any one of the three powers and the Federal
Government. Under the Charter of the Arbitra-
tion Tribunal as originally concluded, the Tri-
bunal was given power to take action directly on
legislative and administrative measures or ju-
dicial decisions applicable within the Federal Re-
public. These powers, which are not normal to
a body created to arbitrate disputes between
sovereign states, have been eliminated from the
charter.
(;5) A third change in the Convention on Re-
lations relates to the situation which will arise on
the reunification of Germany. The Convention on
Relations as concluded in 1952 provided for its
review in the event of reunification (art. 10).
The new protocol provides for review of the con-
vention and the related conventions not only in the
event of actual reunification of Germany, but also
in case an international understanding is reached
December 6, 1954
851
with the participation and consent of the four
Governments parties to tlie conventions on steps
toward bringing about the reunification of Ger-
many. The Convention on the Presence of For-
eign Forces in Germany will also be subject to re-
view in these circumstances. There must, of course,
be agreement by all the signatory governments to
any clianges made in the conventions.
(4) Changes have also been made in the related
conventions. These changes for the most part in-
volve bringing the conventions up to date by elim-
inating clauses referring to the EDC Treaty, by
taking into account the lapse of time since the con-
ventions were concluded, and by taking into ac-
count progress made toward the completion of
certain Allied programs in Germany. They also
alter certain clauses in the conventions which were
not felt to be in harmony with the status of equality
being accorded the Federal Eepublic. Finally, the
arrangements for the financial support of foreign
forces stationed in Germanj' have been brought
into harmony with more recent agreements with
the Federal Republic in this field.
The related conventions were executive agree-
ments implementing the Convention on Relations.
For these. Senate action was unnecessary and, fur-
thermore, recognized by the Committee on Foreign
Relations to be undesirable, inasmuch as it was
foreseen that they might require technical revi-
sion from time to time to meet changing condi-
tions. The report of the Committee on Foreign
Relations of the Senate (Ex. Rept. No. 16, 82d
Cong., 2d sess.), stated:
Some of the technical provisions in the [related] con-
ventions are temporary in nature and as the situation
in Germany chanfjes, it may be necessary to make modi-
fications in them from time to time. Under such circum-
stances it would seem impractical to require resubmis-
sion of the conventions to the Senate before each such
modification could go into effect.
The ratification of the Protocol on the Termina-
tion of the Occupation Regime in the Federal Re-
public of Germany will not change the nature of
those related conventions.
VI
The arrangements for the termination of the
occupation regime in the Federal Republic do not
affect the status of Berlin. In a declaration made
by the Governments of tlie United States, the
United Kingdom and France at the London Nine
Power Conference of September 28-October 3,
1954, they reaffirmed the declaration made by tliem
in Paris on May 27, 1952, that they would maintain
armed forces in Berlin as long as their responsi-
bilities required and that they would treat any
attack against Berlin from any quarter as an at-
tack upon their forces and themselves. In addi-
tion, the three powers issued a statement in Paris
on October 23, 1954, in which they affirmed their
determination to insure the greatest possible
degi'ee of self-government in Berlin compatible
with Berlin's special situation and stated that they
had instructed their representatives in Berlin to
consult with tlie German authorities in the city
with a view to implementing these principles
jointly and to the fullest degree possible.
VII
The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty Pro-
viding for the Accession of the Federal Republic
of Gennany, referred to in I above, has no precise
counterpart in the documents which were submit-
ted to the Senate in 1952, althougli, as mentioned,
there was then a protocol, approved by the Senate,
wliich extended the treaty area to include that of
the EDC. It was, however, not then contemplated
that the Federal Republic of Germany would itself
become a party to tlie North Atlantic Ti'eaty. The
German defense contribution would have been
made solely through the European Defense Com-
munity. Under the arrangements now contem-
plated, it is essential that the Federal Republic of
Germany should become a party to the North At-
lantic Treaty and participate in the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO). A protocol to
that effect was signed in Paris on October 23, 1954,
by the representatives of the 14 nations now parties
to that treaty, and is one of the two documents
referred to in section I hereof which it is recom-
mended should be submitted to tlie Senate for
advice and consent to ratification. The protocol
is framed so that its entry into force is tied to
that of the other arrangements relating to Ger-
man participation in the common defense.
VIII
One of the documents above referred to in sec-
tion II hereof, is a resolution concerning the
powers of the supreme allied commander, Europe
(SACEUR) approved by the Nortli Atlantic
Council on October 22. 1954. Tlie general effect
852
Deparfmenf of S/ofe Bulletin
of this i-esolution is to strengtlicn the role of
SACEUK over the forces iiiuler liis authority.
One result of these ehaiijies will be tt) eiiliaiice
the etlectiveiiess of the NATO forces in Europe,
with consequent l)enelits to the entire NATO ef-
fort. Increasing the authority t)f SAt'EVH will
also mean that the national forces assigned to
SACEUK will become intefrrated and interde-
pendent to an extent that will miMiinize the pos-
sibility of individual nations exercising an inde-
j)endent military initiative in Europe.
IX
Another of the resolutions of the North Atlantic
Covmcil suggested to be submitted to the Senate
for its information is that of October 22, 1954,
which took note of an exchange of declarations
between the Federal Republic of Germany and the
Governments of the United States, the United
Kingdom, and France on October 3, 195-4, in Lon-
don and associated all members of the North At-
lantic Treaty with the tripartite declaration issued
by the three Governments last named.
In its declaration, the Government of the Fed-
eral Kepublie declares that it has agreed to con-
duct its policy in accordance with the principles
of the Charter of the United Nations and accepts
the obligations set forth in article 2 of the charter.
The Federal Republic also declares that, upon its
accession to the North Atlantic and Brussels
Treaties, it will refrain from any action incon-
sistent with the strictly defensive character of the
treaties. In particular the German Federal Re-
public undertakes never to have recourse to force
to achieve the reunification of Germany or the
modification of the present boundaries of the Ger-
man Federal Republic.
In the tripartite declaration, the Governments
of the United States, United Kingdom, and France
respond appropriately to this declaration, reaffirm-
ing in relation to this situation the principles of
article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations,
condemning the use of force as between nations.
A major element in the new arrangements signed
at Paris on October 23, 1954, are the four protocols
designed to modify the Brussels Treaty. This
treaty, signed on March 17. 1948, by France, Bel-
gium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the
United Kingdom, was the first major step toward
the military integration of postwar Eurojie, ante-
dating the North Atlantic Treaty by more than a
year. Under the terms of the Brussels Treaty all
countries were pledged to give full and immeiliate
military assistance to any party against which
aggression might occur. The treaty also provided
for consultative machinery for the develoi)ment
of conunon defense plans. AV'ith the advent and
growth of NATO, the organizational machinei-y
under the Brussels Treaty became relatively in-
active, but the treaty remained in full force and
has now afforded a basis for realizing certain major
political and .security objectives.
The lirst of the protocols will bring about several
important changes in the Brussels Treaty. First,
it jirovides for tlie accession of Germany and Italy
to the Brussels Treaty so that the membershii) will
correspond to that of the proposed European De-
fense Community, plus the United Kingdom.
Second, the Consultative Council of the Brussels
Treaty will be transformed into a new "Council
of AVestern European Union" for the purposes of
strengthening peace and security and promoting
unity and encouraging the progressive integration
of Western Europe and closer cooperation between
them and with other European organizations.
Special provision is made for votes by two-thirds
majority or simple majority on specific questions.
Provision is made for close cooperation between
the Brussels Treaty Organization and the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization. There is a clause
stating the undesirability of duplicating the work
of the military stall's of NATO and stipulating
that the Council and its Agency for the Control
of Armaments will rely on the military authorities
of NATO for information and advice on military
matters.
The second protocol is concerned with the size
of the forces of Western Eui'opean Union. It pro-
vides that the total strength and number of for-
mations of the land and air forces of Belgium,
France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy',
and the Netherlands placed under SACEUR shall
not exceed those laid down in the special agree-
ment annexed to the European Defense Commu-
nity Treaty. The forces of the United Kingdom
under SACEUR shall not exceed those presently
under SACEUR command, and Luxembourg's
forces shall be set at one regimental combat team.
Naval forces are to be set by the NATO annual
review process. Any increase in the agreed maxi-
December 6, 1954
853
mum forces will be subject to the unanimous
approval of all parties to the Brussels Treaty.
An important feature of this protocol is the com-
mitment by the United Kingdom to maintain on
the mainland of Europe the effective strength of
the United Kingdom forces now assigned to
SACEUK, i. e., four divisions and the Second
Tactical Air Force or such other forces as
SACEUR regards as having equivalent fighting
capacity. The United Kingdom undertakes not
to withdraw these forces against the wishes of a
majority of the Brussels Treaty Powers. The
protocol provides that this undertaking does not
bind the United Kingdom in case of an acute over-
seas emergency. It further provides that if main-
tenance of forces on the Continent at any time
places too great a strain on the external finances
of the United Kingdom, the Government of the
United Kingdom will invite the North Atlantic
Council to review the fijiancial conditions under
which the United Kingdom forces are maintained.
This coimnitment is in addition to the commit-
ment implicit in the United Kingdom's member-
ship in the new Council of Western European
Union.
The third protocol relates to the control of arma-
ments. It is concerned both with armaments
which are not to be manufactured in the Federal
Republic and those which are to be controlled
within the Brussels Treaty countries on the main-
land. The prohibited arms, which the Federal
Republic of Germany has renounced the right to
produce, are atomic, biological, and chemical weap-
ons and guided missiles, larger naval vessels, and
strategic bombing aircraft. Unanimous vote of
the Council of Western European Union is re-
quired to give Germany the right to produce
atomic, biological, and chemical weapons. A two-
thirds majority of the Council can give Germany
the right to pi'oduce guided missiles, larger naval
vessels, and strategic aircraft, provided that
SACEUR recommends that Germany be given
this right.
The armaments subject to control throughout
the territory of the six Continental countries in-
clude both the weapons which are prohibited and
a number of other major weapons. These include
mines, tanks, large artillery and ammunition
therefor, aircraft bombs and most types of mili-
tary aircraft.
A fourth protocol creates an Agency for the
Control of Armaments. With respect to con-
trolled items, the Agency is to exercise its control
over stocks of armaments rather than over pro-
duction. It will also ensure that prohibited items
are not produced in Gennany.
The United States will give the Council of
Western European Union information with re-
spect to military aid to be furnished to the forces
of the Brussels Treaty countries on the mainland
of Europe. This information will be transmitted
to the Agency for Armaments Control by the
Council. The United States retains full authority
to determine the allocation of United States mili-
tary assistance.
The Agency does not have responsibilities with
respect to the production and procurement of ar-
maments or with the allocation of military equip-
ment. However, the Brussels Treaty countries did
agree in a resolution approved at Paris October
21, 1954, that they would convene a Working
Group in Paris January 17, 1955, to consider pro-
posals for development of rationalized production
programs.
XI
The arrangements wliich I have discussed im-
pose no treaty engagements and obligations upon
the United States other than those incident to
restoring to the Federal Republic of Germany
sovereign powers which the Allies had assumed
after the defeat of the Nazi Government ; and the
acceptance of the Federal Republic as a member
of the North Atlantic Treaty. Nevertheless, the
prospective attitude of the United States toward
the whole arrangement is a matter of profomid,
even decisive, significance.
In this connection, I made a statement at the
London Conference at its meeting of September
29, 1954, the full text of which is reproduced in
an annex to the final act of the London Conference,
transmitted herewith. By that statement I sought
to make clear the desire of our Nation to encourage
and support measures which unify and strengthen
Western Europe, whereas we would be disposed
to draw away from a Europe which persisted in
divisions and weakness. In this connection I said
that if new arrangements wei'e made by the West-
ern European countries, which, in replacement of
the European Defense Community, provided unity
and strengtli, so that the hopes which we had
placed in EDC could reasonably be transferred
854
Department of State Bulletin
to these new iirningements, then I would recom-
mend to you, Mr. President, tlmt you sliouhl make
a deoliinition of policy coinimrahie to tluit wiucli
you oll'ered, after consultation with conjiressional
leadei-s, in connection with the i)iosi)eilive Euro-
pean Defense Community Treaty, inchiditifj; an
expression of intention by the United Statt^s —
to maintain in Eui-hih" sucli cU-nii'iits of Its arniiHl forirs
us may lu' nwcssar.v or aijpruprialo to conlrllnilc our fair
share of wliat is needod for tlic common ilcfonse of tliis
North Atlantic area while the tliroat to tliat area exists.
I was careful to point out that such a declarat ion
would constitute no more than a jiolicy declara-
ticm and that it would not i>e a lejrally binding
cominitinent. I poiiiteil out :
under our constitutional system, the President of the
United States is Commander in Cliicf of the Armed Forces
of the United States and, as such, has the riglit to deter-
mine tlieir disposition. One President of tlie Unitt>d States
Is not constitutionally able to bind his successor In tills
matter. Each President of the United States comes into
office enjoyini: the risht to dispose of the Armed Forces of
the United States as lie tliiuks best serves the interests of
the UnittHi States in accordance with the advice he gets
from his military advisers.
I nevertheless pointed out that basic and funda-
mental policies were, as a practical matter, not
likel}' to be altered and that our policy to cooperate
with a Western Europe which was itself acting
etfectively to make itself united and strong was,
I felt, basic and fundamental United States policy,
as both the Executive and the Congress liad clearly
made manifest.
In pursuance of the .statement which I made in
London, I expect, Mr. President, to make a recom-
mendation to you as thus indicated, if the arrange-
ments which were entered into at Paris have been,
or appear likely to be, realized. I miderstand
that you would be disposed to act favorably on
such a recommendation.
XII
It is evident that the foregoing agi'eements, if
they come into force and are implemented, will
have far reaching and benign consequences.
They will fulfill the aspirations of the people of
the Federal Kepublic of Germany for a position of
equality in the family of free nations.
They will increase substantially the defensive
potential of the Atlantic alliance.
At the same time, they will afford protection
against excessive militarism as a tool of aggressive
nationalism. This i)rotection will go not only to
the members of the Atlantic alliance, but to all.
They will oll'er strong assurances against a re-
newal of fratricidal strife among the free nations
of Europe and will atl'ord a framework of practi-
cal cooperation whicli sliduld eiii'ourage fiu-ther
advances toward political ami economic unity
among the AVestern European states.
Hecaiise of the importance to this Nation of
achieving these results, I recommend, Mr. Presi-
dent, that yf)U request early consideration by the
Senate of tliis matter, and, in particular, the advice
and consent of the Senate to the ratification of the
two doctnnents of treaty status which the United
States has signed, namely, the protocol which will
restore sovereignty to the Federal Kepublic of
Germany and the protocol whicli will sidmit the
Fetleral Kepublic of Germany to the North At-
lantic Treaty.
Kespectfully submitted,
John Foster Dulles.
SCHEDULE
(1) The Final Act of the Nine Power Confer-
ence held at London, September 28-October 3,
1954, with annexes; (2) three resolutions adopted
by the North Atlantic Council on October 22, 1954;
(.'5) four protocols to the Brussels Treaty of March
17, 1948, signed at Paris on October 23, 1954, to-
gether with the text of treaty itself; (4) a decla-
ration dated October 23, 1954, of the states
signatory to the Brussels Treaty inviting Italy and
the Federal Republic of Germany to accede to the
treaty; (5) a resolution on the production and
standardization of armaments adopted by the Nine
Power Conference at Paris on October 21, 1954;
(6) the Convention on the Presence of Foreign
Forces in the Federal Republic of Germany, signed
at Paris on October 23, 1954; (7) the Tripartite
Agreement on the Exercise of Retained Rights in
Germany, signed at Paris on October 23, 1954;
(8) certain letters relating to the termination of
the occupation regime in the Federal Republic of
Germany, dated October 23, 1954, together with
the texts of letters exchanged in 1952 referred to
therein; and (9) a statement on Berlin made by
the Foreign Ministers of France, the United
States, and the United Kingdom in Paris on Octo-
ber 23, 1954.
An agreement on the Saar was also signed at
Paris by the French Republic and the Federal
December 6, 7 954
855
Republic of Germany on October 23, 1954. When
an authentic English translation of this agreement
is obtained, it will be made available to the Senate
for its information.
U.S. Protests Sentencing of
Americans by Chinese Communists
INSTRUCTiON TO CONSUL AT GENEVA'
Press release 666 dated Novemljer 23
The American Consul General at Geneva is
being instructed to make the strongest possible
protest to the Cliinese Conununists through the
channels established there for exchange of infor-
mation on Americans in China regarding the sen-
tencing of 11 U.S. Air Force persomiel and 2
American civilians to prison sentences ranging
from 4 years to life for alleged espionage.
The American Consul General is being in-
structed to emphatically protest the imposition of
jail sentences upon the 11 Air Force personnel
ranging from 4 to 10 years on trumped-up charges
of being espionage agents. The American Consul
General is being instructed to point out that these
men, despite the terms of the Korean truce, have
already been held in Chinese Communist custody
for almost 2 years, despite our repeated represen-
tations for their release.
He is being instructed to protest the sentencing
of the two civilians to life and 20 years, respec-
tively, on similar trumped-up charges as a most
flagrant violation of justice. These men, John
Thomas Downey and Richard George Fecteau,
were civilian personnel employed by the Depart-
ment of the Army in Japan. They were believed to
have been lost on a flight from Korea to Japan in
November 1952.
How they came into the hands of the Chinese
Communists is unknown to the United States
but the fact of their detention was obviously known
by the Chinese Communists and was deliberately
' Consul Franklin C, Gowen on Nov. 24 requested a meet-
ing witii tlie Acting Cliinose Communist Consul General at
Geneva, Slien Pins. The latter ilid not consent until after
tlie Peiping regime had rejected tlie U.S. note of protest of
Nov. 26. The meeting tooli place on Nov. 29, at which
time Mr. Gowen carried out this instruction.
concealed by them when the possible repatriation
of Americans was discussed at Geneva in June of
this year. The American Consul General is being
instructed to point out in the most vigorous terms
that despite these previous discussions the Peiping
broadcast of today is the first word we have had
that they are held by the Chinese Communists.
The U.S. Government will continue to make
every effort to effect the release of these men who
have been unjustly "sentenced" to further periods
of imprisonment.
The continued wrongful detention of these
American citizens furnishes further proof of the
Chinese Communist regime's disregard for ac-
cepted practices of international conduct.
U.S. NOTE OF NOVEMBER 26
Press release 673 dated November 26
The United States on November 26 delivered
through the Foreign Office at London the follow-
ing note to the Chinese Communist regimens charge
d'affaires there, and also requested that the note he
delivered directly to the Chinese Communist re-
gime through the British charge d'' affaires at
Peiping.
On the same date Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S.
Representative to the United Nations, tram7nitted
a copy of the note to the Secretary-General with
the request that it he circulated to U.N. memhers.
The United States Government vigorously pro-
tests the wrongful action of the Chinese Commu-
nist authorities in sentencing on November 23rd
eleven members of the United States Armed Forces
and two American civilians employed by the De-
partment of the Army to terms of imprisonment on
political charges which are without foundation.
These Americans were in planes which were at-
tacked over the recognized combat zone in Korea,
or over international waters, in the course of the
Chinese Communist aggi-ession against Korea.
Their detention is in patent violation of the
Korean Armistice Agreement.
The sentencing of the members of the United
States Armed Forces to penitentiary terms in these
circumstances is grossly contrary to the substance
and spirit of all recognized international stand-
ards as to tlie protection of prisoners of war. The
maltreatment of the two civilian American citi-
zens, whose names were willfully and deceitfully
withheld by the Chinese Comnimiist representa-
856
Department of State Bulletin
tives at Geneva last June from the list of Anierioan
civilians held in Chinese Communist jails, is
equally reprehensible.
The United States Government calls upon the
Chinese Communist authorities to release these
unjustly detained American nationals forthwith,
in accordance with the provisions of the Korean
Armistice Agreement and in conformity with tlie
elementary precepts of justice and hiunanity.
The Chinese Communist authorities are under
an obligation to redress in so far as possible the
wrong they have inflicted on these American na-
tioiuiis and their families. The United States
Government reserves the right to claim compen-
sation as may be determined appropriate, and to
demand tlic punishment of the Chinese Commu-
nist officials responsible for the denial of the rights
of these persons.
The CHiinese Communist authorities should bear
in mind that the long list of Chinese Communist
outrages against American nationals, which the
American people have borne with restraint thus
far, is significantly extended by the Chinese Com-
munist announcement of November 23rd.
Presentation of Claim Against U.S.S.R. in 1953 Plane Attack
The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 9 (press release 566) that Ambassador Charles
E. BolUen on that date delivered to the Soviet
Foreign Office at Moscow a note from the United
States Government to the Soviet Government pre-
ferring a formal diplomatic claim against the So-
viet Goverimient on account of the destruction of
a B-50 aircraft by Soviet aircraft off Cape Povo-
rotny in the international airspace over the Sea of
Japan on July 29, 1953. The note demands that
the Soviet Government pay damages in the sum
of $2,785,492.94 and invites the Soviet Govern-
ment, in the event that the Soviet Government de-
nies liability, to join in submitting this dispute to
the International Court of Justice. It likewise
demands the release of any survivors of the B-50.
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representative to
the United Nations, on October 11 transmitted the
note to the president of the Security Council with
the request that it be circulated to members of the
Council.^
On January 26, 1954, following an intensive in-
vestigation of the attack on the B-50 aircraft, the
United States Government delivered to the Soviet
Government a note^ requesting certain detailed
information with respect to the attack and the var-
' U.N. doc. S/3304 dated Oct. 12.
' Bulletin of Mar. 15, 1954, p. 409.
December 6, 1954
328389—54 3
ious allegations made by the Soviet Goverrunent
in prior notes. Among other things, the Soviet
Government had alleged that it had evidence to
refute the United States Government's conten-
tion that the B-50 did not fly over Soviet ter-
ritory and was attacked by Soviet fighters in in-
ternational airspace over the Sea of Japan. The
Soviet Government was requested to produce this
evidence. The Soviet Government having failed to
reply to the United States Government's note of
January 26, 1954, the United States Government
delivered to the Soviet Government another note
on May 25, 1954,' inquiring when a reply might
be expected to the note of January 26, 1954. The
Soviet Govermnent has made no reply or acknowl-
edgment whatever to either note.
The October 9 note charges that the B-50 was
shot down without warning in international air-
space over the Sea of Japan. It takes note of the
possibility that the Soviet Government may have
information of the fate of the missing crew mem-
bers and again demands that the Soviet Govern-
ment provide such information as it has and make
provision for the prompt return of any survivors
whom it may still be holding or of whose where-
abouts it may be informed.
• Not printed here.
857
TEXT OF OCTOBER 9 NOTE
The Government of the United States of America refers
again to the destruction on July 29, 1953 by Soviet military
aircraft of a United States Air Force B-50 type aircraft
off Cape Povorotny in the international air space over the
Sea of Japan. On January 26, 1954, foUowint; an intensive
investigation and study of the incident, the United States
Government delivered to the Government of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics a note requesting certain de-
tailed information with respect to the incident and with
respect to the various allegations made by the Soviet
Government in prior notes of July 30, 1953,' August 4,
1953 * and August 26, 1953.° The Soviet Government hav-
ing failed to reply to the United States Government's note
of January 26, 1954, tie United States Government,
through its Embassy at Moscow, transmitted another note
on May 25, 1954 to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs
inquiring when a reply might be expected to tlie note of
January 26, 1954. The Soviet Government has made no
reply or acknowledgement whatever to either note, al-
though far more than sufficient time has elapsed to enable
the Soviet Government to make a reply or to state its
intentions with respect to such reply. The United States
Government must conclude, therefore, that the Soviet
Government is fully aware tJiat it is not in a position to
make a responsive or adequate reply to the United States
Government's note of January 26, 1954.
This circumstance, the United States Government con-
cludes, reinforces and confirms the essential accuracy of
the findings of fact resulting from the United States Gov-
ernment's own investigation and study, as well as of the
statements made in the various communications of the
United States Government to the Soviet Government on
this subject, particularly the United States Government's
note of August 4, 1953."
The United States Government therefore takes this op-
portunity to place solemnly upon the record the facts
relevant to the Soviet Government's liability and to prefer
against the Soviet Government a formal international dip-
lomatic claim for damages as set forth below.
The United States Government is prepared to prove by
evidence in an appropriate forum, and it charges, the
following :
1. Early in the morning of July 29, 1953 a four-engine
aircraft of the United States Air Force, of the B-50 type,
was duly dispatched from its base in Japan by United
States Air Force authorities to perform a routine naviga-
tional mission in the air space over the international wa-
ters of the Sea of Japan, returning to base in Japan upon
completion of the mission. The officers and crew were
instructed prior to departure that under no circumstances
was the aircraft to fly closer to the Soviet-held land mass
than twelve nautical miles.
Upon its departure the B-50 type aircraft had on board
a crew of seventeen persons, all members of the United
' Bulletin of Aug. 17, 1953, p. 206.
' Not printed here.
' Bulletin of Aug. 17, 1953, p. 206.
States Air Force and all nationals of the United States.
They were, as the Soviet Government was informed in
the United States Government's note of August 4, 1953,
the following :
Stanley Keith O'Kelley - Captain - Serial No. AO
776002
John Ernst Roche- Captain- Serial No. AO 2029268
Edmund Joseph Czvz - 1st Lieutenant - Serial No.
AO 2072656
Lloyd Clayton Wiggins - 1st Lieutenant - Serial No.
AO 695999
James Gordon Keith - 1st Lieutenant - Serial No.
AO 2092926
Warren John Sanderson - 1st Lieutenant - Serial No.
AO 20661S4
Robert Elbon Stalnaker - 1st Lieutenant - Serial No.
AO 761337
John Cyrus Ward - Captain - Serial No. AO 865270
Francisco Joseph Tejeda - Major - Serial No. AO
726704
Frank Ernest Beyer -1st Lieutenant - Serial No.
AO 2093286
Francis Luther Brown - Master Sergeant - Serial No.
AF 19 053497
Donald Wayne Gabree - S. Sergeant - Serial No.
AF 19 333787
Roland Edgar Goulet - A/IC - Serial No. AF 12 323933
James Edwin Woods - A/2C - Serial No. AF 24413122
Charles Joseph Russall - A/2C - Serial No. AF 13
351658
Donald George Hill - S. Sergeant - Serial No. AF 19
353976
Earl Wilbur Radelin, Jr. - A/2C - Serial No. AF
14 370732
The B-50 aircraft proceeded on a course of approxi-
mately 315 degrees from the Japane.se Island of Honshu.
When it arrived in the air space over the international
waters of the Sea of Japan at a point approximately 50
miles from the coastline, the aircraft turned to the right
and proceeded on an easterly heading, flying at an altitude
of approximately 20,000 feet, the crew carrying out the
instructions given them as above stated.
The aircraft had reached a point in the air space over
the international waters of the Sea of Japan approxi-
mately 40 miles south of Cape Povorotny, flying on a
heading of approximately 95 degrees at an altitude of
20,000 feet when suddenly, at approximately 6 : 15 in the
morning local time and without any prior warning what-
ever, Soviet MIG-15 type aircraft intercepted and fired
upon the United States aircraft. One MIG-15 type air-
craft commenced the interception and tiring by coming
up from below and to the left of the B-50 and shooting
the No. 1 engine, rendering it inoperative. One or more
additional MIG-15 type aircraft thereupon appeared be-
hind the B-50, directed fire on the No. 4 engine and upon
the right wing and other portions of the aircraft, and set
the No. 4 engine on fire. When the Soviet MIG-15 air-
craft appeared from behind, shooting at the B-50, one or
more of the personnel on board the B-50 aircraft opened
fire in self-defense against the oncoming attacking MIG-15
aircraft, but to no avail.
Immediately upon being hit, the B-50 aircraft dived
sharply, losing altitude rapidly. The shots from the rear
attack tore off the right wing and the tail section and
caused the aircraft to disintegrate. The component parts
of the B-50 then hit the water, at approximately the same
position at which the interception and attack took place.
858
Department of State Bulletin
The total time which elnpsed between the commencement
of the iittnok uulll the c(imix)iu'iit parts of the aircraft
hit the water was approximately two nilnutcH.
Upon the B-SO's first bfcomlnj; dlsabletl, In consequence
of the actions of Uie MKi-l'i aircraft aealust It, the mem-
bers of the crew of the Ii-50 were directed by the aircraft
commander, Cai>taln Stanley K. O'Kelley, to abandon the
aircraft and to seek safety by balling out of tlie aircraft.
Tlie United States Government Is Informed and believes
that, apart from First Lieutenant .lames Cordon Keith,
all members of the crew above name<l bailed out of the
aircraft, or parachuted, into the Sea of Japan, all coming
down at points within the area of the Sea of Japan
approximately 40 miles south of Cape Povorotny.
The United States Government tlnds, and charges, that
all the actions of the MIG-15 type aircraft alxive described
were taken upon the deliberate and willful orders of com-
petent Soviet authorities.
When the B-HO failed to return to its base at the time
required for Its return, and could not bt> otherwise ac-
counted for, the competent United States authorities com-
menced and conducted a meticulous and thorough search
of the area by aircraft and by surface vessels of the United
States Government and with the assistance of a naval ves-
sel of the Australian Government in the area. The search
of the Sea of Japan off Cape Povorotny succeeded in the
sighting in the International waters of several survivors
and disclosed the active presence in the same area of
Soviet PT-type boats, trawlers and aircraft. One of the
search aircraft dropped a lifeboat to a group of survivors
but only Captain John E. Roche, the co-pilot, was able
to reach the llfelwat and get into it. Intermittent fog
hampered the rescue efforts and no other personnel could
be rescued by the United States and Australian surface
vessels. When the weather in the area cleared uj), by
dawn of July 30, 1953, no evidence of survivors, other than
Captain Roche, could be seen in the international waters
of the Sea of Japan by the air or surface rescue craft.
2. The United States Government finds, and charges,
that in direct consequence of the Soviet Government's
actions above described, the following took place:
a. The B-50 aircraft was totally destroyed.
b. First Lieutenant James Gordon Keith, navigator situ-
ated in the nose of the aircraft, was thrown from his
position and mortally wounded, so that he was unable
to ball out from the aircraft, and died.
c. Captain Stanley K. O'Kelley, the aircraft commander,
although he succeeded in bailing out from the aircraft to
the waters of the Sea of Japan, was badly injured and
shocked as a direct result of the shooting by the MIG-15
aircraft, and died as a result of these physical injuries
and shock and of his exposure for approximately twenty
hours in the Sea of Japan.
d. Master Sergeant Francis Luther Brown, flight engi-
neer, although he succeeded in bailing out from the air-
craft to the waters of the Sea of Japan, was badly injured
and shocked as a direct result of the shooting by the
MIG-15 aircraft, and died as a result of these phy.sical
injuries and of shock and of long exposure in the Sea of
Japan.
e. Captain John Ernst Roche, the co-pilot, was thrown
headlong into the body of the aircraft, suffering numerous
bodily injuries and shock as a direct result of the shooting
by the MIG-15 aircraft but he succeeded in bailing out
from the aircraft. lie suffered further shock and expo-
sure In the Sea of Japan from ajiiiroxlmately (1:17 In
the morning local time, July '-".I, ]!t.^>:!. to approximately
•4:20 ill the morning local time July 30, r.),'j3. lie was
rescued from the waters of the Sea of Japan by a search
vessel of the United States Navy.
f. The remaining thirteen members of the crew have not
so far been accounted for. Tlie United States (Jovernnient
lliids. however, tliat all of them sulTcred bodily injury and
shock as a direct result of tlie shooting by the Ml(;-15
aircraft. It finds further that a nuniber. If not all, of
them successfully parMcliiited to the surface of the Sea
of Japan In the area above described In which the attack
and destruction of the B-.^'.O took place. It must conclude
that these persons were either picked up alive by surface
vessels of tlie Soviet Goveniment in the area In which
they lilt tlie water, or that in due course, dead or alive, they
were carried by the prevailing currents to Soviet-held
territory and into the Soviet Government's custody. Those
dead, the United States Government finds and charges,
were brought to their death by the Injuries caused in the
course of the attack on the B-,'')0 aircraft, by shock and
by exposure in the waters of the Sea of Japan. Ttiose
that were alive when they came into the custody of the
Soviet Government, the United States Government finds
and charges, suffered in addition injuries and anguish
caused by their long detention by the Soviet Government,
by the failure of the Soviet Government to inform the
United States Government with respect to their where-
abouts and their condition or to permit them to communi-
cate with United States Government authorities.
These conclusions are based on the following considera-
tions :
(i) As the United States Government has previously
indicated, personnel on board search craft of the United
States Government observed at least twelve Soviet PT-type
boats, at least one armed trawler-type Soviet naval vessel,
and Soviet aircraft, proceeding at high speed to and from
tlie area of the scene of the incident. Other surface vessels
of Soviet nationality were in the vicinity. These observa-
tions were made as late as 3 o'clock in the afternoon local
time July 29, 1953. In view of the failure of the Soviet
Government to make responsive reply to questions of the
United States Government in its note of January 26, 1954
on this subject, the United States Government Is confirmed
in its conclusion, and it charges, that these Soviet craft
picked up survivors and portions of the disabled B-50
aircraft.
(li) The prevailing currents of the Sea of Japan at the
positions above mentioned and at the date of the incident,
which are well known to the Soviet Government, move
toward the coast. In a northerly and northwesterly direc-
tion at a rate of approximately 0.7 to 1.1 knots. Even
if the Soviet Government did not have these crew members
in custody, dead or alive, earlier, it must have become
aware of their arrival in Soviet territorial waters or on
Soviet soil by August 1, 1953.
3. The B-50 aircraft at the time of the attack ujKin it
and its destruction, and the navigational and flying equip-
ment thereon, were in efficient and good working order.
Each member of the crew was elflcient and experienced in
the performance of his task. In particular. Captain
O'Kelley, the aircraft commander, was an efficient and ex-
perienced pilot ; Captain Roche was an eflJcient and experi-
enced co-pilot ; First Lieutenant Czyz, First Lieutenant
Wiggins and First Lieutenant Keith were eflJcient and
experienced navigators.
n
The United States Government finds as a restilt of its
investigation that in its notes above mentioned the Soviet
Government willfully and knowingly made material mis-
December 6, 1954
859
statements of fact for the purpose of creating an untrue
record and of misleading the United States Government.
These misstatements of fact are most explicitly made in
the Soviet Government's note of August 26, 1953 on this
subject, which substantially reiterates the misstatements
contained in the Soviet Government's earlier notes on the
same subject :
1. The Soviet Government states that the B-50 aircraft
at about 6 a. m. local time "violated the state boundary
of the USSR, at first in the region of Cape Gamov, and
continued the flight over the territory of the USSR at
Askold Island not far from Vladivostok". But the Soviet
Government has refused, although duly requested, to state
where the boundary, which it claims, runs in this region.
The United States Government must therefore conclude,
as it has found, that the B-50 aircraft at no time crossed
into territory of the Soviet Union in this area but, on the
contrary, flew entirely in the air space over the interna-
tional waters of the Sea of Japan.
2. The Soviet Government states that two Soviet fighter
aircraft approached the B-50 with the intention of show-
ing the B-50 that it was within tlie boundaries of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and with the intention
of suggesting that the B-50 leave the air space of the
Soviet Union. This statement must be characterized as
false, as well as misleading, since the first intimation
which the crew of the B-50 had of the approach of any
aircraft was the destruction of the No. 1 engine on the
B-50 by fire directed from one of the Soviet MIG-15 type
aircraft, which had appeared without any warning what-
ever to the left and from below the B-50 aircraft. This
fact and the shooting which immediately followed directed
by MIG-15 type aircraft coming up without warning from
behind the B-50 aircraft conclusively demonstrates that
it was the intention of the MIG-15 interceptors, and of
the competent Soviet authorities who dispatched them and
controlled their actions, to give the crew of the B-50 air-
craft no warning whatever but, on the contrary, to effect
the B-50's destruction without any warning or opportunity
to the crew to disengage or to defend themselves.
3. Tlie Soviet Government's statement permits the im-
plication that the interception of the B-50 by Soviet
aircraft took place within the air space over Soviet ter-
ritory. This statement is false also. As has been stated
above, the interception as well as the attack took place
approximately forty miles south of Cape Povorotny and
in the air space over the international waters of the
Sea of Japan.
4. The Soviet Government states that fire was first
opened by the B-50, being directed against the intercept-
ing Soviet aircraft. This statement is false. As the
United States Government has stated above, the B-50
aircraft did not open fire until after two firing passes had
been made by the Soviet intercepting aircraft. The first
MIG-15 type aircraft, which as stated above without
warning destroyed the No. 1 engine, flew away unscathed.
When immediately thereafter one or more MIG-15 type
aircraft appeared from behind, the MIG aircraft were
firing and the gunners on board the B-50 were compelled
in self-defense to open fire against the MIG aircraft so
firing upon the B-50.
5. The Soviet Government states that the attack took
place at 6 : 12 In the morning local time. The United
States Government charges that this statement is untrue
and is known by the Soviet Government to be untrue.
The United States Government has found that the inter-
ception and attack took place not earlier than 6 : 15 in
the morning local time, if not later. By this time the
B-50 aircraft, as the Soviet authorities well knew, had
reached a point approximately forty miles off the Soviet
land mass at its closest proximity.
6. The Soviet Government states that one of the Soviet
aircraft was seriously damaged by fire from tlie B-50 in
consequence of which the Soviet aircraft was compelled to
fire upon the B-50. This statement is misleading as well
as false. Even if, contrary to fact, the B-50 gunners had
opened fire on the MIG aircraft appearing from the rear,
the destruction of the No. 1 engine by the MIG aircraft
which appeared first and the hostile attitude of the MIG
aircraft appearing in the rear would have justified the
B-50 gunners in opening fire on the MIG aircraft.
7. The Soviet Government states that after the Soviet
aircraft tired on the B-50 the B-50 "departed in the
direction of the sea" and that the Soviet authorities
have no further information regarding the American mili-
tary aircraft. This statement must he characterized as
false as well as misleading. As stated above, within
seconds after the Soviet aircraft hit the right wing and
fuselage the B-50 disintegrated and fell into the sea.
The pilots of the Soviet aircraft could not but have seen
the consequence of their actions and reported it to the
competent Soviet authorities. The United States Gov-
ernment notes that the Soviet Government admits that the
pilots upon returning to base, if not earlier, reported what
they had done and what had happened.
8. The Soviet Government indicates that it has "veri-
fied data", presumably including reports of ground observ-
ers as well as the testimony of the pilots of the Soviet
aircraft involved, and that these data "refute the state-
ment that the American airplane B-50 did not violate
tlie boundary of the USSR and was attacked by Soviet
fighters over the Sea of Japan". The Soviet Government,
although duly requested in the United States Government's
note of January 26, 1054, has failed and refused to produce
these supporting data. The United States Government is
compelled to conclude that such data as exist do not sup-
port the Soviet Government's conclusion and that these
statements are therefore false.
9. The Soviet Government states that, contrary to the
allegations contained in the United States Government's
notes, there were no Soviet surface ships on July 29, 1953
in the area of the Sea of Japan in which the shooting in-
cident took place, and it further implies that the weather
conditions of fog and darkness were such that the observa-
tions of the crews of search craft reported in the United
States Government's notes were not in fact made. These
statements, as above indicated, are false and misleading.
The weather, during the hours of da.vlight, was in fact
foggy but at the low altitudes at which tlio search air-
craft flew, and on the surface of the sea at which the
naval craft proceeded, there was as the Soviet Govern-
ment well knows internilttent visibility permitting the ob-
860
Department of State Bulletin
sorvntlons which wore innile and which witp rpjiorted hy
the United States Govcriinieiit.
10. The Soviet Governiueiit states tliat "as a result of
Investigation, it has biH'n eoiillriiied that tlie Soviet au-
thorities have no information concernlni; the crew of the
American bomber B-'iO". For the reasons above stated
this statement must be characterized as false and mis-
leading.
Ill
The United States Government finds and it charges that
the foregoing actions of the pilots of the Soviet aircraft
and of the comiK'tent Soviet authorities made the Soviet
Government guilty of deliberate and willful violations of
international law, on account of which it has become liable
to the United States Goveriiiuent for damages and other
amends :
1. Since the Soviet Government has evaded the ques-
tions in the United States Government's note of January
26, 1954 on this subject, the United States Government
declares that the limit of the territory of the Soviet Gov-
ernment in the area of the incidi'nt extends no further
than three nautical miles from the mean low water inarlc
of the shore line of the Soviet-held land mass in this area,
following the sinuosities of the coast and the sinuosities
of each of the Soviet-held islands. While the United States
Government in instructions to its personnel has prohibited
any overflying aircraft or seagoing craft from coming
closer than twelve miles to Soviet-held territory in travers-
ing the international waters of the Sea of Japan or the
air sp;ice al)ove, the Uniteii States Government takes this
opportunity again to inform the Soviet Government that
it does not recognize the claim of the Soviet Government
to territorial waters in excess of three miles from its
coast In the opinion of the United States Government
there is no obligation under international law to recognize
claims to territorial waters in excess of three miles from
the coast.
2. In the circumstances of the case it was the duty of
the Soviet Government to malie every effort, following
the wrongful destruction of the B-50 aircraft, to search
for and pick up members of the crew, dead or alive, to
cooperate with all other searching aircraft and surface
craft in such search and rescue oi)erations and promptly
to turn over to authorities of the United States Govern-
ment rescued personnel, the bodies of any dead personnel
picked up and any portions of the aircraft salvaged, or
to make arrangements for their prompt delivery to the
United States Government. The f.iilure of the Soviet
Government to do so constitutes violation of international
obligations.
3. It was the duty of the Soviet Government to make
truthful statements to the United States Government in
the notes above mentioned which the Soviet Government
delivered to the United States Government in connection
with this incident. The willful making of false or mis-
leading statements in these circumstances constitutes a
violation of international obligation.
4. Tlie continued detention of survivors by the Soviet
Government, and the failure of the Soviet Government
immediately upon receipt of information at any time from
its own sources of the observation of bodies of any of the
crew members, constitute violations on the part of the
Soviet (iovenimetit of inlernatioiiMl obligation.
.'i. Any shouting by the crew of the H-.W at the MKi
aircraft, in the circumstances of the ca.se, was lawful
as an exercise of the right of sclf-dcfensc. The H-.'iO hav-
ing been llred upon and hit without prior warning, the
crew of the B-SO were Justified in the exercise of self-
defense In shooting at the approaching .MIG aircraft.
IV
The United States 1ms suffered the following items of
damage in direct consequence of the foregoing illegal acts
and violations of duty and international legal obligations,
for which the Soviet Government is liable, and the United
States Government demands that the Soviet Government
pay the following sums on account thereof:
1. United States Air Force airplane B-.'jO type No.
47-14."p.\ and equipment thereon, amounting in total to
$l,4(i,s,'.K)S..''.«.
2. Damages to the United States by the willful and
unlawful conduct of the Soviet Government $491,.')S4..'}8.
3. Damages to Captain John Krnst Hoche, a national
of the Unitwl States, for injuries to him, .$2.".,(X)0.(W.
4. Damages to the next-of-kin, nationals of the United
States, for the deaths of Captain Stanley Keith O'Kelley,
Master Sergeant Francis Luther Brown, First Lieuten-
ant James (Jordon Keith, .$1.5(»,(HI0.(K».
T). Damages to the next-of-kin, nationals of the United
States, of the remaining thirteen crew members for all
injuries resulting from the willful and unlawful conduct
of the Soviet Government, including the wrongful deaths
of such crew members or the wrongful and unlawful
detention by the Soviet Government of such members
of the crow "as survived, $050,000.00.
The United States Government declares that its demand
for compensation on account of the members of the crew
who survived does not imply the acquiescence of the
United States Government in the withholding of those
crew members from return to the United States, or the
suppression by the Soviet Government of information re-
garding their whereabouts or welfare, or the making of
false statements by the Soviet Government with respect
thereto. The United States takes this opportunity again
to demand that the Soviet Government forthwith provide
the information in this regard which the United States
Government has already requested, and make provision
for the prompt return of any crew members whom it may
still be holding or of whose whereabouts it is informed,
and in the interim to provide such crew members with the
maximum degree of care and comfort and facilitate access
to them by appropriate representatives of the United
States Government. The United States Government fur-
ther declares that such demand for compensation with
respect to members of the crew whose bodies came into
the custody of Soviet authorities but who were no longer
alive does not imply the acquiescence of the United States
Government in the failure of the Soviet Government to
inform the United States Government of such facts or to
turn over such bodies to the United States Government.
The United States Government further reserves the right
to make additional demand upon the Soviet Government
for amends or other actions on account of its conduct on
December 6, 1954
861
or since July 29, 1953 with respect to such survivors or
such dead crew members.
Furthermore, the United States Government has not in-
cluded in its demand for damages, si)ecified above, any
sum on account of items of intangible injury deliberately
and intentionally caused to the United States Government
and to the American people by the wrongful actions of
the Soviet Government. In this regard the United States
Government had determined to defer to a future date the
formulation of the kind and measure of redress or other
action which the Soviet Government should take which
woiild be appropriate in international law and practice
to confirm the illegality of the actions directed by the
Soviet Government against the United States Government
and against the American i)eople.
The Government of the United States calls upon the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics promptly to make its
detailed answer to the allegations and demands made in
this communication.
Should the Soviet Government in its answer acknowl-
edge its indebtedness to the United States on account of
the foregoing and agree to pay the damages suffered and
to comply with the demands as above set forth, the United
States Government is prepared, if requested, to present
detailed evidence in support of its calculations of damages
suffered and alleged. If, however, the Soviet Govern-
ment contests liability, it is requested so to state in Its
answer. In the latter event, the Soviet Government is
hereby notified that the United States Government deems
an international dispute to exist falling within the compe-
tence of the International Court of Justice and that the
United States Government proposes that that dispute be
presented for hearing and decision in the International
Court of Justice. Since it appears that the Soviet Govern-
ment has thus far not filed with that Court any declaration
of acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court,
the United States Government invites the Soviet Govern-
ment to file an appropriate declaration with the Court, or
to enter into a Special Agreement, by which the Court
may be empoweretl in accordance with its Statute and
Rules to determine the issues of fact and law which have
been set forth herein.
The Soviet Government is requested to inform the United
States Government in its reply to the present note of its
intentions with respect to such a declaration or Special
Agreement.
Albanian Independence Day
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 671 dated November 27
November 28 marks the anniversary of the two
historic events most cherished by the Albanian
people: the first proclamation of Albanian inde-
pendence in 1443 and the reemergence of Albania
as an independent nation in 1912.
The traditional friendship of the United States
for the people of Albania has sprung from a nat-
ural American sympathy with Albanian aspira-
tions for liberty. Since World War I, this
sympathy has expressed itself in important actions
of support by the United States for the sovereign
independence of the Albanian nation and for the
welfare of its people. "Whenever contacts between
Americans and Albanians occur, we are reminded
that the Albanian people retain a keen apprecia-
tion of past evidences of U.S. interest and that,
in consequence, a special bond of understanding
between the peof)les of the two countries has been
firmly established.
The present sufferings of the Albanian people
under Communist oj)pression and their strong de-
sire to be rid of this alien yoke are matters of deep
concern to the United States. The American Gov-
ernment and people recognize the right of the
Albanian people to a sovereign national status, to
genuinely democratic institutions, and to a gov-
erimient of their free choice. During the past few
years, the United States has noted with satisfac-
tion declarations by official spokesmen of the
neighboring countries in support of a free and
independent Albania. Americans look forward
to the ultimate resumption by Albania of its right-
ful place in the community of nations, and the
U.S. Government will not cease its advocacy of
this goal.
862
Deparlmenf of S/ofe Bulletin
Economic Cooperation in the Americas
Statement hy George M. Humphrey
Secretary of the Treasury '
I am happy to participate in this Meeting of
Ministers of Finance and Economy. Many of us
have met on other occasions, most recently at the
annual meetings of the International Bank and
International Monetary Fund 2 montlis ago. ^ I
am delighted to extend my acquaintance with you
and to meet with you here.
Just before leaving Wasliington we discussed
with President Eisenliower the views of the
United States delegation on the problems we shall
discuss here. He emphasized to us liis deep in-
terest in this historic meeting and asked that we
convey a personal message to our colleagues here.
With your kind permission I shall read it :
I am very pleased to send greetings and best wishes to
the Meeting of Ministers of Finance and Economy of the
American family of nations, convened in Rio de Janeiro,
the capital of our great sister nation, Brazil. I am happy
to send this message through our Secretary of the Treas-
ury, Mr. Humphrey, who, as Chairman of the United
States Delegation, speaks for our nation and will authori-
tatively present our policies.
I am confident that this conference will advance still
further the unique relationships which have developed
among the peoples and nations of this hemisphere. As
those relationships evolved and grew, the people of the
United States learned to call their own attitude toward
their sister nations the policy of the good neighbor. Today,
the bonds which unite us as sovereign equals who are
working side by side for the betterment of all of us —
nations and citizens — have elevated this neighborly rela-
tionship to one of genuine partnership.
No longer is it sufficient to maintain the mutual respect
and cordiality of neighbors, useful and pleasant as that
' Made before the Meeting of Ministers of Finance or
Economy at Quitandinha, Brazil, on Nov. 23 (Treasury
Department press release).
* For a statement made by Mr. Humphrey at a Joint ses-
sion of the Boards of Governors of the Bank and Fund,
see BtJi-UiTiN of Oct. 11, 1954, p. 548.
Is. In the world of today, the well-being and the economic
development — as well as the security — of all peace-loving
nations are so closely interrelated tliat we must be part-
ners. If this Is true in the larger context, it is especially
true among the American republics where we share the
same traditions and many of the same favorable circum-
stances for progress.
As tlie conference discusses a wide variety of measures
for economic and financial cooperation in this hemisphere,
and endorses those that are sound and durable, I earnestly
hope that the meeting as a whole may join with the dele-
gation of the United States in common dedication to the
policy of the good partner.
To this may I add my best wishes for the success of
the conference and warm i)ersonal greetings to each of
its members.
Let me say that every member of the United
States delegation shares tliose convictions.
While this gathering was called in response to
a resolution of the Tenth Inter- American Confer-
ence held in Caracas earlier tliis year, this Con-
ference is in reality the realization of a desire
expressed repeatedly throughout the rise and de-
velopment of the inter-American system. It is
the desire to strengthen tlie continental economy
so as to benefit all the nations that share the hemi-
sphere.
That desire was first manifested in the act of
the United States Congress that convened the first
Pan American Conference in Washington 65 years
ago. The same desire created the Pan American
Union, which has now become the Organization
of American States. Today it finds expression
in the statutes of the Inter- American Economic
and Social Council which provide that it shall
"promote the economic and social welfare of the
American nations through effective cooperation
among them for the best utilization of their natu-
ral resources."
We are not gathered here, then, because of an
December 6, 1954
863
emergency situation, nor is this meeting an im-
pulse of the moment. It is not an isolated or dis-
connected event in inter- American relations; but
it is a new endeavor, one more step in the search
for economic cooperation and solidarity toward
which your countries and mine will continually
strive.
We have come here with the same spirit of cor-
dial solidarity with which the delegates of our
nations arrived in this city of proverbial hospi-
tality for the Third Pan American Conference.
To describe it I shall borrow the eloquence of a
great fellow countryman, Elihu Root, at that time
Secretary of State, who said :
I bring from my country a special greeting to her elder
sisters in the civilization of America. . . . There is not
one of all our countries that cannot benefit the others;
there is not one that cannot receive benefit from the
others ; there is not one that will not gain by the pros-
perity, the peace and happiness of all.
And SO it is today. Our country is part of the
inter- American system; our Secretary of State,
John Foster Dulles, recently affirmed that this is
the cornerstone of our foreign policy.
We take our places with pride in this association
of states which has established the complete equal-
ity of all members, has consecrated the principle
of nonintervention, and has built a juridical sys-
tem that has put an end to war among American
nations.
We have bound ourselves, moreover, by pacts
that stipulate that an attack on one American na-
tion is an attack on all of them, and that any threat
to the political integrity of one is a threat to all.
Our presence here at this Conference is a decla-
ration that we also consider economic solidarity
as part of the common defense.
None of us expects that we can at this meeting
solve all of the economic problems of a hemisphere.
But we can confidently expect that 21 nations,
each motivated by a deep and brotherly interest in
the welfare of every other, can accomplish enough
here to convince us all that our efforts were richly
rewarded, that our accomplishments justify our
looking forward to future meetings.
We all have our own ideas as to how the eco-
nomic interests of the entire continent could be
promoted. We in the United States naturally
subscribe to those principles that in our own coun-
try have proved effective in raising the living
standards of the people and promoting the pros-
perity of the Nation. Wo shall present them here
with the same friendly frankness with which we
are ready to listen to the opinions of other
delegations.
No one of us alone has the wisdom and experi-
ence necessary to solve all our problems. That is
what this Conference is for : to exchange ideas, to
draw closer together, to arrive at a promising and
practical basis for cooperation, and to pave the
way for constructive steps toward our goals.
It is with that spirit that my country's delega-
tion has come to this Conference. We look for-
ward with great interest to hearing your views,
and we welcome the opportunity to lay before you
our ideas on the problems that now engage our
mutual attention.
But we shall never lose from sight the hemi-
spheric interest, the welfare of the American fam-
ily of nations, the need to fortify the inter- Amer-
ican system that past generations have bequeathed
to us and that it is our duty to pass on, intact and
improved, to future generations. When we shall
have finished our work here, it should be possible
to speak of this meeting in the same words as those
used by a great American, the Baron of Rio
Branco, in commenting on the Tliird Pan Ameri-
can Conference, when he said :
Here concessions represent conquests of reason, amica-
ble compromises or compensations counselled by reciprocal
interests.
We would first hope for a clear definition of the
economic goals toward which we shall press. We
are profoundly aware that we are here not so
much as representatives of political entities; in-
stead we are here as the spokesmen for 330 mil-
lions of men, women, and children whose problems,
whose sufferings, and whose aspirations must con-
stantly be present in our thoughts and in our
deliberations. Wlien we speak of economic devel-
opment, international trade, and the other subjects
of our agenda, we must be mindful that each is
significant only in so far as it has a direct relation
to our peoples, to their families, to their homes,
and to their work.
I believe that we are capable of putting into
words here at this meeting just what it is that our
people would have us accomplish, and I believe
that we can adopt that definition as our goal. It
seems to us that the men and women of the Amer-
icas, living as they do among our mountains, on
our plains, and along our seacoasts, are united and
clear in their aspirations. They do not ask the
864
Department of State Bulletin
impossible, but they do demand of us, who as
government otlicials are their servants, that we
promote those conditions which will give maxi-
mum assurance tluit everywhere in our Americas
man has an opportunity to better himself, give
his children even greater opportunities, and enjoy
meanwliile those freedoms which we have achieved
in tlie Americas aiul which are denieil to so many
millions elsewhere in the world.
I believe that we must face another problem in
which our people are vitally interested. All of us
are exposed to an insidious disease that stealthily
robs us of our strength. It is the evil of inflation
which makes the prices of food, of clothing, of all
the necessities of life climb upward in a grim
spiral which again and again snatches away the
benelits of progress.
Our goal must be twofold — to unite our efforts
to achieve the kind of economic development that
means higher living standards for our people, and
to take those wise and prudent measui-es which
will avoid the evil of inflation. If here we make
progress toward these goals, we shall have earned
the gratitude of our people.
This is a goal that is achievable in the Americas.
Gotl has endowed this hemisphere with abvmdant
and varied natural resources, with vast and fertile
lands that are capable of affording an ever better
life to our rapidly multiplying peoples. There is
peace throughout our hemisphere. In a troubled
world ours is a situation so privileged, so favor-
able, that it becomes our duty to examine critically
the responsibilities that must accompany such ad-
vantages. Each of us singly and all of us jointly
must strive to accomplish those things which will
best and most effectively employ these lands and
those resources to benefit our peoples.
Our agenda is admirably fashioned to help us
appraise not only our place today on the road
which has already brought us so far toward our
goal, but also the measures which we can take
jointly and severally to hasten our progress on
that road. It is our conviction that to accomplish
this purpose two basic principles should underlie
all our thinking. The first is our belief that the
road which will lead most surely and most directly
to the goals which we seek is that of the vigorous
free enterprise system. This system in its modern
form builds new industries, new enterprises, and
opens new areas to development. And it does all
these things without endangering those free insti-
tutions which are the very foundation of the social
and human progress which we have achieved in
tliis hemisphere.
The other is our belief that we as governments
should reduce to a minimum the scoi)e and the du-
ration of our own intervention in the fields of
commerce and industry. "We best .servo our people
when we encourage them to produce the goods
and services required for our progi-ess, when we
stimulate them to bring new regions and new
resources into productive use, rather than when
we compete with them or otherwise take over the
functions of private enterprise. Government in-
tervention deprives the people of the full bene-
fits of their earnings. Experience has demon-
strated that almost without exception, in my own
country and elsewhere, such intervention lowers
production and raises costs.
We shall support and defend the right of every
state to define its own economic course. Our own
belief in the principles I have stated derives from
the fact that wherever they have been applied in
the Americas and elsewhere in the world they have
brought improvement in the lives of our peoples,
improvement that can be measured in terms of
lower costs; greater per capita income; higher
production; improvement that is visible in new
factories, industries, and increased agricultural
production; and intensified conversion of idle
and undeveloped natural resources into jobs and
usable wealth. These are the marks of vigorous,
expanding, and self-reliant economies. These are
the economic ends that we pursue.
The detailed discussion of each agenda item is
the function of our committees. I would like, how-
ever, to say a word or two regarding our views on
some of the more vital ones.
U. S. Views on International Trade
The first is international trade. We intend to
the utmost of our ability to maintain a strong,
healthy economy in the United States. This will
insure a growing volume of trade with your coun-
tries at a steadily increasing level of demand. This
will help sustain a high level of demand for the
world's goods and so foster trade on a mutually
beneficial basis. My Government is convinced that
a strong, stable, and expanding international trade
is the best single guaranty of economic strength in
our hemisphere.
We are happy to see that our trade with each
December 6, J 954
865
other is a most important and growing factor in
the international commerce of every American
State. It is in the interest of each of us that this
■wholesome interchange be strengthened and ex-
panded. For your economic development you
coimt heavily upon markets in the United States
for your products. We value just as highly the
strong markets which you afford for our own ag-
ricultural and manufactured exports. We hope to
see our inter- American trade, which has increased
so greatly in recent years, further expanded and
the markets available to producers in all our coxin-
tries strengthened by the gradual elimination of
those artificial barriers that hinder access to them.
Such a trade policy will increase mutually bene-
ficial trade. This emphasis on expanding trade
opportunities continues to be a fundamental part
of President Eisenhower's foreign economic pro-
gram, which it is his announced intention to press
in the forthcoming session of the Congress in Jan-
uary.
Our tariffs on imports from Latin America are
low. Two-thirds of all our imports from this area
are on the free list, and tariffs on the remaining
third are among the lowest in the world.
We have also made marked progress in freeing
imports into the United States from unnecessary
and cumbersome customs requirements. Our
Congress passed customs simplification acts in
1953 and again in 1954. The first authorized the
Treasury to eliminate many technical require-
ments which were a burden on imports. The act
passed this year continued this program and also
directed the Tariff Commission to undertake a
study of our complicated tariff classification struc-
ture with a view to its clarification.
These congressional steps have been accom-
panied by an intensive management-improvement
program and by administrative simplification
within the framework of existing law, both con-
tributing to speedier customs action. We are con-
tinuing our efforts along these lines and plan to
submit to the next Congress further legislative
proposals consistent with the President's program
of last March. As an example of the progress we
are making, just a few weeks ago we announced a
further relaxation of requirements for consular
invoices ^ — an action made possible by the 1953
simplification act.
' IMd., Nov. 22, 1954, p. 779.
866
The problem of international trade is closely
related to that of prices. We are aware of your
intense and very understandable interest in this
problem as it relates to the prices for your prod-
ucts sold in world markets. We share that inter-
est, not only because of the importance to you
of adequate and stable prices but also because our
own producers suffer when the prices of their
exports fluctuate widely.
Our experience convinces us that if we as gov-
ernments follow policies which will give our pro-
ducers everywhere maximum assurance that con-
sumption of their products will enjoy a steady and
healthy growth and that their access to interna-
tional markets will be facilitated, then we will have
gone far toward solving this basic problem of
prices which so concerns us all.
Financing Economic Development
The subject of financing for economic develop-
ment is one of the most important which we shall
consider. My Government has devoted much
study to its policies in this field and, within the
framework of the general principles to which I
have referred, has reached certain decisions of
whose nature you are already aware and whose
effect we believe will prove to be far reaching.
When we speak of the great need for economic-
development financing in this hemisphere, what
we are really saying is that throughout our coun-
tries there are profitable and attractive oppor-
tunities for the establishment of productive enter-
prises that will provide steady employment to our
people, that will provide more of the goods and
services which we need for higher standards of
living, and that will diversify our economies.
These opportunities cannot be converted into real-
ities without capital, technical knowledge, and ex-
perience. As governments, we owe it to our people
to promote those conditions which will help make
available the capital and technical knowledge
required.
I think that every one of us here can agree that
in this field our greatest opportunity and our great-
est responsibility lies in creating in our several
countries those conditions which will give maxi-
mum access to the great reserves of private-invest-
ment capital that are available throughout the
■world. The reason is obvious. The aggregate
amount of private capital that is available today in
Departmenf of State Bulletin
your countries, in mine, luul in tlierestof the world
is many times <;reuter than any that we as povern-
ments could possibly provide. Economic develop-
ment in tliose countries which have successfully
established access to the world's supplies of private
capital is going ahead with a rapidity that is
astonishing.
We all recognize that the movement of private
capital cannot be forced; that private investor of
all nationalities enter only where the circumstances
are attractive. So numerous are the investment
opportunities throughout the free world twlay tluit
he who seeks investment capital must compete for
it. But here again the position of Latin America
is privileged and fortunate. Throughout your
countries there are challenging and attractive op-
portunities for new investments such as are found
only in young and rapidly developing economies.
These factoi-s give you very real advantages in
competing for investment capital.
It is easy to understand, therefore, why the
^Vmerican States whose governments have estab-
lished those conditions which have always proved
attractive to private investors everywhere in the
world have experienced little difficulty in finding
ami^le supplies of capital, both domestic and for-
eign. This has been demonstrated so dramatically
that there can be no longer any doubt but that in
this favored area of the world, where nature has
done its part so well, each government can, if it
will, attract a volume of private investment that
will compare most favorably with that of any other
area of the world.
One of the things which our governments must
do to encourage free enterjDrise is to insure that
those projects necessarj' for economic development,
but for which private capital is not reasonably
available, are adequately supported by public
investment. We view this as a necessary support
to an economy which relies principally upon pri-
vate enterprise as supplementing and encouraging,
rather than as displacing, free enterprise. I am
sure that each govermnent will shoulder as much
of its burden as it reasonably can, but we agree
with you that substantial foreign lending will
be necessary if we are to achieve our goals in this
hemisphere. We shall do our part generously and
loyally in meeting that need.
To that end we have reviewed the whole scope
of our public-lending policies and have arrived at
certain changes which we consider significant.
Changes in U.S. Lending Policies
The first relates to the United States Export-
Import ]{:uik, whose activities are to be intensified
and expanded.
This past summer, the Congress of the United
States by s[)ecific legislation increased the lending
authority of the bank from $4i/o billion to $5 bil-
lion, in anticipation of its increased lending activ-
ity. In his report to the Senate on this legislation,
Senator Capehart, Chairman of the Banking and
Currency Committee, stated :
The Export-Import Bank has played an important role
In our foreign economic policy and must coiitiniie to do
so on an activated scale. IToiiiotlon of trade among the
free nations of the world, uiid in particular, with the
nations of the western hemisphere, is of utmost imp<jr-
taiue to the common welfare, the common defense, and the
solidarity of the free world.
Within the last few months the Export-Import
Bank has authorized loans of $130 million to na-
tions in this hemisphere, and other important loans
are under consideration. The loans which have
been authorized will help two important Latin
American cities develop municipal waterworks
systems and will make possible the development of
one of the world's largest copper deposits. The
bank has made loans to finance the sale in Latin
America of machine tools, of aircraft, of electric
equipment, of textile equipment, and of wheat. It
has facilitated the development of sulphur pro-
duction. The range of its activities has been as
wide and varied as the production process itself,
from the extraction of basic materials to the fabri-
cation of complex industrial products. Since its
organization the Export-Import Bank has author-
ized loans in excess of $2^4 billion to Latin
America.
Within the past few weeks, the Export-Import
Bank has opened up new sources of credit for the
countries of Latin America that wish to import
equipment from the United States. With the as-
sistance of lines of credit from the Export-Import
Bank, United States exporters will be able to offer
medium-term credit on equipment of a productive
natui'e. This program will be in addition to long-
term capital and should help to accelerate the flow
of trade and ease temporary credit problems.
In addition, a large New York bank announced
last week that it proposes to form a multimillion
dollar export financing company. The Export-
Import Bank will also participate in this new
December 6, 1954
867
venture. This enterprise will add fiu-ther to the
supplies of medium-term credit available to Latin
American importers of capital goods.
In the field of economic development, of course,
the International Bank has a primary role to play
in helping to promote the economic growth of the
American Republics. Most of the countries rep- .
resented here were founding fathers of the
International Bank. Your countries and my own
participated in its establishment, and we have con-
tributed importantly to its personnel and capital.
The International Bank is our common institu-
tion. It was established to carry the major bur-
den of financing reconstruction and development
loans at a governmental level. While the Inter-
national Bank in the early postwar years was
primarily concerned with reconstruction, it has
accelerated the tempo of its operations and has,
more recently, concentrated its major efforts on
economic development. The International Bank
has financed a steady succession of high-priority
development projects in Latin America. The to-
tal now exceeds $500 million for the last 6 years.
Its first development loan was in Latin America,
and today its investment in this hemisphere is
greater than in any other developing area. Its
loans have been made primarily for basic facili-
ties and public works on which further fruitful in-
vestment depends: for electric power, for trans-
portation, and for communication facilities. The
loans of the International Bank are important not
only in themselves but in their secondary effects.
Electric-power installations, new road and com-
munication systems, new port facilities, aU have
encouraged new industries and lowered costs.
Development is a cumulative process, setting in
motion innumerable individual efforts with mul-
tiplying effect.
In his report to the Conference, Eugene Black,
President of the bank, states :
It is my personal judgment that, given a continuance of
present trends in Latin America, there is every reason to
expect expanded lending activity by the bank in that area
during the period which lies ahead. The bank has the
resources to do so and it has the will to do so. The ex-
tent to which it may be able to translate its will into
action depends largely on conditions within the control
of the Latin American countries themselves.
At the meeting of the Board of Governors of the
International Bank last September, representa-
tives from many of the American Republics
strongly urged support for the establishment of
an international finance corporation to encourage
private investment. The subject has been imder
study for several years.
Proposed International Finance Corporation
The matter has been given most careful consid-
eration by the United States Government, and we
are going to ask the Congress to support United
States participation in such a corporation.* We
have in mind an institution organized as an affili-
ate of the International Bank, with an authorized
capital of $100 million to be contributed by those
members of the International Bank who wish to
subscribe.
The corporation would be able to make loans
without the guaranty of member governments.
It would not directly provide equity financing.
It would, however, be empowered to hold securities
bearing interest payable only if earned, as well as
debentures convertible into stock when purchased
from the corporation by private investors. In that
way it would operate in the area of venture capital
without holding equity right of control. It would
not compete with the International Bank or the
Export-Import Bank, and indeed it would facili-
tate private investment.
If the international finance corporation is estab-
lished, we shall then have three major financial
institutions to help promote economic develop-
ment. We shall have the Export-Import Bank
that has had a long history of useful work in Latin
America and whose activities are to be intensified.
We shall have the International Bank, in which
we are partners, to help finance basic resource de-
velopment. We shall have an international finance
corporation in which we would work together to
assist and encourage private enterprise.
In the spirit of the resolution on private invest-
ment and taxation adopted at the Caracas Confer-
ence, the United States continues to explore feasi-
ble measures to remove tax impediments to in-
creased foreign investments. The administration
and the Congress, as well as numerous private
groups in the United States, have given the mat-
ter intensive study. This has disclosed the com-
plexity of the problems involved. In the light of
this experience, the administration will again sub-
* For the Treasury Department's announcement of Nov.
11, see ibid., Nov. 29, 1954, p. 814.
868
Department of State Bulletin
iiiit to the Coiif!rress proposiils with resjiect to the
reduction of taxation of foivijin income ulonj; the
general lines reconnnended by the Presiilent last
year. We trust these proposals will liml accept-
ance by the Con<;ress.
We desire to complement these unilateral legis-
lative steps with bilateral tax treaties. To that
end, we are i)repared to explore with individual
countries the possibilities of the tux treaty as a
medium for creating a more favorable tax climate
for international trade and investment. For ex-
ample, one of the matters which might be con-
sidered in treaty discussions is how the United
States might give recognition to tax concessions
made to foreign capital by the country where the
investment is to be made. Under proper safe-
guards, we would be prepared to recommend
giving credit for general foreign income taxes
which are waived for an initial limited period as
we now grunt credit for taxes which are imposed.
Such a measure as this will give maximum ell'ec-
tiveness to your own laws designed to encourage
new enterprises.
Our agenda includes the subject of programing.
Individual nations will no doubt continue to de-
velop their overall approaches to their own
economic-development problems. If any such
nations wish to exchange views on their plans with
other nations undertaking similar development
plans, it may well be that this organization can
provide such a meeting place.
We recommend that each of us expand and fur-
ther diversify our joint activities in the vital Held
of technical cooperation. The interchange of
people under this program draws us closer to-
gether and provides a better understanding of
each other's problems. Through technical co-
operation we pool our accumulated experience and
knowledge to utilize the human and natural re-
sources available to us as we seek to match resources
against our needs. The enormous mutual benefits
already produced by our efforts in this field justify
our confidence in its future expansion.
We approach our talks here together with a
sense of mission, which I am sure is common to us
all. The challenge of the years ahead is a tremen-
dous one. How we meet it may determine our
place in history. We have great faith and confi-
dence in the peoples and the lands that share this
hemisphere. The human and physical resources
are here out of which to build a glorious future.
The President of my country has very rightly
calUnl us partners in this great enterprise. He
has dechiied the policy of our Govermnent to be
that of the good partner.
I know that the American Slates can be good
partners, determined to work for the betterment
of all our pe(ii)le. If we are energetic and prac-
tical, 1 am confident that we stand on the threshold
of a gieat tomorrow. As good partners we can
make this coming together at Rio a momentous
one in the bright and lengthening record of inter-
American relations.
U.S.-Yugoslav Economic Talks
Text of Joint Communiqiie
Press release 663 dated November 22
Mutually beneficial informal discussions on eco-
nomic matters which have been under way since
November 12 between representatives of the Yugo-
slav and United States Governments, were con-
cluded today.
Tlie Yugoslav delegation was under the leader-
ship of General Svetozar Vukmanovic, Vic« Presi-
dent of the Federal Executive Council of the
Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, assisted
by Mr. Stanislav Kopcok, Counsellor in the Yugo-
slav State Secietariat for Foreign Affairs, and Mr.
Kiro Gligorov, Deputy Director of the Yugoslav
Federal Planning Institute. The Yugoslav Am-
bassador to the United States, Mr. Leo Mates, also
was present.
For the American side, the talks were conducted
by Mr. Harold Stassen, Director of the Foreign
Opei-ations Administration; Under Secretary of
State Herbert Hoover, Jr.; Deputy Under Sec-
retaiy of State Robert INIurphy ; Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State Thorsten Kalijarvi; and Dr.
D. A. Fitzgerald, Foreign Operations Adminis-
tration Deputy Director.
During the talks, a broad informal exchange of
views took place on many aspects of Yugoslavia's
economic situation. Particular attention was di-
rected to Yugoslavia's balance of payments posi-
tion, its supply of wheat and raw materials, and
its foreign debt burden. The talks have led to an
increased understanding on the part of the rep-
resentatives of the two countries of their mutual
problems, and it is anticipated that further con-
sideration of these matters will be carried forward
in Belgrade.
December 6, 1954
869
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings'
Adjourned During November 1954
Ilo Metal Trades Committee: 5th Session
Bogotd. International Exposition
UNESCO Executive Board
UNESCO Budget Committee
U. N. EcAFE Ad Hoc Working Party of Senior Geologists on the
Preparation of a Hegional Geological Map for Asia and the Far
East.
Fag Working Party on Afforestation and Reforestation
1st World Conference of Printing Enterprises
14th International Congress of Military Medicine and Pharmacy . .
International Philatelic Exposition
Fao European Forestry Commission: 7th Session
Meeting on Fur-Seal Investigation
U. N. EcAFE Subcommittee on Mineral Resources
Fad Meeting on Economic Aspects of the Rice Situation ....
Customs Cooperation Council
Ilo Governing Body: 127th Session
IcEM Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Draft Rules and Regulations. . .
International Sugar Council: Statistical Committee
International Sugar Council: Executive Committee
International Sugar Council: 3d Session
IcEM Subcommittee on Finance: 6th Session
Geneva Oct. 25-Nov. 6
Bogotd Oct. 29-Nov. 21
Montevideo Nov. 1-15
Montevideo Nov. 1-10
Bangkok Nov. 1-6
Geneva Nov. 5-6
Sao Paulo Nov. 6-13
Luxembourg Nov. 7-12
Sao Paulo Nov. 7-17
Geneva Nov. 8-13
Tokvo Nov. 8-24
Bangkok Nov. 8-13
Rangoon Nov. 11-20
Brussels Nov. 15-18
Rome Nov. 16-19
Geneva Nov. 22-24
London Nov. 22-29
London Nov. 2.3-29
London Nov. 24-25
Geneva Nov. 25-26
In Session as of November 30, 1954
U. X. General Assembly: 9th Regular Session New York
IcAO Air Navigation Commission: 17th Session Montreal .
IcAO Air Transport Committee: 23d Session Montreal .
IcAO Council: 23d Session Montreal .
Gatt Contracting Parties: 9th Session Geneva
U. N. Ecosoc: Resumed 18th Session New York
UNESCO General Conference: 8th Session Montevideo
IcAo Airworthiness Panel Meeting Montreal .
International Trade Fair SSo Paulo
IcAO Special European-Mediterranean Communications Meeting . Paris . .
Ia-Ecosoc: 4th Extraordinary Meeting (Ministers of Finance or Quitandinha (Brazil)
Economy).
Ilo 8th International Conference of Labor Statisticians Geneva
Caribbean Commission: 19th Meeting Port-of-Spain (Trinidad)
IcEM Intergovernmental Committee: 8th Session Geneva
Sept. 21-
Sept. 21-
Sept. 27-
Sept. 28-
Oct. 28-
Nov. 5-
Nov. 12-
Nov. 15-
Nov. 15-
Nov. 16-
Nov. 22-
Nov. 23-
Nov. 29-
Nov. 30-
Scheduled December 1, 1951-February 28, 1955
U. N. High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on Refugees: 5th Geneva Dec. 6-
Session.
Fao 4th World Forestry Congress Dehra Dun (India) .... Dec. 11-
Nac Ministerial Meeting Paris Dec. 16*-
Inter-American Seminar on Secondary Education Santiago Dec. 29-
U. N. Ecosoc Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and
Protection of Minorities.
Who Standing Committee on Administration and Finance ....
U. N. Ecafe Subcommittee on Trade: 1st Session
Pan American Highway Congress: Permanent Executive Com-
mittee.
New York Jan. 4-
Geneva Jan. 10-
Hong Kong Jan. 10-
Mexico Citv Jan. 13-
' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Nov. 24, 1954. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following
is a list of abbreviations: Ilo, International Labor Organization; Unesco, United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization; U. N., United Nations; Ecafe, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; Fao, Food and
Agriculture Organization; Icem, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; Icao, International Civil Avia-
tion Organization; Gatt, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; Ecosoc, Economic and Social Council; Ia-Ecosoc,
Inter-American Economic and Social Council; Nac, North Atlantic Council; Who, World Health Organization.
870
Department of Slate Bulletin
Calendar of Meetings— Continued
Scheduled December 1, 1954-February 28, 1955 — Continued
New York Jan. 17-
r. N. Kcosoc Coiniuissioii on lutcrimtioiml Coiiuiiodity Trailc:
1st Session.
Who Kxecutive Board: ISlli Meeting Geneva Ian. 18-
U. X. Ki'.\KK. Inland Transport Coniinittee: 4tli Session UaiiKkok Jan. 24-
International rai'ific llalilnit Conunission Seattle January
International Pacific Salmon Fisheries Connnission Vancouver January
U. N. Kcosoc Fiscal Couuni.ision: 5lh Session New York January*
U. N. Trusteeship Council: ir)th Session New Y'ork January*
Gatt Tariff Negotiations AVilli Japan Geneva Feb. 1-
Ilo Chemical Industries Committee: 4th Session Geneva Feb. 7-
U. N. Ecosoc Transport and Communications Coininission: 7th New Y'ork Feb. 7-
Sessiou.
The Problem of Defining Aggression
Statements by Charles H. Mahoney
U.S. Representatve to the General Assembly '
A REVIEW OF THE PROBLEM
U.S. deloffiitlon press release 1979 dated Oetober 15
The problem of whether to deiine "aggression,"
and, if so, how, is as old as the United Nations Or-
ganization and older. The word "aggi'ession" ap-
pears more than once in the charter and is a key
word in relation to the powers and responsibilities
of United Nations political organs for preserving
world peace.
At the charter conference of San Francisco in
1945, the question of whether to deiine the term
"aggression" in the constitutional instrument of
this Organization was directly debated. The con-
sidered opinion of the conference was that this
should not be done, and it was not.
Since 1945 the General Assembly has several
times come back to survey the problem of defi-
nition. The present series of debates began 4
years ago this autumn. At tliat time the General
Assembly referred to the International Law Com-
mission a draft definition of aggression proposed
by the Soviet Union and asked the Commission to
"formulate its conclusions as soon as possible."
In the succeeding year the Commission met, and
' Made in Committee VI (Legal) on Oct. 15, Nov. 4, and
Nov. 8.
accepted its assignment as a request to make an
attempt to define aggression and report back.
When it came to the point of substantive discus-
sion, the Commission had before it a report by
Mr. Spiropoulos,^ in which it was concluded that:
''A 'legal' definition of aggression would be an
artificial construction," which could never be com-
prehensive enough to comprise all imaginable
cases of aggression, since the methods of aggres-
sion are in constant process of evolution.
After consideration of various proposals, the
Commission took as the basis of definition a draft
by Mr. Alfaro,^ but this formula, as submitted to
final vote, was rejected 7 to 3 with one abstention.
A proposal to make further attempts was defeated
6 to 4 with one abstention. At a later point the
Commission inserted into the Draft Code of Of-
fenses Against the Peace and Security of Mankind
a statement including acts of aggression ami
threats thereof as such oiTenses. After debate of
tlie Report of the International Law Commission,
the Sixth Assembly Session, by a small majority,
recorded the view that it was "possible and desir-
'Jean Si>iropoulos, Greek representative on Commit-
tee VI.
' Ricardo Alfaro of Panama.
December 6, 1954
871
able ... to define aggression by reference to the
elements which constitute it."
A new debate on the question of definition was
held at the Seventh Session of the General Assem-
bly 2 years ago. As requested by the Assembly,
the Secretary-General presented a most thorough
report discussing the whole question.* Various
formulas were put forward by the delegations to
the xVssembly. No general agreement on any for-
mula was reached, and the whole matter was re-
ferred to a Special Committee. That Committee,
which met in 1953 and whose report is contained
in document A/2638, likewise reached no agree-
ment. The report is a most interesting synthesis
of the very conscientious work done by the repre-
sentatives of the 15 member states selected to serve
on the Committee.
In listening to the statements of the distin-
guished representatives of the Soviet Union, Pan-
ama, and Cuba, and to the introductory statements
by you, Mr. Chairman,^ and by the distinguished
rapporteur of the Special Committee,® we were
vividlj' reminded of the difficulties and pitfalls
that lie across the path of efi^orts to define aggi-es-
sion. The experience of the United Nations in
coping with this matter shows that, in repeated at-
tempts, it has not been possible to reach general
agi-eement on any word formula to define the term.
When the charter was drafted, the considered
judgment of the international community was that
it woultl be wiser not to attempt an a priori paper
definition. The United States has not been per-
suaded of the wisdom of any other course.
Dangers in Paper Definitions
There are obvious dangers in a jDriori paper
defijiitions. A formula may be intended as a com-
plete statement of what constitutes aggression, and
yet the formula may fail to include mention of one
or more types of conduct which would in fact be
aggi-essive. In this way a potential aggressor
would be effectively invited to pursue paths which
seemed unwittingly to have been licensed by the
community of nations.
A definition of aggression may expressly dis-
claim to be all-inclusive and complete. Yet it may
' U.N. doc. A/2211 dated Oct. 2, 1952.
° F. Garcia Amador of Cuba.
" Salah A. Tarazi of Syria.
nevertheless give an emphasis to the sj)ecified types
of conduct which would be unbalanced and per-
haps harmful to the general cause of keeping
world peace. New events are constantly changing
the world we live in; emphasis on one set of ele-
ments given properly and truly todaj' may be false
in another year.
Some of the suggestions already made in this
Committee for a general definition accompanied by
a list of examples of acts constituting aggression
would necessarily entail emphasis on the acts listed.
'\^nio can say with certainty now what acts should
he selected for the listing ? If, on the other hand,
an effort is made to be complete, we have again
the problem of inadvertent omissions. The gen-
eral definition itself would leave still unelaborated
such concepts as self-defense and action inconsist-
ent with the purposes of the United Nations. It
is actually to be feared that the mixed type of defi-
nition would cari-y the disadvantages of both the
general type and the enmnerative.
The United States has also a certain distrust of
setting up a priori categories into which future ac-
tions and situations are to be classified as they
arise. This seems particularly true where the
United Nations Organization is still relatively |
young and where the law of the United Nations
is still in a relatively early stage of development.
We have a much larger confidence in the soundness
of empirical development of law, with the rules
growing out of the actual cases and with any re-
statements or codifications of law held in abeyance
pending an adequate practical experience.
It is also impossible to escape the realization
that aggi-ession is not simply the admixture of cer-
tain predefined elements in given pi'oportions. To
determine the occurrence of aggression is to make
a total value judgment on the whole complex of
facts and circumstances in an actual situation.
A realization of tliis led the founders of the
United Nations to deal with the problem of aggres- I
sion not by word formulas but through the living
processes of the United Nations political organs.
The Security Council was created for the purpose
of applying international law standards, including
those of the charter, to events in the real world.
This is the meaning of article 30, which lays down
that "the Security Council shall determine the
existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the
]")eace, or act of aggi'ession and shall malce recom-
mendations, or decide what nu^asures shall be taken
872
Department of State Bulletin
in iKcoiilimce witli .Vr(iili's41 siiul 4i2, to nmintain
or restore inteniatioiml peace uikI security."
Position at San Francisco
.loseph Paiil-Honcoiir, rapporteur of Conunittee
1 1 1/3 at San Fraucisco, had tlio following to say
oil this problem:
A more protracted liiscussioii developed in tlie Coni-
xuittee on the i)ossil)le insertion in imniKnipIi 'J, Seetlon
B, Clinpter VIII. of tlie determinatiun of acta of aRRres-
sion.
Various iinieiuinu'iits proposed on tliis sut>Je<'t recalled
the delinitlons written into a number of treaties con-
cluded before this war hut did not claim to sjiecify all
cases of aggression. They proposed a list of eventualities
in which intervention by the Council would be automatic.
At the same time they would have left to the Council
the power to determine the other cases in which it should
likewise intervene.
.Vlthoui-'h this proiK)sition evoked considerable support,
it nevertheless became clear to a majority of the Com-
mittee tliat a preliminary delinition of agf;ression went
beyond the possibilities of this Conference and the pur-
pose of the Charter. The progress of the technique of
modern warfare renders very ditfieult the delinition of all
cases of aggression. It may be noted that, the list of such
cases being necessarily incomplete, the Council would
have a tendency to consider of less importance the acts
not mentioned therein: these omissions would encourage
the aggressor to distort the delinition or might delay
action by the Council. Furthermore, in the other cases
listed, automatic action by the Council might bring about
a premature application of enforcement measures.
The Committee therefore decided to adliere to the text
drawn up at Dumbarton Oaks and to leave to the Council
the entire decision as to what constitutes a threat to peace,
a breach of the peace, or an act of aggression.
In today's world we must keep in mind that
the General Assembly also may have responsibil-
ities with respect to acts of aggression. This was
made clear by the resolution "Uniting for Peace"
(377 (V)) adopted at the Fifth Session of the
Assembly.
Tims, both the General Assembly and the Secu-
rity Council are in a position where their success
in safeguarding international peace and security
can be jeopardized by adoption of a definition of
aggression. As matters stand under the charter
in the absence of a paper definition, there can
be no question that, as the Sixth Session of the
General Assembly observed in its resolution pre-
viously quoted, "the existence of the crime of ag-
gression may be inferred from the circumstances
peculiar to each particular case.'"
There is this year an additional factor which my
delegation Indieves should iidliieiice iis not to pro-
ceed MOW with llie ellort to crystallize and harden
an abstract definition of aggression. That is the
aiipeaiance of the term "aggression" in a memo-
randiim suhmitted by tiie United Kingdom and
France to a subcommittee of the Disarmament
Coiniiiission on Jiiir' U, lit.")4.' The memoran-
duni dealt in part with a proliibition on tiie use
of nuclear weajmns and suggested u declaration
prohibit ing their use "except in defen.se against
aggression." We have noted a Soviet [)roposal in
the First Committee of the present General As-
.•^embly to refer this suggestion back to the Dis-
armament Connni-ssion for further study and clar-
ification." The Commission will doubtless resume
its work and take up again the consideration of
matters ranging across the whole field of dis-
armament, including the joint United Kingdom-
Franco suggestion of Jime 11 to which I have re-
ferred. In these circumstances it seems to my dele-
gation the part of wisdom to refrain here from any
action on abstract definitions of aggression which
could conceivably prejudice the possible success
of negotiations on disarmament.
I have taken some time to review the history
of this problem of defining aggression and some of
the considerations which seem relevant to the
United States delegation because this history and
these considerations all point to a conclusion : no
constructive purpose would bo served at this time
by the preparation of a formula to define aggres-
sion. The General Assembly should now consider
that it has explored to the limits of usefulness the
possibilities of defining aggression by a word
formula prepared today for possible applications
in the future.
PROPOSALS BY IRAN AND PANAMA, CHINA
U.S. deU'fc'ation press release 2000 dated November 4
The U.S. delegation has listened with interest to
the extended and thorough general debate which
has taken place in this committee on the question
of defining aggression. That general debate now
being ended, it is time for the committee to address
itself to the resolutions before the committee. I
would like to make a few observations on some of
the proposals which are before us.
' UULLKTI.N- of Aug. 2, 10.-.4, p. 182.
'Ibid., Oct. 25, 1'J.'34, p. 625.
December 6, 1954
873
The draft resolution of the U.S.S.R.,* intro-
duced at the outset of 'this discussion, has been
before the members of the committee for a suffi-
cient length of time that a number of speakers
have had an opportunity to refer to it in their
statements during the general debate. Indeed, we
think the Soviet draft has been adequately dis-
cussed, and I do not propose to make any further
comments on it at this time.
There have been circulated at the last stage of
the general debate two new draft resolutions, one
of which appears to have been discussed with cer-
tain delegations outside the committee room for a
number of days and has been referred to in our
committee debate ; the other is a draft resolution
introduced by the delegate of China. I should
like to comment on these two drafts.
The first, introduced by Iran and Panama,^"
commences with a paragraph of pi'eamble which
quotes a paragraph of preamble from General
Assembly Resolution 599 (VI) of 3 years ago. It
might conceivably have been appropriate at that
time for the General Assembly to express itself in
favor of defining aggression in order both to pro-
mote international peace and security and to de-
velop international criminal law. These are some-
what separate undertakings and would, of course,
require different treatment and procedures. Now,
however, we find in the draft resolution of Iran
and Panama that the two purposes are kept joined
together as the result of what seems to be an auto-
matic and insufficiently considered quoting from
the resolution of the Sixth Assembly. This para-
graph of preamble in the draft resolution now
before us introduces an element of confusion as to
whether the definition proposed by Iran and
Panama is a definition of aggression relating to
the international obligations of states, relating to
criminal responsibilities of individuals, or both.
The matter seems not to have been thought
through.
The next paragi-aph of preamble in the draft res-
olution introduced by Iran and Panama speaks
of "directives" to "such international bodies as
may be called upon to determine the aggressor,"
and the operative portion of the draft resolution
begins with the dogmatic expression "declares."
Under the charter, it is clear that the General As-
' U.N. doc. A/C.C/L. 332 and Rev. 1.
" U.N. doc. A/C.6/L. 335 and Rev. 1.
senibly cannot give directives to the Security Coun-
cil ; it cannot even bind future sessions of the As-
sembly itself. If the "international bodies" in
question include criminal tribunals, it is perfectly
clear that no jurisdiction or directives can be given
to them other than by a treaty duly ratified.
It would appear that paragraph 1 in the opera-
tive part of this draft resolution states a general
definition of aggression which purports to be exclu-
sive. This feature is misleading and unfortunate.
It has the effect, among other things, of putting
aside the elements of subversion and indirect ag-
gi-ession and the economic aspects of aggression.
The same operative paragraph in the draft res-
olution introduces the possibility of conflict with
article 2, paragi-aph 4 of the charter. The draft
resolution bars "any use of armed force by a State
against another State for any purpose other than
the exercise of the inherent right of individual or
collective self-defense or in pursuance of a decision
or recommendation of a competent organ of the
United Nations." Article 2, paragraph 4 sets up
a different standard. It reads :
All Members shall refrain in their international rela-
tions from the threat or use of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any state, or in any
other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United
Nations.
The second operative paragraph of the draft
resolution introduced by Iran and Panama states
an enumeration of acts to be considered as "aggi-es-
sion in all cases." This provision embodies the
cardinal disadvantages of an enumeration by stat-
ing that certain acts shall constitute aggression
regardless of the whole picture in a given situa-
tion. It is possible that the introductory phrase in
the second operative paragraph — "In accordance
with the foregoing definition'" — could be inter-
preted to mean that the listed acts were only exam-
ples of the general definition, although this is by
no means clear from the drafting. If that were
true, the resolution proposed bj' Iran and Panama
would be of the mixed type of definition. The dis-
tinguished representative of the United Kingdom,
we think, disposed definitively of this type of defi-
nition in his statement of November 1. The listing
in the draft resolution of Iran and Panama also
does not provide for the contingency foreseen in
the Paraguayan proposal, which took account of
the possibility that a state might be unable to sup-
press the activities of armed bands.
874
Department of State Bulletin
The resolution introduced by China us revised "
conUiins a lii'st operative parajrrapli that purports
to state a general tletinition. The statement ap-
pears as an exclusive definition. aItlio\iiih it is quite
obviously incomplete in repri'siMitin-^ the ditlVrent
forms which aggression might take. Tiiis first
statement also begs the question by stating "that
aggression is the unlawful use o{ force by a State
against another State, whether directly or indi-
rectly." The rest of the first operative paragraph
in the Chinese draft carries the usual disadvan-
tages of a mixed type of definition. It also includes
some rather vague terminology such as "fomenting
civil strife."
It may be intended that paragraph 2 in the op-
erative part of the Chinese draft modifies both
parts of paragraph 1, although the relationship
between these paragraphs is not clear. In any
event, the enumeration contained in paragraph 1 in
its present form lends itself particularly to the
uses of distortion and propaganda. My delegation
is unclear as to the meaning and effect of para-
graph 3.
During the course of the general debate, some
suggestions have been made for the setting up of a
special committee, subcommittee, or working
group to harmonize the different views and pro-
duce a single text. My delegation does not believe
this would be a fruitful procedure. It would add
even greater length to the time the Unit€d Nations
has devoted to consideration of the aggression
problem. Indeed, we think it would waste time.
There has in fact occurred a great deal of group
discussion among delegations to see if agreement
could be reached on a common text. We do not
see how a prolongation of that process, formalized
by a vote of the committee or the Assembly, could
be productive. It is evident that we do not face
a problem simply of expressing agreed ideas in
language that will be generally acceptable. The
differences are of substance and are fundamental,
as indicated by the distinguished delegates of
Ecuador and Costa Rica.
We believe this committee should now proceed
to vote on the resolutions which are before the
committee. We would urge again that no paper
formula be adopted. As the distinguislied repre-
sentative of Xew Zealand stated, any formula to
emerge from this debate could only be the lowest
common denominator of possible definitions and
could be really satisfactoiT to very few if any
countries. Tiu' I'nited States will vote against
all of the proposed definitions and hopes that the
(Jeneral Asseml>ly will uow conclude that tlie sub-
ject matter of deliiiiiig aggression ha-s been ex-
plored (ollic limits of usefulness.
PROPOSAL BY LEBANON, SYRIA, AND YEMEN
VS. ih'lcKutlon press nliiiHe 2013 dute<l November 8
Since my delegation last spoke, a formal joint
proposal has been tabled by Lebanon, Syria, and
Yeuu'u.'- It is proposed that the General Assem-
bly create another Special Committee to draft a
definition of aggression and report back next year.
We have considered this course of action in all of
its aspects and wish simply to reaflirm our convic-
tion that it is not likely to serve a useful purpose.
There has been no lessening of the difliculties
surrounding our subject as the result of the work
of the previous Special Committee or of this com-
mittee. This point has been very clearlj' and
forcefully made by a number of speakers. In
matters of this kind attitudes strongly supported
become the more strongly entrenched by unremit-
ting reiteration. For one who looks to some solu-
tion in the future, whether near or distant, it is
submitted that a breathing spell and a chance for
calm reconsideration, not the prolongation of
wornout exchanges, should offer the best hope.
An additional reason argues very strongly
against the joint proposal. Next year the Assem-
bly will luive befoie it tlie cjuestion of charter re-
view— the problem of reassessment of 10 years'
experience in world organization. If, as my Gov-
ernment hopes, a review conference is held, that
review will provide an opportunity for surveying
in perspective the whole field of international
peace and security. It may furnish fresh in-
sights into particular areas, such as aggi'ession and
the questions of whether or how it might be appre-
hended in definition form. At a later time, gov-
ernments will have the benefit of knowing what
developments may have taken place respecting
charter review and disarmament and would un-
doubtedly wish to take these developments into
" U.N. doc. A/C. 6/L. 336/Rev. 1
December 6, 1954
" U.N. doc. A/C. 6/L.337. The resolution as amended
was approved on Nov. 10 by a vote of 33-3 (Australia,
Brazil, U.S.)-14.
875
account in approaching again the question of de-
fining aggression.
With the future holding possibilities of develop-
ments within the United Nations affecting the
question of defining aggression, and with the past
a vivid reminder of the probable sterility of an-
other Special Committee at tliis stage, we re-
spectfully urge that the question now be let alone
for a time. To repeat the unsuccessful experi-
ments of the past is not in anyone's interest. To
create a Special Committee because a majority
does not want to stop considering the problem of
defining is completely unnecessary. It could be
counterproductive and might be understood as a
face-saving rather than a hopef id step. From the
point of view of what will promote sound develop-
ment of the United Nations, we believe that con-
structive thinking and cooperation by govern-
ments in closely related fields will be the best
preparation for any further consideration of the
aggression problem. The United Nations has not
made headway in repeated efforts concentrated
directly on the problem. We think it is time to
take another tack.
Principles Involved in Human Rights Covenants
Statements by Mrs. Osicald B. Lord
U.8. Representative to the General Assembly ^
U.S. VIEWS ON DRAFT COVENANTS
TJ.S. delegation press release 2001 dated November 2
I have delayed participating in this debate until
today because of the desire of the committee — a
very understandable desire — to hear the views of
governments which have not been represented in
the Commission on Human Rights and because
the position which my Government has taken
toward the draft covenants ^ is already well
known.
Having said this, Mr. Chairman, I should like to
place in the record the views of my Government on
several of the major issues that involve important
matters of principle. I shall not deal with the
many details in the draft covenants which my
Government believes are not satisfactory for one
reason or another.
My Government is of the view that a deficiency
of the draft covenant on civil and political rights
lies in what we consider to be the serious imper-
' Mafle in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian, and
Cultural) on Nov. 2 and Nov. 8.
' For texts of the drafts, completed at the tenth session
of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights in Fcb.-Apr.
1954, see U.N. doe. E/2573, annex I.
fections in the guaranties of the rights included.
In too many instances in this draft covenant the
affirmative statement of the right is undermined
by additional provisions which permit the na-
tional legislatures to ignore the guaranties in ex-
ceptional circumstances wliich are broadly and
loosely defined. For example, the right to liberty
of person in article 9 is made subject to exceptions
on such grounds as are established by law. The
right to freedom of thought and religion in article
18 is made subject to broad limitations presci'ibed
by law. Similar exceptions are provided for in
article 19 with respect to freedom of expression
and in article 21 with respect to freedom of
association.
Danger to Freedom of Expression
At least two articles in the covenants as pres-
ently drafted constitute a real danger to the vital
principle of freedom of expression. Article 14
of the draft covenant on economic, social, and
cultural rights states that "education shall en-
courage . . . the suppression of all incitement to
racial and other liatred. . . ." Article 26 of the
draft covenant on civil and political rights reads:
876
Department of Slate Bulletin
*'Aiiy iidvocacy of national, racial or religious
hostility that constitutes an incitement to hatred
and violence shall be prohibited by the law of
the state."' Most of us in this room would not
hesitate to condemn advocacy of national, racial,
or religious hostility of any kind. Yet all of us
ought to hesitate before accepting tlie concept of
totalitarian control of all forms of expression that
is implied in these two articles. Who can define
the words "hostility" or "iiK-iteinent" or "hatred"
precisely enough for a ti-eaty ?
Another article whidi raises an imjiortant ques-
tion of principle is ai-ticle 1 in both covenants on
self-determination. I do not wish at this time to
discuss the larger issues of self-determination, ex-
cept to reaffirm the devotion of my Government to
the principle of equal rights and self-determina-
tion of all nations and peoples. It is the third
paragraph of article 1 on self-determination to
■which my delegation takes strong exception.
This paragraph states the right of self-determina-
tion in economic affaire far too rigidly. The
second sentence of this paragraph completely ig-
nores the rights that foreign nations may have in
a state by virtue of treaties, commercial agree-
ment.s, and general international law. It may
even be interpreted to sanction the right of govern-
ment to expropriate private property without any
compensation whatsoever. This third paragraph,
if included in the covenants, could undermine what
individual investors, governments, and the United
Nations have been doing in recent j-ears to en-
courage the flow of private capital into the under-
developed countries. The danger of this third
paragraph is not merely that it would probably
prevent many governments from ratifying the
covenants but rather that it would discredit the
United Nations and weaken support for the or-
ganization in many countries.
Serious Omissions
As other speakers have pointed out, Mr. Chair-
man, several important articles have not been in-
cluded in the draft covenants. One right that is
conspicuous by its absence is the right to own prop-
erty. In the Commission on Human Rights last
winter, we discussed the incorporation of article
17 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
in the draft covenant on economic, social, and cul-
tural rights. I regret verj' much that the Com-
mission did not decide to include the language of
article 17 in the draft covenant. The right to own
property is an important human right, essential to
tlie complete development of Inniiiin libci-ty, and
it was so recognized in the Universal Declaration
of Ilunnm Rights. Failui's to include this essen-
tial right in the covenant might well be regarded
as a retrogressive step, a weakening of the Uni-
vei-sal Declaration.
Another important omiasion relates to part IV
of the covenant on civil and political rights, con-
cerning implementation. This series of articles
fails to provide that the proposed Human Rights
Committee should not duplicate the work of other
organs of tiie United Nations, and of the special-
ized agencies. In fact, such an article was deleted
by the Commission on Human Rights at its ninth
session. As a result, without such a provision, the
jurisdiction of the proposed Human Rights Com-
mittee might seriously overlap that of other organs
of the United Nations system.
A number of other representatives have referred
to the difficult question of reservations. As mem-
bers of this committee know, my Government does
not believe that in the present political atmosphere
in international affairs the use of treaties can be
a productive method for promoting respect for
human rights, and it has decided not to sign or
ratify the covenants. The exact nature of the
reservations article is therefore not as significant
for us as it otherwise might be, but, because widely
divergent points of view have been expressed, it
might be useful to state briefly the position of my
Government on this important article and the
reasons for it.
From the standpoint of competent legal drafts-
manship it would be our view that the two cove-
nants should contain an article which would clearly
provide for the effect to be given to reservations.
In view of the broad humanitarian objectives of
the covenants, we would suppose that the article
on reservations should be a liberal one, permitting
reservations to the substantive articles of the cove-
nants. At the same time, we would think that
reservations should not be permitted to the imple-
mentation provisions of either of the covenants.
The imi)lenientation provisions of each covenant
constitute a carefully worked out system, the ef-
fective functioning of which would be seriously
jeopardized if it were made possible for states
desiring to become parties to the covenants to make
reservations to them.
December 6, 1954
877
Different Uses of Terms
Finally, Mr. Chairinan, may I say that as I
have listened to this general debate, I have been
struck by the different interpretations which dif-
ferent speakers have placed upon the same words
in one article or another of the draft covenants.
A number of representatives, for example, have
expressed differing views as to what is meant by
the right of self-determination. The spokesmen
for the Moslem faith do not seem to be in complete
agreement with regard to the article on freedom of
religion. Most important of all, the representa-
tive of the Soviet Union has given a meaning to
some of the words of the draft covenants that is
entirely different from the meaning that most of
us in the free world would give them. Anyone
who listened carefully to the statement of the So-
viet representative, anyone who has jiarticipated
in the debates of the Human Eights Commission,
anyone who is familiar with the structure of So-
viet society knows that in Soviet terminology the
word "democracy" means "communism" ; the word
"freedom" means "freedom to act only in the in-
terests of communism"; the word "right" means
"not individual rights but the right of the col-
lectivity as determined by the Communist Party" ;
and that "self-determination" as Stalin has made
clear is subordinate to the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat.
These are the general observations, Mr. Chair-
man, which the United States delegation wishes
to make in this first reading of the draft covenants.
I have made these observations because I believe
that the committee is entitled to hear the views of
every member of the United Nations and because
I desire to express again the continuing determin-
ation of the United States Govermnent to promote
human rights and to oppose restrictions upon those
rights. We in the United States have been mov-
ing forward over the years, through legislation,
through decisions of our courts, and — most im-
portant of all — through the development of public
opinion. We in the United States earnestly desire
to see human liberty made secure in our own coun-
try and everywhere else in the world. We be-
lieve that much can be done in the United Nations
to accomplish these ends. We will continue to do
everything we can — here at home, in our relations
with other countries, and in the United Natioi\s —
to promote the cause of freedom.
COMMENT ON SOVIET POSITION
U.S. delegation press release 2014 dated Novemlier 8
I tried, Mr. Chairman, in my earlier statement
to suggest how diiBcult it is to reach agreement
on an interpretation of the various articles of the
two draft covenants, and I illustrated this by sev-
eral different examples. The reply of the delegate
of the U.S.S.K. [A. A. Fomin] has proved my
contention, because it would appear that the prob-
lem of defining these terms is obviously difficult.
Before going over the specific examples I gave
and the sources from which I based my remarks, I
would like to refer to the disagreement of the rep-
resentative of the Soviet Union with my remarks
about the two articles in the draft covenants which
refer to incitement to hatred and violence. The
Soviet representative did not convince me that
these two articles are not a threat to freedom of
expression. I do hope that the committee will
give very careful thought to this problem.
In illustrating the difficulties that arise in reach-
ing agreement over the interpretation of different
articles, I said in my first statement that when the
Eussians use the word "democracy" they mean
"communism." I will give you two authorities:
( 1 ) Lenin in Fourth Anniversary of the Octo-
ber Revolution: "The Soviet system represents
the maximum of democracy for the workers and
peasants and the rise of a new type of democracy
of world historic importance, viz., proletarian
democracy or dictatorship of the proletariat."
(2) Stalin "On the Draft Constitution of 1936"
in Problems of Leninism, (two separate quota-
tions) : "The Constitution of the U.S.S.E. is the
only thoroughly democratic constitution in the
world," and "I must admit that the draft of the
new Constitution does preserve the regime of the
dictatorship of the working class, just as it also
preserves unchanged the present leading position
of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.E. If the
esteemed critics regard this as a flaw in the Draft
Constitution, it is only to be regretted. We Bol-
sheviks regard it as a merit . . ." Conclusion:
Keal democracy equals Soviet communism equals
dictatorship of the proletariat.
I said that the word freedom in the U.S.S.E.
means "freedom to act only in the interest of
communism." This is the clear connotation of
article 125 of the Constitution of the U.S.S.E.,
which grants certain freedoms "in confonnity
878
Deparfmenf of Stafe Bulletin
witli tlio inteiosts of tlic workiiifx people, niiil in
order to stren<;tlien tlie socialist system. . . .'' To
give a recent example to show that these limita-
tions are real, I (piote from the Resolution of the
Presidium of the Hoard of the Union of Soviet
AVriters, cited in Litcratuniaya Gazeta, August
1", 1954, which after severe criticism concludes:
. . . Tlie magazine -Voi-f/ miV hail laid down a i»ilU-.v
wliich coiitraiiicts Parly instruvtiima In tlie spliore of
belU's-li'ttros .... The errors cominiltcd . . . recall
particularly clearly the Party's Instructiiuis conreriiint'
the duty of workers in the art of socialist rcullsm —
namely, to be guided in all artistic work by the policy
of the Party and the Soviet state. . . .
I said that the word "right" means not individ-
ual rights but the right of the collectivity as deter-
mined by the Communist Party. This statement
contains two ideas, that the Soviet concept of
rights is collective and that the Communist Party
is what determines these rights.
The whole tradition of Soviet development sup-
ports this statement. You will look in vain in the
Constitution of the U.S.S.R. for limitations on
the power of the state in favor of the individual.
Even more indicative is the terminology of the
collective rights that are included. In the articles
on duties, the wording is "It is the duty of every
citizen. . . ." In the articles on rights, the word-
ing is "Citi2en.s of the U.S.S.K. . . ." There is
more than a technical difference in this wording,
for the official Soviet theory is that the interests of
the states and the individual never diverge. How
the U.S.S.R. claims to have achieved this Utopian
state was made clear in an article on "Soviet Ideol-
ogy and its Superiority Over Bourgeois Ideology*'
in Partiinaya Zhina in September 1947: "This
correlation [of the individual and social inter-
ests] is possible only on the basis of the subordi-
nation of personal interest to the social." Who
determines what the social interest is? The Com-
munist Party, a small, disciplined, doctrinaire
gi-oup which rules the U.S.S.R. with an iron grip.
Its hold on Soviet society was described by Stalin
in "Three Basic Slogans of Party on Peasant
Question" as follows :
The Government passed completely and entirely into
the hands of one Party, into the hands of our I'arty,
which does not share and must not share the guidance of
the state with any other party. This is what we mean by
the dictatorship of the proletariat.
It is all very logical. By definition there is no
conflict between the individual and society. But
if there sliould be, individual rights are subordi-
nate to the collectivity. The society, of course, is
subject to the Party, which is, in turn, subject to
the dictates of a few individuals at the top in
accordance with the princii)le of centralism.
The last point I made was that the principle of
.'^elf-determination was subordinated by the
U.S.S.R. to the principle of tlie dictatorship of
the proletariat. The quotation from Stalin to
which I referred comes from Stalin's speech to the
Xllth Congress of the Russian Communist Party.
It speaks for itself:
There are instances when the right to self-determination
comes Into conflict with another, higher right— the right
of the working class which attained power to fortify its
power. In such cases, it must be stated frankly, the right
of self-determiiuition cannot be and must not serve as an
obstacle to the realization of the ri«ht of the working class
to its own dictatorship. The first must recede before the
second.
T think that this disagreement on self-determi-
nation is very relevant to our debate, Mr. Chair-
man, and we will be glad to take up the Soviet
position on self-determination in detail at a later
date.
In my intervention all I have tried to do is to
point out constructively some of the difficulties
that exist on interpreting what is meant by differ-
ent words. We have tried to be helpful and have
found it useful to hear the views of other delega-
tions and to hear constructive criticism.
U.S. Position on U.N.'s
Technical Assistance Program
U.S./D.N. press release 1998 dated November 1
Following is the text of a letter from Ambas-
sador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representa-
tive to the United Nations, to V. A. Haindam,
chairman of the Negotiating Committee, Extra-
Budgetary Funds.
Since the inception of the United Nations Ex-
panded Program of Technical Assistance, the
United States has given it strong support. For
the first three years of the program the United
States contributed a total of $36,000,000, or ap-
proximately 60 per cent of all funds pledged, to
tlie central fund. For 1954 the dollar amount of
our pledge increased to $13,861,809, although our
percentage share of the central fund was reduced
December 6, 1954
879
to approximately 57 per cent. The full amount of
the U.S. pledge for calendar year 1954 has been
appropriated by the U.S. Congress and is available
for contribution to the program.
Tlie United States recognizes the importance
of technical assistance in promoting the economic
development of the underdeveloped countries and
has been providing technical assistance bilaterally
as well as supporting the UN technical assistance
program. It has also contributed generously to
the other special UN programs which are aimed
directly or indirectly at economic development or
at alleviation of economic distress.
The Congress of the United Statas has made
clear that it does not wish the Executive to make
pledges to the UN technical assistance program
until funds have been appropriated. The United
States is not in a position at this time to make a
pledge for calendar year 1955. The President has
authorized the U.S. Delegation to state that he is
prepared to request from the Congi'ess fimds for
a U.S. contribution to the calendar year 1955 pro-
gram. He hopes that the UN teclinical assistance
program will continue to operate at least at its
present level and in the future will obtain in-
creasing sujjport from all governments.
The fact that the President is prepared to make
a request for funds does not constitute a pledge
and is not to be so considered. I am authorized
to make this statement, however, to indicate the
President's continuing interest in this vital
UN program.
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration
The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 24 (press release 667) that the U.S. Govern-
ment would be represented at the Eighth Session
of the Intergovernmental Committee for Euro-
pean Migi'ation, to be held at Geneva, from No-
vember 30 to December 4, by the following
delegation :
United States representative
Scott McLeotl, Administnitor, Bureau of Inspection,
Security and Coiisulur Affairs, Department of State
880
Alternate United States representatives
Cliauucey W. Reed, House of Representatives
Ben F. Jensen, House of Representatives
Dorothy D. Houghton, Assistant Director, Office for Refu-
gees, Migration and Voluntary Assistance, Foreign
Operations Administration
Christopher H. Phillips, Deputy Assistant Secretary for
International Organization AfCalrs, Department of
State
Principal adviser
George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced
Persons, Bureau of Inspection, Security and Consular
Affairs, Department of State
Advisers
Richard R. Brown, Director, Office of Field Coordination,
Escapee Program, Foreign Operations Administration,
Frankfort, Germany
Frank W. Fletcher, President, Fletcher-Wilson Coffee Co.,
Nashville, Tenn.
William R. Foley, Committee Counsel, Committee on Judi-
ciary, House of Representatives
Dayton H. Frost, Chief, Intergovernmental Refugee Pro-
gram Division, Foreign Operations Administration
Walter H. Jones, New Jersey State Senator, Trenton, N.J.
Abba P. Schwartz, former legal adviser to Intergovern-
mental Committee for European Migration, Wash-
ington, D.O.
Nick Stepanovich, former adviser to War Department on
visa matters. East Chicago, Ind.
During the week immediately preceding the
convening of the Eighth Session, two subcom-
mittees will hold meetings. The Ad Hoc Subcom-
mittee on Draft Rules and Eegulations meets
November 22-24, and the Subcommittee on Fi-
nance will hold its Sixth Session on November 25
and 26.
The purpose of the Intergoverimaental Commit-
tee is to facilitate the movement out of Europe of
migrants and refugees who would not otherwise
be moved. The majority of the persons moved by
the Committee are going from Greece, Italy, Aus-
tria, Germany, and the Netherlands to Australia,
Canada, the United States, and Latin America.
As of October 31, 1954, a total of 265,752 persons
had been moved in resettlement overseas by the
Committee. The 24 member governments of the
Intergovernmental Committee for European Mi-
gration are: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bel-
gium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa
Rica, Di'iunark, France, Federal Ilepublic of Ger-
many, Greece, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, Norway, Paraguay, Sweden, Switz-
erland, Uruguay, the United States, and Vene-
zuela.
Department of State Bulletin
i
'I'lu' (li-iift provisioiiiil a^tMuln inrliulos (1) fjon-
oral ivport of tlie Director, (2) revised report on
Inulget and i)ian of exiuMuliture for 1!)54, (.'5) pro-
posed budjjet iUiil i)l:iu of expenditure for li)5a
and r.tyt), and (4) action to bo taUen for tlie pro-
longation of the existence of the Committee be-
yond December .'U, VJoi, if the constitution has
not entered into force. In this hist connection,
it may be noted that 13 of the 24 govermiients,
includinj; tlie United States, have accepted the
constitution.
The Seventh Session of the Intergovernmental
Conunittee for European Migration was held at
Geneva, April ^G-May 1, 1954.
since the eij^litcentli meeting of the Connnission
(Belize, Hritisii Honduras, May 19-24, li)o4) ;
progress reports on technical assistance projects,
such as a C'arilibean training program in Puerto
Uico, a Caribbean cooperatives training center in
Puerto Kico, and a survey of the potentialities
of baga.sse, tropical timbers, and rice .straw in the
manufacture of liberboard, pulp, and i)aper; and
the status of preparations for the sixth session of
the We.st Indian Conference to be held at San Juan,
May 1!>55.
Caribbean Commission
Tlie Department of State announced on >.'o-
vember 20 (press release 672) that the U.S. Gov-
ernment would be represented at the nineteenth
meeting of the Caribbean Commission at Port-of-
Spain, Trinidad, from November 2!) through De-
cember 4 by the following delegation :
I'nitcd States Commisnioncrs
Itobinson Mcllvaine, Co-Chairinan, Deputy Assistaut Sec-
retary of State for Public Affairs, Department of
State
Arturo Jlorales Carrion, Under Secretary of State, Com-
monwealth of Puerto Kico
.losf' Trias Monge, Secretary of Justice, Commonwealth
of Puerto Uico
David Victor Bornn, Vice President, Virgin Islands Na-
tional Banli, St. Thomas
Advisers
Frances McReynolds Smith, Office of Dependent Affairs,
Department of State
William P. Maddox. .\iiierican Consul General, Port-of
Spain
The Caribbean Commission is an interni tional
advisory body resulting from expansion of the
original Anglo-American Caribbean Coniniissiop.
It serves to coordinate activities of the four mem-
ber governments, France, the Netherlands, the
United Kingdom, and the United States, in their
efforts to improve tlie economic and social well-
being of Caribbean inhabitants.
Among the principal agenda items for discus-
sion at the nineteenth meeting are a proposed work
program and budget for 1955 ; a proposed schedule
of technical conferences for 1050; a study on cus-
toms barriers and trade liberalization in the Carib-
bean; reports on conferences and meetings held
TREATY INFORMATION
Agreement With West Germany
Relating to Patents
l'ri.-s release G38 dated Nuvcniber 10
The Dejjartment of State announced on Novem-
ber 10 that the U.S. Government and the Govern-
ment of the German Federal Republic have agreed
to appl}- and consider operative the agi'eement
between the United States of America and Ger-
many relating to i:)atents signed at Washington,
February 23, 1909. This was done on the under-
standing that this action will not affect any rights
in the Federal Republic of Germany to which
U.S. nationals may otherwise be entitled, and will
be without prejudice to the previous status of any
provision of the agreement which may have re-
mained operative or may have again become opera-
tive since the outbreak of hostilities between Ger-
many and the United States of America. The
agreement is also applicable in the "Western sectors
of Berlin. This action was taken to clarify the
status of the agreement in the light of the effects
of World War II.
Tiie agreement provides that national treatment
shall be accorded to citizens of one country where
the provisions of law of the other comitry impose
disabilities or restrictions for the nonworking of
a patent. The agreement further provides that
the working of a patent in one country shall be
considered as equivalent to its working in the
other country.
December 6, 7954
881
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Aviation
Protocol amending Article 45 of the Convention on Inter-
national Civil Aviation (TIAS 1581) which provides
for the permanent seat of Icao. Done at Montreal June
14, 1954.'
Ratificntion deposited: Ethiopia, October 25, 1954.
Protocol relating to certain amendments to the Convention
on International Civil Aviation (TIAS 1581), providing
that sessions of the Assembly of the International Civil
Aviation Organization shall be held not less than once
in three years instead of annually. Done at Montreal
June 14, 19.54.'
Ratification deposited: Ethiopia, October 25, 1954.
Germany
Agreement on German external debts. Signed at London
February 27, 1953. Entered into force September 16,
1953. TIAS 2792.
Accession deposited: Australia, September 29, 1954.
Notification by United Kingdom of extension to: North-
ern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, October 1, 1954.
Japan
Agreement regarding the status of the United Nations
forces in Japan. Signed at Tokyo February 19, 1954.
Entered into force June 11, 1954. TIAS 2995.
Acceptance deposited: Union of South Africa, October
27, 1954.
Postal Matters
Convention, Final Protocol, and Regulations of Execution
of the Postal Union of the Americas and Spain. Signed
at Rio de Janeiro September 25, 1946. Entered into
force January 1, 1947. TIAS 1680.
Agreement relative to money orders, and Final Protocol.
Signed at Rio de Janeiro September 25, 1946. Entered
into force January 1, 1947. TIAS 1682.
Agreement relative to parcel post, and Final Protocol.
Signed at Rio de Janeiro September 25, 1946. Entered
into force January 1, 1947. TIAS 1681.
Ratification deposited: Panama, September 8, 1954.
BILATERAL
China
Agreement amending the agreement of November 5 and
18, 1948, as amended (TIAS 2749) relating to relief
supplies for China. Effected by exchange of notes at
Taipei July 12 and October 26, 1954. Entered into force
October 26, 1954.
Germany
Agreement concerning the treaty of friendship, commerce
and con.sular rights of December 8, 1923, as amended
(44 Stat. 2132 and 49 Stat. 3258). Signed at Bonn June
3, 1953. Entered into force October 22, 1954.
Proclaimed by the President: November 5, 1954.
Libya
Agreement relating to the granting of wheat to alleviate
famine conditions in Libya. Effected by exchange of
notes at Benghazi October 30 and November 3, 1954.
Entered into force November 3, 1954.
Philippines
Agreement amending the agreement of June 7, 1949 (TIAS
1949) relating to construction and equipping of hospi-
tals for veterans and the provision of medical care and
treatment of veterans by the Philippines, and the fur-
nishing of grants-in-aid thereof by the United States.
Effected by exchange of notes at Manila October 6, 1954.
Entered into force October 6, 1954.
Turkey
Agreement relating to the exchange of commodities and
the sale of grain, with annex. Signed at Washington
November 15, 1954. Entered into force November 15,
1954.
THE DEPARTMENT
' Not in force.
882
Appointment
Morehead Patterson as United States Representative,
with the personal rank of Ambassador, for International
Atomic Energy Agency Negotiations, effective November 4.
Designations
Charles F. Baldwin as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Far Eastern Economic Affairs, effective November 1.
John P. Rieger as General Manager of the Refugee Re-
lief Program, effective November 10.
Recent Releases
For sale ty the Superintendent of Documents, V. S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in. the ease of free publications, which may he obtained
from the Department of State.
Cultural Relations. TIAS 2798. Pub. 5313. 4 pp. 54.
Agreement between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany. Exchange of notes — Signed at
Washington Apr. 9, 1953. Entered into force Apr. 9, 1953.
Relief From Double Taxation on Profits From Operation
of Aircraft. TIAS 2858. Pub. 5303. 5 pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States and Belgium. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington July 18, 1953.
Entered into force July 18, 1953.
Economic Cooperation. TIAS 2859. Pub. 5304. 3 pp.
5<t.
Agreement between the United States and France, amend-
ing agreement of June 28, 1948, as amended. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Paris Sept. 11, 1953. Entered into force
Sept. 11, 1953.
Air Transport Services. TIAS 2870. Pub. 5322. 2 pp.
51}.
Agreement between the United States and the Union of
South Africa, amending agreement of May 23, 1947. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington July 21 and
Nov. 2, 1953. Entered into force Nov. 2, 1953.
Department of State Bulletin
December 6, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 806
Albania. Albaulati Indfpcmlcnco Day (DuIIph) .... 8(12
Amtrican Kepublics. Ecoiutmlc Cooperation In tlio
AiinMlca.-i Uiiiinphrt'y) 803
Chln*. Communist. U.S. Protents SentcDclnR of .\nuTlcanii
by Clilnese Conimunlsta U**)^! of note) 866
Concrcu. Protocols on Gorman Occu|«tlon and Accvs-
slon to NATO TrnnsmlttptI to Senate (Klxenhowi-r,
Dulles) 847
Economic Affairs
Ei'ononilf Cooperation In the .VnuTlias I Uumphroy) . . . 803
U.S. Position on CX.'s Teclinlcal .\ii8l8tnnec Program
(Lodge) 870
U.S.YuKOslav Kconomie Talks |le\t of joint connnunli|iiel . 809
Europe. Progress Toward European Security (Xlerclumt) . 843
Germany
Agreement With West Germany Relating to Patents . . 881
Protocols on German Occupation and .\cces8lon to .NATO
Transmitted to Senate (Elsenhower, Dulles) .... 847
Health. Education, and Welfare. Principles involved In
Human Rli;hts Covenants (Lord) 870
International Organizations and Meetings
Calendar of .Meetings 870
Economic Cooperation In the .\merica.s (Humphrey) . . . 863
U.S. Delegations to International Conferences .... 880
Mutual Security. Progress Toward European Security
(Merchant) 843
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Protocols on German
Occupation and .\ecossion to NATO Transmitted to
Senate (Eisenhower, Dulles) 847
Presidential Documents. Protocols on German Occupation
and Accession to NATO Transmitted to Senate . 847
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
Presentation of Claim Against U.S.S.R. in 1953 Plane
Attack (text of note) 857
U.S. Protests Sentencing of Americans by Chinese Commu-
nists (text of note) g.'iO
Pnblications. Recent Releases 882
State. Department of
Appointment (Patterson) 882
Designations (Baldwin, Rleger) 882
Treaty Information
Agreement With West Germany Relating to Patents . . . 881
Current Actions 882
Protocols on German Occupation and Accession to N.\T()
Transmitted to Senate (Elsenhower, Dulles) .... 847
U.S.S.R. Presentation of Claim Against U.S.S.R. in 1953
Plane .Vttack (text of note) 857
United Nations
Principles Involved in Human Rights Covenants (Lord) . 876
The Problem of Defining Aggression (Mahoney) .... 871
U.S. Position on U.N. 'a Technical AsMlBtunce Program
(Lodge) 870
Yugoslavia. I'. S. -Yugoslav Economic Talks (text of Joint
communique) 809
Name Index
Baldwin, Clmrles V 882
Dulles, Secretary 840, 802
Elsenhower. ITesldent 847, 803
Gowen, Eranklln C 850n.
Humphrey, George M .... 803
Lo.lge, Henry Cahot, Jr 879
I.oril, Mrs. Oswahl B 876
.Mahoney. Charles H 871
Merchant, l.lvlngsinn T 843
Patterson, .Morehead 882
Kleger. John F 882
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 22-28
Itelcii.si'.s may be ohtaincd from the News Division,
Deimrtinent of State, Wa.shiriKton 2'>, D. C.
I're.ss releases issued prior to Novemljer 22 whiclj
appear in tliis issue of llie Bui.u;tin are Nos. 566 of
October 9 and 638 of November 10.
No. Date Subject
U.S.-YugosIav economic tailts.
Arrival of Austrian Chaiucllor Raab.
Merchant : Pros;ress toward Euro-
pean Security.
Instruction to Consul at Geneva.
Delegation to Migration Committee
meetinfr.
Communique on Raab visit.
Byroade to be Ambassador to Egypt.
Allen to be Assistant Secretary.
Dulles : .\ll)auian Independence Day.
Delegation to Caribbean Commission
meeting.
673 11/26 Protest note to Communist China.
663
11/22
t664
11/21
665
11/23
666
11/23
667
11/24
t668
11/26
•660
11/26
•670
11/26
671
11/27
672
11/26
♦Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
U. S. COVCRNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1954
United States
Government Printing Office
DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
Washington 25. D. C.
PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOlC
PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $3O0
(GPO)
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
th
Department
f
ate
How Foreign Policy Is Made
Publication 5585
15 cents
Who makes our foreign policy and how is it made? Who
decides what the Nation shall do in its relations with the rest of
the world and how are decisions reached?
For the answers to these questions, read Hoiv Foreign Policy
Is Made. This short, illustrated pamphlet describes briefly and
directly
. . . the role of the President
... of Congress
... of the ofl!icial household
. . . the composition and task of the National Security
Council
. . . the functions and organization of the Department of
State
. . . the effect other nations may have on our policymaking
. . . the basic part played by our citizenry in determining
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/
J/ie/ ^e/i{i^h7ienl/ x>^ t/tate^
'ol. XXA7. No. 807
December 13, 1954
THE COURAGE TO BE PATIENT • Statement Wthe
President 887
THE GOAL OF OUR FOREIGN POLICY • Address by
Secretary Dulles 890
MUTUAL DEFENSE TREATY WITH CHINA • Text
of Treaty and Related Statements 895
U.S. REPLY TO SOVIET PROPOSALS ON EUROPEAN
SECURITY 901
THE PROBLEM OF THE AUSTRIAN STATE TREATY
Report to General Assembly 907
U.S.-Austrian Conversations • 909
UNITED NATIONS ADOPTS ATOMS-FOR-PEACE
RESOLUTION
Statements by Ambassador Ilenry Cabot Lodge, Jr 918
Text of Resolution 919
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
FEB 2 1955
,iJn€ z/^e/ici^'iftme^i^ c^ t/tale
bulletin
Vol. XXXI, No. 807 • Publication 5688
December 13, 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Pbice:
62 issue.s, domestic $7.60, foreign $10.25
Single oopy. 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contahied herein may
he reprinted. Citation of tlie Dkpaetment
OF Statk Bulletin as the source wlU be
appreciated.
Tlie Department of State BIILLETIS,
a tceehly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tvith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the icork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the Wliite House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as tcell as
special articles on lyirioKs phases of
international affairs and tlie func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
uiell as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Courage To Be Patient
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT >
I want to talk for just a moment, with your
indulgence, about 13 American prisoners.'
And you cannot possibly talk about them in
any isolated sense.
The world is in an ideological struggle, and
we are on one side and the Iron Curtain coun-
tries are on the other.
This struggle we now are in we call the "cold
war." The great hope of mankind is that we
can find methods and means of progressing a
little bit, even if by little steps, toward a true
or real peace and that we do not go progressively
toward war.
Now, on our side we must make certain that
our efforts to promote peace are not inter-
preted as appeasement or any purchase of im-
mediate favor at the cost of principle. We
' Made at a White House news conference on Dec 2,
' For texts of U.S. protests in tlie case of the Americans
imprisoned by Communist China, see Buixetin of Dec.
6, l!>r,4, p. 8.56.
must, on the other luuid. be steady and refuse
to be goaded into actions that would be unwise.
To fit this incident into the global picture,
let me remind you, these prisoners have been
held by the Chinese for 2 years, so their selec-
tion of a time of announcement was, of course,
a deliberate act. In fact, we find little evidence
in all of the actions of the Communist states
that indicates any haphazard actions on their
part. I'^vcrythiug they do is deliberate and well
thought out.
Xow, I do not mean to say that everything
in Russia is completely coordinated with every-
thing that is happening in China. I do say
that, when one of these governments permits
anything to happen or makes any announce-
ment, it does it deliberately and with a
deliberate purpose.
If this is a deliberate attemi:)t out there,
as it appears to be, to goad us into some im-
pulsive action in the hope of dividing us from
December 73, 1954
887
our allies, breaking down and destroying all
the work that has been going on over the past
years to build up a true coalition of free govern-
ments, then it certainly makes a mockery of the
softer tone that has been used in Russia toward
Western Europe at times lately, even approach-
ing the tone of blandishment.
We must not forget what the aims of com-
munism have always been, announced by
themselves: to divide the free world, to divide
us among ourselves as the strongest nation of
the free world, and, by dividing, to confuse
and eventually to conquer, to attain through
those means their announced aim of world
domination.
Now, for us there are two courses, and here I
should like, in a way, to talk a little bit per-
sonally: in many ways the easy course for a
President, for the administration, is to adopt
a truculent, publicly bold, almost insulting
attitude.
A President experiences exactly the same re-
sentments, the same anger, the same kind of
sense of frustration, almost, when things like
this occur to other Americans, and his impulse
is to lash out.
Now, I want to make quite clear that, when
one accepts the responsibilities of public office,
he can no longer give expression freely to such
things; he has got to think of the results.
That would be the easy way for this reason:
those actions lead toward war.
Now, let us think of war for a second. When
this nation goes to war, there occurs auto-
matically a unification of our people.
Traditionally, if we get into trouble that in-
volves war, the nation closes ranks behind the
leader, the job to do becomes simply under-
stood— it is to win the war. There is a real
fervor developed throughout the nation that
you can feel everywhere you go. There is prac-
tically an exhilaration about the affair.
The great Lee said, "It is well that war is so
horrible; if it were not so, we would grow too
fond of it," because in the intellectual and spir-
itual contest of matching wits and getting along
to see if you can win, there comes about some-
thing, an atmosphere is created, and an attitude
Possible Blockade of Red China
Press release 684 dated December 1
At his neivs conference on December 1 Secretary
Dulles was asked vnder what changed conditions
the United States might consider a blockade of Red
China. Mr. Dulles replied:
I said in my speech in Chicago ' that we thinli it
our duty to exhaust all methods short of warlike
action in an effort to sustain the rights of our nation
and of our citizens. Now, if those methods fail,
then we would have to reconsider the situation.
Personally, I have a good deal of confidence that
those methods will not fail, but it is not possible to
predict with any certainty.
Asked whetJier such a blockade would be taken
up through the United Nations, Mr. Dulles replied:
The United Nations Charter contains provisions
that under certain circumstances the Security
Council can ask for a blockade of a recalcitrant na-
tion. That is a possibility. Of course, that possi-
bility is considerably dimmed by the fact that the
Soviet Union sits on the Security Council, and it
would be my guess, at least, that it would veto
such a proposal.
Asked how serious the possibility of a naval
blockade is after peaceful methods hare been ex-
hausted, Mr. Dulles replied:
I don't think I could say how serious the possi-
bility is. I merely wanted to make clear in the
speech that I made at Chicago night before last
that, while we were loyally going to try, in accord-
ance with our charter obligations, to settle this
dispute by peaceful and nonviolent means, if those
efforts fail and we don't get adequate cooperation
from other members of the United Nations, then we
would feel disposed to re-examine the whole situa-
tion without commitment as to what we might do.
I wanted to negative the idea that we were precipi-
tately going to rush into warlike action. On the
other hand, I did not want to close any doors
against possible future developments. I don't an-
ticipate that matters will reach a point where that
would be deemed appropriate national conduct.
But, on the other hand, one can never tell, and I
did not want to slam any doors unnecessarily.
' See p. 890.
is created to which I am not totally unfamiliar.
But, ladies and gentlemen, I have also had
the job of writing letters of condolence by the
hundreds, by the thousands, to bereaved moth-
ers and to bereaved wives and others who have
lost dear ones on the battlefield.
Now, that is a very sobering experience, and
888
Department of Slate Bulletin
it moans that, if we are going ever to take such
a fateful decision as leads us one step toward
war, let us by no means do it in response to our
human emotions of anger and resentment. But
let us do it after we have prayerfuUj' considered
it and found, as Wilson expressed it, "no other
means of protecting our rights."
Let us recognize that we owe it to ourselves
and to the world to explore every possible peace-
able means of settling differences before we even
think of such a thing as war.
And the harcl waj' is to have the courage to
be patient, tirelessly to seek out every single
avenue open to us in the hope even finally of
leading the other side to a Httle better under-
standing of the honesty of our intentions. And
there is no question, they honestly, in certain
instances, do question our intentions. They do
not believe always, or at least universally, that
we are peaceably inclined.
We have got a job of our own yet to do. As
well as demanding action from others, we must
have the courage and the patience to keep after
this kind of thing.
Now, I just want to say one word about the
idea of blockade. It is possible that a blockade
is conceivable without war. I have never read
of it historically.
A blockade is an act in war intended to bring
your adversary to your way of thinking or to
his knees. In fact, in the rules of war that were
studied in my former life, there was clearly
established the conditions that must prevail
before you could legally proclaim a blockade.
You couldn't, even if you were a belligerent,
merely say, "We blockade Antarctica," or any
other country. You had to make the blockade
eflfective, and you were not justified in stopping
anyone's ship unless you had the means present
at the spot to make that blockade effective, in-
dicating that the word "blockade" is, so far
as I know, an act of war, a part of war.
I have not checked this idea with the consti-
tutional lawyers, but I believe it to be true. So
far as I am concerned, if ever we come to a place
that 1 feel that a step of war is necessary, it is
going to be brought about not by any impulsive
individualistic act of my own, but I am going
before the Congress in the constitutional method
set up in this country and lay the problem be-
fore them, with my recommendation as to what-
ever it may be.
In the meantime, I have got one thought that
I must express: At least 11 of these soldiers,
by the Communists' own propaganda and testi-
mony made public, were in uniform. They
were soldiers captured in the Korean war.
Consequently, they were to be treated as pris-
oners of war under the terms of the armistice.
Moreover, those men were there in conformity
with obligations incurred under the United Na-
tions and were there, in fact, in accordance with
the specific request and resolution of the United
Nations.
How the United Nations can possibly dis-
abuse itself of a feeling of responsibility in this
matter, and retain its self-respect, I wouldn't
know ; and so I think that the United States does
not stand alone, merely indicating that we are
yet far from exhausting all of our resources. I
mention only one of those that is available to us.
So far as the honor of the United States is
concerned, I merely hope that I shall not live
long enough to find myself accused of being in-
sensible to the honor of the United States and
the safety of her men and soldiers, no matter
where we send them.
December 13, 7 954
889
The Goal of Our Foreign Policy
Address by Secretary Didles ■
Ten days ago at the White House I discussed our
foi'eign policy with the congressional leaders of
both parties, Republicans and Democrats. After-
ward the President told me he thought it would
be a good idea for me to report also to the Ameri-
can people.
It is not easy to compress the whole story into a
short talk. But I shall do my best.
Let me begin by empliasizing the goal of our
foreign policy — it is to enable you and me and our
children to enjoy in peace tlie blessings of liberty.
That purpose is back of everything we do.
The task is not an easy one, for international
communism threatens both peace and liberty, by
many means, at many places.
Coexistence
One ever-present danger is the danger of being
fooled into dropping our guard before the peril is
really past.
The international Communists aremastei's at the
trick of using words which mean one thing to them
and another thing to us.
It took us time to learn that the word "democ-
racy" means, to Communists, a dictatorship — what
they call "dictatorship of the proletariat."
It took us time to learn that the word "peace"
means, to international Communists, a world of
conformity — conformity with a pattern of con-
duct prescribed by Moscow.
Now the tricky word is "coexistence." To us
it means tolerance of differences. It remains to be
seen what it means to international Communists.
'Made before the National 4-H Club Congress at Chi-
cago, 111., on Nov. 29 (press release 674).
It is true that the Russian Communists have re-
cently talked more softly. But it is equally true
that the Chinese Communists have talked and
acted with increasing violence. Tliey break their
armistice agreements and they outrage the ele-
mental decencies of international conduct.
Perliaps international communism is trj'ing by
a new way to divide the free nations. They seek
to be soothing in Europe. They are provocative in
Asia.
Our Nation will react, and react vigorously, to
the outrages qgainst our citizens but without allow-
ing ourselves to be intemperately provoked into
action which would be a violation of our interna-
tional obligations and which would impair the
alliance of the free nations. Wliat has happened
is a challenge to us, and indeed to all who want
peace, to find ways, consistent with peace, to sus-
tain international rights.
We have agreed, by the United Nations Charter,
to try to settle international disputes by peaceful
means in such a manner that international peace
is not endangered. Therefore, our first duty is to
exhaust peaceful means of sustaining our interna-
tional rights and those of our citizens, rather than
now resorting to war action such as a naval and
air blockade of Red China.
Of course, we look anxiously for signs of real
change in the attitude of international Commu-
nists. We hope that the day will come when they
will renounce the effort to rule the world by
methods of force, intimidation, and fraud. AMien
that new day dawns, we shall greet it eagerly.
But we want to be sure that we do not mistake
a false dawn for the real dawn.
There is still a vast Russian military establish-
890
Department of State Bulletin
meiit, fur in excess of an}- defensive needs. Tlie
Chinese Communists are still a<r<riessive. Tiiere
is still, in every free louiitry. a ("onmiiiiiist ap-
paratus seekinj; to overthrow the established order.
Therefore, we must remain vifjihint. We must
have policies to meet both the military risk and
tlic subversive risk, anil we do iiave such policies.
Defense of U.S. Against Armed Attack
There are some people in the United States,
and there are more in other lands, who contend
that it is wron^ to be ready and able to light. They
say that the true peace-lovei-s should be unarmed
and neuti'al.
AVe have tried that, and it did not work.
AVe were unarmed and neutral in 1914 when the
First World AVar caine. The ajrirressors felt that
they could count us out.
AVe were unarmed and neutral in 1!);59 when the
Second AA'urld AVar came. Again the aggressors
thought the}' could count us out.
The Korean war c«me after we had largely dis-
armed and withdrawn our troops from Korea, and
the aggressors thought that they would be unop-
posed.
Today we take a diilerent view. AA'e believe
that the greatest contribution we can make to peace
is to be ready to fight, if need be, and to have the
resources and the allies to assure that an aggressor
would surely be defeated. That does not mean
being truculent or provocative or militaristic. It
does mean seeking peace not only with the heart
but also with the mind.
In that mood, we make military preparations
which, we believe, will deter war. That requires,
basically, that a potential aggressor shall not think
that aggression is a paying proposition. He must
know that he cannot de.stroy the United States by
sudden attack and that we have the capacity to
counterattack.
So we are developing continental defense in a
major way. It will consist of an elaborate series
of early warning systems and interceptors which
apply the latest scientific knowledge. These
should enable us to knock down a very high per-
centage of any Red bombers engaged in hostile
missions against the United States.
Then we have our Strategic Air Command which
is capable of delivering retaliatory blows against
vital parts of the Soviet T'nion. These blows, we
calculate, would do damage far in excess of that
which Hed planes could indict upon the United
States.
A'ou may ask what foreign policy has to do with
this. My answer is : everything. Our continental
defense system depends on Canada. And the free
nations cannot iiave ellective retaliatory power to
deter aggression without airfields in widely scat-
tered places.
Therefore, a vital part of our foreign policy is to
have friendly relations with many other countries
so that we can work together for our connnon de-
fense.
I ca« report that we do have such friendly re-
lations and that, as a result, we can make it un-
profitable for any nation to attack the United
States*
Defense of Others Against Armed Attack
Of course, we could not have that relationship if
we thouglit only of ourselves. The relationship
nuist be for tlie conunon good. So the conunon de-
fense includes many areas outside the United
States.
It is particidarly important that the greatoceans
should be dominated by free and friendly nation.s.
AA'^e have made this clear by a series of security
treaties. The Atlantic area is covered by the
\orth Atlantic security treaty. The Pacific area
is covered by a series of treaties, some still in
])rocess of consunmiation, which cover Japan, the
Republic of Korea, the Ryukyus (Okinawa),
Formosa, the Philippines, Australia and New Zea-
land, and parts of Southeast Asia.
To back up these treaty words, there are local
forces. In some cases the local forces which seem
necessary are larger than the local governments
can support. If so, we help out. That, however,
is not a "handout." It is something called "for-
eign aid," although I dislike that phrase. The
connect and better phrase is "mutual seoirity."
AV^estern Europe, with its vast industrial power,
is a prize of first order to any who seek world domi-
nation. So it requires special protection. It gets
it by Nato. But Nato needs, at its core on the
Continent, a greater measure of unity, with Ger-
man participation. That was the purpose of the
historic agreements made last month at London
and Paris. These agreements should end the con-
stant warring of European nations against them-
selves and at the same time provide AA'estern Phi-
December 13, 1954
891
rope with effective defense. The prospect of
European unity is reinforced by the recent Trieste
settlement between Italy and Yugoslavia and the
prospective Saar settlement between France and
Germany.
In addition to local defense within treaty areas,
there is striking power by air or sea. Such mobile
forces are needed to deter attack because an ag-
gressor would have a great advantage if he could
attack a single locality with assurance of safety
against retaliation. We must have the cajjacity
to respond at places and by means of our choosing.
This, however, does not mean that any local war
would automatically be turned into a general war
with atomic bombs being dropped all over the map.
The essential thing is that we and our allies should
have the means and the wiU to assure that a poten-
tial aggressor would lose from his aggression more
than he could win. This does not mean that the
aggressor has to be totally destroyed. It does
mean a capacity to inflict punishing damage. We
believe that we and our allies have the power to do
tliat. We also believe that so long as we do have
that power it is unlikely that there will be armed
attack upon the areas covered by our security
arrangements.
There are some areas in the world which are not
covered by special collective security arrange-
ments. That is notably the case with reference
to portions of Asia.
However, there are trends toward collective se-
curity in this area. For example, Turkey and
Pakistan have started to create a northern tier of
defense, which would block off the rich oil fields
of the Middle East from easy seizure by the Soviet
Union. The recent liberation of Iran from the
grip of the Communist Tudeh Party, the subse-
quent oil settlement, and the settlement of the Suez
base controversy all open up new possibilities of
strength in this part of the world.
In all cases the United Nations provides an over-
riding shield against open aggression. This is
not negligible — as Korea showed. And it is our
policy to support vigorously the United Nations.
In the various ways I have outlined, the free
nations are largely protected against the danger of
armed attack.
Tlie peoples of the world seem to sense this
fact. That is why it is now generally felt that
there is less danger of world war than seemed to
be the case a few years ago.
Meeting Subversion
Let me turn now to the danger which comes
from subversion. This danger is gi-eat. Interna-
tional communism has had great experience in
fomenting political disorder. These successes are
not merely measured by governments actually
taken over — nearly a score — but by divisions and
obstructions which Communists promote within
the free world.
A first concern to us in this connection is the
situation in the American Eepublics. The Latin
American countries are in no great danger from
open anned attack, but they are vulnerable to
Communist subversion. We dealt with this matter
at the conference which the American nations
held at Caracas last March. They there adopted a
declaration to the effect that it would be dangerous
to the peace and security of all of the American
nations if international communism should gain
control of the political institutions of any one of
them.-
That was a momentous declaration. It may
serve the needs of our time as effectively as the
INIonroe Doctrine served the needs of our nation
during the last century. It made clear that col-
lective action to eradicate international conunu-
nism is not an act of intervention but an act to
uproot intervention.
The principle of this Caracas Declaration had
a special bearing on the situation in Guatemala.
There international communism had in fact got
control of the Government. The American States
were about to meet with reference to this danger
when the Guatemalan people themselves backed
loyal elements who cut out the cancer of com-
munism. The Communist-directed President of
Guatemala ignominiously fled, and the leader of
the liberation movement is now the President of
Guatemala.
Tliis Caracas Declaration, and the demonstra-
tion that the American States take it seriously,
gi-eatly prot«ct this hemisphere against Conunu-
nist subversion. The Conununists know that if
they should get control of the political institutions
of an American State they can expect the other
American States to be against them. Therefore,
there is less incentive to seek control than has
been the case heretofore.
The American nations are also trying to achieve
sounder economies. There is now taking place at
■ BuLi-ETiN of Apr. 26, 1954, p. 638.
892
Department of State Bulletin
Kio iin economic conference. We hope and be-
lieve tliat this conference will stimulate sound
measures to develop tlie economies and lift up liv-
ing conditions. It will give practical meaning to
President Eisenhower's "good partner" policy.
In Asia and Africa the dangers of subversion
are gi-eat. In these continents tliore are countries
without self-govermnent, many of their political
institutions are not yet lirmly rooted, the econo-
mies are weak, and the governments often are
insecure. The situation in Viet-Nam is particu-
larly precarious today, uiul in Nortli Africa the
situation is troubled.
Some of the Asian nations which have recently
won independence need help. But they are afraid
to take it from the West because they fear that
means a rebirth of Western colonialism. So they
remain exposed to a brand of comnnuiism which
breeds the most ruthless colonialists in history.
It must be made clear that tlie Asian and West-
ern nations can work together as equals. We took
a big step in that direction at the Manila Confer-
ence of last September. There both Western and
Asian i)articipants joined in a "Pacific Charter,"
which proclaimed their dedication to the inde-
pendence and self-government of all peoples
everywhere, able to discharge those responsibili-
ties.^
That was an important step toward laying the
ghost of Western colonialism, which still so
frightens some free Asian countries that they hes-
itate to accept helpful association with the West.
Economic Policies
There is also need for economic policies which
will help to develop all underdeveloped countries.
In the Communist countries developments are
achieved through a system of forced labor akin
to slavery. Living standards are kept very low,
and the people are forced to work very hard. In
this way, heavy industry is developed. It is a
cruel system and is primarily for war purposes.
It does, however, have a certain fascination for the
peoples of undeveloped countries who feel that
their own economies are standing still.
In a free society it is normal that the developed
countries lend money to the underdeveloped coun-
tries. Our United States, in its early days, was
partiallj' developed by European capital. Today
' Ibid., Sept. 20, 1954, p. 393.
December 13, 1954
it is the United States which has the most capital
available to help to develop other countries. Wo
nuist lind a way to put it to work. This is good
business, for provident loans are usually repaid
and experience shows that we all profit from an
environment of prosperity.
I should mention in this connection President
Eisenhower's plan for putting atomic energy to
peacetime purposes. This plan, when announced
at tiie United Nations last December, stirred a tre-
mendous response. For nearly a year we tried to
get the Russians to contribute to the plan. I per-
sonally discussed it several times with Mr. Molo-
tov. However, they refused. Then this fall we
said we would go ahead with others, leaving the
Russians out. Now it seems that, after all, they
want to come along.
By this Eisenhower plan our Nation reappears
in its historic role. We have discovered new pos-
sibilities for human welfare and are putting our
knowledge at the peaceful service of all mankind.
The Captive Peoples
There is one final aspect of our policies to which
I would allude. We believe, as Abraham Lincoln
said, that our Declaration of Independence prom-
ises "liberty, not alone to the people of this coun-
try, but hope for the world for all future time."
Today a tliird of the human race is in fearful
bondage to Communist dictatorships. But we do
not regard that as immutable.
There is, we know, vast human discontent among
the 800 million people whom international com-
munism rules. That comes from the enslavement
of labor, the suppression of religion and of indi-
vidual initiative, and the national hmniliation of
the satellite countries.
Liberation normally comes from within. But
it is more apt to come from within if hope is con-
stantly sustained from without. That we are
doing in many ways.
A significant recent development has been the
Soviet change of policy toward Yugoslavia. In
1948 Yugoslavia broke free from the grip of inter-
national communism and reasserted its own
nationalism.
Until recently the Yugoslav Government and
nation were threatened and reviled by the inter-
national Comnmnists of neighboring Hungary,
Rumania, and Bulgaria. Now, however, the So-
viet Union treats Yugoslavia with deference while
893
it continues to treat with contempt the puppet
governments of Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria.
■That may embolden the satellite to demand a
;Tmeasure of independence.
Developments clearly i^orteird the change, at
some time, of the absolute rule which international
communism disserts over the Once free nations of
EuEope and Asia.
Conferences
Our policies do not exclude international con-
ferences, even with those who are hostile to us.
In that way we ended the Korean war. The scope
of conferences with the Soviet Government is
necessarily limited by our attitude toward the
captive peoples, for the Soviets know that we will
not make any deal which would condone and per-
petuate the captivity of men and nations.
Also, we do not want to talk with -.the Soviet
representatives when their only purpose is to di-
vide the free nations and prevent their taking
necessary measures for their own security.
We had one such meeting at Berlin last January
and February. The ostensible purpose was to
unify Germany and to liberate Austria. In fact,
the Soviet Foreign Minister only sought to block
the plans for Western European security.
We do want to find out whether the Soviet Union
will sign the Austrian treaty and whether, after
the London and Paris accords are ratified, it will
talk seriously about uniting Germany. That is
the purpose of a note we delivered to the Soviet
Government today.*
We are also, of course, deeply interested in the
limitation of armaments. A principal purpose
of the London-Paris accords is not merely to create
defensive strength in Western Europe but to limit
and control that strength so that it can never be
an aggressive force. There opened today at Mos-
cow a so-called "security conference" where the
Soviet leaders will talk to their puppets and they
in turn will respond as ordered. We shall see
whether the Soviet Union takes this occasion to
match the West by imposing reasonable limits on
military establishments in that part of Europe
which it controls.
There is often a tendency on the part of free
peoples to see their own faults and weaknesses
and to exaggerate the sti-ength and successes of
others. Of course, we should subject ourselves to
* See p. 901.
constant self-critici^. That is the way to better-
ment.
We need not, however, feel that we are now fail-
ing in the great struggle which has been forced
upon us. We are entitled to be confident because
we are strong in ourselves and strong in the good
partnership we have with our allies.
The reality of the matter is that the United
States, by every standard of measurement, is the
world's greatest power not only materially but
spiritually. We have national policies which are
clear and sound. They fit a civilization based on
religious faith. They are strongly implemented
but at a cost we can afford to live with. They
have evolved on.a nonpartisan basis, and, in broad
outline, they are overwhelmingly backed by our
people. Such policies, I am supremel}' confident,
will peacefully prevail.
Mutual Defense Treaty With Korea
Enters Into Force
Press release 650 dated November 17
The Mutual Defense Treaty between the United
States and the Eepublic of Korea entered into
force upon the exchange of instruments of ratifi-
cation by Secretary of State Dulles and Korean
Ambassador You Chan Yang in Washington on
November 17.^
The treaty was signed in Washington on Oc-
tober 1 of last year. It was approved by the
United States Senate on January 26, 1954, and by
the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea
on January 15, 1954. It was ratified by President
Eisenhower on February 5, 1954, and by President
Rhee on January 29, 1954.
The treaty is a defense treaty dedicated to peace.
It is intended to deter aggression and thus to help
maintain peace and security in the Pacific area.
It constitutes another step in the development of
a Pacific security system, complementing earlier
treaties which have entered into force with Aus-
tralia and New Zealand, the Philippines, and
Japan. It is in full conformity with the objec-
tives and principles of the Charter of the United
Nations.
The text of the protocol of exchange of instru-
ments of ratification is as follows:
' For text of treaty, see Bulletin of Aug. 17, 1953, p. 204,
anil Jan. 2.'!, 19.')4, p. 131, footnote 2.
894
Department of State Bulletin
The lUnltTsiKnt'd, John Foster Dulli'S, Si'cri'tary of State
of the I'nlted States of Auierlon, and Dr. You Chan Yang,
Ambassador Kxtraoinlinary and I'lenlpotentlary of the
Republic of Korea to the Unlteil States of America, belnj!
duly authorized thereto by their resiXH'tlve Ooveriinienis,
and having met together for tlie piirixise of excliannin;;
the instruments of rntilication of tlie .Mutual Pelcnse
Treaty between the United States of America and tlie
Uepublic of Korea, signed at WnsliinKton on ttctober 1,
lOM, and the respective instruments of rntilication of the
treaty aforesaid haviiiR been compared and fountl to be
in due form, the exchange tliereof took place this day.
The ratltication of the Government of tlie United States
of America of tlie Treaty recites and is subjtvt to the
understanding contained in the resolution of .lannary '2{\.
1954 of the Senate of the United States of America ad-
vising and consenting to ratilication of the Treaty, the
text of which understanding v\'as coininuuicated by tlie
Government of the United States of America to the Uov-
ernineut of the Republic of Korea and which reads an
follows :
'•It Is the understanding of the United States that
neither party Is obll«Hted, under Article III of the above
Treaty, to come to tlie iiid of the dlhcr exceiit in case of
an external armed attack ak'ninsl such party; nor shall
anything i" the present Treaty he construed as ii'(iuiring
the United Staters to givi' assistance to Kori'a cx<'e|it in
the event of an armed attack against territory which has
been recogiii/.ed by the United States as lawfully brought
under the administrative control of the Republic of Korea."
In \vitm-:«h wiiicbicok, they have signed the present
Protocol of Kxchange.
DoMc in duplicate at Washington, in the English and
Korean languages, this seventeenth day of November, l!t.")4.
For the United States of America :
John Fostkr Dui.i.ics
For the Republic of Korea :
You Chan Yano
U.S. and Republic of China Sign Mutual Defense Treaty
JOINT STATEMENT
Press release C81 dated December 1
At his news conference on December 1, Secre-
tary Dulles read the following joint U.S.-Chinese
statement, which was released eimultaiteously at
Taipei.
The United States of America ahd the Republic
of China have conchided negotiations for a mu-
tual security pact. The treaty will follow the
general pattern of other security pacts which the
United States of America has concluded in the
Western Pacific.
The treaty will tecognize the common interest
of the parties in the security of Taiwan and the
Pescadores and of the Western Pacific islands
under the jurisdiction of the United States. It
will provide for inclusion by agreement of other
territories under the jurisdiction of the parties.
It is directed against threats to the security of
the treaty area from armed attack and provides
for continuing consultation regarding any such
threat or attack.
This treaty will forge another link in the sys-
tem of collective security established by the
various collective defense treaties already con-
cluded between the United States and other coun-
tries in the Pacific area. Together, these arrange-
ments provide the essential framework for the
defense by the free peoples of the Western Pa-
cific against Communist aggression.
Like the other treaties, this treaty between the
United States and tlie Republic of China will be
defensive in character. It will reaflirm the dedi-
cation of the parties to the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations.
MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT CHIANG
The following message from President Chiang
Kai-shek of the Republic of China was transmitted
to Secretary Dulles on December 1 by Ambassador
V. K. Wellington Koo.
Press release 683 dated December 1
The successful conclusion of the negotiations for
the Treaty of Mutual Security marks another for-
ward step in our joint efforts to strengthen the
common cause of our two countries against Com-
munist aggression. A necessary link in the chain
of Far Eastern defense has now been forged.
Please accept my felicitations for your new con-
tribution to world security.
December 13, 7954
895
NEWS CONFERENCE STATEMENTS
Purpose of Treaty With Republic of China
Press release 686 dated December 1
At his news conference on Decetnier 1, Secretary
Dulles was asked a series of questions relating to
the purpose of the treaty with the Bepuhlic of
China. Asked to clarify the provision for the in-
clusion of other territories, Mr. Dulles replied:
The provision [article VI] is comparable to the
provision in the Korean treaty. Where there is
a country which we recognize and which claims
rightful sovereignty over more territory than it
actually controls, there we adojjted the practice
of providing by the treaty that it can be extended
to other territory, and in the Korean treaty we
provide that initially it only covers the area which
is south of the armistice line but that it can be
extended to other territory at a later date. The
provision is comparable in this respect with re-
gard to the Kepublic of China. That has ref-
erence not only to these offshore islands but pos-
sibly to other territory which might come under
the effective control of the Eepublic of China.
Asked whether the legal position of the coastal
islands is different from that of Formosa and the
Pescadores, Mr. Dulles replied :
The legal position is different, as I think I
pointed out in my last press conference, by virtue
of the fact that technical sovereignty over For-
mosa and the Pescadores has never been settled.
That is because the Japanese peace treaty merely
involves a renunciation by Japan of its right and
title to these islands. But the future title is not
determined by the Japanese peace treaty, nor is
it determined by the peace treaty which was con-
cluded between the Republic of China and Japan.
Therefore, the juridical status of these islands,
Formosa and the Pescadores, is different from the
juridical status of the offshore islands which have
always been Chinese territory.
Asked whether the treaty recognized on our he-
half the claim of the Republic of China to sov-
ereignty over the mainland of China, Mr. Dulles
replied:
It does not deal specifically with tliat matter
one way or another.
Asked xohether xoe currently recognize that
claim,, the Secretary replied:
We recognize the Republic of China as the only
lawful Government of China, just as we recognize,
and the United Nations recognizes, the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Korea as the only lawful
government in Korea. We recognize the Govern-
ment of the Federal Republic of Germany as the
only lawful government of Germany. Our posi-
tion is similar in these respects.
Asked whether, wider this extension provision,
if the Repiiblic of China did make a successful
landing and controlled so7ne territory on the
Chinese mainland, this treaty would he extended
to cover that, Mr. Dulles replied:
Not automatically. It could be extended by a
fresh agreement.
Asked about the position of the United States
with respect to the offshore islands, Mr. Dulles
replied:
The position on the offshore islands is unaffected
by this treaty. Their status is neither promoted
by the treaty nor is it demoted by the treaty. As
I have said several times, the injunction to our
armed forces is to defend Formosa and the Pesca-
dores. Now, whether or not in any particular case
the defense of these offshore islands by reason of
the nature of those islands or the nature of the
attack against them is such that it is deemed part -
of the defense of Formosa, that would be a matter
which on the first instance at least the military
people would advise, and the President would
probably make the final decision.
Asked whether the treaty changes the status quo,
the Secretary replied:
Yes. Because it puts Formosa and the Pesca-
dores in precisely the same category, as far as their
treaty relationship to the United States is con-
cerned, as the Republic of Korea, Japan, the Phil-
ippines, Australia, and New Zealand. It makes
it clear beyond a peradventure of a doubt as far
as we are concerned that Formosa and the Pesca-
dores are not on the bargain counter for inter-
national trading.
If any people have felt, because Formosa was the
only portion of the so-called offshore island chain
896
Department of State Bulletin
which was not covered by treaty, that that omis-
sion indicated that perhaps we were willing to
make sonu' deal which might rottn-n Formosa to
Coinmunirit China, or soiiicthiiig of that sort, this
makes it perfectly clear that those islands are not
for trade or bargain or anything else. This makes
it clear that they are tied by treaty to the United
States in the same way, as I say, as these otlier
areas, siuh as Korea and Japan, that we have our
security treaties with.
AVe will have a series of security treaties which
cover the entire arc that runs beginning with
northern Japan down through Korea, and our
position in the Ryukyus under the Jai)anese peace
treaty, and Formosa and the Pescadores. In
addition, we have the treat}' with the Philippines,
we have a treaty with Australia and New Zealand,
and we have the negotiated treaty, subject to rati-
fication, with portions of Southeast Asia. They
are all now in a similar status as far as their
security relationship to the United States is con-
cerned.
Asked ichether th^ jmrfose of the treaty is more
diplomatic than military, Mr. Dulles replied:
It has a diplomatic purpose, which I have out-
lined, and which is very considerable. From a
purely military standpoint, it changes the situa-
tion in this respect, perhaps, that the authority of
the President to use there the armed services of
the United States, which originally derive from
the Korean war, may be tending to become obso-
lete from the lapse and passage of time, and the
conclusion of the armistice in Korea.
This gives the Congi-ess of the United States,
through the Senate, an opportunity to indicate
that it shares the view that this area is important
from the standpoint of the peace and security of
the United States. In that respect it clarifies the
position from the standpoint of defense, from the
standpoint of internal constitutional considera-
tions.
Asked whether this treaty also is designed to
bring further stability to this area, Mr. Dulles re-
plied:
I hope that that will be the result. I think that
many people have had a question, including the
Chinese Communists, as to whether we were really
serious about the defense of Formosa. I think it
now takes it out of the realm of speculation and I
hope out of the area of probing, and will tend, I
think, to stabilize conditions there. Certainly
that is ovir hope.
Asked whether there is any understanding in
connection with this treaty that the Chinese Na-
tionalists before attacking the mainland must con-
sult with us and act only by agreement with us,
Mr. Dulles replied:
We expect that there will be worked out practi-
cal arrangements so that neither will take action
in this area which would jeopardize the other and
that we would in general act in an agreed pattern
of conduct. Having undertaken to defend the
islands, we would not expect, nor would the Chi-
nese Nationalists expect, to act rashly in a way to
jeopardize the islands. We anticipate that under
the operative clause of the treaty there will be a
good deal of consultation and agreement as to
just how the situation is handled.
Asked the difference beticeen having this treaty
with Formosa and having Foi^mosa included in
the Southeast Asian treaty, Mr. Dulles replied:
Well, from the standpoint of the United States
there is no particular ditl'erence. It was not prac-
tical to bring about actually the inclusion of this
area in tlie Southeast Asian treaty area because of
the fact that some of the parties to that treaty were
not prepared to take that step. But the legal situa-
tion created is substantially the same, as far as the
United States is concerned.
Asked whether the treaty provides or envisages
any change in our military relationship, any ex-
pansion of the Military Assistance Advisory
Group there, or any military base rights on For-
mosa, Mr. Dulles replied:
It will provide that we can by mutual agreement
have base rights on Formosa. The provision in
that respect will be similar to that in the Koreaa
treaty.
Asked whether an attack on Nationalist Chinese
ships would be considered an attack on China, Mr.
Dulles replied:
That is not provided in the treaty. The treaty
in that respect is, as I say, quite similar to the
treaties that have already been made in that area.
December 13, 1954
897
It is quite like the Korean treaty. There is no
specific reference, as far as I now recall, to an at-
tack upon ships or upon aircraft.
Asked whether the. treaty provided that., if Com-
munist China attacks Formosa, the United States
will counterattack on the mainland, Mr. Dulles
replied:
That would be a probable i-esult. I have made
clear a good many times, including my talk night
before last, that we believe that, if there is an at-
tack, there must be a certain liberty, by mobile
forces, to retaliate at the places and means of our
choosing. That principle we have enunciated
with reference to our various treaties. We did in
connection with the Southeast Asia treaty. That
is a general principle which is applicable to our
policy and tactics at the pi'esent time.
We would take retaliatory action. Now the
scope of that I would not want to foresee. As I
said in my talk the other night, that retaliatory
action is not necessarily general war. It does not
mean every local attack becomes a general war
with atomic bombs being droj^ped all over the
map. It is a retaliation of sufficient severity to
make it clear that the aggressor cannot gain by
his attack more than he loses. I think that is the
important principle to establish. It is the same
principle that we have in our own community
life. We don't have a death sentence for every
crime. We try to fit the penalty to the crime, and
that would mean that a retaliatory action would
presumably be limited in scope with regard to the
gravity of the offense.
Asian Pact
Press release 685 dated December 1
At his news conference on December 1 Secre-
tary Dulles was asked whether con.sideration icas
being given, now that negotiations for a security
pact with the RepiMic of China had been con-
cluded, to tying all the Pacifi,c pacts into one
overall Asian pact. Mr. Dulles replied:
I have often expressed the hope that these trea-
ties could develop in a more comprehensive man-
ner. There are very great difficulties in the way
of accomplishing that. The biggest step forward
was taken at Manila by the Southeast Asian
treaty, where a group of eight countries came
together. Otherwise it has seemed impractical to
operate except on a bilateral basis, except in the
case of Australia and New Zealand, which is on
a trilateral basis. But the differences between
the different areas are so considerable and the
lack of homogeneity is such that it is not easy to
bring them together. We can bring them together
with us, but it is much harder to bring them to-
gether as between themselves. There are very
considerable differences, as you know, which exist
as between Korea and Japan and between certain
other countries that we have treaty relations with
and the Republic of China, so that it is hard to
tie it all together at the present time. All I can
say is that we have that as a goal and I think that
we are going steadily in that direction.
STATEMENTS AT SIGNING
Press release 689 dated December 2
Secretary Dulles
It is a great pleasure to welcome Foreign Min-
ister Yell, Ambassador Koo, and the members of
his staff here this afternoon for the signing of this
Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States
and the Republic of China. I wholly concur in
what President Chiang Kai-shek said in his mes-
sage to me yesterday, that "a necessary link in the
chain of Far Eastern defense has now been
forged." It is my hope that the signing of this
defense treaty will put to rest once and for all
rumors and reports that the United States will
in any manner agree to the abandonment of For-
mosa and the Pescadores to Communist control.
The signing of this treaty is not only an expres-
sion of the good will and friendship existing
between the Governments of the United States and
of Free China but also of the abiding friendship
of the people of the United States for the Chinese
people.
Foreign Minister George K. C. Yeh
It has been mj' privilege and honor to be asso-
ciated with Mr. Dulles in the making and signing
of this Treaty of Mutual Defense between my
country and the United States of America. I am
happy to recall that throughout the negotiations
for this treaty, conducted at Taipei and Washing-
ton, we have been guided by the principle of mu-
tuality and the spirit of friendly cooperation.
It is the hope of my Government that this treaty
will serve to promote the common cause of free-
dom, ])articularly at this juncture of the world
situation.
898
Deparlmenf of State Bulletin
TEXT OF TREATY
PresM reloHse Oyi dntetl Ut'CPniber 2
Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States
of America and the Republic of China
riii> rartit's to tills Trt'iity,
UfiillinniiiK their fuitli in thi> puriKLScs iiiiil prliirlplos
of the ChartPr of the United Nations and llielr desire
to live in peace with all peoples and all Cioverninenis,
ami desiring to slreiiKthen the lahrie of peace in the West
I'aeilic Area.
Uecalliut; wilh iiuitual pride the relationship which
brought their two peoples tojfether In a common bond
of s.\ini)atli.v and mutual ideals to fiKht side by side
against imperialist aKj;ression diirinR the last war,
Desirins to dwlare pnhlii'ly and formally their sense
of unity and their common dcierniiiiation to defeiul them-
selves agains.t external arme<l attack, so that no jxilen-
tlal aRsiressor could be under the illusion that either of
them stands alone in the West Pacific Area, and
OesirintJ further to strengthen their present elTorts for
collective defense for the preservation of peace and se-
curity pending the develoiiment of a more comprehensive
system of regional security in the West Pacific Area,
Have agreed as follows :
Akticle I
The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of
the t'nited Nations, to settle any international disimte in
which they may he involved by peaceful means in such
a manner that international peace, security and justice are
not endangered and to refrain in their international re-
lations from the threat or use of force in any manner
inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.
Article II
In order more effectively to achieve the objective of this
Treaty, the Parties separately and jointly by self-help
and mutual aid will maintain and develop their in-
dividual and collective capacity to resist armed attack and
communist subversive activities directed from without
against their territorial integrity and political stability.
Article III
The Parties undertake to strengthen their free insti-
tutions and to cooperate with each other in the develop-
ment of economic progress and social well-being and
to further their individual and collective efforts toward
these ends.
Article IV
The Parties, through their Foreign Ministers or their
deputies, will consult together from time to time regard-
ing the implementation of this Treaty.
Article V
Each Party recognizes that an armed attack in the
West Pacific Area directiKl against the territories of either
of the Piirtle.s woQld he tlangecons lo its own peace and
safety and declares that it would act to meet the common
danger in accordance with Its constitutional processes.
Any such armed attack and all measures taken as
a result thereof shall be immediately reported to llie Se-
curity CcmncU of tlie United Nations. Such measures
shall be terminated when the Security Council has taken
the measures neces.sary to restore and maintain interna-
tional iieace und security.
Article- VI
For llie purpo.ses of Articles II and V, the terms "terri-
torial" and "territories" shall mean in re.spect of the
Republic of Chi^infc Taiwan and the Pescadores; and in
respect of the IJDitet^ States of .America .the islaiul terri-
tories in the West I'aeilic under its jurisdicUiin. . The
provisions of Articles II and V will be ai)plicable to such
other territories as may be determined by mutual agree-
ment.
Article VII
The (iovernment of the Uepublic of China grants, and
the Government of the United .State.s»of America accepts,
the right to disiiose such United States land, ajr and sea
forces in and about Taiwan and the Pescadores as may
be required for their defense, as determined by mutual
agreement.
Article VIII
This Treaty does iiot affect and shall not be interpreted
as affecting in any way the rights and obligaUons of the
Parties under the Charter of the United Nations or the
resiionsibility of the United Nations for the maintenance
of international peace and securit.v.
Article IX
This Treaty shall be ratified by the United States of
America and the Republic of China in accordance with
their respe<-tive constitutional processes and will come
into force when instruments of ratification thereof have
been exchanged by tliem at Taipei.
Article X
This Treaty shall remain in force indefinitely. Either
Party may terminate it one year after notice has been
given to the other Party.
In witness whereof the undersigned Plenipotentiaries
have signed this Treaty.
Done in duplicate, in the English and Chinese lan-
guages, at Washington on this second day of December
of the Year One Thousand Nine Hundred and Fifty-four,
corresponding to the second day of the twelfth month of
the Forty-third Year of the Republic of China.
FOR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
.ToiiN Foster Dulles
FOR THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA:
George K. C. Yeh
December 13, 1954
899
Rejection of Charges of Interference
With Soviet Commercial Vessels
Press release 070 dated November 29
U.S. Note of November 29
Following is the text of the U.S. reply to the
Soviet note of August -}, i554, delivered hy the
American Embassy at Moscow to the Soviet Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs on November 29.
A careful investigation of the charges contained
in the referenced note has been made by the United
States military authorities. This investigation
has shown that no American military aircraft op-
erating over the high seas of the Pacific Ocean, the
area designated in the note, has engaged in hostile
or provocative acts towards Soviet commercial
vessels.
The incidents mentioned in the note apparently
refer to the identification by United States naval
aircraft of commercial vessels operating on the
high seas around the Island of Formosa. The
United States denies that the identification of
shipping by United States naval aircraft is a vio-
lation of the freedom of commercial navigation on
the high seas, as asserted in the Soviet note, or
otherwise is illegal or in violation of interna-
tional law.
Identification of all vessels in this area is made
in order to detect tlie presence of shij)S whose mis-
sion might be hostile to the Seventh Fleet of the
United States Navy. The Seventh Fleet was or-
dered by the President of the United States on
June 27, 1950 and again on February 3, 1953 to pa-
trol the waters around Formosa in order to pre-
vent an attack on that island. The mission of the
Seventh Fleet has been and will continue to be to
contribute to the security of the Far East. The
United States reaffirms its intention to devote its
efforts to the maintenance of peace and stability
in that area and hopes that the Soviet Government
will direct its own efforts and influence to the same
end.
Soviet Note of August 4
[Tnofflcial translation]
III connection with Uie illegal detention of the Soviet
tanker Tuapse by a warship in the vicinity of the Island
of Taiwan, in waters controlled by the U.S. Navy, it is
impossible not to call attention to the fact that over an
extended period of time American military aircraft have
systematically made flights over Soviet commercial vessels
sailing the open sea aroimd Taiwan.' Appearing in dan-
gerous proximity to Soviet vessels, these airplanes fly
over vessels at low altitude and sometimes circle above
them for an hour.
Such provocative acts by American military aircraft
constitute a clear violation of the freedom of commer-
cial uavitration in the open sea and bear witness to U.S.
military authorities' complete disregard for the generally
accepted norms of international law.
Moreover, it is completely evident that actions of this
nature by American military aircraft are also intended
for signalling so that warships may attack Soviet mer-
chant vessels. In particular, evidence of this is furnished
by the circumstances connected with the seizure of the
Soviet tanker Tuapse on June 23 in the vicinity of Taiwan.
1. On June 11 at 1303 hours, in the South China Sea
at a point with coordinates 14 degrees 27 minutes north
latitude and 11.5 degrees 27 minutes east longitude, and
again at 1505 hours at a point with coordinates 14 de-
grees 40 minutes north latitude and 115 degrees 38 minutes
east longitude, an American military airplane twice circled
at low altitude the Soviet vessel ilikhail Kutozov. On
June 12 an American airplane circled the same vessel
several times at a point with coordinates 16 degrees 29
minutes north latitude and 117 degrees 20 minutes east
longitude.
2. On June 14, southeast of Taiwan at a point with
coordinates 21 degrees 16 minutes north latitude and 121
degrees 44 minutes east longitude, two American military
aircraft for a period of an hour circled the Soviet vessel
Mikhail Kiitoeov at altitudes of from 60 to 400 meter.s.
3. On June 16 at 1857 hours, east of Taiwan at a point
with coordinates 25 degrees 00 minutes north latitude and
123 degrees 49 minutes east longitude, an American air-
plane circled the Soviet vessel Kemerovo at an altitude of
30 meters.
4. On June 23 at 1000 hours, in the South China Sea
at a point with coordinates 8 degrees 00 minutes north
latitude and 109 degrees 14 minutes east longitude, an
American airplane several times circled the Soviet tanker
Lentil grade at low altitude. On June 24 at 1130 hours,
an American airplane seven times circled the same vessel
at an altitude of 60 meters at a point with coordinates
11 degrees 53 minutes north latitude and 112 degrees 58
minutes east longitude.
5. On June 24 at O.'iSO hours, in the vicinity of Taiwan
at a point with coordinates 24 degrees 30 minutes north
latitude and 127 degrees 05 minutes east longitude, an
American airplane made several circles over the Soviet
tanker Apsheron at low altitude.
Similar flights over Soviet merchant vessels by Amer-
ican military aircraft are also being made in other re-
gions of the Far Eastern seas and the Pacific Ocean.
Drawing the attention of the Government of the United
States to the impermissibility of such illegal acts by Amer-
ican aircraft with regard to Soviet merchant vessels sail-
ing the open sea, in particular in the vicinity of the
Island of Taiwan, the Soviet Government expects that
necessary measures will be taken by the Government of
the United States to terminate violations by American
military aircraft of the freedom of commercial naviga-
tion on the open seas.
' For texts of U.S. notes rejecting the charges of tlie
Soviet Government in connection with the Txnpse, see
BtTLLETlN of July 12, 1954, p. 51. and July 26, 1954, p. 131.
900
Department of State Bulletin
U.S. Reply to Soviet Proposals on European Security
U.S. NOTE OF NOVEMBER 29
rross release 075 dnteil Novi'iulicr 29
Following is the text of the United States reply
to the Soviet notes of October 23 and November 13,
delivered by the American Embassy at Moscow
to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs on No-
vember 29. Parallel notes were delivered by the
British and French Governments.
The United States Government, in consultation
with the French and British Governments, with
the other Nato Governments and with the Ger-
man Federal Government, has considered the note
of October 23 in which the Soviet Government
proposed a meeting of the Foreign Ministers of
the four powers in November. They have at the
same time, in consultation with the interested
governments, considered the Soviet Government's
note of November 13 proposing a conference "on
the question of creating a sj-stem of collective
security in Europe."
The United States Government is disappointed
to find that, except for a suggestion for the hurried
convocation of a European conference on Novem-
ber 29, neither of the Soviet notes contains any
new jjroposal, whether on Germany, Austria or
European security, which has not already been
considered by the Western powers at the Berlin
Conference.
The Soviet note of November 13 is openly and
explicitly aimed at delaying or preventing the
ratification of the Paris agi-eements. The United
States Government for its part is resolved to bring
the Paris agreements into force as soon as possi-
ble and they do not intend to be deflected from
this course. The United States Government does
not believe that the cause of European security
can be served by the destruction of defensive asso-
ciations between states inspired by the ideal of a
common civilization. It would in no sense further
security to replace such associations by new or-
ganizations which would leave fundamental di-
vergencies unresolved and would thus constitute
no more than a deceptive facade. The United
States is convinced that the Paris agreements pro-
vide the basis for the solution of some of the most
diflicult i)roblems confronting Europe and that far
from making the question of European security
more difficult to solve they will serve its promo-
tion and contribute to the cause of peace.
The unity which is being built up in the west is
far broader in its scope and significance than a
purely military alliance. The association of the
western nations is based on their common civiliza-
tion and traditions. The achievement of a close
union in all fields is a deei)ly rooted aspiration of
their peoples. It is a development of great im-
portance in the history of Europe and is gaining
in strength and purpose. By settling old rival-
ries and forming new ties it will promote the
cause of peace in a region which in the past has
given birth to so many wars.
Since the end of the war rearmament in the
countries of the Soviet Bloc, including the Soviet
zone of Germany, has been centrally imposed,
massive and unrestricted, thus compelling the
western powers to strengthen their common de-
fense. Under the Paris agreements, however,
they have of their own free will accepted a system
of controls, limitations and prohibitions to be ap-
plied to their forces and armaments. This sys-
tem is designed to prevent any member nation
from having independent recourse to the threat
or use of force.
As regards Germany, the United States Govern-
ment has noted that the Soviet Government states
that a settlement of the German problem is of de-
cisive importance for ensuring security in Europe.
In previous notes, the United States Government
has emphasized that free all-German elections
December 13, J 954
824072 — 54 3
901
are the essential first step in the process of Ger-
man reunification in freedom. In its note of Oc-
tober 23 the Soviet Government lias given no indi-
cation of its view on this point nor of its attitude
towards the practical plan for the holding of eai'ly
elections, which was put forward by the Govern-
ments of France, the United States and the United
Kingdom at the Berlin Conference. Nor has tlie
Soviet Government advanced specific alternative
proposals. The United States Government
awaits a precise indication of any concrete pro-
posal which the Soviet Government may now have
to make concerning both the timing and nature
of the free all-German elections which are the
essential first step for the re-establishment of a
united Germany.
As regards Austria, the United States Govern-
ment can see no justification for the continued de-
nial to that country of the freedom and independ-
ence promised her by the four powers in the Mos-
cow Declaration of 1943. The governments of
the United Kingdom, United States and France
expressed themselves ready at the Berlin Confer-
ence to sign the Austrian State Treaty with the
Soviet text of the previously unagreed articles.
The Austrian Government for its part made it
plain that it concurred in this view, and this re-
mains its position. There should therefore be no
further obstacle in the way of the signature of the
treaty and the termination of the occupation and
the withdrawal of all foreign forces as prescribed
therein. The United States Govermnent notes
with disappointment that the Soviet Government
nonetheless propose a meeting at Vienna to "con-
sider the remaining unsettled questions relating
to the draft state treaty and other questions con-
nected with the conclusion of this treaty." The
United States Goverimient is at a loss as to the
nature of the questions referred to by the Soviet
Government. If the Soviet Government wishes
to furnish the necessary clarifications, the United
States Government suggests that this could appro-
priately be done in exchanges between the Am-
bassadors in Vienna. Meanwhile, the United
States Government for its part reaffirms its desire
as expressed in the note of September 10 ^ to pro-
ceed as soon as jjossible to the signature of the
Austrian State Treaty.
The United States Government has on many
occasions given proof of their desire to settle ques-
tions in dispute by negotiations conducted in a
spirit of mutual respect for the essential interests
of all the participants. They remain convinced
that this is the best way of promoting the cause of
peace. This cause would be ill-served by a con-
ference ending in failure. In order that negoti-
ations may be undertaken with a reasonable
prospect of success, they consider that a basis of
agreement should have been carefully prepared
and established in advance. The essential basis
for a useful conference whether on Germany,
Austria or the remaining aspects of European se-
curity does not, in their view, at present exist.
In order to establish such a basis and to deal
with the foregoing questions in due order, the
United States Government proposes the following :
(1) Agreement to sign the Austrian State
Treaty ;
(2) Clarification by the Soviet Government of
its position on the question of free elections in
Germany which are the essential first steps to
German reunification ;
(3) Exchanges through diplomatic channels on
any other European questions of common in-
terest which might suitably be examined at a
later four-power meeting, in particular, ques-
tions relating to European security ;
(4) A meeting of the four-power Ministers as
soon as it should appear that there is a real
prospect of finding solutions and after ratifica-
tion of the Paris agreements by the countries
concerned ;
(5) Should it thereafter appear useful, a wider
conference of Euiopean and other interested
powers to consider the remaining aspects of
European security.
SOVIET NOTE OF OCTOBER 23
[Unofficial translation]
In connection with the note of the U.S. Government of
September 10, 1954, the Soviet Government considers it
necessary to state the following:
The Government of the U.S.S.R. in its note of July 24
proposed to the U.S. Government and also to the Govern-
ments of France and England to convene an all-European
conference for the con.sideration of the question of creat-
ing a system of collective security in Euroi)e.' On August
4 the Government of the U.S.S.R. proposed to the Gov-
ernments of the United States, France, and England to
diiicuss this question in preliminary fashion at a confer-
' Bulletin of Sept. 20, 1954, p. 397.
902
' Ibid., p. 398.
Department of State Bulletin
eiK'e of the Miuisters of Foreign Affairs of the four \mw-
(TS ami also to oontluue ut this coufereuce the couslUera-
tion of the Geriiiau question.'
In order to assist In the solution of the problem of
security in Kuroiie, the Soviet (Joveruinent Introdueeil a
draft "all-Kuroiiean treaty com-erniuK' collective security
in Kuropo," ' expressing at the same time readiness to
consider also other projwsals on this question.
In this draft it is proposed to cieate in Kurope a system
of collective security which would Insure safeguarding
of the peace by uniting the efforts of all interested Euro-
pean States re;,'ardless of their social and governmental
systems. The basis of the Soviet ilraft all-European
treaty was the principle of collective action by Its partici-
pants against threats and armed attack on any state
participating in the treaty and also the principle of co-
operation in the economic field. This means that any at-
tempt at aggression on the part of any state would
innnediately entail the application of collective sanctions
against the aggressor.
By the same token the Soviet draft all-European treaty
contains real guarantees of the security of France and
Poland, England and the Soviet Union, of all the large
and small states of Kurope. At the same time it creates
the most favorable conditions for the reestablishment of
the national unity of Germany and for the free and peace-
ful development of the German state.
No state which is actually striving for the strengthening
of peace in Europe can have an unfavorable attitude to-
ward cooperation with other European States in the crea-
tion of an effective system of all-European security. As
regards the Soviet Government, it proceeds, as before,
from the fact that only joint efforts of the European
States are capable of insuring security in Europe.
While expressing its objection to this Soviet draft, the
U.S. Government did not, however, make any proposal of
its own concerning the insuring of collective security in
Europe but, on the contrary, as is evidenced by the facts
of the recent period, continues to go along the path of
forming military groupings in Europe.
At the same time the U.S. Government again came to
the defense of the North Atlantic military bloc, which
is alleged to have defense purposes, although numerous
facts bear witness to the aggressive character of this
grouping in its present form. That this military group-
ing is directed above all against the Soviet Union and
the people's democracies is not hidden by the military
leaders of the North Atlantic bloc. Attempts contained
in the note of September 10 to justify the creation of
this bloc by references to the presence in Eastern Europe
of a "heavUy armed Soviet grouping" are completely
groundless since such a grouping does not exist. The fact
that at the present time plans for the remilitarization of
Western Germany and its inclusion in the North Atlantic
grouping are being prepared only confirms the fact that
the case is one of further reinforcement of the aggre-ssive
character of this grouping.
In these circumstances the Soviet Government considers
• Ibid., p. 402.
'Ibid., Feb. 22, 1054, p. 2G9, and Mar. 15, 1954, p. 401.
It necessary again to draw the attention of the U.S. Gov-
ernment to the fact that the creation of military grouj)-
Ings cannot assist In the strengthening of peace and se-
curity in Europe. The creation of such groupings of
Euroi)ean States directed against other European States
leads to the further increasing of international tension
and Is In direct contradiction to the Interests of strength-
ening the iieaie in Kurope. Takln;; this course and re-
fusing to partidiiatc in the organization of a system of
collective security in Europe, the U.S. Government assumes
responsibility for the consequences of such a policy, which
Ls inconsistent with the interesU of security in Europe.
For Insuring security in Europe the settlement of the
(jerman i)roblem has decisive importance. This means
that the most imi)ortant and urgent problem is the re-
establishment of a unilled Germany as a peace-loving
and democratic state and the conclusion of a peace treaty.
One must not defer the resolution of the i)roblem of
the unification of Germany, which still remains divided
into two parts set off one against the other. The interests
of national security of the European States, as well as the
interests of the German people it.self, require the resolu-
tion of the question of the unification of Germany in such
a manner that the peoples of Europe will be assured that
a unified Germany will not fall into the hands of mortal
enemies of peace — the German militarists and re-
vanchists — but will firmly enter upon a course of peaceful
development and reestablishment of good neighborly re-
lations with other countries.
As before, the Soviet Government considers that the
holding of free all-tierman elections is essential for the
reestablishment of a unified Germany. At these elections
the German people must be able to expres.s their free will
in order that a unified Germany will be reborn as a peace-
loving and democratic state.
At the Berlin Four-Power Conference, agreement was
not reached on the holding of all-German elections for the
reestablishment of a unified Germany. This was pre-
vented chiefly by plans for creating a European Defense
Community which provided for the remilitarization of
Western Germany and its inclusion in this military group-
ing. The rejection by the National Assembly of France
of the treaty for the establishment of a European De-
fense Community opened up i)ossibilities for a reconcilia-
tion of the positions of the four powers on the question
of unification of Germany and the holding for these pur-
poses of all-German elections.
The Soviet Government expresses its readiness again
to consider, taking into account the new circumstances
noted above, the proposals for holding all-German elec-
tions which were introduced at the Berlin Conference
by England and were supported by the United States and
France. At the same time the Soviet Government assumes
that the pertinent proposals of the Soviet Union will ai.so
be taken into consideration.
The Soviet Government considers that there are possi-
bilities of reaching agreement among the powers on this
question if one proceeds from the indisputable fact that
the chief problem is the unification of Germany on peace-
loving and democratic foundations.
In this connection the Soviet Government considers it
December 13, 7954
903
necessary especially to draw attention to those new plans
for the remilitarization of Western Germany and its in-
clusion in a military grouping of certain Western States
which became known after the conference of the nine
countries in London which ended on October 3 and also
in connection with separate conferences which are taking
place at the present time in Paris.
In spite of obligations which were assumed by the
United States, France, and England, together with the
Soviet Union, concerning preventing the restoration of
German militarism, according to separate agreements in
London and Paris there must be created in the very
near future a West German army of 500,000 men with
its own sizable air force, tank formations, and military
staffs. The heavy industry of West Germany, and above
all of the Ruhr, is again being reorganized for the mass
production of armaments. Those same generals who cre-
ated the Hitlerite army, and together with Hitler carried
out aggression against Czechoslovakia, Poland, France,
the Soviet Union, and England, will lead the armed forces
of the West German States. Under such conditions the
present formal pledges of the Bonn Government regard-
ing the limitation of numbers of the West German army
and its armaments cannot be taken seriously. As recent
experience shows, the German militarists and revanchists,
having proceeded with the creation of their own corps
and divisions, will stop at nothing to achieve an increase
in the numbers and armaments of their army.
The London decisions open the way to the reestablish-
ment of German militarism. After that the hands of
West German militarists and revanehLsts will be freed to
carry out their aggressive policy in Europe. West Ger-
many is thus turned into a dangerous hotbed of new war
in Europe.
The London decisions foresee the inclusion of a remili-
tarized West Germany in the military grouping of the
West European States, set off against other European
States. ThLs time, in place of the earlier projected mili-
tary grouping of six Western European States — France,
West Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, and Luxem-
bourg— there is foreseen a military grouping of these
same states with the participation of England. It would
be a deception of public opinion to allege that the London
plan of creating new military forces would better serve
the interests of the security of the peoples of Europe than
the plan which miscarried of creating the European De-
fense Community.
The London plan also envisages the inclusion of West
Germany in the North Atlantic bloc, which opens the way
for German militarists to have a direct influence on the
further strengthening of the aggressiveness of the North
Atlantic forces. Only very recently the National As-
sembly of France recognized West German participation
in the North Atlantic bloc as inadvisable, considering it
inconsistent with the interests of security of France. All
the more inconsistent with the interests of security in
Europe is the inclusion of a remilitarized West Germany
in the North Atlantic grouping as Is envisioned by the
London agreement.
These decisions, which free the hands of German mili-
tarists, are dictated by aggressive circles of the powers
which aim at a world domination on the basis of carry-
ing out the notorious "policy of strength."
The London agreements are also inconsistent with the
restoration of sovereign rights of the German people. In
fact, these agreements lead not to termination of the
occupation regime, as they like to contend, but to leaving
occupation troops in West Germany until the year 1998,
that is, until the end of the present century. West Ger-
many would remain bound to conditions of the enslaving
"Bonn Treaty."
All this shows that the London decisions, leading to the
reestablishment of German militarism and the involve-
ment of West Germany in aggressive military groupings,
radically contradict the interests of maintaining ijeace
and intensify the threat of a new war in Europe. If these
decisions are implemented. Western Germany can no
longer be considered a peace-loving state, which would
make impossible for a long period the reestablishment of
German unity. The measures mapped out in London and
Paris in regard to Western Germany are in direct con-
tradiction also to the proposals of the Governments of
England and France, submitted at the United Nations
this June and supported by the U. S. Government, on the
question of a general reduction of armaments and the
prohibition of atomic weapons.'
At the present time in the United Nations there are
being considered not only the French-English proposals
but also proposals of the Soviet Government on the ques-
tion of reduction of armaments and the prohibition of
atomic weapons, and the Soviet Government has proposed
accepting as the basis for an appropriate international
convention the above-mentioned proposals of France and
England. Thus there is observed a rapprochement of the
positions of the parties on this Important question. The
U. S. Government in its note of September 10 states its
desire to contribute to the decision of the question of
disarmament. It is impossible, however, at one and the
same time to propose a general reduction of armaments
and to carry out the remilitarization of West Germany.
Such actions are incompatible. Recently, as is known,
it has been possible to achieve a certain relaxation of
tension in international relations. The Soviet Govern-
ment proceeds from the fact that all peace-loving peoples
are interested in a further relaxation of international
tension. Meanwhile, the London decisions not only do
not contribute to this but on the contrary will lead to a
sharpening of the international situation. At present
time the situation is as follows :
Either the four powers who bear special responsibility
for the solution of the German problem will do everything
in order to begin examination of and decide the most
urgent question — the question of the reestablishment of
the unity of Germany in which the German people are so
interested and along with them all peace-loving peoples
of Europe ; or if matters reach the point of reestablish-
ment of German militarism and the involvement of West
Germany in aggressive military groupings, then the Ger-
man nation for a long time will remain torn in two, and
from a remilitarized West Germany there will be created
a direct threat to i)eace in Europe.
'Ibid.. Aug. 2, 1954, p. 182.
904
Department of State Bulletin
With a vlow to nssistinK tlip settlciiunit of the GiTiiian
question, Uie Soviet Goveriiiiu'nt submitte<l at the Ui'riiii
Conference a proposal coneernlnR the withdrawal of oc-
cupsition troops, with the exception of certain strictly
limited contingents, from the territories of Kast and West
Germany.' This proixisal was conuecteil with the con-
clusion of a i)eace treaty and with the proi>osal concern-
ini; all-German elections. ARreement was not reached
there on this question. Desiring to assist in brin»;ing
ahout a rapprochement of both parts of Germany and
in solviiit; the problem of its reunitlcation, the Soviet Gov-
ernment proposes to the Governments of the United
States, P^rance, and England to consider the immediate
withdrawal of occupation tnM)i>s from the territorii>s of
East and West Germany. Sucli a decisicm would con-
tribute to further reduction of international tension and
strengthening of peace in EuroiH>.
Together with a decision on this ipiestion there arises
the necessity for the U. S. S. R., the United States, France,
and England, with the participation of the German Demo-
cratic Republic and the German Federal Rei)ublic, to
reach a.greement concerning the size, disiHJsition, and
armament of all types of German police in East and West
Germany. This would put an end to all anxiety in regard
to rearmament, in East as well as West Germany. It is
Ivnown that on the iiart of East Germany there is no ob-
jection to this proposal and no objection to the verifica-
tion on the spot of the actual situation at the present
time. Refusal on the part of West Germany to accept this
proposal could mean only a desire to accelerate the carry-
ing out of plans for rearmament.
Proceeding from the foregoing, the Soviet Government
submits for the consideration of the U. S. Government, as
well as the Governments of France and England, a pro-
posal for the convocation this November of a conference
of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the United States,
France, England, and the Soviet Union for the consider-
ation of the following questions :
1. The reestablishment of the unity of Germany on
peace-loving and democratic bases and the carrying out
of free all-(;emian elections.
2. The withdrawal of occupation troops of the four
powers from the territory of East and West Germany.
:i. The convocation of an all-European conference to
examine the question of the creation of a system of col-
lective security in Europe.
As for the conclusion of a state treaty with Austria, as
is known, the Soviet Government on August 12 in a note
to the Austrian Government proposed that a conference
of the Ambassadors of the United States, France, Eng-
land, and the Soviet Union in Vienna should, together
with representatives of the Austrian Government, under-
take consideration of the remaining unsettled questions
connected with the conclusion of this treaty with Austria.
In its reply, the Austrian Government on October 12
communicated its willingness to take part in the above-
mentioned conference. However, the Soviet Government
is unaware of the point of view of the United States
or of the Governments of France and England on this
question. The Soviet Government would like to know if
' Ibid., Feb. 15, 11»54, p. 228.
December 13, 1954
the Goveriinienis of tlie Ihre*- iM.wers agre<> that their
Ambas.sadors could take part in the conferenw in Vienna
for the examination of cpiestlons cfmnected with the con-
clusion of a state treaty with Austria.
SOVIET NOTE OF NOVEMBER 13
lUnofflrlal translation]
On October 23 agreements were signed in Paris concern-
ing West Germany. The signing of these agreements
was prei'eded by a meeting of the nine countries in I>)n-
don, participants in which agreed on seimrate measures
regarding the German question.
The Paris agreements, in contravention of existing in-
ternational agreements on Germany, make provision for
tJie rei'stablishment of militarism in West Germany, the
creation of West German armed forces, and the inclusion
of West Germany in military groupings of certain slates
set off against other states of ICuroj*.
In West Germany an army is being created which In the
near future is to number 500-.")20 thousand men and
which will have at its disposal large air and tank units
and also its own military staffs. Already German mili-
tarists do not hide the fact that they regard the strength
of the West German army established in accordance with
the London and Paris agreements only as a base for de-
velopment of still more numerous armed forces.
The West German army is being created under the lead-
ership of those German generals who led the Hitlerite
army during the years of the Second World War and who
were accomplices of Fascist aggression and of the propa-
gation of the bloody Hitlerite "New Order" in European
countries.
The London and Paiis agreements untie the bands of
West German militarists and revanchists al.so for unlim-
ited production of armaments. The armed forces of
West Germany also will be permitted to have atomic
weapons among their armaments, which greatly increases
the threat of destructive atomic war in Europe.
The agreements make provision for the inclusion of a
remilitarized West Germany in a new military grouping
now being formed as the so-called W^estern European
Union and also in the North Atlantic bloc, the aggressive
character of which the Soviet Government has repeatedly
pointed out.
All this is evidence that in regard to West Germany a
course is being followed which is compatible neither with
the task of strengthening the iieace in Europe nor with
the task of restoring German unity. The realization of
the London and Paris agreements would mean that the
unification of Germany by carrying out free, all-German
elections would be sacrificed to present plans for the
restoration of German militarism — that fatal enemy of
the p<'oples of Europe including the German people itself.
With the aim of facilitating the solution of the question
concerning the restoration of German unity, the Soviet
Government put forth a proposal to examine the question
of immediate withdrawal of occupation troops from the
territory of East and West Germany. At the same time
the proiwsal was also put forward that the number and
905
armament of all forms of German police both of West
and of East Germany should be determined. As before,
the Soviet Government considers that carrying out these
measures would contribute to a lessening of tension in
Europe.
The London and Paris agreements are incompatible
with the French-Soviet Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Aid
of 1944 and with the Anglo-Soviet Treaty of 1042 concern-
ing cooperation and mutual aid after the war, which
envisage talcing collective measures with the objective of
preventing new aggression on the part of Germany.
The Soviet Government has already drawn the atten-
tion of the states which bear the responsibility for settling
the German problem to the serious danger connected with
tlie rebirth of militarism in West Germany and with
drawing the latter into military groupings. The forma-
tion of such military groupings of various states, set off
against other European States, inescapably leads, as his-
torical experience has shown, to aggravation of relations
between them and, in the final reckoning, to war. Thus
it was on the eve of the First World War when two
mutually antagonistic military coalitions of powers were
set up. Thus it was also on the eve of the Second World
War. when under the aegis of Hitlerite Germany an
aggressive military grouping was formed, setting itself
off against other states, which in the course of the war
were forced to unite their strength to turn back Hitlerite
aggression.
In order to avoid such a situation, whereby Europe
periodically becomes an arena of bloody and devastating
wars, bringing to peoples of European States many mil-
lions of human losses and colossal material destruction,
the necessity arises for creating a system of security in
Europe in which all European States would be partici-
pants regardless of their social and state structure. Crea-
tion of such a system of all-European collective security
would give a lasting foundation for peaceful cooperation
of all European States and would guarantee their national
security by their assuming obligations to settle differences
arising among them by peaceful means and, in case of
the development of a threat to the peace or a breach of
peace, to take united action, including military action,
against the aggressor.
The creation in Europe of an effective system of collec-
tive security based on the united efforts of all European
States would facilitate settling the German problem. In
thLs event there would be eliminated the now existing
basic obstacle to the reestablishment of German unity
which is expressed in plans for transforming West Ger-
many into a militaristic state and including it in aggres-
sive military groupings.
With the aim of facilitating the achievement of an ap-
propriate agreement between the interested states, the
Soviet Union early this year at the time of the Berlin
Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the
U.S.S.R., the United States, England, and France intro-
duced proposals regarding basic principles of an "all-
European treaty of collective security in Europe." Pro-
posals for creating in Euroije a system of collective se-
curity met with favorable reaction on the part of a num-
ber of European States. They also met with support in
wide public circles both of those European States whose
governments have not yet expressed their attitude toward
the idea of collective security in Europe and of those
states whose governments had refused to support proposals
which have been advanced up to now. As is known, it
has not been possible to reach necessary agreement on
this important problem between the interested countries.
Moreover, the interests of insuring the security of Euro-
pean peoples require that the course of affairs in Europe
not proceed along the ruinous path of restoring Ger-
man militarism and of forming in Europe military blocs
of states set one against the other but along the path
of creating a system of all-European security based on
the consideration of the lawful interests of all states
of Europe, large and small.
Plans of reestablishing German militarism and of in-
cluding remilitarized West Germany in military groupings
which were prepared by the London and Paris conferences
cannot help but complicate the situation in Europe. The
realization of these plans will inescapably cause a sharp-
ening of relations between European States, a strengthen-
ing of the armaments race, and a significant increase of
the burden of military expenditures for the peoples of
Europe. In this connection it will be absolutely natural
if peace-loving European peoples are forced to take
new measures for insuring their security.
In order to prevent the indicated complication of the
situation in Europe, which would increase the danger of
war, all measures must be taken to assist in establishing
a system of collective security in Europe and thus in
lessening tension in international relations.
Proceeding from the foregoing, the Soviet Government
considers that the necessity has arisen for calling with-
out further delay a conference of all European States
which wish to participate, and also the United States,
on the question of creating a system of collective security
in Europe.
Recognizing the special responsibility for maintenance
of international peace and security borne by states which
are permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, the
Soviet Government considers it desirable for the Chinese
People's Republic to send its observer to this conference.
It goes without saying that each state participating in
the above-mentioned conference should be able to intro-
duce proposals which it considers necessary in connecti<;n
with the question being discussed.
The Soviet Government proposes that such a conference
be convened on November 29 of this year at either Moscow
or Paris.
Postponement in convening this conference would be
inexpedient inasmuch as consideration of ratification of
the Paris agreements is beginning in December in cer-
tain European countries. Such ratification would compli-
cate the whole European situation in a major degree and
would uiuiermine the possibilities of settling the un-
resolved European problems and first of all the German
problem.
The projxisal for calling at Moscow or Paris on Novem-
ber 2!) an all-European conference on the question of
(■renting a .system of collective security is shared also
906
Department of Stale Bulletin
liy the Government of the i'olish People's Ueiuibllc and
the Government of the Czechoslovak Kepuhllc, with which
the Soviet Government hii» had nppropriiite consultations.
Similar notes have been sent by the Cuverninent of the
U.S.S.U. to all KuroiK'au Statt>s with which tiie U.S.S.K.
has diplomatic relations. The Soviet Union proi-eods on
the assumption that the Invitation could be sent to the
Kuroiwan States with which the U.S.S.U. does not have
diplomatic relations by the Governments of France, Euk-
land, or the United States which have dliilomatlc relations
with such countries.
The Soviet Government will be grateful to the U.S.
Government for a communication regarding Its partic-
ipation in lh«' all-KuroiK-an conference mentioned above.
Report to U.N. General Assembly on Austria
On November 19 the U. S., French, and British
representatives to the United Nations transmitted
to the Secretary-General the following report
from their Govermnents to the General Assembly
on the results of efforts mxide since 1952 to reach
agreement on the terms of an Aitstrian State
Treaty.
U.N. doc. A/2798 dated November 22
On 20 December 1952, the General Assembly
of the United Nations, at its 409th plenary meet-
ing, recalling the terms of the Moscow Declara-
tion of 1 November 1943, whereby the Govern-
ments of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Eepnb-
lics, the United Kingdom and the United States
of America (joined later by France) recognized
that Austria should be re-established as a free and
independent State, expressed its concern that ne-
gotiations towards the conclusion of an Austrian
Treaty which had been under way since 1947 had
failed to bring about the proposed objective. The
Assembly, therefore, addressed an earnest appeal
to the Governments concerned to make a renewed
and urgent effort to reach agreement on the terms
of an Austrian Treaty with a view to an early
tennination of the occupation of Austria and the
full exercise by Austria of the powers inherent in
its sovereignty. The General Assembly also ex-
pressed its hope that the solution of this problem
would "constitute an important step towards the
elimination of other areas of disagreement and
therefore towards the creation of conditions fa-
vourable to the accomplishment of world peace." '
The Governments of the United States, the
United Kingdom and France have been working
constantly since 1946 to obtain an acceptable Aus-
trian State Treaty. They consider that the time
has now come to report to the General Assembly
on the results of the efforts made since 1952 to
implement the Assembly's resolution.
In January 1953 the three Governments, in notes
addressed to the Soviet Government,^ welcomed
the Assembly's resolution and proposed that a
meeting of the Austrian Treaty Deputies be held
at an early date, for the purpose of concluding
an Austrian Treaty. The reply of the Soviet
Government, dated 27 January 1953, ^ stated that
the "Soviet Government considers it necessary to
call attention to the fact that both the raising of
the Austrian question in the United Nations as
well as the resolution adopted on this question are
illegal." They added that they were prepared to
take part in a meeting of representatives of the
four Powers on the Austrian question, provided
that the Governments of the United States, the
United Kingdom and France were prepared to
withdraw their proposal for an "abbreviated
Treaty" * and to negotiate on the basis of the draft
' For text of resolution, see Buixetin of Jan. 12, 1953,
p. 68.
' Ibid., Jan. 26, 1953, p. 135.
' Ibid.. Feb. 16, 1953, p. 260.
' It will be recalled that in 1952 the Governments of
the United States, the Unite<l Kingdom and France, find-
ing the Soviet Government unwilling to complete the work
carried out on the Austrian State Treaty since 1947, sub-
mitted a very brief draft treaty which eliminated the
unsettled questions of the longer version, and yet included
all the essential elements needed to restore Austria's in-
dependence. [Footnote in the original.]
December 13, J954
907
State Treaty which had been the subject of the
earlier abortive discussions. The three Govern-
ments felt it inappropriate to impose prior con-
ditions, as proposed by the Soviet Government,
regarding the scope of the new discussions. Never-
theless the three Gover:iments reiterated their
readiness to discuss any proposition which would
lead to the end of the occupation.^ The Soviet
Goverimient continued at meetings of the Deputies
on 6 and 9 February 1953, to insist on the pre-
conditions previously stipulated and declined to
negotiate on substance. They declined an invita-
tion to a meeting of the Treaty Deputies on 27
May 1953 on the pretext that such a meeting (of
which over 260 had already been held) could be
called only by the Council of Foreign Ministers.
The three Western Deputies denied this and re-
iterated that they were prepared to accept any
treaty in terms which would ensure Austria's po-
litical and economic independence.*^ On 11 June
1953, the three Governments then asked the
USSR to state what kind of an Austrian settle-
ment it was prepared to conclude.'' The Soviet
Government ignored this request and again limited
itself to a demand for withdrawal of the "ab-
breviated Treaty". The Soviet Government also,
in notes addressed to the three Governments on
4 August," stated that "a possible successful solu-
tion of the German problem could also facilitate
the solution of the Austrian question," thus ap-
parently suggesting that hope of an Austrian
Treaty must be deferred until other unrelated con-
ditions had been met, a proposition which the
three Governments were bound to oppose. On
17 August they invited the USSR to attend a
meeting of the Treaty Deputies, scheduled for
31 August, and declared their preparedness not
to introduce the abbreviated Treaty for considera-
tion on the understanding that no extraneous
issues would be raised." The Soviet Government
chose not to attend this meeting. In late Novem-
ber 1953 the three Powers made yet another at-
tempt to persuade the Soviet Government to join
a discussion of the Austrian problem, offering to
do so in a Foreign Ministers conference, or in a
Deputies meeting, or, if the Soviet Government
° BtTLLETiN of Feb. 16, 195.'?, p. 260.
'Ibid., June 8, 195.3, p. 815.
'Ibid., June 22, 19.53, p. 873.
• Ibid., Sept. 14, 1953, p. .3.52.
• Ibid., Aug. 31, 19.53, p. 2S2.
should prefer, to give prompt and careful con-
sideration to any Soviet proposals made through
diplomatic channels.'" This invitation remained
unanswered.
It was not until the meeting of the four Foreign
Ministers in Berlin, between 25 January and 18
February 1954, that negotiations were resumed on
the Austrian Treaty." The Austrian Foreign
Minister participated in these discussions. He
declared Austria's readiness to pay, if necessary to
achieve freedom, the price imposed by the Treaty,
including surrender to the Soviet Union of most
of Austria's petroleum resources in addition to
other assets. He appealed, however, for allevia-
tion of the burdens of the Treaty, especially of
article 35, and particularly asked that Austria
should be allowed to pay the Soviet Union $150
million in goods instead of cash.
Tlie Soviet Foreign Minister granted this latter
request but at once made fresh stipulations. The
main ones were :
(I) That the withdrawal of occupation troops
stationed on the territorj' of the respective Zones
of Austria should be postponed pending the con-
clusion of a Peace Treaty with Germany. (At the
same time, it was proposed that all Allied troops
should be withdrawn from Viemia).
(II) That Austria should undertake not to
enter into any coalition or military alliance di-
rected against any Power which participated with
its armed forces in the war against Germany and
in the liberation of Austria.
The Austrian Government and the three Gov-
ernments objected to the proposals of the Soviet
Government, which would make the conclusion of
an Austrian Treaty dependent on the unconnected
problem of a settlement in Germany and impose
the burden of continued foreign occupation on
the Austrian people for an indefinite future. They
also pointed out that the second proposal contained
conditions which had both military and non-mili-
tary implications and should not be imposed on
any sovereign State. They considered that Aus-
tria should be free to decide her own international
relations in accordance with the United Nations
Charter. The Austrian Government gave assur-
ances during the Conference that Austria would
not enter into any military alliance but also em-
'" Ibid.. Nov. 30. 19,53, p. 745.
" Foreign Mini^tcr.t Meeting, lierlin Diseuasiona, Depart-
ment of State publication 5399, pp. 175-208.
908
Departmenf of State Bulletin
phasized that they could not accept, as a condition
of reatliiiifi agreement upon the State Treaty, that
occupation troops should rcniain in Austria until
tlie signing of a German Peace Treaty.
In an olFort to obtain ugreemont, the Govern-
ments of tiie United States of America, the United
Kingdom and France expressed their willingness
to conclude the Treaty by accepting the versions
of the unagreed articles supported by the USSR
up to that time.
The Austrian Government, as a linal concession,
offered, if it were agreed by the four Governments,
to accept an extension of the period for the with-
drawal of occupation forces from Austria pro-
vided that that extension was for a definite period
and that such a concession would enable the Treaty
to be concluded. They suggested that the date of
witiulrawal should be fixed at the latest at 30
June 1955.
The Soviet Government proved unwilling to ac-
cept any of these proposals. Accordingly, no
Treaty could be concluded during the Berlin Con-
ference. The three Governments, however, made
clear their willingness to resume negotiations as
soon as the Soviet Government were prepared to
agi-ee to the restoration of Austrian sovereignty
and independence, which would of necessity in-
clude the withdrawal of all foi'eign troops.
Exchanges of correspondence since the Berlin
Conference have failed to indicate any change thus
far in the Soviet attitude which would permit the
withdrawal of all occupation forces and conclusion
of a Treaty. In a note of 7 May 1954, to the Soviet
Government" the Governments of the United
States, the United Kangdom and France again
urged conclusion of an Austrian Treaty as a
means of eliminating sources of international ten-
sions. The Soviet Government, in a note of 12
August addressed to the Austrian Government,
rejected the latter's proposal for a five-Power com-
mittee to consider alleviating Austria's occupation
burdens. The Soviet Government instead sug-
gested convocation of a committee to examine the
unresolved questions pertaining to the Austrian
Treaty and other related questions, but again re-
ferred to the Soviet pro{X)sals made at the Berlin
Conference and failed to indicate a willingness to
withdraw its troops from Austria, a fundamental
requirement for the restoration of Austria's free-
" Bulletin of May 17, 19.'">4, p. 756.
dom and independence. On 10 September the
three Western Powers sent a further note to the
USSR " in which they renewed their otler made
at Berlin in February to conclude the Treaty by
accepting the versions of the unagreed articles
supported by the USSR up to tliat time. The
Austrian Government, in replying on 12 October
to tiic Soviet note of 12 August, said that it was
prepared to participate in new treaty discussion
but pointed out that the withdrawal of all occu-
pation forces would be requisite to the conclusion
of a Treaty.
The Soviet Government, in notes addressed to
the Western Powers on 23 October," ignored the
oifer contained in the Western notes of 10 Septem-
ber to sign the Austrian Treaty but instead re-
ferred to the same proposal made in its note of 12
August to the Austrian Government for a con-
ference of Ambassadors in Vienna for "examina-
tion of questions connected with the conclusion of
a State Treaty". These new notes also contained
no indication of the Soviet Government's willing-
ness to withdraw its occupation troops from Aus-
tria which, as previously stressed by the Austrian
Government and the three Western Powers, is
requisite to conclusion of an Austrian Treaty.
The Governments of the United States, the
United Kingdom and France deeply regret that
their efforts to conclude a Treaty and to grant
Austria its freedom and independence in com-
pliance with the United Nations General As-
sembly resolution have been unavailing. The
three Governments will continue to seek means
whereby Austrian independence may be re-estab-
lished and will continue to press for the earliest
possible conclusion of a just and acceptable State
Treaty. Further progress depends upon the at-
titude of the Soviet Goverimient.
U.S., Austria Review Prospects
for Austrian State Treaty
Following is the text of the com/mv/nique issued
on November 26 at the conclusion of the visit to
Washington of Chancellor Julius Raab of Austria,
Noveinber 21-25, together with a statement re-
leased h)j the White House on Novemher 22 and
" Ibid., Sept 20, 1954, p. 397.
" See p. 902.
December 13, T954
909
statements made ly Secretary DvMes and Chan-
cellor Radb on the occasion of the latter^s arrival.
TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE OF NOVEMBER 26
Press release 668 dated November 26
The visit of the Federal Chancellor of Austria,
Julius Raab, to Wasliiugton has provided a most
welcome opportunity for high officials of the
United States to become personally acquainted
with the Chancellor and to review with him the
international situation as a whole. Matters of
mutual interest to the governments of Austria and
the United States were discussed. These discus-
sions which began with the Chancellor's talk with
the President of the United States and Secretary
of State, John Foster Dulles, on November 22
have been cordial, informative, and constructive.
The prospects for a Treaty for Austria were
reviewed and it was agreed that both governments
would continue with determination to work to-
gether for a State Treaty which would provide for
the withdrawal of all occupation troops from
Austria at an early and fixed date. It was noted
that the United States, Great Britain, and France
had on November 18 [19] submitted to the Secre-
tary General of the United Nations a report of
their efforts to achieve an Austrian Treaty.
The Chancellor reviewed the political and eco-
nomic situation existing in Austria today. The
stability and progress achieved by Austria, in spite
of the devastations of war and the burdens im-
posed by the continued occupation of the country,
were recognized by the representatives of the
United States as being a remarkable and concrete
proof of the courage, resourcefulness and fortitude
of the Austrian coalition government and its peo-
ple. The Chancellor outlined his plans and hopes
for the furthur development of Austria's hydro-
electric potential for the mutual benefit of Austria
and neighboring states. Further development of
these plans will be followed with great interest by
United States authorities.
The Chancellor held useful conversations with
the Departments of State and of Defense on the
question of further alleviating the burden of occu-
pation by the release of requisitioned housing
presently held by the United States authorities in
Austria. Plans to this end now under consider-
ation in the Department of Defense were reviewed.
The question of claims by American citizens
910
against the Austrian government stemming from
the Nazi occupation of Austria was discussed. It
was agreed that a prompt and just settlement of
these claims should be sought.
The discussions held during the Chancellor's
visit re-emphasized the friendly relationship
which exists between the governments of Austria
and the United States. By this visit the ties which
link the people of Austria to the people of the
United States have been further strengthened.
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 22
The President had a very friendly and cordial
meeting at noon today with the Federal Chancel-
lor of Austria, Julius Raab. The discussions
were in the nature of a broad review of the inter-
national situation with particular attention to
the prospects for a State Treaty for Austria. This
meetmg followed a meeting between the Chancel-
lor and the Secretary of State.
Present at the meeting between the President
and the Chancellor were the Assistant Secretary
of State for European Affairs, Livingston T. ISIer-
chant; the Director of the Political Department
of the Austrian Foreign Office, Dr. Josef Schoe-
ner; the Austrian Ambassador to the United
States, Dr. Karl Gruber; and the United States
Ambassador to Austria, Llewellyn E. Thompson,
Jr. The meeting was followed by an official lunch-
eon at the White House given by the President
in honor of Chancellor Eaab.
Further conversations regarding matters of
mutual interest to the Governments of Austria
and the United States will be held by Chancellor
Raab with the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary
of Conunerce, the Director of Foreign Operations
Administration, as well as with officials of the
Department of State.
ARRIVAL OF CHANCELLOR RAAB
Press release 664 dated November 21
Secretary Dulles' Statement
On behalf of President Eisenhower and indeed
all of the American people, I welcome you here
to the Nation's Capital. As I know that you have
already learned, the American people have the
greatest sympathy and admiration for your coun-
try. We have sympathy because, a small country,
the first victim of Hitlerite aggression, you were
early promised an independence which unhaitpily
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
liiis not yet been realized. And we have admira-
tion because in spite of all the iliirn-iiltii>s which
would liavo discouraged a leiiser people, your na-
tion has struggled valiantly and has achieved
for itself a position of iiulepiMulence and self-
i-espect in the world which we all greatly respect
and admire. Therefore, the American people, Mr.
Chancellor, greatly welcome your presence here
and the opportunity to express to you personally
those sentiments which 1 have so inadequately put
totlay. We are happy that you will be not only
in "Washington but will visit other partes of the
United States, so that you will see something of
us and we in turn will have a greater opportunity
to see something of you. AVe look forward, there-
fore, with much anticipation to your visit here in
Washington and to other parts of the United
States.
The Chancellor's Response
May I take the liberty lirst to thank you person-
ally for the very kind welcome which 1 have found
here in Washington. I have with great pleasure
accepted the invitation of the President, namely,
in order to convey to him the thanks of the Aus-
trian people, for without the help of the United
States, Austria would not today enjoy the stand-
ard and the position which is hers in the economic
and the political field. We Austrians are living
in the center of Europe, and we have to fulfill a
very important task there. The Austrian people
with great diligence and great labor have started
to rebuild their homeland. In the United States
we recognize a power which provides the fore-
most guaranty of the liberty of mankind, and
we, a small country over there in Europe, also have
to do our duty.
Monroe Doctrine Expresses
Inter-American Attitude
Remarks by Edward J. Sparks
Acting Assistant Secretary for Inter-American
Affairs '
One hundred thirty-one years ago, what has
come to be known as the "Monroe Doctrine" was
contained in a message to Congress from Presi-
' Made at the opening of Monroe House at Washing-
ton, D. C, on Dec. 2 (pre.ss relea.se 688) .
dent flames Monroe. In a few words it set forth
what has been the consistent United States policy
in a highly important aspect of this country's
foreign relations.
In the period since 1823 there has been a tre-
nieiulous transformation in the political and eco-
nomic conditions of the areas of the world with
which the Monroe Doctrine is concerned. Tlie
United States is no longer a small, inexi)erienced
nation seeking to maintain its ability to continue
democratic development in a largely hostile world.
The United States is today, rather, a leader of
the free world;
The threat to the security and independence of
the Americas now comes from only one source —
Communist imperialism. Latin America is no
longer an area newly freed from colonial domina-
tion by Europe but, rather, a gi"oup of 20 sov-
ereign republics bound together, along with the
United States, in the Organization of Ajnerican
States for their mutual protection and develop-
ment.
The doctrine which President Monroe enunci-
ated in 1823 may be said to set forth two major
aspects of United States policy. The first was that
we would consider any attempt by any European
power to impo.se on the independent countries of
Latin America the colonial domination from
which they had freed themselves, as the mani-
festation of an unfriendly disposition toward the
United States.'' This declaration against the ex-
tension of the European domination in this hemi-
sphere has long come to express a truly inter-
American attitude. Collective security against
aggressive attack on the territory, sovereignty, or
political independence of any American State is
formalized in the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro of 1947,
as well as in the Charter of the Organization of
American States, which was adopted at the Ninth
International Conference of American States at
Bogota in 1948.
- The second part of the Monroe Doctrine was
directed against the designs of Czarist Russia and
the so-called Holy Alliaiu;e, which were then
plotting to impose despotic political systems on
parts of the hemisphere which had just won their
independence from Spain. President Monroe said
that such attempts were dangerous to our peace
and safety.
In commenting on the Tenth International
Conference of American States at Caracas earlier
December 13, 1954
911
this year, the Secretary of State said that the
threat which stems from international commu-
nism is a repetition in tliis century of precisely
the kind of danger against which President Mon-
roe made his declaration 131 years ago.
At the conference in Caracas, in March of this
year, the essence of this second part of the Monroe
Doctrine also was set down in a multilateral dec-
laration of the American States.
In the "Declaration of Solidarity for the Pres-
ervation of Political Integrity of the American
States Against International Communist Inter-
vention" adopted at Caracas, the American Re-
publics stated that :
the domination or control of the political institutions of
any American State by the international communist
movement, extending to this hemisphere the political sys-
tem of an extracontinental ix)wer, would constitute a
threat to the sovereignty and political independence of
the American States, endangering the peace of America,
and would call for a meeting of consultation to consider
the adoption of appropriate action in accordance with
existing treaties.
Thus, a statement in 1823 by President Monroe
concerning foreign intervention into the political
affairs of other nations of the New World has
come, in essence, to be incorporated into the hem-
isphere-wide doctrines of the American Repub-
lics.
That we should be addressed today by my dis-
tinguished friend. Dr. Jose Mora, Ambassador of
Uruguay and President of the Council of the Or-
ganization of American States, is fitting proof of
the extent to which the principles enunciated by
President Monroe have come to be accepted as
the policy of all of the American Republics.
Dr. Holleran Appointed to
Cultural Council of OAS
On November 30 the President appointed Dr.
Mary P. Holleran, Dean of Faculty of Hampton
Institute, Hampton, Va., to be the U.S. repre-
sentative on the Inter- American Cultural Council
of the Organization of American States (press
release 687 dated December 2) . The Inter- Ameri-
can Cultural Council was established under the
Charter of the Organization of American States
"to promote friendly relations and mutual under-
standing among the American peoples, in order
to strengthen the peaceful sentiments that have
characterized the evolution of America, through
the promotion of educational, scientific, and cul-
tural exchange."
Argentina and Paraguay To Restrict
Tung Oil Exports to U.S.
White House press release dated November 22
The President announced on November 22 that
he has been advised by the Secretary of State that
the Governments of Argentina and Paraguay have
undertaken to restrict their exports to the United
States of tung oil and the equivalent in tung nuts
to a total of 21.8 million pounds in the case of
Argentina and 2.6 million pounds in the case of
Paraguay, during the marketing year ending
October 31, 1955. Imports from other sources, the
President said, are not expected to be significant,
bringing anticipated total imports to approxi-
mately 25 million pounds, in contrast to 43.1
million pounds of imports during the last market-
ing year.
It is estimated that U.S. consumption of tung
oil during the current crop year will be about 50
million pounds. Domestic production for the same
period is estimated at about 17 million pounds.
On the basis of these estimates, consumption of
tung oil in the United States during the present
marketing year would exceed supplies by about 8
million pounds and there would be a corresponding
reduction of 8 million pomids in the tung oil stocks
held by the Commodity Credit Corporation.
In making tliis announcement the President
stated that in the light of these developments he
would not now act on the recommendations made
by the United States Tariff Commission in its
September 30, 1954, report on tung nuts and tung
oil.^
The President stated that he was pleased that
the joint effort and cooperation with the Argentine
and Paraguayan Govermnents has produced such
a hopeful approach for dealing with the problem
of excessive supplies of tung oil, which has been
causing increasing concern in this country. This
spirit of cooperation is essential, the President
said, if we and our friendly neighbors and allies
are to meet our individual and conunon needs as
we proceed toward our mutual goal of expanding
levels of world trade and investment.
' Copies of the Tariff Commission report may be ob-
tained from the U.S. Tariff Commission, Washington 25,
D.C.
912
Department of State Bulletin
President Assigns Functions
Under Foreign Aid Programs
White House preas release dated November S
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT
The I'resitleiit on Nom-iuIu'i- (> issiu'il im Execu-
tive order providing for the adnunistrutiou of the
foreign aid programs authorized by the Mutual
Security Act of 1954.
The order assigns Presidential functions under
the act to other officers of the Government in a
manner generally similar to that heretofore ob-
taining under earlier law. Principallj', the Presi-
dent, by this order :
1. Delegated to the Secretary of Defense the
military assistance functions under the Mutual
Security Act of 1954.
•2. Delegated to the Director of the Foreign
Operations Administration the administration of
assistance programs under the act, other than mili-
tary assistance.
3. Made the Secretary of State responsible for
international agreements and foreign policy guid-
ance in respect of the various assistance programs
and for making contributions to international
organizations.
4. Assigned to the Secretary of Commerce duties
under the act respecting the facilitation and en-
couragement of travel abroad and the drawing of
the attention of private enterprise to opportunities
for investment and development in other free
nations.
5. xVllocated to the Secretary of Defense and
the Director of the Foreign Operations Adminis-
tration the funds appropriated to carry out func-
tions under the act administered by them, respec-
tively.
6. Prescribed procedures to coordinate the ac-
tivities carried on abroad by various agencies
under the act.
7. Delegated to the Secretary of State authority
to control the import and export, other than by
government agencies, of arms, ammunition, and
implements of war.
The President also directed a letter of instruc-
tions to the heads of agencies directly aflFected by
the Executive order.
MEMORANDUM TO AGENCY HEADS'
I have today signed an Executive order which
is designed to carry out the provisions of the Mu-
tual Security Act of 1954.
My letter of .June 1, 1953, regarding the organi-
zation of the executive branch for the conduct of
foreign atTaii-s, continues to represent my instruc-
t ions on I lie subjects discussed in that letter. This
letter supplements my previous letter and the
Executive order signed today.
The Director of the Foreign Operations Admin-
istration is responsible for coordinating all opera-
tions of the foreign assistance programs. He
should establish apjiropriate machinery to achieve
this coordination and to assure that all aspects of
the mutual security program ai'e consistent with
and further the attainment of foreign policy, mili-
tary policy, and financial and monetary policy
objectives. This should include provisions for the
Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury to
receive adequate reports on the operations and
projected plans with respect to each program
under the Mutual Security Act.
The delegation to the Secretary of State of re-
sponsibility for negotiations with foreign govern-
ments is intended to give recognition to the central
responsibility of the Department of State in this
area. Other agencies directly concerned with the
substance of the negotiation must continue to carry
substantial responsibility in such negotiations,
however. Moreover, it is assumed that these other
agencies will conduct day-to-day discussions with
representatives of the foreign governments in im-
plementing basic agreements reached with such
governments. Such discussions, of course, must
be in confoimance with the foreign policy respon-
sibilities of the State Department and of the chiefs
of our diplomatic missions.
The Director of the Foreign Operations Admin-
' Addressed to the Secretaries of State, Treasury, De-
fense, Agriculture, and Commerce, the Directors of the
Foreign Operations Administration, the Oflice of Defense
Mobilization, and the U.S. Information Agenc.v, and the
Chairninn of the Board of Directors of the Export-Import
Bauli of Wasliington.
December 13, 1954
913
istration will coordinate the implementation of the
statutory requirement that a certain minimum
amount of the Mutual Security funds be used to
finance the export and sale for foreign currencies
of surplus agricultural commodities. He shall
coordinate this surplus disposal program with
that under the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act of 1954. He shall consult with
the interagency committee established by the
President to assist in the achninistration of that
Act, but I am looking to the Director for the suc-
cessful implementation of this important part of
our mutual security program.
The Secretary of Commerce is designated as
the officer to carry out the program to encourage
travel. This assigimient in no way diminishes the
responsibilities of the Department of State or the
Foreign Operations Administration to operate
exchange and technical assistance programs, nor
does it affect the responsibility of the Department
of State to carry on diplomatic negotiations with
other countries regarding the removal of legal bar-
riers to international travel and similar matters.
The responsibility of finding opportunities for
investment and development abroad under the
Mutual Security Act is delegated to the Director
of the Foreign Operations Administration. The
Secretaries of State and Commerce are to continue
their regular work through the Foreign Service
relating to finding opportunities abroad. The
Secretary of Commerce shall be responsible for the
regularized publishing and circularization to
American business of opportunities abroad, but
the Director may continue his normal, direct con-
tacts with individual business firms that arise as a
result of his other functions under the Act, such
as making investment guarantees and promoting
economic development. The Departments of
State and Commerce and the Foreign Operations
Administration should make arrangements for
appropriate consultation and cooperation in re-
spect of their programs relating to encouraging
American jjrivate investment abroad.
The arrangements described above and in the
Executive order issued today are to continue in
effect during fiscal year 1955 or until other ar-
rangements for the administration of foreign aid
functions are prescribed by the President after
further study has been given to this problem in
the executive branch of the Government.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
EXECUTIVE ORDER IDSTS^
Administration of Foreign-Aid Functions
By virtue of the authority vested in me by. the Mutual
Security Act of 1954 (68 Stat 832), by section 301 of tiUe
3 of the United States Code, and as President of the United
States and Commander in Chief of the armed forces of the
United States, it is hereby ordered as foUows :
Part I. Assignment of Functions and Funds
Section 101. Foreign. Operations- .^tministration, (a)
Exclusive of the functions otherwise delegated, or ^-
cluded from delegation, liy this order, and subject to the
provisions of this order, there are hereby delegated to the
Director of the Foreign Operations Administration all func-
tions conferred upon the President by the Mutual Se-
curity iVct of 1954 (hereinafter referred to as the Act)
and by the Mutual Defense Assistance. Control Act of
1951 (65 Stat. 644 ; 22 U. S. C. 1611-1613c).
(b) Subject to sections 103 and 107 (b) of this order,
the Director of the Foreign Operations Administration
shall administer sections 402, 505, and 201 of the Act.
In determining upon the furnishing of assistance on terms
of repayment pursuant to sections 201 (a) and 505 of
the Act, and upon the amounts and terms of sjich as-
sistance, the Director of the Foreign Operations Admin-
istration shall consult with the National Advisory Council
on International Monetary and Financial I'roblems in
respect of policies relating to such assistance and terms.
Whenever assistance on terms of repayment, under the
said section 505, involves funds available under chapter 1
of Title I of the Act, the said Director shall consult with
the Secretary of Defense with respect to the amounts
and terms of such assistance. The Director of the For-
eign Operations Administration shall also consult the
said Council with respect to iwlicies concerning the utiliza-
tion of funds in the Special Account provided for in section
142 (11) of the Act and concerning such other matters as
are within the cognizance of the Council pursuant to sec-
tion 4 of the Bretton Woods Agreements Act.
(c) Pursuant to section 527 (c) (2) of the Act, it is
directed that the authority made available to the Direc-
tor of the United States Information Agency with re-
spect to his functions by section 2 of Executive Order No.
10477 of August 1, 1953 (IS F. R. 4540), and by Executive
Order No. 10522 of March 26, 1954 (19 F. R. 16S9), sub-
ject to the provisions of law applicable in connection with
such authority, may be utilized by the Director of the For-
eign Operations Administration with respect to his func-
tions.
(d) It is hereby directed that the Office of Small Busi-
ness provided for in section 504 (b) of the Act shall be in
the Foreign Operations Administration.
Section 102. Department of Defense, (a) Subject to
the provisions of this order, there are hereby delegated to
the Secretary of Defense:
(1) Tlie functions conferred upon the President by
chapter 1 of Title I of the Act, exclusive of (i) those so
■ 1!) Fed. Reg. 7249.
914
Department of State Bulletin
I'ouferred liy spciIoii 10r> (b) (."l) of the A<-t, (11) so much
of those so idiiferied l>y seetloii llXi (h) of the Act as con-
sists of (leteniiiniiii; that a nation or international orpin-
izntion may nial<e availubie the fair value of e<iui|>nieut,
materials, or services, sold thereto or rendered therefor, at
a time or at times other than lu advance of delivery of the
equipment, materials, or services, and (Hi) the fiuictlons
reserved to the President by section 107 of this order.
(2) The functions conferred iipon the President by
sections 142 (7) and .'lU (c) of the Act.
(3) So niuch of the functions conferred upon the Pres-
ident by sections 142 (1(», 511 (h), 527 (a), 52s, and
529 (a) of the Act as relates to otiicr functions under U»e
Act administered by the Department of Defense.
(b) The Secretary of Defense is hereby designated to
make, with resi)ect to iHiuipment or materials procured
for military assistance, the determinations provldinl for
in section 107 of the Mutual Security Appropriation Act,
1955 (C8 Stat. 1224).
(c) The Secretary of Defense (1) shall exercise the
responsibility and authority vested in him by the Act and
the responsibility and authority delejiatiHl to him by this
order subject to coordination by the Director of the For-
eiim Operations Administration, and (2) shall keep the
Director of the Korei^Ti OiM'rations Adniinistr;itlon fully
and currently informed of all matters, includins prospec-
tive action, relating to the utilization of funds under the
Act, the establishment of priorities under section 524 (b)
of the Act, and the furnishing of military items under
chapter 1 of Title I of the Act.
Section 103. Departmcuf of State, (a) There are here-
by delegated to the Secretary of State :
( 1 ) The functions conferred upon the President by the
laws referred to in section 101 (a) of this order with
respect to ne.sotiatiug and entering into international
agreements.
(2) The functions conferred upon the President by
sections 105 (b) (3), 405 (a), 413 (b) (2) and (3), and
529 (b) and (e) of tlie Act.
(3) The functions conferred upon the President by
section 504 (a) (2) of the Act so far as they may relate, to
countries in which the Foreign Operations Administration
does not have missions or employees.
(4) .So much of the functions conferred upon the Pres-
ident by section 535 (a) of the Act as consists of request-
ing the cooijeration of the United Nations, its orjrans, and
specialized agencies or other international organizations
in carrying out the purposes of the Act.
(b) The functions conferred upon the President by
section 414 of the Act are hereby delegated to the Secre-
tary of State. In connection with the carrying out of the
said functions the Secretary of State sliall consult with
appropriate agencies of the Government. The designation
by the Secretary of State of articles which shall be con-
sidered as arms, ammunition, and implements of war,
including technical data relating thereto, under the said
section 414 shall require the concurrence of the Secretary
of Defense.
(c) The Secretary of State shall be responsible (1) for
making the United States contributions under the Act to,
and formulatini; and presenting with the assistance of Ihe
l)lre<-lor of the Foreign Ojierallons Adnunistration the
l)ollcy of the United Stales with ri'siK-ct to the a.ssislance
programs of, the inlcrmitional organizations referred to In
sections 132 (c), .30(5, 405 (a) and (c), 40(5, and 407 of the
Act, and (2) for making the United States contriliution
under section 40S of the Act to tlie Nortli, Atlantic Treaty
Organization for the Uidled Slates' share of the cxjK'Uses
of the Organization.
(d) All functions under the Act and the other statutes
referred lo in sections 101 (a), 102 (b), and 105 (a) of
this order, however vested, delegated, or assigned, shall
be subject lo the resi)onsibilities of Ihe Secretary of State
with respect to the foreign policy of the United States.
(e) The maintenance of special ml.ssions or staffs
abroad, the (Ixing of the ranks of the chiefs thereof after
the chiefs of the United States diplomatic missions, and
the authorization of the same compensation and allow-
ances as the chief of mission, Class 3 or Class 4, within the
meaning of the Foreign Service Act of 1040 (22 U. S. C.
sol rl mq.). all under section .■>20 of the Act, shall require
the approval of the Secretary of State.
Section 104. Department of Commerce, (a) There is
hereby delegated to the Secretary of Commerce so much of
the functions conferred upon the President by section
413 (b) (1) of the Act as consists of drawing the attention
of private enterprise to opportunities for investment and
development in other free nations.
(b) The Secretary of Commerce is hereby designated as
the officer through whom shall be carried out the functions
provi(le.tl for in section 416 of the Act.
Section 105. United States Information Auency. (a)
ITie functions conferred upon the President by section
1011 of the United States Information, and Educational
Exchange Act of 1948 (62 Stat. 6), as amended, are hereby
delegated to the Director of the United States Information
Agency and shall be carried out in consultation with the
Director of the Foreign Operations Administration.
(b) The United States Information Agency shall per-
form the functions provided for by law with respect to
publicizing abroad the activities carried out under the Act.
Section 106. Alloeation of futids. (a) Funds appropri-
ated or otherwise made available to the President shall be
deemed to be allocated without any^ further action of the
President as follows :
(1) Funds for carrying out chapter 1 of Title I o£ the
Act are allocated to the Secretary of Defense, but, for the
purposes of the second sentence of section 110 of the
Mutual Security Appropriation Act, 1955 (68 Stat. 1224),
such funds shall be available only, when and in such
amounts as they have been apportioned, for use, by the
Bureau of the Budget.
(2) All funds for carrying out the Act except those for
carrying out chapter 1 of Title I of the Act are allocated
to the Director of the Foreign Operations Administration.
(b) The said funds may be allocated by the Secretary
of Defense .nnd the Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration, respectively, to any agency, department,
establishment, or wholly-owned corporation of the Govern-
ment for obligation or expenditure thereby consistent with
December 13, 1954
915
applicable law, subject, however, to the provisions of
section 107 (a) (2) hereof. The utilization of funds with-
out regard to the existing laws governing the obligation
and expenditure of Government funds as authorized by
section 411 (b) of the Act shall be limited as far as prac-
ticable and shall in any event be confined to instances in
which such utilization is deemed (1) to further the more
economical, efficient, or expeditious carrying out of func-
tions under the Act, and (2) to obviate or mitiyate hard-
ship occurring with respect to personnel administering
functions under the Act in connection with the adminis-
tration of these functions or with respect to the families of
personnel by reason of the duties of the respective heads
of families under the Act.
(c) The Director of the Foreign Operations Adminis-
tration .shall allocate funds to the Department of State for
the contributions referred to in section 103 (c) of this
order.
Section 107. Reservation of functions to the President.
(a) There are hereby excluded from the functions dele-
gated by the foregoing provisions of this order :
(1) The functions conferred upon the President by the
Act with respect to the appointment of officers required to
be appointed by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, the transmittal of periodic or special reports to
the Congress, and the termination or withdrawal of
assistance.
(2) The functions conferred upon the President with
respect to findings, determinations, certification, agree-
ments, directives, or transfers of funds, as the case may
be, by sections 104 (b), 105, 132 (a), 141, 401, 403, 404,
410, 501, 503, 521, and 522 (b) of the Act, and by sections
103 (b), 104, 203, and 301 of the Mutual Defense Assistance
Control Act of 1951.
(3) The functions conferred upon the President by sec-
tions 101, 107 (a) (2), 415, 525, 533, and 545 (d) of the Act
and, subject to Part II hereof, the functions so conferred
by section 523 (b) of the Act.
(4) The functions conferred upon the President by
section 121 of the Act, including all of the functions so
conferred with respect to waiving specific provisions of
section 142 of the Act, but otherwise excluding so much
of the functions conferred upon the President by the said
section 121 as may relate to assistance for the support of
forces and other expenditures within Indo-China and
either is financed from the unexpended balances of appro-
priations made pursuant to sections 304 and 540 of the
Mutual Security Act of 1951, as amended, or is within an
obligational limitation of $150,000,000 additional to the
said unexpended l)alances.
(5) So much of the functions conferred upon the Presi-
dent by section 409 (d) of the Act as may relate to funds
allocated to the Department of Defense by this order.
(b) The President shall hereafter determine the por-
tions of the sum of ,1;350,000,000 provided for in section
402 of the Act and the portions of the sum of $200,000,000
provided for in section 50.5 (b) of the Act which shall be
applicable to funds allocated pursuant to the Act to the
Foreign Operations Administration and the Department
of Defense, respectively.
PaBT II. PrOCEDUKES fob COOEDINATION ABROAD
Section 201. Functions of the Chief of the United States
Diplomatic Mission, (a) The Chief of the United States
Diplomatic Mission in each country, as the representative '
of the President, shall serve as the channel of authority
on foreign policy and shall provide foreign policy direction
to all representatives of United States agencies in such
country.
(b) The Chief of the United States Diplomatic Mission
in each country, as the representative of the President
and acting on his behalf, shall coordinate the activities of
the representatives of United States agencies (including
the chiefs of economic and technical assistance missions,
military assistance advisory groups, foreign information
staffs, and other representatives of agencies of the United
States Government) in such country engaged in carrying
out programs under the Act, programs under the Mutual
Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951, and the programs
transferred by section 2 of Reorganization Plan No. 8 of
1953 (07 Stat. 642) ; and he shall assume responsibility
for assuring the unified development and execution of the
said programs in such country. More particularly, the
functions of each Chief of United States Diplomatic Mis-
sion shall include, with respect to the programs and the
country concerned, the functions of :
(1) Exercising general direction and leadership of the
entire effort.
(2) A.ssuring that recommendations and prospective
plans and actions of representatives of United States agen-
cies are effectively coordinated and are consistent with,
and in furtherance of, the established policy of the United
States.
(3) Assuring that the interpretation and application of
instructions received by rejiresentatives of United States
agencies from higher authority are in accord with the
established policy of the United States.
(4) Guiding the rejjresentatives of United States agen-
cies in working out measures to prevent duplication in
their efforts and to promote the most effective and effi-
cient use of all United States officers and employees en-
gaged in work on the said programs.
(5) Keeping the representatives of United States agen-
cies fully informed as to current anil prospective United
States policies.
(6) Prescribing procedures governing the coordination
of the activities of representatives of United States agen-
cies, and assuring that such representatives shall have
access to all available information essential to the accom-
plishment of their prescribed duties.
(7) Preparing and submitting such reports on the op-
eration and status of the programs referred to in the intro-
ductory portion of this subsection as may be requested
of the Secretary of State by the Secretary of Defense, the
Director of the Foreign Operations Administration, or the
Director of the United States Information Agency, with
respect to their respective responsibilities.
(8) Recommending the withdrawal of United States
personnel from the country whenever in his opinion the
interests of the United States warrant such action.
(c) Each Chief of United States Diplomatic Mission
916
Deparfment of Slate Bulletin
shall perform his functions under this jmrt In acconlnnce
with histnictiotis from hiKher authority nnd suhject to
estiihlislu'd ])olki('s ami programs of the I'liiti'd States.
Only the I'resident and the SeiTetury of State shall com-
municate instructions directly to the Cbicf of the United
States Diplomatic .Mission.
(d) No Chief of United States Diplomatic Mission
shall deU'Kate any function conferred ui>on lilm by the
provisions of this I'art which directly Involves the exer-
cise of direction, coordination, or authority.
Section 202. Referral of unrcsolvcil miiKcrs. The Chief
of the United States Diplomatic Mission in each country
sliall initiate steps to reconcile any divergent views arising
between representatives of United States agencies in the
country concerned with respect to programs referred to
in the Introductory portion of section 201 (b) of this
order. If agreement cannot be reached the Chief of the
United States Diplomatic Mission shall recommend a
course of action, and sucli course of action shall be fol-
lowed unless a representative of a United States agency
requests that the issue lie referred to the Secretary of
State and the United States agencies concerned for deci-
sion. If such a request is made, the parties concerned
shall promptly refer the issue for resolution prior to taking
action at the country level.
Section 203. Further coordination iirocediircs and rela-
tionships, (a) All representatives of United States agen-
cies in each country shall be subject to the responsibilities
Imposed upon the Chief of the United States Diplomatic
Mission in such country by section 52;} (b) of the Act
and by this part.
(b) Subject to compliance with the provisions of this
part and with the prescribed procedures of their respec-
tive agencies, all representatives of United States agencies
affected by this part (1) shall have direct communication
with their respective agencies and with such other parties
and in such manner as may be authorized by their respec-
tive agencies, (2) shall keep the respective Chiefs of
United States Diplomatic Missions and each other fully
and currently informed on all matters, including pro-
spective plans, recommendations, and actions, relating to
the programs referred to in the introductory portion of
section 201 (b) of this order, and (3) shall furnish to
the respective Chiefs of United States Diplomatic Mis-
sions, upon their request, documents and information
concerning the said programs.
Pakt III. Genebal Provisions
Section 301. Definition. As used in this order, the
word "functions" embraces duties, powers, responsibilities,
authority, and discretion.
Section 302. Prior orders, (a) This order supersedes
Executive Order No. 10476 of August 1, 1953 (IS F. R.
4537).
(b) The reference in section 3 (c) of Executive Order
No. 10560 of September 9, 1954 (19 P. B. 5927), to Part
III of Executive Order No. 10476 shall after the date of
this order be deemed to be a reference to Part II of this
order.
(c) Except to the extent inconsistent vrith law or with
tills order, and cxceiit as rcvoke<l, superseded, or other-
wl.se made Inappllcablf before the time of Issuance of this
order, (1) all deterniiiiatlons, uiilhurizations, regulations,
rulings, certillcati's, orders, directives, contracts, agree-
ments, and other actions issued, undiTtaken or entered
into with respect to any function alfectcd by this order
shall continue in full force and effect until amended,
modllled, or revoked by appropriate authority, (2) each
reference in any Executive order to any provision of law
rciJealed by the Mutual Security Act of 1954 sliall be
deemed also to refer to the corresponding provision, if
any, of the Mutual Security Act of 1954.
Section 303. EfTictive date. Without prejudice to any-
thing done under proper authority with respect to any
function under the Act at any time subsequent to the
approval of the Act and prior to the approval of this
order, the effective date of this order shall be deemed to
be the date of the approval of the Act.
TuE White House,
Novemher 6, 195.'i.
Licensing of Munitions Shipments
A schedule of fees effective January 1, 1955, for
tlie licensing of munitions imports and exports
was announced by Secretary Dulles on November
30 (press release 679) . The schedule provides for
a variable charge based on the licensed shipment
ranging from $1 for a licensed shipment of $100
to $80 for a licensed shipment of $100,000 and
over. No charge is made for licenses covering
shipments amounting to less than $100 in value.
This is in compliance with Executive Order
10.")75 1 by President Eisenhower as a jjart of legis-
lation governing the control of munitions to and
from the United States as provided by the Mutual
Security Act of 1954.
Fees may be submitted with each separate appli-
cation for a license in the form of a check or money
order made payable to the Department of State.
"When several applications are submitted at the
same time, one check or money order may be sub-
mitted to cover all the required fees. By special
arrangement, regular exporters of nuinitions items
may make advance payments to cover expected
charges over a period of G months or less. This
may be accomplished by writing to the Office of
Munitions Control, Department of State, Wash-
ington 25, D. C.
' 19 Fed. Reg. 7249.
December 13, 1954
917
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Final Assembly Action on Resolution
on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
Statements by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
UjS. Representative to the General Assembly ^
REVISED DRAFT INTRODUCED
U.S. delegation press release 2029 dated November 18
Let me briefly explain on behalf of the sponsors
the revised text of Eesolution L. 105, which is now
before this committee.^
Our all-important objective has been all along
to stress that which is feasible and doable. We
are in the first instance looking to real accomplish-
ments in 1956 and then to the more distant future.
We believe that this resolution will best promote
United Nations particij^ation in the development
and expansion of the use of atomic energy for
peace, that as a result of the resolution new activity
will start all over the world which will hasten
that development.
During this debate we have heard many inter-
esting ideas and have received a number of useful
suggestions. All of us want this resolution to
represent as much as possible the collective opin-
ions of this committee. We have therefore made
changes in our resolution in response to sugges-
tions made during the debate. We believe — and
it happens very often in the United Nations — that
the changes are an improvement over the original
draft.
Last Friday, November 12, at the close of our
afternoon meeting, the sponsors received from the
' Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Nov.
18, 19, and 23.
'U.N. doc. A/C. 1/I>. lOr./Rev. 1. For a text of the
draft resolution as introduced on Nov. 6, see Bulletin of
Nov. l.-), 1954, p. 745.
918
Soviet delegation a number of suggested amend-
ments to our draft resolution. Immediately there-
after we met to discuss these suggestions. We
met again on Monday, November 15, to study them
in greater detail and other suggestions by other
members. At that meeting, Ave arrived at a con-
sensus of views and I was authorized to convey
them to the Soviet representative, which I did that
very same night. Yesterday, the Soviet repre-
sentative informed me that he was still awaiting
instructions.
In an effort to expedite the work of this com-
mittee, the sponsors met again yesterday afternoon
to review the draft resolution in the light of all
the suggestions made during this debate. We
reached agreement on a revised text. Tliis text
was transmitted to the Soviet representative early
yesterday evening, and we agreed to meet this
morning.
At our meeting this morning, Mr. Vyshinsky in-
dicated that he accepted most of the provisions
of our latest revision of the draft resolution but
asked for certain changes wliich I will discuss
when I come to the specific provisions of the
resolution.
During the same period of time, this last week,
tlie representative of India ^ was good enough to
communicate to the sponsors the ideas which he
dealt with in his speech to this committee. His
views, too, received the same careful consideration.
' V. K. Krishna Menon.
Department of Slate Bulletin
Resolution on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
U.N. (Joe. A/Uc80lutlon/230
The (Icnvral Asucmbli/,
Believing Umt the boncflts nrisln;; from tlic mo-
mentous discovery of atomic enerKy should be
ptaced at the service of mankind,
Dcsirinfj to prouiote energetically tlie use of
•atomic enerKy to tlie end that It will serve only tlie
peaceful pursuits of mankind and ameliorate their
living conditions,
lieeonnizitKj tlie importance and the urgency of
internatioual co-operation in developing; and ex-
panding tlie peaceful uses of atomic energy to assist
in Ufttug the burdens of hunger, poverty and dis-
ease.
Believing also that all nations should co-opt'rate
in promoting the dissemination of knowledge In the
realm of nuclear technology for peaceful ends.
Concemmg an International Atomic Energy Agency
Reealling the initiative of the President of the
United States, embodied in his address of 8 Decem-
ber 1953,
Noting that negotiations are in progress, and the
intention that they should continue, for the estab-
lishment as quickly as possible of an International
Atomic Energy Agency to facilitate the use by the
entire world of atomic energy for peaceful purposes,
and to encourage international co-operation in the
further development and practical application of
atomic energj- for the benefit of mankind,
1. Expresses the hope that the International
Atomic Energy Agency will be established without
delay ;
2. Suggests that, onc-e the Agency is established,
it negotiate an appropriate form of agreement with
the United Nations ;
3. Transmits to the States participating in the
creation of the Agency, for their careful considera-
tion, the record of the discussion of this item at the
present session of the General Assembly ;
4. Suggests that Jlembers of the United Nations
be informed as progress is achieved in the estab-
lishment of the Agency and that the views of Mem-
bers which have manifested their interest bt- fully
considered ;
'Approved unanimously by Committee I on
Nov. 23 A/C. 1/759) and by the General Assembly
on Dec. 4.
Concerning tin- International Conference on the
Peaceful U»ea of Atomic Energy
1. Declares the interest and concern of the Gen-
eral Assembly In helping In every feasilile way to
promote the peaceful applications of atomic energy ;
2. neeidex that an International technical con-
ference of Governments should be held, under the
auspices of the Unilcil Nations, to explore means of
developing the peaceful uses of atomic energj'
through international co-operation and, in par-
ticular, to study the development of atomic power
and to consider other technical areas— such as biol-
ogy, medicine, radiation protection; and fundamen-
tal science — in which international co-operution
might most effectively be accomplished ;
3. Invites all States Members of the United
Nations or of the specialized agencies to participate
in the conference and to include among their repre-
sentatives individual experts competent in the
atomic energy field ;
4. Suggests that the international conference
should be held no later than August 1955 at a place
to be determined by the Secretary-General and by
the Advisory Committee provided for in para-
graph 5 below ;
5. Requests the SecreUry-General, acting upon the
advice of a small committee composed of repre-
sentatives of Brazil, Canada, France, India, the
Union of Soviet Socialist Kepublics, the United King-
dom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the
United States of America, to issue invitations to this
conference, to prepare and circulate to all invitees
a detailed agenda, and to provide the necessary staff
and services ;
6. Suggests to the Secretary-General and the Ad-
visory Committee that, in making plans for the
international conference, they consult with compe-
tent specialized agencies, in particular the Food and
Agriculture Organization, the World Health Organ-
ization, and the United Nations Educational, Scien-
tific and Cultural Organization;
7. Invites the interested specialized agencies to
designate persons to represent them at the confer-
ence ;
8. Requests that the Secretary-General circulate
for information a report on the conference to all
Members of the United Nations, and to other Gov-
ernments and specialized agencies participating in
the conference.
December 13, 1954
919
I think that we have gone a good distance in
meeting all viewpoints expressed here, and I hope
that there may be a unanimous vote in favor of
the resolution.
Now, Mr. Chairman, I shall turn to the changes
which we have made in our draft resolution.
We have added as the second paragraph to the
preamble a provision reading, ^'■Desiring to pro-
mote energetically the use of atomic energy to the
end that it will serve only the peaceful pursuits
of mankind and ameliorate their living condi-
tions." The purpose of this addition is obvious.
The first and second preambular paragraphs taken
together not only recognize the benefits which can
be derived from atomic energy but also express
the intention of the General Assembly to promote
energetically the realization of these benefits. Tliis
change, let me say, reflects one of the points
brought up by the Soviet Union.
With respect to the second preambular para-
graph, let me point out that the cosponsors are in
complete agreement on the desirability of promot-
ing atomic energy to the end that it will serve only
the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Obviously that
is the great goal of this progi-am. It is the end
that we are working for. This provision should
not, however, and cannot, be interpreted as mean-
ing that we have in any way accepted the idea
that there should be a paper pledge on the banning
of atomic weapons without proper safeguards and
without corresponding measures concerning con-
ventional weapons. That is a matter which we
have dealt with in another context and it must not
be confused with the program we are now consid-
ering.
The next change — ^Wliat was formerly the sec-
ond preambular paragraph and has now become
the third paragraph has become modified to read
as follows : ^^Recognizing the importance and the
urgency of international cooperation in develop-
ing and expanding the peaceful uses of atomic en-
ergy to assist in lifting the burdens of hunger,
poverty and disease." The effect of this change
is to emphasize the importance of mobilizing the
resources of all nations in the effort to put the
atom at the service of mankind. This change is
made in response to a constructive suggestion from
the representative of India.
The next change — "\^^e now come to section A,
Concerning an International Atomic Energy
Agency. In the second preambular paragraph in
tills section we have added seven words. The para-
graph now commences, '■''Noting that negotiations
are in progress, and the intention that they should
continue, for the establishment as quickly as pos-
sible," etc. This change of those words, "and the
intention that they should continue," is made in
an effort to meet a suggestion of the representative
of the Soviet Union, who pointed out that nowhere
in the resolution was there any specific suggestion
that the negotiations to create the agency should
continue. To be sure, this could be implied from
the fact that we had noted that the negotiations
were proceeding, but we agree with the Soviet
representative that the resolution is improved by
stating that the negotiations should continue.
The next change — I now come to the operative
paragraphs in section A relating to the agency.
We have added a new first operative paragraph
reading as follows: ''''Expresses the hope that the
International Atomic Energy Agency will be es-
tablished without delay." We believe that this
fully meets one of the useful suggestions made by
the representative of India. It stresses our concern
that notliing shall interfere with the progress of
the negotiations.
"What is now the second operative paragraph of
section A is amended to read, '■''Suggests that, once
the Agency is established, it negotiate an appropri-
ate form of agreement with the United Nations."
Now, Mr. Chairman, this paragraph brings us to
one of the problems that has received greatest at-
tention during these debates — the exact nature
of the relationship between the agency and the
United Nations. We had originally indicated that
an appropriate form of agreement between the
agency and the United Nations might be described
as "similar to those of the specialized agencies."
As you recall, that was in the original draft. We
liad thought that these words were sufficiently flex-
ible and that they would not prejudge the results
of the negotiations to form the agency. But it be-
came apparent during our discussions in this com-
mittee that several delegations, including the So-
viet Union, objected to this language. The change
we have now made eliminates from the original
draft the words "similar to those of the specialized
agencies." Our reason for eliminating these words
is to make it completely clear that the resolution
will not prejudge the outcome of the negotiations
to establish the agency. This change is acce])table
to the interested delegations, including the Soviet
Union.
The next change — A number of representatives
920
Department of Slate Bulletin
suggested that the resohition make specific men-
tion of thp di'sinibility of the negotiating states'
consulting with other states in connection with tlio
establislunent of the agency. As I stated previ-
ously, the United States is anxious to learn the
views of all states interested in participating in tiie
agency. The other sponsors have expressed simi-
lar intentions during these debates. It would not,
of coui'se, be feasible to have a conference of all
60 members of the United Nations to engage in
negotiations for an agency of this nature. The
thing we are most anxious to achieve is to see the
agency established and opei-ating as a going con-
cern in the shortest possible time. Therefore, the
negotiators must not be fettered with elaborate
procedures and channels for the conduct of the ne-
gotiations. Although the intentions of the states
now negotiating the agreement are clear, we be-
lieve that it W'Ould improve the resolution if it
made specific mention of their intention fully to
consider the views of all member states. "We have,
accordingly, amended the fonrth operative para-
graph under section A so that it now reads: "4.
Sugr/ests that Members of the United Nations be
informed as progress is achieved in the establish-
ment of the Agency and that the views of Members
who have manifested their interest be fully con-
sidered."
The next change — The onlj^ change we have
made in section B is the addition of the words "of
Governments" in the first line of paragraph 2.
The paragraph now begins, '^Decides that an
international technical conference of Govern-
ments should be held," etc. This is a clarification
and is made in response to a suggestion from the
representative of India.
The next change we were unable to accept — oi',
rather, this is a change we did not make. We were
unable to accept a Soviet suggestion for a change
in operative paragraph 3, which relates to the
governments which are to be invited to the inter-
national technical conference. All states mem-
bers of the United Nations or of the specialized
agencies are invited under this provision of our
resolution. The Soviet representative suggested
that we add a clause the effect of which was to in-
vite all other states which expressed a desire to
' participate in the conference. The sponsors could
not accept this change, ili". Chairman. We believe
! that, since this conference is convened by the Gen-
eral Assembly, all states who are members of the
United Nations system should be invited. That is
what our paragraph 3 does. But we believe that
this jn-e.sent debate on the peaceful uses of atomic
energy is not tlie place to settle the sharj) differ-
ences of opinion over the status of states which
are not members of the United Nations or of its
specialized agencies. This is a United Nations
conference and we believe it should therefore be
limited to the members of the United Nations sys-
tem.
Now, I conclude this statement, Mr. Chairman.
We hojie that this seven-power resolution as
amended will conuuend itself to this committee.
We have tried to take into considei-ation the views
expressed in this extremely helpful debate. We
believe that this resolution creates the framework
under which, with cooperation and good will, we
can make the most rapid progress. We hope and
we believe that by the next session of the Gen-
eral Assembly we shall be discussing results in-
stead of procedures, we shall be rei)orting the fruits
of international cooperation instead of discussing
how best to achieve such cooperation. We think
that this resolution will— if I may use the
phrase — turn the crank and thus start the benefi-
cent chain reaction of helpful human actions
throughout the world which will inure to the
benefit of mankind. We sincerely believe that this
resolution merits the unanimous support of this
committee.
VIEWS OF OTHER STATES REQUESTED
U.S. delegation press release 2032 dated November 19
On behalf of the sponsors, I would like to say
that we feel that this resolution has been very
thoroughly considered indeed, and that we have
reached the stage, which was reached also with
the disarmament resolution at previous meetings,
at which we do not feel that we can make any fur-
ther revisions in the text. We have tried very hard
to consider all viewpoints. I would like to express
my appreciation to the distinguished Ambassador
of P^cuador, Dr. Trujillo, when he said that he
would not press his amendments. I would like also
to give him my assurance that the views which he
expressed will receive our most careful and sympa-
thetic consideration, as will the ideas which moti-
vate the amendments that he proposed.
Let me say, too, in connection with what he
said and what I think was also said by the i-epre-
December 13, 1954
921
sentative of Burma ' that tlieie is the most com-
plete intention on the part of tlie sponsors of this
proposal that on the board of governors of the
agency there be representatives of the underde-
veloped countries. That is an assurance that I
have made before and which I make again. I feel
sure that that will happen and that the various
regions of the world will be adequately represented.
This afternoon, the representative of India in-
troduced amendments,^ the first of which provides
that the negotiations for the agency shall be
broadened so as to include all states able and
willing to participate. Now this could mean nego-
tiations of more than GO nations — all of the nations
members of tlie United Nations plus those who
belong to the specialized agencies. As we have
made plain several times, we are opposed to this
type of proposal, which we believe would delay
matters for such a long time as very seriously to
jeopardize this whole project, if not indeed to
destroy it. But this emphatically does not mean
that we are not eager actively to consult all gov-
ernments and to get their views. As I said on
November 15, the governments engaged in the cur-
rent negotiations intend to consult before the
agreement establishing the agency is submitted for
ratification. In other words, it isn't a question of
fait accompli, it isn't a question of a paper that is
absolutely finished at all.
We intend to consult those governments which
indicate an interest in participating in the agency,
and the views expressed by the governments so
consulted will, of course, be very seriously taken
into account. I think it is clear to every member
of this committee that the statement which I made
then in behalf of the sponsors represents a serious
engagement; it is an undertaking on our part to
consult with every state which expresses an interest
in participating in the agenc}'. Furthermore, we
have made it clear that such consultations will take
place before the agreement is drawn up in the
final form and before it is submitted for ratifica-
tion.
Now, of course, we cannot say at this time just
when the agreement will be drafted in the com-
pleted form, and that is why we cannot say now
when it exactly will be piacticable to consult with
other states. But I am certain that if any state
*Jiniies Baniniitiin.
"U.N. d<ic. A/(M/L. 1(17.
wishes to submit its views before we have com-
pleted this agreement, we will be glad to receive
them. We have already received a number of
suggestions in the course of the present debate
which we shall want to take into account in draft-
ing the agreement. All views wherever and
whenever submitted will be given the fullest
consideration. No one is left out of this contem-
plation. All views will be taken into account. I
am grateful for this opportunity to repeat that
again in the most sincere and solemn manner of
which I am capable.
INDIAN REPRESENTATIVE'S QUESTIONS
ANSWERED
U.S. delegation press release 2033 dated November 19
I realize that the hour is getting very late and
normally I would not ask to speak at this time, but
I thought that it might be useful to all the members
of the committee if our answers to Mr. Menon's
questions could be in the record tonight, so that
they would be available for study by members
during the weekend recess. It is only for that
reason that I ask to detain the committee for
another few minutes.
Mr. Menon's first question was :
To what negotiations does the word "negotiations" in
the .second paragraph of the preamble of section A refer?
The answer of the sponsore is as follows: The
negotiations referred to in the second preambular
paragraph of section A are the negotiations among
the eight states which have been consulting for
some months now on plans for the establishment
of this agency. These are the states listed as
cosponsors of the rasolution contained in document
A/C.l/L.105/Kev.l,^ plus Portugal, which is not
a member of the United Nations but is a member
of the United Nations system of specialized agen-
cies. I should have thought there was no question
as to the fact that the seven sponsors of this
resolution, plus Portugal, have been engaged in
very active negotiations for creating the agency.
We have stated this explicitly in the course of
debate. This paragraph also refers to the nego-
tiations between the United States and the Soviet
Union.
° .\ustralia, lielgium, Canada, France, Union of South
Africa, United Kinsdom, and United States.
922
Department of State Bulletin
(Question iiiinilKT li :
111 (iporalive iiarau'nipli 1 of soction A, Ihi' sponsors,
wlilU' uiffptln;: t-'i'iu'rally llio siiKKfstion iiindo by us to
insert a new para;.'raph, "DtH-lares that an iuternatiunal
atomic af;i'ncy slioulil hr oslnlilisliod witliout di'lay," have
rephrased it as follows: "Kxpresses the hoiH' that the
Internal iotial Aloiiiir Euer;;y Ai;ency will l>e estahlislied
without delay." This would upp<>ar to point to a definite
agency. We had used tlie word "an" di-llherately. We
should he f;ralet"ul for elarifleation as to the slunUUcancc
of the word "the."
To this (iiiestioii, our answer is us follows: Oper-
ative parapruph 1 speaks of "the International
Atomic Kiieriry Afiencv"' rather than *'an" U'lency
for the simple reason that, so far as I know, only
one such agency is in prosjiect, and that is the
agencj' which we have been (liscussing in this com-
mittee. If, in the future, another api'iicy comes
into existence, nomenclature can 1h' devised then
to reflect that fact.
Question number 3 :
Operative paragraph 2 of section A says "once the
Asency is established." Wlio will be tlie parties who will
establish the ai:ency? How will the articles of the agency
be formulated and how will the co-operation of the states
other than tlie sponsors be obtained? Who would l>e the
parties to the final act of establishment?
Our answer to this question is as follows : As we
have indicated in our previous statements, it is not
possible at this time to indicate exactly how the
agreement for this agency will be formulated or
precisely wliat its provisions will be. I can state,
however, that the agi-eement, when it is formu-
lated, will, of course, indicate who will be the
parties to it and how the cooperation of other
states must be obtained. But first it must be
formulated, and these questions cannot be an-
swered at tliis stage of the evolution of this idea.
Question number 4 :
Operative paragraph 3 of section A limits the communi-
cation of the records of the Assembly to "States partici-
pating in the creation of the Agency." Since all the
member states of the United Nations will receive the
records in the normal way, is it the intention to address
the states participating in the creation of the agency;
Clarification is sought In this connection on the following
points :
(a) Who are the states "participating in the creation
of the agency"?
(b) Who will direct the Secretary-General as to who
these states are?
(c) Under what authority will the Secretary-General
limit the circulation of these records to certain member
states?
Our answer to tliis question is as follow. s: The
purpo.-^e of operative ])aragraph .'5 of section A is
to bring to the jjarticular att^'iition of the states
which are engaged in the current negotiations for
the establishment of tliis iigency the views ex-
lM-e.s.sed by the members of this General As.sembly.
Of course, the records are available to all members
of the Ignited Nations. The point is (hut this i)iir-
ticular grouj) of states to which 1 have already
referred, which are currently negotiating for the
e.-^labiishment of this agency, are being asked to
give particular attention to the views of the states
repivsented in this committee. That is why the
General Assembly would, under this paragraph,
transmit these records to this particular group of
states. It does not seem to us that there is any
question of limiting the circulation of these rec-
ords to certain member states, since they are
obviously available in the normal way to every
member of the United Nations.
Question number Ti :
<)p«'rative paragraph 4 of section A provides that "Uie
views of MemlH'rs who have manifested their interest be
fully considered." We would seek clarification on the
following :
(a) To be fully considered by whom?
(b) What would the consideration amount to?
(c) Who would be the "Members who have manifested
therfr Interest"?
(d) Does "Members who have manifestwl their in-
terest" mean all tho.se who have spoken in the general
debate, or states which hereafter express their interest,
or those which hereafter identify themselves by some pro-
cedure? And what would that procedure be?"
Our answer to that question is as follows: We
assure the members of this committee that the
states now engaged in negotiations for the estab-
lishment of this agency will give the most careful
and serious consideration to the views of any mem-
ber of this organization. As far as the negotiating
states are concerned, they will consider the views
not only of those states wh().se representatives have
expressed themselves during the course of this de-
bate but of any others that choose to state their
views hereafter. There is no question of having
any formal (irocediire for receiving such views
since, of course, ordinal'}' diplomatic channels will
serve very well for this purpose.
Question number 6 :
The wording of paragraph 2 of section I?, as it stands,
apjiears to suggest that this conference should consider
not only atomic power but other technical areas, such as
biology, medicine, radiation protection, not necessarily
December 13, 1954
923
related to atomic energy. Hence the suggestion we have
made to include the words "in the atomic field." Is there
any significance in the inability of the sponsors to agree
to our suggestion?
Our answer to this question, is as follows : The
sponsors were unable to add the words "in the
atomic field" to paragraph 2 of section B for the
reason that those words seem out of place in the
context of the paragraph as it now stands. Every
one of the suggestions which are now listed for
discussion at this conference is, of course, in the
atomic field. We have sought to set forth a sort
of outline for the agenda of tlie conference, and it
did not seem lielpful to have so general a phrase
as the one which the representative of India has
suggested.
That concludes our answers to the questions that
the representative of India presented this after-
noon. I appreciate the patience of the committee
-in bearing witli me at this late hour.
NEW AGENCY'S RELATION TO GENERAL
ASSEMBLY AND SECURITY COUNCIL
U.S. delegation press release 203S dated November 23
Let me begin my very brief remarks today by
expressing appreciation for the very real under-
standing shown yesterday and again today by the
representative of India in saying that he would
not press his amendment. lie asked, as did the
representative of Ecuador before him, that his
suggestions be borne in mind in the course of the
future negotiations with regard to the agency.
In the same spirit, let jne repeat that the spon-
sors will have in the forefront of their minds the
various suggestions made during this debate. Let
me in particular give to the distinguished repre-
sentative of Lebanon ^ the assurance of the spon-
sors that the agency, once it is established, will
very definitely take into consideration the result
of the technical conference. The purpose of the
amendment suggested by the representative of
Lebanon is useful, but the result which they seek
is dependent in part upon the establishment of
the agency by a given date ; and as has been made
clear many times, we, the sponsors of this reso-
lution, do not feel it would bo desirable to make
further changes in the text. A very lionest and
comprehensive effort has been made to embody
all })oints of view, and, having taken this posi-
' Karim .\iikoul. The Lebanese amendments are con-
tained in U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.108.
924
tion with other members, we feel constrained to
take it with all. But the states participating in
the establishment of the agency are glad to assure
the rei^resentative of Lebanon that they will carry
out his suggestion just as soon as it becomes prac-
ticable to do so.
Now, Mr. Chairman, before beginning discus-
sion of the textual proposals, let me also express
the appreciation of the United States delegation
for the endorsement given to this atoms-for-peace
proposal by the Prime Minister of France, M.
Mendes-France, yesterday. When he expressed
the hope that the resolution could be passed by a
unanimous vote, he said something which the spon-
sors certainly heartily endorse.
Now, I explained last Thursday [November 18]
that we had deleted from paragraph 2 of part A
of the pending resolution the phrase "similar to
those of the specialized agencies." We had con-
sidered these words sufficiently flexible as not to
prejudge in any way the results of the negotiations
to form the agency. But, since several delega-
tions, including the Soviet Union, objected to this
language, the sponsors agreed to its deletion so
as to make it completely clear that the resolution
should not prejudge the outcome of the negotia-
tions to establish the agency. I said then that
this change was acceptable to the interested delega-
tions, including the Soviet Union.
The Soviet delegation now deems it necessary
to introduce an amendment "* to this paragraph,
and on behalf of the sponsors I must reiterate our
strong opposition to the concept embodied in this
amendment.
The Soviet amendment would make this agency
responsible to the General Assembly and to the
Security Council. This is unacceptable for this
reason: Having agreed that we do not wish to
prejudge the negotiations by attempting to specify
what the relationship of this agency will be to the
United Nations, we obviously cannot accept any
language which would make it responsible either
to the General Assembly or to the Security Coim-
cil. Tliis relationship can only be worked out
later. |
This amendment, if accepted, would not only
prejudge the negotiations but would, in all proba-
bility, doom them to failure Ijecause of the strong
aversion in many cpuirters to tying the agency to
the Security Council in this nuinner.
'U.N. doc. A/C.l/L.IOG/Rev. 1.
Department of State Bulletin
We must avoid a prior determination that this
agency must be suboidinatod to, or operate under
tlie instructions of, the Security Council. Such a
rehitionship would shackle this organization with
the abuses of the veto whicli have made it impossi-
ble for the Security Council to carry out its respon-
sibilities under the charter.
Now, Mr. Chairman, in taking this stand, we are
not in any way running counter to the very obvious
truth that the Security Council, under the charter,
has primary responsibility for the mainteiianco of
international peace and security and that the Gren-
eral Assembly also has responsibilities in this field.
But this truth does not mean adopting language
such as that contained in the pending amendment.
And, of coui-se, if the situation should arise in
connection with peaceful uses of atomic energy
which endangers international peace and secu-
rity— and this is a point I would like to stress —
it would be a matter of concern both to the Secu-
rity Council and the Greneral Assembly, and any
state would have the riglit to raise it in both bodies
at any time to be dealt with by the United Nations,
as are other situations of this nature.
This, I think, makes it clear that the sponsors
have no intention of seeking to evade the proce-
dures laid down by the charter. Any country
can always bring to the attention of the Council
any situation which in its view appears to endan-
ger international peace and security. And, of
course, this would be just as applicable in the field
of peaceful uses of atomic energy as it would in
an}' other situation.
Now, Mr. Cliairman, let me take this opportu-
nity to mention one other point which is somewhat
minor. I would like to have the record show our
notice of it. It involves the question of translation
which is involved in the Russian text of Resolution
L.105/Rev.l. I have been informed that the Rus-
sian text of the second preambular paragraph
would translate into English as "seeking to pro-
mote by all means the use of atomic energj'." I
understand in Russian that is stremyas vsyacheski
sodyeistvovat.
Now, this is virtually the language which the
Soviet Union originally offered for this paragraph
and which the sponsors did not accept. We un-
derstand that the point was met when we agreed
to insert the word "energetically" in our text. We
could not, of course, agree to the phrase "by all
means" as meaning "by all methods." We under-
stand, accordingly, that the Soviet Union uses the
words "by all means" in the sense of "vigorously"
or, as wc have now indicated in our resolution,
"energetically."
Tiie English and French texts are the official
vei-sions of this resolution, but the record should
be clear that the meaning of this phrase is cor-
rectly conveyed by the English and French texts,
whether or not the Russian translation is an exact
equivalent.
SIGNIFICANCE OF COMMITTEE'S UNANIMOUS
VOTE»
D.S. delegBtloD press release 2030 dated November 23
Let me at this historic moment express to all
the delegates here my thanks for the courtesy
which you have shown me during the past weeks
when it fell to my lot to do the work on behalf
of the United States concerning the atoms-for-
peace projiosal. I appreciate this courtesy very
much and shall always remember it.
Let me also express my admiration for the man-
ner in which this nuvtter has been considered by
the members of this committee. The high plane
on which it has been treated has been a credit to
the governments whose representatives sit here,
and it has also contributed I believe significantly
to the prestige of the United Nations.
As we all know, one of the main purposes of the
United Nations is, in the words of the charter,
"to serve as a center for harmonizing." Wlienever
we can pass anything by unanimous vote, we can
feel that the United Nations has to that extent
been successful, because it has actually been a
center for harmonizing.
Of course, in this case we have been unanimous
about something which is very big and which will
bring enormous good to mankind.
It has been a privilege to have had a part in
this great venture and to have worked in partner-
ship with you to put it into effect. May the deci-
sions we have just taken mark the start of what
President Eisenhower referred to as "a new ap-
proach to the many difficult problems that must
be solved in both private and public conversations
if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by
fear and is to make positive progress toward
peace."
" TliL' revised seven-power Oraft was adopted without
change. The Soviet amendments were rejected ; the
amendments of India and of Lebanon were not pnt to
the vote.
December 13, J 954
925
Continuing U.S. Interest in
U.N. Teclinical Assistance Program
Statement by Senator H. Alexander Smith
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly'^
It is an lionor for me t^) represent by Govern-
ment at this important conference. This annual
conference has become a symbol of practical in-
ternationalism to many people throughout the
world. There is an old saying: "Out of man's
need evolves a solution — that is the law of the
universe." The United Nations technical assist-
ance program, on a small scale, shows how valid
this saying is.
To many millions throughout the world the
United Nations has become real and of personal
value because of the work of the 4,200 specialists
who luive carried the expanded United Nations
technical assistance program forward in the last
4 years. Many have been freed from the scourge
of malaria — the farmer has had his labor made
doubly productive through the use of hybrid
corn — children have been restored to health
through the use of penicillin — these and millions
of others like them now know the true meaning of
international cooperation.
In pooling our knowledge through the United
Nations technical assistance program, we ai-e not
only helping people but we are helping them to
help themselves. This is doubly rewarding. Not
only are immediate problems solved, but the
groundwork is also laid for greater progress in
the future. The program grows on its own suc-
ces.ses.
The idea of technical assistance has met with
ahnost universal support from people in all walks
of life and in all nations. I can best give you the
attitude of the United States on this program by
quoting from the report of a special commission
appointed by the President to studj' the entii'e
field of United States foreign policy, known as
the Kandall Commission after its chairman, Clar-
ence B. Randall of Chicago. The Commission
recommended —
that within the limits iinijosed by congressional appro-
priations, the need for selecting only sound projects, the
' Made at the fifth U.N. Technical Assistance Confer-
ence at U.N. Headquarters on Nov. 26 (U.S./U.N. press
release 2041). At the conference 5G countries pledged
the equivalent of about $12,204,000 to the technical as-
sistance program.
availability of trained technicians, and good administra-
tion, the teclmical cooperation program be pressed for-
ward vigorously. . . . The Commission also recommends
tJiat the United States continue its support of the United
Nations Expanded Technical Assi.<tance Program. . . .
The opinion of the Foreign Relations Committee
of the United States Senate, the body of which
I am a member, was stated last July as follows :
Tlie United Nations Technical .Assistance Program is
now in its fifth year of oi)erations and has proved a worth-
while undertaking. The Committee feels that this program
deserves continued United States support. It is more
economic for the United States to share the burden of
supplying know-how with other nations. Moreover, the
United Nations program permits the worldwide recruit-
ment of technicians.
I mention these authoritative opinions because
they indicate the continuing interest at the highest
levels of my Government in the program of tech-
nical assistance through the United Nations.
At the pre.sent time my delegation is not in a
position to make and have recorded a pledge to
the 195.5 program. The Congress of the United
States at its last session requested the Executive
to refrain from making pledges to the United
Nations technical assistance program until funds
have been appropriated bj' the Congress. How-
ever, the President has authorized the United
States delegation to state that he is prepared to
request from the Congress funds for a United
States contribution to the calendar year 1955 pro-
gram. He has expressed the hope that the United
Nations technical assistance program will continue
to operate at least on its present level and that
in the future it will obtain incresising support from
all governments. I have been authorized to make
this statement to indicate the President's continu-
ing interest in this vital United Nations program.
Current Treaty Actions
BILATERAL
China
Mutual defense treaty. Signed at Washington December
2, 1954. Enters into force upon exchange of instruments
of ratification.
Viet-Nam
Kcclaration rcspix'ting the rights of nationals concerning
trademark protection, with related note. Effected by
exchange of notes at Washington November 3, 19!>3,
and October 2,">. 1954, with related note of November 22,
1954. Entered into force October 2.5, 1054.
926
Department of State Bulletin
December 13, 1*)54
Ind
e X
\ ..I. XXXI. N<.. 807
Amrrirsn Princlplea
Till' OohI of Our I'"orelKH rollcy (Dulles) Mill
Monroe Doctrine ExpreBnoM Iiitpr-AiuerlcHn Attitude
(Sparks) Oil
Amrrican Repablici
Dr. Ilolleruii A|>|>olnte<J to Cultural fouiull of (i.\S . IH'J
Monroe Doetrlne Expresseii Inter Auierlciin Attitude
(Sparks) nil
ArKrnlina. ArKeutlna and Paraguny To RpRtrlet Tune Oil
Kxporls to C.S lirj
Atumic Energy. Khial Oeorral .-^nBVinbly Action on Reso-
lution on IVueeful Uses of Atomic Knerpy ( laulKi*.
text of resolution t yjs
Austria
Report to U.N. General Assembly on .Vustria It07
U.S.. .\ustrla Review I'rospot-ts for Austrian .State Treaty
(statements, text of communl(iue) UO'.t
U.S. Reply to Soviet Proposals on European Security (text
of U.S.. Soviet notes) noi
China. I'.S. and Republic of China RIru Mutual Defense
Treaty (stalement.s text of treaty ) 8115
China. Commnniat
The Courase To Be Patient (Klsenhower ) 887
Possible r.lockaile of Red China (Dulles) S88
Economic Affairs
Arcentlna and Paraguay To Restrict Tunt; till Kxports to
U.S »12
Licensing of Munitions Shipments i. . . 017
Possible Blockade of Red China (Dullest 88S
Germany. U.S. Reply to Soviet Proposals on European
SieurKy (te.xt of f. S., Soviet notes) . . . k . . 901
Inlcmational Organizations and Meetings. Dr. HoUeran Ap-
pointed to Cultural Council of GAS 912
Korea. .Mutual Defense Treaty With Korea Enters Into
Force 894
Mutual Security
Continuing U.S. Interest In U.N. Technical Assistance
Program (Smith) 920
Mutual Defense Treaty With Korea Enters Into Force . . 894
President A.sslgns Functions Under Foreign Aid Pro-
grams 913
U.S. and Republic of China Sign Mutual Defense Treaty
(statements, text of treaty) 895
U.S. Reply to Soviet Proposals on European Security (text
of US.. Soviet notes) 901
Paratrnay. Argentina and Paraguay To Restrict Tung Oil
Exports to U.S 912
Presidential Documents
The Courage To Be Patient 887
President .\ssigns Functions I'nder Foreign Aid Pro-
grams 913
Protection of Nationals and Property. Possible Blockade
of Red China (Dulles) 888
State, Department of. Licensing of Manltions Shipments . 917
Treaty Information
Current Actions ► . . 926
Mutual Defense Treaty With Korea Enters Into Force . 894
U.S. and Republic of China Sign Mutual Defense Treaty
(statements, text of treaty) . t 895
U.S., Austria Review Prospects for Austrian State Treaty
(statements, text of communique) 909
U.S.S.R.
Rejection of Charges of Interference With Soviet Com-
mercial Vessels (text of notes) 900
U.S. Reply to Soviet Proposals on European Security (text
of U.S., Soviet notes) 001
United Nations
Continuing U.S. Interest In U.N. Technical Assistance
Program (Smith) 920
Final (ieneral .Xswnibly Action on Itesolutloii on Peaceful
I'ses (if Aliimlc Kiiergy (Lodge, text of resolution) '.ll.s
Kiport 111 U.N. (ieneral Asseinbly on Austria 1107
\iimf Intltx
Chiang Kal Hhek, President 80(5
Dulles. Secretary 888,800,894,8911,010
Elsenhower, President ... 887, 913
Ilolleraii. .Mniy P . . 912
Ixtdge, lleiiry Cabot, Jr. .... OIK
Raab. Julius 00!)
Sinllli. II. Alexander ... 0::«
Sparks. Kilward J. . . » . 911
Vang, You Chan '<04
Veil, George K. C 808
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 29-December 5
Uclonsos may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, WashinRtou 25, D.C.
Press releases IssikkI prior to November 29 which
appear in tliis issue of the Bullkti.n are Nos. 650 of
November 17, 6(M of November 21, and COS of
November lid.
Subject
Dulles : goal of our foreijoi policy.
Reply to Soviet notes on security.
Reply to Soviet note of Aug. 4.
Hayes to attend N.\TO Conference.
Conant: (Jcrman political situation.
Fees for licen.sing munitions.
Educational exchange.
Treaty with China : joint statement.
Dulles : opening of VGA. studios.
Me.s.sage from Chiang Kai-shek.
Dulles : possible blockade of Red
China.
Dulles : Asian pact.
Dulles : puri)o,se of treaty with China.
Dr. Uolloran apijointed to OAS (re-
write).
Sparks : opening of Monroe House.
Dulles, Yell : treaty signing.
Program for Kotelawala visit.
Text of treaty with China.
Holmes designation to U. N. (re-
write).
Saltzman : the work of the State De-
partment.
M<-Leod : refugee relief program.
European Migration Committee : joint
statement.
No.
Date
(j"4
11/29
«?.->
11/29
670
11/29
*077
11/30
•678
11/30
679
11/30
•680
11/30
681
12/1
t6«2
12/1
68;i
12/1
684
12/1
685
12/1
686
12/1
687
12/2
G8)S
12/2
689
12/2
♦690
12A'
GUI
12/2
1692
12/2
•693 12/3
•694
•69.''.
12/4
12/4
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulijstin.
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.y/ie/ ^J{'/(a^ty}n€n^ /Oi/ t/t€vte/
Vol. XXXI, No. 808
December 20, 1954
UNITED NATIONS CONDEMNS ACTION OF
COMMUNIST CHINA IN IMPRISONING
AMERICAN FLIERS
Statements by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., and
Anthony Nutting 931, 945
Text of Resolution 932
UNITED NATIONS APPROVES FIFTEEN-POWER
REPORT ON KOREA
Statements by Ambassador James J. Wadstcorth and Senator
H. Alexander Smith 948
Text of Resolution 949
SOVIET PROPAGANDA CHARGES AGAINST U.S.
EFFORTS TO DETER AGGRESSION IN ASIA •
Statement by C. D. Jackson 957
VOA OPENS WASHINGTON STUDIOS • Remarks by
Secretary Dulles and Theodore Streibert 963
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
FEB 2 1955
'^f^a «*
Vol. XXXI, No. 808 • Pubucation 5695
December 20, 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
tr.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
52 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
cop>Tighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bin-LEira as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a tveekly publication issued by the
Public Seriices Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the W kite House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as irell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
United Nations Condemns Action of Communist China
in Imprisoning American Fliers
On December 4. Ilenry Cahot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representative to the United
Nations, proposed that the ninth General Assembly add to its agenda the
problem of 11 American fliers, members of the U. N. Command, who had
been sentenced to imprisonment in Communist China. Three days later he
addressed a second request to the Secretary-General, asking that the General
Assembly consider four additional cases of impiisoned aviators. Following
are the texts of Ambassador Lodge'^s requests, his statements in the General
Committee and plenary session, and the resolution, sponsored by the 16 mem-
ber governments whose forces had fought in Korea, which the General
Assembly adopted on December 10.
LETTER TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL.
DECEMBER 4
D.N. doc. A/2830
Tlie Government of the United States of
America, as the Unified Command of United
Nations forces in Korea, proposes herewith the
inclusion of the following additional item on the
agenda of the ninth regular session of the General
Assembly :
"Complaint of detention and imprisonment of
United Nations military personnel in violation of
the Korean Armistice Agreement'".
Pursuant to rule 20 of the rules of procedure, an
explanatory memorandum is attached.
In view of the urgency and importance of this
item, I request that a meeting of the General Com-
mittee be convened at the earliest possible
moment.
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
Explanatory Memorandum
Complaint of Detention and Imprisonment of
United Nations Military Personnel in Violation
of the Korean Armistice Agreement
A United States Air Force B-29 type aircraft,
on a mission of the United Nations Command in
Korea, was attacked fifteen miles south of the
Yalu River near the North Korean town of Son-
chon and shot down on 12 January 1953. The
officers and men of the United States Air Force on
the plane were captured. More than a year and a
half later, and long after the conclusion of the
Korean Armistice Agreement providing for the
release of all captured personnel desiring repatria-
tion, eleven officers and men from the above-
mentioned aircraft were brought before a Chinese
Communist military tribunal and sentenced to long
terms of imprisomnent.
This is a clear-cut violation of the Armistice
Agreement.
The United States Government fii'st learned of
this action by the Chinese Communist authorities
through a broadcast of the Peking radio on 2-4
November 1954. Immediately thereafter, the
United States Government sought to communicate
with the Chinese Communist authorities, both di-
rectly in Geneva and through the United Kingdom
Government, to protest this serious violation of the
Korean Armistice Agreement.^ The Clainese Com-
munist authorities rejected these representations.
The Government and people of the United States
are shocked and outraged by the treatment thus
accorded to its airmen who were serving the cause
of peace under the Charter, and hold these same
feelings for the men of other nations who are held
prisoner. The Governments of other nations hav-
' BULLETIN of Dec. 6, 1054, p. 856.
December 20, 1954
931
Text of Resolution ^
U.N. doc. A/L. 182 dated December 7
The General Assembly,
Having considered the item proposed by the
United States of America as the Unified Command
regarding eleven members of the United States
armed forces under the United Nations Command
captured by Chinese forces when undertaking a
mission on 12 January 1953, at the direction of the
United Nations Command,
Recalling the provisions of article III of the
Korean Armistice Agreement regarding the repa-
triation of prisoners of war,
1. Declares that the detention and imprisonment
of the eleven American airmen, members of the
United Nations Command, referred to in document
A/2S30, and the detention of all other captured
personnel of the United Nations Command desiring
repatriation is a violation of the Korean Armistice
Agreement ;
2. Condemns, as contrary to the Korean Armistice
Agreement, the trial and conviction of prisoners of
war illegally detained after 25 September 1953 ;
3. Requests the Secretary-General, in the name
of the United Nations, to seek the release, in accord-
ance with the Korean Armistice Agreement, of these
eleven United Nations Command personnel, and all
other captured personnel of the United Nations
Command still detained ;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to make, by
the means most appropriate in his judgment, con-
tinuing and unremitting efforts to this end and to
report progress to all Members on or before 31
December 1954.
' Sponsored by Australia, Belgium, Canada, Co-
lombia, Ethiopia, Fi-ance, Greece, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Philippines, Thailand,
Turkey, Union of South Africa, the United King-
dom, and the United States ; adopted by the General
Assembly on Dec. 10 by a vote of 47-5 (Soviet bloc).
Afghanistan, Burma, India, Indonesia, Syria,
Yemen, and Yugoslavia abstained from voting, and
Saudi Arabia was absent.
ing troops in Korea share this feeling of indigna-
tion at this Tiolation of the Armistice Agreement.
The United States believes this conduct of the
Chinese Connnunist authorities has created a seri-
ous situation for the United Nations, which called
for the action in Korea to repel Communist aggi'es-
sion, and which requested the United States to
jn-ovide a Unified Command of United Nations
forces in Korea. The United States believes the
United Nations must now act promptly and de-
cisively to bring about the release of these eleven
officers and men and all otlier captured personnel
of the United Nations Conmiand still detained.
STATEMENTS IN GENERAL COMMITTEE,
DECEMBER 6
U.S. delegation press release 2063
The United States, in its capacity as the Unified
Command of the United Nations Forces in Korea,
has requested the inclusion in our agenda of an
item entitled "Complaint of detention and im-
prisomnent of United Nations military person-
nel in violation of the Korean Armistice Agree-
ment." ^
The decision to bring this matter before the
Assembly results from exhaustive consultations
with all the other United Nations members whose
forces fought in Korea and wlio agree whole-
heartedly on the urgent need for this step.
The facts underlying our complaint are given in
the explanatory memorandum distributed as docu-
ment A/2830, which is before us. Here is the
story stated very briefly :
A United States Air Force B-29 type aircraft
was dispatched on January 12, 19.5.3, to conduct
leaflet operations in North Korea. This flight
was subject to the standing orders of the United
Nations Command restricting all air operations
to the territory of Korea south of the Yalu River.
The aircraft bore the standard markings of the
United States Air Force. All personnel aboard
were members of the United States Air Force.
They were in uniform and they carried the re-
quired identification documents, including docu-
ments identifying them as members of the United
Nations Command.
The last contact with the aircraft was a spotting
by the United Nations Command radar at ap-
proximately 2310 hours at a point about 15 miles
south of the Yalu River near the North Korean
town of Sonchon. The radar operator reported
that his spotting showed that the B-29 had been
attacked by 12 enemy fighters. The aircraft
commander radioed a distress signal. Shortly
thereafter, the aircraft disappeared from the
radar scope, and this was the last tliat the United
Nations Command heard of the plane at any time
close to the time of its last flight.
After the signing of the Korean Armistice
Agreement, the United Nations Command com-
' The General Committee on Dec. 6 decided, by a vote
of 10-2 (Czechoslovakia, U.S.S.R.)-2 (Burma, Syria),
to recommend that the Assembly include the U.S. item
and deal with it directly, without reference to committee.
932
Department of State Bulletin
poiient of tlie Military Arinistico Commission
made repeated but uiisucoessful efforts to obtain
an accoimtinjr of all the iinrepatriatod United
Nations Connnaml personnel, including the crow
of this aircraft. Further unsuccessful efforts were
made by the United States (lovennnent throu<;h
the British representative in Peiping. At Geneva
in June 1954, the Chinese Conununists adinittwl
holding the surviving 11 members of this crew.
Then, on November 24, 1954, the United States
Government learned from a radio broadcast of
the Peiping radio that these 11 airmen were
brought before a Chinese Communist military
tribunal and sentenced to long terms of imprison-
ment as common crin\inals.
Immediately thereafter the United States
sought to communicate with the Chinese Com-
munist authorities both directly in Geneva and
through the United Kingdom Government to
protest this most serious violation of the Korean
Armistice Agreement. The Chinese Communist
authorities rejected these representations.
These are the principal facts, Mr. President,
and we will add further details in the discussion
of substance in the debate.
Let me say this : The Korean Armistice Agree-
ment has imposed an obligation upon the parties
to release all captured personnel desiring repatri-
ation. The 11 American airmen, as uniformed
and documented personnel of a component part
of the United Nations Command shot down while
on a combat mission, were entitled to be repatri-
ated. The detention of these men more than a
year after the deadline set by the Armistice Agree-
ment for the release of captured pei-sonnel and the
imprisonment of these men is a glaring violation
of an essential provision of the Armistice Agree-
ment.
^Ir. President, it is an immemorial principle of
human decency that a family looks after its own
members. A nation must also look after its own,
if it is to continue to be a nation. And the United
Nations must show an equal interest in these men
who by their personal efforts sought to repel an
aggression which the United Nations itself was
opposing. The thing that sustains the man in
uniform when he is far from home is the thought
that he is being supported by those for whom he is
fighting. We in the United Nations cannot let
these men down. They are Unit«d Nations men.
They were sent to Korea in response to a request
from the United Nations.
For these reasons, Mr. President, the United
Stat&s believes that the proposed item should be
placed on (he agenda and that the United Nations
sliould act promptly and with determination to
bring about the release of the 11 aii-men and all
other captured military pei-sonnel of the United
Nations Connnaml who are still detained.
It is incumbent upon me to make some reply to
the statement which you have just heard.
The Soviet representative [Jacob A. Malik]
makes a charge of espionage, and the charge he
makes is totally unsupported. The only basis that
he furnishes for it is, of all things, the Chinese
Communist News Service, if you please. There
is no factual basis whatever for such an assertion.
The only thing on which these men could possibly
spy would be the prison walls in which they have
been incarcerated. Later on we will show you a
maji which contains the radar tracing showing
exactly where that plane went and where it
dropped. It is incontrovertible scientific evidence
of just when that plane was shot down and where.
The Soviet representative talks about confes-
sions which have been obtained from American
personnel, and that, let me say, is no new story
here. Last year we demonstrated the way in
which false confessions were exti-acted from
United Nations military personnel by what can
only be described as torture — by subjecting them
to physical deprivations, physical discomfort,
every kind of hardship until the man would crack
and then would confess to whatever it was that
the Communist propaganda machine wanted him
to confess to.^ We produced last year films show-
ing some of these young Americans making these
confessions from the Communist film, and then
showing the same man getting off the boat in San
Francisco and saying he had been coerced into
making those so-called confessions. So, if the
Soviet representative wants to tell us that we are
going to be treated to some more brain-washing,
we are not surprised and we expect it.
Then he made reference to the fact that it was
the Chinese Communist "volunteers" and not the
Chinese Communist Government that signed the
" Bdu-etin of Nov. 9, 1053, p. 641.
December 20, 1954
933
Korean Armistice Agreement. Well, of course,
Mr. Chairman, everyone, including the individual
who just uttered that statement, knows very well
that the "volunteers" were a fiction. And to hide
behind this fiction shows how weak the case actu-
ally is. When Chou En-lai went to Geneva he
went as the Chinese Communist Foreign Minister
and not as a "volunteer."
Finally, we — the United States in particular —
are accused of seeking to intensify the cold war.
Well, many of you in this room read the statement
of President Eisenhower last week in which he
counseled moderation and self-control and pa-
tience.^ Most of you in this room know Dwight
Eisenhower and you know that, if there is one
thing which is closest of all to his heart, it is peace
in this world. And it simply is not believable
that Dwight Eisenhower, whose instructions I am
carrying out here, would seek to intensify the cold
war. No one here believes that and I am quite
sure that the Soviet representative does not either.
In comiection with the statements made by the
representatives of Burma and Syria [James Bar-
rington and Rafik Asha], let me say that after the
signing of the Armistice Agreement the United
Nations Command component of the Military
Armistice Commission demanded an accounting of
all unrepatriated United Nations Command per-
somiel, including the personnel of this aircraft
believed to be held by the Communists. Five sep-
arate demands were made between September 9,
1953, and August 17, 1954, and no information
concerning the members of this crew was given in
reply. So we feel therefore that that particular
remedy has been exhausted.
Now, Mr. President, the representative of the
Soviet Union of course went into the substance of
this whole question and would have been subject to
the point of order — [Interrupted by the Presi-
dent] .
Well, I had thought that it would not be in ac-
cordance with the rules for me to attempt an
answer this afternoon to all the points of sub-
stance which were made by the delegate of the
Soviet Union. I will reply to all the many points
of substance which were made by the representa-
tive of the Soviet Union in the plenary meeting.
* IbUI, Dec. 13, 1954, p. 887.
934
But I will simply make this last statement at this
time, which is to point out that the Soviet repre-
sentative in his first statement said that these
11 men, when they were captured, were in uni-
form— which is true. But this single admission
by the Soviet representative reveals the whole
falsity of the Communist case, for when did a spy
ever go about his task dressed in the uniform of liis
country ? It is typical of the contempt in which
communism holds human intelligence to seek to
make woi'ld opinion believe that a man in the full
imiform of a colonel of the United States Air
Force, complete with his wings and decorations
and everything else, is going to try to spy in
China !
Mr. President, let us hear no more of this foolish
talk about espionage. As I said, I will deal later
witli tlie other points which the Soviet representa-
tive made.
LETTER TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL,
DECEMBER 7
U.N. doc. A/2843
With further reference to my communication
of 4 December 1954, I have the honour to request
that you circulate this letter to all Members of
the General Assembly in connexion with the pro-
posed agenda item : "Complaint of detention and
imprisonment of United Nations military person-
nel in violation of the Korean Armistice Agree-
ment".
In addition to those referred to in my communi-
cation of 4 December, there are four American
airmen who were captured while engaged on
missions of the United Nations Command in the
Korean conflict, and whose detention is admitted
by the Chinese Communists. This detention is in
violation of the Armistice Agreement. The facts
concerning their cases are as follows :
First Lt. Lyle W. Cameron, of Lincoln, Ne-
braska, was the pilot of an F-84 type aircraft
which dejiarted from Taegu Air Base, Korea, on
26 October 1952, to participate in an armed recon-
naissance mission between Kanggye and Huichon
in North Korea. After reaching the target area,
and while bombing locomotives, his plane was
damaged and he had to bail out. He landed safely
at a ])oint several miles south of Kanggye, and
reported by his emergency radio that he was un-
Departmenf of State Bulletin
hurt and would hide along a. ridge. The other
flight membei-s soon left tlie area due to fuel
shortage; upon retiirning later in the day. they
found no trace of Lt. Caiueron. The Peking
radio on 30 October li)r)2, announced that Lt.
Cameron luid been captured after his plane was
lost over China. In December of li)r>2, so-called
news releases with pictui-es of Lt. Cameron were
widely distributed by the Communists, who pub-
licized his mission and the shooting down of his
plane as an e.xample of American aggression
against China.
Captain Harold E. Fischer, of Swea City, Iowa,
was the leader of a flight of F-86 type aircraft on
a mission. 7 April 10r);>, in Xorth Korea along the
Yalu River. Hostile lighters were encountered
and engaged in battle. Following this engage-
ment, Captain Fischer radioed the other members
of the flight to got out of the area. No further
contact was made with Captain Fischer, and the
Air Force failed to locate him or his aircraft.
Propaganda broadcasts from Peking, on 10 April
1!).");^, reported that Captain Fischer's aircraft had
been shot down and that he was captured.
First Lt. Roland W. Parks, of Omaha, Ne-
braska, was a member of a flight of F-86 type
aircraft which departed from Suwon Air Base,
Korea, to participate in a combat mission over
Xorth Korea on 4 September 1952. During a
sweep in Xorth Korea along the Yalu River, hos-
tile fighters were encountered and engaged in
battle at an altitude of 28,000 feet. In the ensu-
ing action, Lt. Parks became separated from the
flight, and subsequently radioed that his gyro and
radio compasses were inoperative and tliat he did
not know his position. Repeated attempts to
direct him toward friendly territory were unsuc-
cessful ; when it became apparent that he was low
on fuel, he was requested to describe the terrain
over which he was flying. His reply revealed that
he was apparently over the Liaotung Peninsula in
Manchuria. Five minutes later, Lt. Parks ra-
dioed that his engine had failed, and that he was
bailing out. He appears to have been at this time
in the vicinity of Dairen, Manchuria.
Lt. Col. Edwin L. Heller, of Wynnewood,
Pennsylvania, was leader of a flight of F-86 type
aircraft on a combat mission in North Korea along
the Yalu River on 23 January 1953. Hostile
fighters were encountered and engaged in battle.
During the ensuing action, Col. Heller's aircraft
was damaged by hostile fire and when hist seen
was at an altitude of 40,000 feet. Propaganda
broadcasts from IVkirig on 28 .Tainiary 1953 al-
leged that Col. Heller had invaded Manchuria and
was captui-ed when he bailed out of his damaged
plane.
Chinese Conununist representatives at Geneva
admitted earlier this year that the Chinese Com-
munists held these four jet pilots. Each of them
continues to be detained by the Chinese Commu-
nist regime in violation of the Korean Armistice
Agi-eement.
IIknky Cauot Lodge, Jr.
DECEMBER 8 PLENARY STATEMENT SUPPORT-
ING GENERAL COMMITTEE'S REPORT
U.S. dclcKatlon presB release 2068 (Excerpts)
The General As.sembly now has before it the re-
port of the General Committee » recommending in-
clusion in our agenda of the proposed item entitled
"Complaint of detention and imprisonment of
United Nations military personnel in violation of
the Korean Armistice Agreement." It was also the
General Committee's recommendation that this
item be considered directly in plenary, not later
than today. The United States urges the approval
of these recommendations."
The decision to bring the present complaint be-
fore the United Nations came after thorough con-
sideration by all of the member states whose forces
fought in Korea. All 16 agreed on the necessity of
urgent steps.
I expect to set forth later the known facts con-
cerning military personnel of the United States
Air Force who were taken prisoner while engaged
on mi-ssions of the United Nations Command in the
Korean conflict. It is enough now to state that 11
of these airmen have been sentenced, on trumped-
up charges, by a Chinese Conmiunist military tri-
bunal to long prison terms. Four others are
admittedly detained by the Chinese Communists
altliough they too have long been entitled to re-
" U. N. doc. A/2S:{S.
• The General Assembly decided in favor of including
the item by a vote of 48-5 (Soviet bloc) -4 (Burma, India,
Indonesia, and Syria). The vote on the General Com-
mittee's recommendation that debate begin immediately
and without reference to cominittee was 44-5-8 (Afphan-
latan, Burma, EKypt, India, Indonesia, Syria, Saudi
Arabia, Tugoslavla).
December 20, 1954
935
patriation. Large numbers of other missing
United Nations military personnel — Americans
and nationals of other countries — have also not
been repatriated and have not been accounted for
by the Communists.
■ ■ • • •
On Monday [December 6], in the General Com-
mittee, we heard from the Communist representa-
tives some elaborate legal or, more accurately,
pseudo-legal arguments against the jurisdiction
of the United Nations to consider the present item.
I wish to deal shortly with these now.
Pseudo-Legal Arguments of Communists
First, there was mentioned the perennial argu-
ment based on article 2, paragraph 7 of the char-
ter, which provides that the United Nations may
not intervene in matters essentially within the
domestic jurisdiction of a state. The Communist
governments have their own dialectic interpreta-
tion of this provision. When it comes to problems
in non-Conmiunist comitries, such as the questions
before this Assembly relating to North or South
Africa, the Communist delegations have no diffi-
culty whatever in arguing that these are matters
quite properly within the jurisdiction of the
United Nations. But when charges were ad-
vanced that the satellite ex-enemy countries had
violated their peace-treaty obligations, or that a
democratic i-egime in Czechoslovakia was sub-
verted with interference from abroad, there, of
course, the Soviet delegation and its friends tried
to raise the bar of domestic jurisdiction. The case
before us involves mistreatment by Chinese Com-
munist authorities of American and other United
Nations military personnel engaged on a United
Nations mission, wliere the mistreatment was in
violation of an international agreement. There
surely cannot exist a clearer case of international
controversy to which article 2, paragraph 7 does
not apply.
Secondly, it was argued in the General Com-
mittee that the United Nations is not competent
to deal with the present item because the Armistice
Agreement established special organs and pro-
vided special procedures for supervision of the
armistice and for dealing with complaints of viola-
tions of the Armistice Agreement.
Ml'. President, tlie Armistice Agreement estab-
lished three principal bodies. In the first place, it
set up the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commis-
sion, which has completed its tasks, has been dis-
solved, and is not available as a forum.
Second, there is the Neutral Nations Supervi-
sory Commission. This Commission is composed
of Sweden, Switzerland, Poland, and Czechoslo-
vakia. According to paragraph 41 of the Armis-
tice Agreement, it was to conduct inspections and
maintain supervision of provisions of the Armis-
tice Agi-eement relating to the introduction into
Korea of reinforcements in troops and arma-
ments. The Commission was given no function of
interpreting the agreement. Although it was
given certain powers of investigation, its composi-
tion with the built-in veto has made it a totally
ineffective body for any supervision or investiga-
tion in Communist-held territory. Everybody
knows what the veto means in the hands of the
Conm:iunists. To bring our present complaint be-
fore that Commission would be an exercise in
patent futility.
Finally, there is the Military Armistice Com-
mission, which in paragraph 24 was given gen-
erally the duty to supervise the implementation
of the Armistice Agreement and to settle through
negotiations any violation. Mr. President, let me
give now an account of the efforts made by the
United Nations Command component in the Mili-
tary Armistice Commission to follow this pro-
cedure and to induce the Chinese and North
Korean Communist component to accomit for all
United Nations military personnel still not re-
patriated or released, including the 11 American
airmen from the B-29 and the 4 jet pilots.
EKorts Made in Military Armistice Commission
From Communist radio broadcasts, from lettei-s
received from Communist prison camps, from re-
ports by returned prisoners, the United Nations
Command painstakingly built up a list of 3,404
names. These were men who we had reason to be-
lieve had at one time been in Communist hands
but for whom the Communists had never given
an accounting. They were from all nations par-
ticipating in the United Nations Command. On
September 5 advance notice was given to the Com-
munist component in the Military Armistice Com-
mission and on September 9, 1953, the list was
l)resented in the Commission with a request for
an accounting for each person listed. The names
936
Department of State Bulletin
of tlio 11 aii'uien and the 4 jet pilots were on that
U<t.
'I'liis was the Conmumist luiswer: "All those
prisoners of war in our custody who insisted on
I , patriation were repatriated by September 0 and
all tliose prisoners of war in our custody who re-
quested not to be directly repatriated will, in ac-
re irdance with the provisions of the Armistice
A;:reenient, be tunu>d over to the Neutral Nations
Kcpatriation Conunission for custody." On Octo-
luT 3 the Communists added — without providing
iiiiiues — that 519 of those we had listed had al-
ready been repatriated and ;^80 had previously
bien reported as released at the front, escaped, or
(lead. I?ut the men of the United Nations Com-
mand about whom we complain were neither re-
patriated nor turned over to the Repatriation
Cdunnission. The Communists in the Military
Armistice Commission acted as if they did not
exist.
As new information trickled in, the United Na-
tion?: Command modified the list on November 2,
J'.Kr.), and February 19, 1954 — adding some names
and deleting others. The list stood at 3,405 names
on May 13, 1954, when a renewed request was
made in the Military Armistice Commission for
an accounting. Remember, again, that the names
of the 11 airmen and the 4 jet pilots were on the
list.
This was the Communist answer : "Prisoners of
•war of your side once held by our side were al-
ready- completely repatriated in accordance with
the Armistice Agreement." And the Communist
spokesman. General Lee Sang Cho, did not accept
the lists submitted to him, although a member of
his staff picked them up from the conference
table.
The same performance was repeated on May 22.
Again there was the flat denial : "As early as . . .
September 21, 1953, our side had concretely re-
jected this whole roster of your side as being
crudely manufactured."
Finally, on August 17, 1954, a revised list of
2.S40 names was presented to the Communist com-
ponent of the Military Armistice Commission.'
This list took into account the latest information
available to the United Nations Command. The
T'nited Nations Command representative ex-
plicitly requested a name-by-name accounting of
what had happened to each listed prisoner. Re-
' Bulletin of Sept. 13, 1954, p. 379.
member, once again, that the names of the 11 air-
men and the 4 jet pilots were on the list.
This was (he Communist answer: "As to such
an openly fabricated roster which your side sub-
mitted today in an attempt to slander our side, our
side categorically rejects it. . . . There are no
captured personnel of your side for whom our side
has to give additional accounting." Wlien re-
minded that at Geneva a few weeks earlier the
Chinese Connnunists had admitted holding these
airmen, the Communist representative brushed the
question aside, saying: "The matter of these mili-
tary personnel of your side allegedly retained by
the authorities outside Korea, as a result of your
personnel's activities, is beyond the authorities
(sic) of the Military Ai-mistice Commission. Our
side considers that it is inappropriate to take up
this irrelevant matter for discussion at the meeting
of the Military Armistice Commission."
This time, the Communists left the lists lying on
the table when they left.
This last chapter in the long efforts is revealing.
The Soviet representative, as a rule, pui-ports to
speak with considerable authority when it conies
to voicing the attitudes and opinions of the
Chinese Communists and of the North Koreans.
There is, however, the interesting discrepancy be-
tween the advice he has given to us in the General
Committee last Monday and the position on this
matter taken by the Communist representatives
in the Military Armistice Commission. The
Soviet and Czech delegates have claimed that the
United Nations is not competent to deal with this
problem because it must be dealt with in the Com-
mission under the Armistice Agreement. The
Chinese Communist and North Korean spokesmen
claimed that the Military Armistice Commission
was not competent to deal with the airmen
detained outside Korea.
Every Remedy Exhausted
There is, Mr. President, no doubt that the
United Nations Command has exhausted evei-y
remedy which it was able fruitfully to pursue
under the annistice. In the light of the sorry
record of the Military Armistice Commission, it
should be understandable why, faced with the
emergency created by the sentencing of our air-
men, the United States has decided, in consulta-
tion with the other 15 nations with troops in
December 20, 1954
937
Korea, to appeal to the General Assembly ratliei*
than the Military Armistice Commission.
Another pseudo-legal argument made in the
General Committee by the Czechoslovakian rep-
resentative is based on the provisions of the
Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of
Prisoners of War. The Czech representative
[Jiri Nosek] argued, and I quote from a recorded
transcription :
It is well known to the Government of the United States
that if prisoners of war were actually involved — and I
would like to say if prisoners of war were actually in-
volved— the provisions of the Geneva Convention on the
detention and on the completion of punishment would
apply.
This argument is transparently false for a
variety of reasons. In the first place, the Ar-
mistice Agreement provided for the repatriation
of all prisoners of war desiring repatriation. A
special agreement prevails over a general con-
vention. The Armistice Agreement, which is a
special agreement, is controlling here and clearly
prevails over the provisions of the Convention if
it were applicable. The Communists themselves,
in the Jililitary Armistice Commission, not only
acknowledged but urged tliis result in regard to
the repatriation of captured personnel. It was
agreed in the Commission to return all prisoners
of war — including those who were alleged to have
conunitted crimes before or after their capture.
This is what they said at the 16th meeting of the
Military Armistice Commission on August 31,
1953:
Our side has repeatedly stated that our side will repa-
triate, before the conclusion of the repatriation operation,
all captured personnel of your side who insist uixin repa-
triation, including those prisoners of war who committed
crimes before or after their capture.
There is a certain irony in Communist delegates
seeking to invoke the Geneva Convention of 1949.
At the outset of the conflict in Korea, the United
Nations Command announced that it would be
governed by the humanitarian principles of the
Geneva Convention, and it observed them scrupu-
lously. A statement of undertaking to comply
was elicited from the Communist side. But the
Communists' gross repudiation of their promise
was made known to the world by their obstinate
refusal to permit the lied Cross representatives to
visit the prisoner-of-war camps — as we did — and
their refusal to provide the International Com-
mittee of the Red Cross with lists of prisoners
captured by them — as we did. Even more terri-
ble evidence is provided by the atrocities per-
petrated upon United Nations personnel who were
captured.
Another, and perhaps the most remarkable,
argument of a legal nature was advanced in the
General Committee. It was an argument pertain-
ing not so much to the jurisdiction of the United
Nations as to the substance of our complaint.
This argument is to the effect that the Armistice
Agreement binds the commander of the so-called
Chinese People's Volunteers but does not bind the
Chinese Communist regime in Peiping. This
argument is used in support of the proposition
that the Chinese Communist regime cannot be
charged with the violation of an agreement to
which it is not a party.
Mr. President, tliis modem myth about vokin-
teers has been exploded so frequently that it is an
insult to the intelligence of this body for another
reference to be made to it at this late date. More
than 800,000 Chinese soldiers participated in the
Communist aggression in Korea. They came to
Korea not with crude, homemade weapons but
with modern arms of all types. The commander
of tliese so-called "volunteers" was at the same
time the Deputy Commander in Chief of the Chi-
nese Communist Army and Deputy Chairnum of
the People's Revolutionary Military Comicil, the
highest military organ of the Peiping regime.
In February 1951, the General Assembly found
that the Chinese Communist regime — not the
"volunteers" — had engaged in aggression in Ko-
rea. Article 60 of the Armistice Agreement pro-
vided that the military commanders of both sides
should recommend to their governments that they
liold a political conference "of a higher level of
both sides." "Wliat was the "higher level" ? Who
presumed to speak for the Chinese People's Vol-
unteers in Geneva ? Mr. Chou En-lai himself, the
Prime and Foreign Minister of the Chinese Com-
munist regime.
Incidentally, by 1953 even Mr. Chou En-lai had
tired of the pretense about the "volunteers." I
refer 3'ou to his cablegram of September 13, 1953,
to tlie Secretary-General of the United Nations,
which was circulated as document A/2469. All
through tliat cablegram Mr. Chou En-lai refers to
the "two belligerent sides," clearly including the
Chinese Communist regime on one of the two
sides. There was no mention of "volunteers."
938
Department of State Bulletin
Armistice Agreement Binding
Tlie Comnumist delegates who have sought to
•onstnu't a legal argument that the Peipiiig re-
gime is not bouml by the Armistice Agreement
laiinot fail to be aware of the familiar rule of
international law that a general armistice agree-
ment may be eonehuled only on the authority of a
i:(ivernment. If such an armistice is concluded in
this manner, it binds the government wliich gave
the authorization to the military connnander sign-
ing the agreement.
The entire legal argimientation advanced on
Monday by the Czech and Soviet representatives
is nothing but a fraudulent quibble. This is how
the argument goes: (1) The United States should
have raised its complaint of the detention of the
airmen in the Military Armistice Commission;
(li) tlie Armistice Commission (according to the
Chinese and Korean Communists in that Commis-
sion) is not competent to deal with the question
because the airmen are held outside Korea; (3)
the Chinese People's Volunteers are bound by the
armistice, but they do not detain the airmen, so
they ccndd not violate the armistice; (4) the Com-
numist regime in Peiping admits holding our air-
men, but it is not bound by the armistice and
therefore could not have violated it by detaining
these men; (5) the provisions of the Geneva Con-
vention allow this regime to detain, ti-y, and sen-
tence prisoners of war for alleged offenses, al-
though the Communist component in the Military
Armistice Commission stipulated that under the
iirmistice even prisoners who had committed
crimes must be given the opportunity of repatria-
tion.
I believe, Mr. President, the barrenness of the
tirguments against inscribing the item before us is
quite apparent, and I urge the Assembly to i)ro-
ceed without dehu' to inscription so that we may
begin this very important debate on the merits.
I
DECEMBER 8 PLENARY STATEMENT
ON U. S. COMPLAINT
f.S. delegation press release 2069 (Excerpts)
The IG nations whose troops fought to uphold
the United Nations Charter in Korea have de-
cided to ask the Assembly to consider urgently the
plight of the United Nations military personnel
detained and imprisoned contrary to the Korean
Armistice Agreement. The United Stat<>s in the
exercise of its siK'cial responsibility as the Unified
Command of all United Nations forces in Korea
has made the formal proposal instituting the
present proceeding.
A few days ago, the Peiping radio announced
the sentencing and imprisonment of 11 American
airmen who had fought in Korea. They could
have been men of any of the many nations whose
fliers fought in the skies over Korea on United
Nations missions. They happened to be Ameri-
cans, and I have the grave responsibility to ti7
to convey to you the depth of the emotion and
anguish with which the American people received
the news of the Peiping so-called trial.
Any self-respecting government, Mr. President,
has the elementary and historic duty to protect
its men whom it sends to war.
In bygone days each government was the sole
judge of the means for such protection and of the
use of power to that end.
The United States has come before the United
Nations because the United Nations was set up as
a collective instrument for justice and because the
United Nations has a very special responsibility
for the men who went to fight in Korea in response
to a call by the United Nations.
The story of the 11 airmen is a chapter in the
long book about men who fought in Korea and
fell into Communist hands.
The Communist military authorities in Korea
failed to provide information and to account for
large munbers of United Nations military person-
nel who were missing in action and we had reason
to believe had been captured.
"Wlien finally the Armistice Agreement was
signed, the Conrmunists undertook to return all
United Nations personnel desiring repatriation.
The United Nations Command component of the
Military Armistice Commission demanded an ac-
counting of all unrepatriated United Nations Com-
mand personnel who were believed held by the
Communists. Five separate demands were made
between September 9, 1953, and August 17, 1954,
and these demands included the 11 airmen. No
satisfactory information was obtained in reply.
A further request for information concerning these
personnel was made through the United Kingdom
representative at Peiping in May 1954. No answer
was received to this inquiry.
December 20, 1954
939
Negotiations at Geneva
Then came the Geneva Conference. At Geneva
on June 10, 1954, United States Ambassador U.
Alexis Johnson submitted to AVang P'ing-nan,
Secretary General of the Chinese Communist dele-
gation to the Geneva Conference, lists of various
categories of civilian and military personnel who,
according to our best belief, had been prisoners
of war in Communist custody. Ambassador John-
son stressed that these lists were based on our best
information, and he requested that all persons
named on the lists be released or accounted for.
These lists included the names of the 11 B-29 crew
members and the 4 Air Force jet pilots. Finally,
at a meeting on June 15, the Chinese Communist
representative admitted that there were United
States military personnel imprisoned in Commu-
nist China for "violation of Chinese territorial
air." On June 21, he acknowledged that the Chi-
nese Communist regime had imprisoned 15 United
States Air Force personnel, namely, the 11 sur-
viving American crew members of the B-29 shot
down on January 12, 1953, and 4 Air Force jet
pilots. Wang stated that the remaining 3 members
of the 14-man B-29 crew had died from injui-ies
received in parachuting from the plane when it was
shot down.
After these meetings in Geneva 5 months went
by, and no further information was elicited from
the Chinese Communists. They made no move to
release any of the captured personnel admitted or
believed to be detained by them.
In addition to the 15 United States airmen whom
the Chinese Conmiunists admitted liolding on June
21, 1954, there remain 470 Americans of the United
Nations Command who are believed to have been
captured by the Communists and who have in no
way been accounted for. This figure is exclusive of
the numbers of United Nations military personnel
from other countries, and of Republic of Korea
military personnel, who have not been accounted
for by the Communists.
We had hoped, through painstaking and per-
sistent negotiation, to secure information on all of
the missing men, and to bring about the release of
all captured personnel still detained. In Pan-
munjom, in Peiping, and in Geneva these efforts
brought no concrete response.
Then, on November 24, 1954, the Peiping radio
announced suddenly that a Chinese Communist
military tribunal !iad imposed long prison sen-
tences on 11 of the American fliers still held in
China. The United States Government immedi-
ately made representations to the Chinese Com- '
munist authorities, through the United Kingdom
Government and directly in Geneva. The repre-
sentations were smnmarily rejected.
Story of the B-29
Here is the story of the plane manned by the 11 j
members of the United States Air Force im- |
prisoned on the order of a Chinese Conununist
militai-y tribunal. The plane was a B-29 type air-
craft under the command of Colonel John K.
Arnold, who was Commander of the 581st Air Ke-
supply and Communications Wing. The crew all
belonged to this wing, which was a component
element of the 13th Air Force with headquarters
at Clark Air Force Base, Philippine Islands. The
wing was engaged in operational flights supported
by the 91st Strategic Reconnaissance Squadron of
Yokota Air Base, Japan, under the command of
the Far East Air Forces, all of which were com-j
ponents of the United Nations Command. I
On January 12, 1953, this B-29 type aircraft was
dispatched at 1720 hours, local time, from Yokota
Air Base, Japan, to conduct leaflet operations in
Nortli Korea. The aircraft was operating as a
part of and directly in support of United Nations
Command combat operations. Assigned targets i
for the dropping of the leaflets were the North
Korean cities of Pakchon, Pukchin, Kusong, Son-
chon, Charyongwan, and Cholsan. This type of
mission is a standard operation practiced generally
in modern warfare. It was used extensively in
Korea.
The flight on January 12, 1953, was subject to
the standing orders of the United Nations Com-
mand restricting all air operations to the territory
of Korea south of the Yalu River. The plane bore
the standard markings of the United States Air
Force. All personnel aboard were members of the
United States Air Foi'ce, were in uniform, and
carried the requix-ed identification documents, in-
cluding documents identifying them as members
of the United Nations Command. The plane was
scheduled to return to Yokota Air Base at 0130
hours, local time, on Januar}' 13.
The last contact with the aircraft during its mis-
sion was a spotting by United Nations Command
radar at approximately 2310 hours at a point
about 15 miles south of the Yalu River near the
940
Department of State Bulletin
North Korean town of Sonchon. The radar oper-
ators reported spottin<i the B-29 attacketl by 12
enemy figliters. The aircraft commander radioed
the code word "JIuy Day" at 2'M(> iiours. This is
an international distress sijjnal, indicating in this
case tiiat the aircraft was damufred beyond control
and was being abandoned. Tiie aircraft disap-
peared from the radar scope shortly thereafter.
A map lias been prepared showing the flight plan
of this aircraft and the place where it was last
sighted on radar. I am having this map made
available to all delegations.
No further reports or indications of the fate of
this aircraft were obtained at the time by the
United Nations Command, and its crew was there-
after listed as missing in action.
Between the date when the plane was shot down
and June 1954, the only bit of information gleaned
concerning the fate of these men was an item on
the Peiping radio, January 21, 1953, announcing
the capture of three of the crew members : Colonel
Arnold, Major Baumer, and Captain Vaadi.
I should like to read the names of the surviving
membere of the crew into the record. As I have
said, Col. John K. Arnold, now 41 years old, was
Commander of the 581st Air Kesupply and Com-
munications Wing. His wife lives in Montgom-
ery, Ala.
ilaj. "William H. Baumer, 32 years old, was the
instructor pilot. His mother lives in Lewisburg,
Pa.
Capt. Elmer F. Llewellyn, 29 years old, was nav-
igator of the aircraft. His wife lives in Missoula,
Mont.
Capt. Eugene J. Vaadi, 33 years old, was air-
craft commander. His wife lives in Clayton,
N. Y.
1st Lt. John W. Buck, 35 years old, was aircraft
observer. His parents live in Armathwaite, Tenn.
1st Lt. Wallace L. Brown, 28 years old, was the
pilot. His wife lives in Montgomery, Ala.
T. Sgt. Howard W. Brown, 32 years old, was
flight engineer. His parents live in St. Paul,
Minn.
Airman Ic Steve E. Kiba, 22 years old, was radio
operator on the plane. His parents live in Akron,
Ohio.
Airman 2c Harry M. Benjamin, Jr., 22 years old,
was a scanner on the aircraft. His wife lives in
Worthington, Minn.
Airman 2c Daniel C. Schmidt, also 22 years
old, was central fire-control gunner on the plane.
His wife is now in Redding, Calif.
Airman 2c John W. Thompson, III, 23 years
old, was also a scanner. His parents live in
Orange, Va.
These men, after capture on a mission of the
United Nations to restore peace in Korea, have
been sentenced by a Chinese Communist military
tribunal to prison terms ranging from 4 to 10
years.
I have already mentioned, Mr. President, that
the Chinese Conununist representative, Wang
P'ing-nan, acknowledged at Geneva last June that
his regime held 4 other United States Air Force
personnel besides the 11 just named. I want to
give the Assembly the facts in these cases as well.
[See Ambassador Lodge's letter of December 7.]
Mr. President, these 15 Americans have now
been held in captivity for many long months,
some of them for more than 2 years. Most of
their fellow soldiers returned from Korea with
their units. The families of these 15 are still wait-
ing. We here have a grave responsibility to these
men, to their families, to their fellow citizens in
Alabama, Pennsylvania, Montana, New York,
Tennessee, Minnesota, Ohio, Virginia, Nebraska,
and Iowa and in all the United States.
Mr. President, the continued detention of any
prisoners of war desiring repatriation is a clear-
cut violation of the armistice in Korea concluded
on July 27, 1953. The imprisonment of 11 mem-
bers of the United States Air Force after a so-
called trial before a Chinese Communist military
tribunal is a severe aggravation of this breach of
a solemnly undertaken international agreement.
Let me review the relevant provisions of the
Korean Armistice. These are contained in article
III of the main agreement and in the annex con-
taining the Terms of Reference for the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission. Paragi-aphs
51 and 54, in article III, contain provisions now
pertinent that read :
51. The release and repatriation of all prisoners of
war held in the custody of each side at the time this
armistice agreement becomes effective shall be effected
in conformity with the following provisions agreed upon
by both sides prior to the signing of this armistice agree-
ment.
(a) Within sixty (60) days after this armistice agree-
ment becomes effective each side shall, without offering
December 20, 1954
941
any hindrance, directly repatriate and hand over in groups
all those prisoners of war in its custody who insist on
repatriation to the side to which they tyelonged at the
time of capture. Repatriation shall be accomplished in
accordance with the related provisions of this article.
In order to expedite the repatriation process of such per-
sonnel, each side shall, prior to the signing of the armi-
stice agreement, exchange the total numbers, by nationali-
ties, of personnel to be directly repatriated. Each group
of prisoners of war delivered to the other side shall be
accompanied liy rosters, prepared by nationality, to in-
clude name, ranlj (if any) and internment or military
serial number.
(b) Each side shall release all those remaining prison-
ers of war, who are not directly repatriated, from its
military control and from its custody and hand them
over to the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission for
disposition in accordance with the provisions in the annex
hereto: "Terms of Reference for Neutral Nations Re-
patriation Commission."
.54. The repatriation of all of the prisoners of war re-
quired by sub-paragraph 51 (a) hereof shall be completed
within a time limit of sixty (60) days after this armistice
agreement becomes effective. Within this time limit each
side undertakes to complete the reiiatriation of the above-
mentioned prisoners of war in its custody at the earliest
practicable time.
It was therefore the duty of the Communist
authorities under the Armistice Agreement to
deliver all prisoners of war either to the United
Nations Command or to the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission.
The four jet pilots I have named earlier were
neither repatriated nor turned over to the Re-
patriation Commission. They continue to be held
by the Chinese Communist authorities.
Tlie 11 surviving members of the B-29 shot
down on January 12, 1953, have not only been
detained by the Chinese Communists but, accord-
ing to a Peiping radio annomicement, have been
sentenced to prison for long terms by a Chinese
Commimist military tribunal for offenses alleged
to have been committed prior to their capture.
In addition to these 15 i\jnerican airmen, there
are substantial numbers of United Nations Com-
mand military personnel from the United States
and other countries who have not been repatriated
or otherwise accounted for by the Communists in
accordance with their international obligations.
These serious violations of the Korean Armi-
stice Agreement are, unfortunately, not isolated
instances occurring against a background of gen-
eral Communist compliance with the armistice
terms. The fact is that these violations are paral-
leled by serious Communist breaches of the armi-
stice in a number of areas besides that of the treat-
ment of prisoners of war.
The Chinese Communist radio broadcasts have
made much of the assertion that the crew of the
B-29 came down in Chinese territory rather than
in Korea. The most reliable information avail-
able to the United Nations Command indicated
that Colonel Arnold's B-29 aircraft was attacked
and abandoned by its crew over Korean territory.
This is what the radar sightings show.
However, the place where the plane or crew
members came down is irrelevant. The repatria-
tion provisions of the Armistice Agreement make
no distinction on the basis of tlie place of capture.
Those provisions cover all prisoners of war, re-
gardless of the precise locality where they may
happen to have been cai^tured.
The crux of the matter is that these 15 indi-
viduals, when captured, were members of the
United Nations Command engaged in a mission
of that Command. That is all that matters.
Trumped-up Espionage Charge
The Chinese Communist allegations of espio-
nage made against the B-29 crew are, of course,
false. The crew and the aircraft were on a regular
leaflet mission of the United Nations Command]
in support of the general United Nations military
operations being carried on in Korea under tho
United Nations. The crew were in uniform andl
carried all the appropriate docmnents of identity,
These considerations apart, the Chinese Com-
munist position will not hold water. Even if the
trumped-up charges against our airmen werei
true (which they are not), even if our men were
guilty of crimes (which they are not), they would
still be covered by the Armistice Agreement pro-
vision calling for the release of prisoners of war.
This is confirmed hj a statement of the Commu-
nists themselves in the 16th meeting of the Mili-
tary Armistice Commission held at Panmunjomi
on August 31, 1953. In that meeting the repre-
sentative of the Korean People's Army and Chi-
nese People's Volunteers said :
Our side has repeatedly stated that our side will re-
patriate before the conclusion of the repatriation opera-
tion all cnptured personnel of your side wbo insist upon
repatriation, including tliosc prisoners of war who have
committed crimes before or after their capture.
942
Department of Stale Bulletin
The United Nations Conuiuuui ivpresentutivo
answered:
We will ri'iMitrlate all prisoners of war exactly In cou-
foriiiity with the provisions of the Arnilstlee Agreement
and iU'coriliuf; to the present seliedule. . . .
This construction pliued upon the Armistice
Afri-eenu'iit bv tlie two sides so soon after tlie a<;ri'o-
iiHMit was concluded establishes beyond iloubt the
import of the obligation undertaken by the parties.
In full coni])liance with this interpretation of
its obligation, the United Nations C'onunand has
repatriated 418 captured Connnunist personnel
accused of war crimes (oU Korean and 104 Chi-
nese) together with ^li material witnesses; and in
addition Kit! accused of postcapture oti'enses (165
Koreans and 1 Chinese) together with 118 mate-
rial witnesses. The charges in these cases com-
prised all kinds of offenses, including murder.
All these men desired repatriation and were in
fact repatriated by September 9, 1953. This is
how the United Nations side complied with its
obligation.
The Assembly should now be the judge of the
compliance on the part of tlie Communists with
their undertaking. By their own interpretation
the Communists considered that the Armistice
Agi'eement imiiosed an obligation to treat as
prisoners of war eligible for repatriation all cap-
tured personnel regardless of alleged crimes com-
mitted either before or after capture. The Chi-
nese Communist authorities, in continuing to de-
tain some United Nations military personnel and
in sentencing 11 of them for alleged crimes, have
breached the armistice and ignored their contem-
porary understanding of it.
Returning briefl}' to the trumped-up charge of
espionage : The Soviet representative on Mondaj'
oll'ered, as a sample of the evidence of espionage,
Colonel Arnold's alleged statement that his plane
was disarmed and had only two guns in the tail.
The fact is that Colonel Arnold's aircraft was a
routine line B-29 modified for night operations.
The modifications include painting the aircraft
black, flame suppressore on the engines, removal
of some of its armament, and flash dampeners on
the remaining guns. In night operations, at-
tacks can only be carried out from the rear, using
radar sights, hence the complete armament is
neither necessary nor useful.
This, Mr. President, is a sample of the evidence
on which the men were sentenced to long terms in
prison.
Let mo also recall in this connection that the
Soviet representative made the specific .statement
last Xlonday that the 11 men we are talking about
were in military uniform.
Let us see exactly what he said. I therefore
ipiote a translation made from the official United
Nations recoixling of Mr. Malik speaking in the
Russian language. Eleven of these fliers, said
Mr. Malik, and I use the precise words, were: "in
the uniform of nnlitary personnel." The precise
Russian words were: "y«A fonnyo voyennoshts-
hajichikh." You can play the record and hear it
yourself.
When I called attention on Monday to the fact
that it was an insult to human intelligence to say
that men of the LTnited States Air Force in vmi-
form were engaged in spying in China, the Soviet
representative j)leaded a mistake in translation.
Now, Mr. President, one of the marvels of the
United Nations is the translating service. I have
in the past praised the translators for the extraor-
dinary speed and accuracy with which they do
their work. In fact, accuracy is not a sufficiently
strong word for the way in which these talented
interpreters convey the true meaning and spirit of
a speaker's thought.
It is, therefore, not surprising to note that in
this case there was no error in translation, that the
Soviet representative did say that the 11 aviators
were "in the uniform of military personnel," and
the phonographic record shows it.
It does not seem to me a very sporting debating
tactic to resort to an impugnment of the accuracy
of the interpreters, when what really happened
was that the speaker himself made a statement,
however inadvertently, which knocks his case into
a cocked hat. As the French phrase has it : Ce
rCest pas tres chic.
Obviously the Soviet representative did say
these men wore uniforms. Equally obviously it
is inconceivable that members of the United States
armed forces, men dressed in the uniform of
United States military personnel, would bo en-
gaged in espionage in China. This marks the
collapse of the Commimist case, and trying to shift
the blame onto the interpreters is not going to put
it together again.
We have now a situation, Mr. President, where
almost 18 months have elapsed since the dead-
Oecember 20, 1954
943
line set by the Korean Armistice Agreement for
the release of captured personnel. In glaring
violation of an essential provision of that agree-
ment, the Chinese Communists continue to detain
a number of military personnel of the United
Nations Command and have sentenced 11 of them
to long terms of imprisomnent. Action must be
taken to bring about their release, and the release
of all United Nations personnel entitled to
repatriation.
The United States Government, in its capacity
as the Unified Command of United Nations forces
in Korea, has taken the steps I have described
earlier to secure Chinese Communist compliance
with the obligations imposed by the armistice.
The efforts so far made by the United States
Government have been summarily rebuffed.
After intensive and extensive consultations with
all the other United Nations members whose forces
fought in Korea, we have brought this matter to
the General Assembly for urgent consideration.
United Nations Responsibility
The United Nations has a clear responsibility
here. It stems from its own action to mobilize
collective strength in the defense of the Republic
of Korea when that country was attacked 41/2
years ago. The United Nations determined the
facts. It called upon the North Korean attackers
to withdraw; it recoimnended to members of the
United Nations that they give every assistance,
including that of armed forces, in the defense of
Korea. It has found that the Chinese Com-
munists also engaged in aggression. All this was
done in the faith that the world organization could
act effectively to counter aggression and help put
the maintenance of peace on a lasting basis, where
always before peace had been broken by some
aggressor who thought he could succeed.
For these reasons the United States has come
to the United Nations with an urgent appeal for
United Nations efforts to secure justice.
President Eisenliower last week expressed the
thought that the Chinese Communists' flagrant
violation of the Armistice Agreement in impris-
oning United Nations military personnel might
be a deliberate attempt to goad the United States
into some impulsive action in the hope of dividing »
us from the other free nations of the world. If
so, then it certainly makes a mockery of Com-
mimist protestations about peaceful coexistence.
Nevertheless, as the President said :
. . . We owe it to ourselves and to the world to explore
every possible peaceable means of settling differences
before we even think of such a thing as war.
And the hard way is to have the courage to be patient,
tirelessly to seek out every single avenue open to us in
the hope even finally of leading the other side to a little
better understanding of the honesty of our intentions.
It is in this spirit that the United States has
joined with the other 15 member nations who sent
armed forces to fight in Korea in submitting to
the General Assembly the draft resolution con-
tained in document A/L.182. I will read its text.
It is short and clear. [See p. 932]
We urge the General Assembly to adopt this
resolution by an overwhelming vote. This will
make clear the Assembly's view that the continu-
ing detention of prisoners of war by the Chinese
Communists is contrary to the Korean Armistice
Agreement. It will engage the moral force of the
Assembly to bring about the release of prisoners
unlawfully held. Finally, it will provide means
for seeking the release of captured personnel and
for rejjorting on the progress of efforts at release.
Thousands upon thousands of fighting men from
IG members of the United Nations were thus sent
to Korea at the behest of the United Nations to
throw back the Communist aggression. At the
end of the fighting, clear arrangements were
agreed to for the release of captured prisoners.
The Armistice Agreement containing these ar-
rangements was noted with approval by the Gen-
eral Assembly on August 28, 1953. Now, the
Communist side is openly violating these arrange-
ments and compounding that violation by sentenc-
ing 11 of the men it holds unlawfully in order to
exploit them in a shameless propaganda show
based on trumped-up charges and fabricated
evidence.
In these grave circumstances it is proper and
necessary for the United Nations to insure that
the riglits of its fighting men shall be upheld and
tliat the authority and dignity of the United
Nations itself shall be preserved.
944
Department of Stale Bulletin
U. K. Statement on Imprisoned American Personnel
Follovnng is the text of a statement made by
Anthony Nutting, United Kingdom Representa-
tive to the General Assembly, at the December 8
plenary session of the General Assembly. Mr.
Nutting spoke during debate on inscription of the
U.S. complaint, following statements by Ambassa-
dor Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., {see p. 935) and
Jacob A. Malik, the Soviet Representative.
In reply to a question in the House of Commons
last Monday, the British Foreign Secretary, Sir
Anthony Eden, used these \Yords to describe the
trial and sentence of the 11 American airmen by
the People's Government of China :
On behalf of Her Majesty's Government and all civilized
nations I deeply deplore this conduct.
After endorsing words which I, Sir, had used pub-
licly to condemn this action when the news first
broke upon us. Sir Anthony Eden went on to say
that:
These men were airmen in uniform shot down on mili-
tary operations on behalf of the United Nations during
the Korean hostilities. As such, they should have been
repatriated on conclusion of the Korean armistice. The
Chinese action in holding these men back was a direct
violation of the terms of the Korean Armistice Agreement.
It is not allowable to any nation which wishes to act
by civilized standards to treat oiheers, non-commissioned
officers, or men in uniform as spies and treat them in the
sort of way they have been treated by the Chinese
Government.
I therefore rise to support the inscription of this
item and to add the voice of the British public to
that of all civilized communities in an effort to set
ariglit this great and grievous wrong.
Lest there should be any doubt in the mind of my
Soviet colleague about whom I represent here at
this tribune, let me make it quite clear to him that
in saying this I represent both the Government and
the mass of public opinion in Great Britain.
We have heard the representative of the Soviet
Union. Seldom can this organization have heard
so weak a case. Small wonder that he seeks to
December 20, J 954
324836—54 3
prevent this question's being brought to the bar of
world opinion.
The Soviet representative based his case on two
grounds in the General Committee, and he has re-
verted to and repeated one of these grounds in this
discussion upon inscrii)tion. The first of the two
grounds consisted of a. repetition of the charge of
espionage, and the second, which he used in the
General Committee, consisted of a plea that the
Chinese People's Government is not bound by the
terms of the Korean Armistice Agreement. Both
these attacks misfired, and our case for inscription
remains both unassailed and unassailable.
Let me examine for one moment the Soviet
charge that these 11 men were guilty of espionage.
By what fact has this charge been supported?
The Soviet representative has communicated to us
extracts from the proces-verbal of the trial of these
men. He has alleged that they confessed. As Mr.
Malik well knows, that is the remarkable and
sinister feature of Communist trials : the prisoner
always confesses; the verdict is always "Guilty."
No doubt this is more efficient ; no doubt it is easier
to invent the facts than to ascertain them ; no doubt
it is less embarrassing to have a prisoner confess
his guilt than to have him plead and prove his
innocence. But is it justice? Is it justice as we,
the United Nations, mean justice — as we have
subscribed to it in our charter ?
It is clear from what Mr. Malik has told us
that no attempt was made whatever to ascertain
the facts about the mission upon which these men
were engaged when captured. Still less was any
attempt made to weigh these facts in the balance.
Instead, the Chinese authorities appear to have
relied exclusively upon their own version of the
case.
The facts about the mission on which these men
v;ere engaged and on which they were shot down
over North Korea — not over China — have been set
out by the U.S. representative, Mr. Lodge. In
addition, there is the admitted fact that these men
945
were in uniform. Are we asked to believe that 11
American airmen, packed into one single airplane
and wearing their national uniform, were about to
descend upon Chinese territory to conduct
espionage ? The idea is so fantastic that it is hard
to understand how grown men can advance it as
a serious charge. Do the Chinese authorities, does
the Soviet representative, really believe that an
American or a Britisher or any other serviceman
of the United Nations Command would elect to
go spying in China in the uniform of Ms country ?
Is this the garb in which he would choose to mix
with the local population ? Is this the sort of suit-
ing in which he would best hope to slip unob-
trusively into a Chinese military headquarters and
there steal the latest military movement orders?
Is this the sort of clothing in which he could most
easily gain the confidence of the Chinese artisan
engaged upon the production of military equip-
ment?
Such thoughts could only issue from a mind
confused and haunted by spy mania. I say, there-
fore, that, if anything were needed to prove to the
civilized world the innocence of these 11 airmen,
it is the tortuous confusion and the glib and hol-
low absurdity of the case brought forward by the
Soviet Union.
As against this, what is the case for our con-
sidering this item? The facts are not in dispute.
Article III of the Korean Armistice Agreement
laid it down that by 25 September 1953 all pris-
oners of war insisting on repatriation should be
handed over for repatriation. I repeat — by 25
September 1953. It is now December 1954. Yet,
on 24 November 1954 the Chinese People's Govern-
ment announced that 11 airmen who had been kept
in captivity since January 1953 had been tried
and sentenced for espionage.
The terms of the armistice are clear and un-
equivocal : all prisoners insisting upon repatria-
tion should be handed over. So, equally, are the
terms of the Chinese announcement that 11 pris-
oners of war have been detained and sentenced to
terms of imprisonment. There can therefore be
no particle of doubt that this action is a violation
of the Armistice Agreement.
The Communists have argued that the provi-
sions of the Armistice Agreement relating to the
repatriation of prisoners do not extend, and can-
not be held to extend, to prisoners who have,
according to tlie Communists' lights, committed
such crimes as espionage. Well, how then do they
explain the statement to which Mr. Lodge re-
ferred ? How then do they explain the statements
made at the 16th meeting of the Military Armi-
stice Commission at Panmunjom on 31 August >
1953, when the representatives of the Korean
People's Army and the Chinese People's Volun-
teers said — and I would repeat it once again to the
Soviet Union representative, for he failed to deal
with this point :
Our side has repeatedly stated that our side will re-
patriate, before the conclusion of the repatriation opera-
tion, all captured personnel of your side who insist upon
repatriation, including those prisoners of war who com-
mitted crimes before or after their capture.
I repeat:
. . . including those prisoners of war who committed
crimes before or after their capture.
I do not for one moment accept that the terms of
the Armistice Agreement could be interpreted in
any way to exclude the right of repatriation for
any category of prisoner who desired to be repatri-
ated. Nor do I accept for one moment that any
criminal charge lies against these airmen. But
even if the Communists could substantiate their
charges, and even if they could so twist the mean-
ing of plain words, how can they twist the state-
ment made in the Military Armistice Commission,
which specifically and in terms included those
prisoners of war against whom charges might lie
of having committed crimes before or after their
capture ?
It was no doubt because the Soviet Union re-
alized how unanswerable was the case against them
that they have made out, and not so far with-
drawn, the additional argument that the Chinese
People's Government was not party to the armi-
stice and therefore could not be accused of violat-
ing it.
I had really thought that the fiction that the
Chinese People's Volunteers were entirely inde-
pendent of the Chinese People's Government had
been finally abandoned after the signature of the
Armistice Agreement. Throughout the Korean
war the Chinese People's Government sought to
maintain this fiction. But, when over 75 percent
of the so-called Chinese volunteers who were cap-
tured by the United Nations Command refused
under any set of circumstances whatever to return
to China, I thought the Communist world had
decided to drop this imconvincing fable.
946
Department of Slate BuUelin
But I do not have to rely upon my opinion to
lind thp answer to this prevarication ahout who
sijrnfd the aniiistioo anil in whose name. 1 rely
on a far greater authority than 1 could ever hope
to he in regard to tiie policy and point of view of
tlie C'onununist world. 1 rely upon no less an
authority than that distinguisiied spokesman of
the Soviet Union, the late Mr. Vyshinsky. At the
-WOth meeting of the General Assembly, on 28
August 195;}, Sir. Vyshinsky used these words:
It is clear from the statement made b.v Mr. Chou En-lal,
Minister of Foreiini Affairs of the People's Government of
China, on liehulf of Ills Government, and published on 25
.\ugust l!t,">.'?, that the representative of the People's Re-
public of China who slirnol the Armistice Aj,Teement also
regards their Interpretation as erroneous.'
I repeat:
. . . the representative of the People's Republic of China
who signed the Armistice Agreement.
Til us, it is not a question of what I think or what
Mr. Lodge thinks or what any other representative
of the IG powers may think. Mr. Malik's case in
the General Committee the other day has been
shattered, and shattered by his own predecessor's
admission that the Armistice Agreement was
signed by the representative of the People's Re-
public of China. Thus, nothing remains of the
case the Soviet Union has brought against inscrip-
tion save the ruins of meaningless and irrelevant
verbiage. It must be obvious that all fairminded
men can see this case for what it is: a miserable
product of absurdity and hypocrisy.
I should now like to refer briefly to a suggestion
which has been made that, before this matter was
brought to the United Nations, the machinery of
the Military Armistice Commission should have
been more thoroughly employed. I do not think
that the facts bear out the suggestion that the
Military Armistice Commission has been bypassed
in any way. After the Armistice Agreement was
signed, the United Nations Command asked in the
Military Armistice Commission for details of all
unrepatriated United Nations Command personnel
who it was believed were being held by the Com-
munists. Included in this demand were the per-
sonnel of the aircraft in which the 11 airmen in
question were flying. No less than five separate
demands for information were made between 9
December 1953 and 17 August 1954. But no
' U.N. doc. A/PV. 430, paragraph 114.
December 20, 7954
infornuition whatsoever was given to the Armistice
Connnission about the members of that air crew.
It is also, of course, a known fact that ap-
proaches have been made through the British
Chai-gi' d'All'aires at Peking and to the Secretary-
(leneral of the delegation of the People's Govern-
ment of China at the Geneva Conference. Numer-
ous otiier approaches have been made by the
United Nations Command, but these have all met
with a rebuff. The British Charge d'AlTaires at
Peking presented, on 14 June last, lists of Com-
monwealth and United Nations Comtnand service-
men missing after operations during the Korean
hostilities. These lists included the names of the
11 American airmen. This approach also re-
quested information about any men found at any
time in territory under Chinese or North Korean
control, whether or not they were included in the
lists. In October the Chinese replied in the same
negative vein in which they had earlier replied to
the United Nations Command.
In the face of the history I have given of these
efforts to get information about these men, I do
not think that anyone can say that we have rushed
hastily to the United Nations without seeking
every other means open to us of ascertaining the
fate of these missing men and securing their early
release.
I would put this question to the Assembly — and
it is relevant indeed to the inscription of this item :
If the Armistice Commission failed to obtain satis-
faction about men detained as prisoners of war, as
it did, how could it do any better about men now
imprisoned as common criminals?
"What we are seeking to do here — as we have
every right to seek it, to come before this Assembly
and seek it — is to collect the voices and to secure
the endeavors of this Assembly of world opinion
in support of justice and fair treatment for inno-
cent men.
I would only add the following remarks : What
are we trying to do in this, the United Nations?
The world today is deeply divided. But over the
past few months we have seen — and this has been
reflected in some of the debates here — a perceptible
reduction in international tension. We, for our
part, have striven and will go on striving to re-
store and rebuild a relationship of confidence be-
tween East and West. My country has made its
contribution in the past years, and it will continue
to contribute to this endeavor. But confidence is
947
a two-sided matter. It requires an effort by both
parties. It is essentially a fragile thing. It can
easily be shaken. And, if we are to have the confi-
dence to make new agreements, new settlements
of issues which are still outstanding today, we
must proceed at least from the assurance that
agreements previously arrived at will not be vio-
lated and cast aside.
Meanwhile, we are confronted with a matter
which affects and touches every nation represented
in this Assembly. This is a United Nations issue.
These airmen are not just members of the United
States Air Force: they are the soldiers of the
world organization, sent to fight by the will and
at the call of the United Nations. Although they
cannot hear us, we can and must speak for them.
Their lives, their freedom, their future, their
safety are our responsibility, the responsibility of
each and every one of us present here today. They
went forth to uphold our cause. We must uphold
theirs.
United Nations Approves Fifteen-Power Report on Korea
On December 11 the General Assembly adopted
a IS-power draft resolution approving the report
on the Korean Political Conference {Geneva,
April 26-June 15, 195^) submitted to the Secre-
tary-General on November 11 ( JJ.N. doc. A/2786)
by '■Hhe Members of the United Nations who par-
ticipated in the United Nations action in Korea
and attended the Geneva Conference.''^ The re-
port affirmed the right of the United Nations to
take collective action to repel aggression and ex-
pressed the intent of the 15 powers ''''to continue
to support the objectives of the United Nations
in Korea, in particular that of achieving a unified,
independent, and democratic Korea by peaceful
means.'''' Follouiing are four statements made in
Committee I {Political and Security) by James J.
Wadsworth and Sen. H. Alexander Smith, U.S.
Representatives to the General Assembly.
STATEMENTS BY AMBASSADOR WADSWORTH >
Question of South Korean and Communist
Representation
U.S. delegation press release 2051 dated December 1
Taking these two proposals in reverse, I wish
to support most strongly the proposal of the dis-
tinguished representative of Thailand to invite
a representative of the Republic of Korea to par-
' Made In Committee I on Dec. 1.
ticipate without the right of vote in the debate of
this committee on the Korean question.^ The Re-
public of Korea is the innocent victim of the ag-
gression which called forth the collective action
of the United Nations, and it is the party pri-
marily concerned with the question which we are
now discussing. We must not forget that what
is ultimately at issue here is the fate of the Korean
people, who fought so bravely with the United
Nations forces. It is in our view just and proper
that a duly appointed representative of the Korean
people should be given the opportunity to state
their views before this body. The Republic of
Korea has participated in our discussion in the
past, and it would be unthinkable not to give it a
voice in the present debate.
Now, Mr. Chairman, let me at this time also
express in the strongest possible terms the opposi-
tion of the United States to the proposal of the
representative of the Soviet Union to invite to
this table representatives of the Communist re-
gimes which have been found to be guilty of ag-
gression in Korea.^ These regimes have no right
to participate in this discussion. They have done
nothing to purge themselves of the aggression.
They have, in fact, continued to demonstrate their
'U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.113, adopted b.v the Committee on
Dec. 1 b.v a vote of 43-5-10.
'U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.112, rejected on Dec. 1 by a vote-
of 9-39-10.
948
Department of Sfale Bulletin
ajigressive intent since they continue to defy the
accepted norms of international behavior and the
recommendations of the United Nations. There
is a vast diU'erence, Mr. Chairman, between sittinfj;
across the table in a conference between belliger-
ents and attempting to work out something and
inviting certain of these belligeronts to this table
in order to participate in our deliberations.
I do not believe I need remind the members of
this committee at any groat length that the Com-
munist regime of China continues to hold hun-
dreds of ITnited Nations captured personnel in
violation of the armistice agreement. All of these
individuals were captured while in the service of
the United Nations Command and in the course of
military operations conducted under the authority
of the United Nations to repel the Communist
aggressors in Korea. I will also not dwell at any
length upon the news recently in the papers as to
tlie 13 Americans who have received prison sen-
tences under the trumped-up charge of espionage.
But I do wish to say and emphasize most
strongly the view of my Government that these
Connnunist regimes have no right to participate
in the deliberations of this committee on this item.
Korean Political Conference
U.S. delegation press release 2050 dated December 1
The United Nations today faces a new threat.
It is more subtle than overt aggression, but it is
just as dangerous. It must be met with equal firm-
nes.s. It goes to the heart of all of our work here.
Because the United Nations had acted resolutely
to hurl back their aggression, the Communist dele-
gations at Geneva challenged the authority of the
United Nations to take collective action against
aggression. The fate of the United Nations and
ultimately the security of all of us depends upon
whether we meet this challenge successfully.
More than 4 years ago — on June 27, 1950 — the
Security Council determined that the armed attack
upon the Republic of Korea by forces from North
Korea constituted a breach of the peace and rec-
ommended that the members of the United Na-
tions furnish assistance to the Republic of Korea
in order to repel the armed attack and to restore
international peace and security in the area.
In taking this action the Security Council re-
called the General Assembly resolution of October
21, 1949, which declared that the Government of
Resolution on Korean Question ■
U.N. doc. A/C.1/I-.110
I he ainciul Aumwhlu,
Uarinij noted tlie report of the Uncdbk (A/2711)
slBiu'd ut Seoul, Korea ou 17 Aut;ust 1!)."«4,
Uai'iny received the report (A/'J7S«) ou the
Korean Political Conference held In Geneva from
20 April to 15 June 10.'i4, in pursuance of General
As.sembl.v resolution 711 (VII) of 28 AuKUst lO.W,
Xoting that the negotiations in Geneva have not
lesulted In agreement on a linal settlement of the
Korean (juestion in aoeorduiice with the United
Nations objective in Korea,
Recognixing that this objective should be achievetl
by peaceful niotluids and constructive efforts ou the
part of the governments concerned,
Nolint; that article (52 of the Armistice Agreement
of 27 Jul}' lOr.;! provides that the Agreement "shall
remain in effect until expressly superseded either by
mutually acceptable amendments and additions or
by provision in an appropriate agreement for a
peaceful settlement at a political level between both
sides",
1. Approves the report on the Korean Political
Conference (A/2786) ;
2. Reaffirms that the objectives of the United
Nations remain the achievement by peaceful means
of a unified, independent and democratic Korea
under a representative form of government and the
full restoration of international peace and security
in the area ;
3. Expresses the hope that it will soon prove pos-
sible to make progress toward these objectives;
4. Requests the Secretary-General to place this
item on the provisional agenda of its tenth regular
session.
' Adopted by Committee I on Dec. 8 by a vote of
50-5 (Soviet bloc)— 1 (Burma, India, Saudi Arabia,
Syria) and by the General Assembly on Dec. 11,
50-5-4 (Burma, India, Indonesia, Syria).
the Republic of Korea is the lawfully established
government of the great majority of the people of
Korea and that it is the only government in Korea
based on elections which were a valid expression of
the free wUl of the electorate.
On February 1, 1951, the General Assembly
found that the Communist Chinese regime, by giv-
ing direct aid and assistance to those who were
already committing aggression in Korea and by
engaging in hostilities against United Nations
forces there, had itself engaged in aggression in
Korea.
Thus began the implementation of the principle
December 20, 1954
949
of collective security which is set forth in the first
article of the charter of the United Nations. It
was the first time in history that an international
organization had marshaled force to repel an act of
aggression.
The collective action succeeded in repelling the
aggression, and li/o years ago the armistice agree-
ment was signed.* Not only had the Republic of
Korea been saved, but all nations, large and small,
had been made more secure, because the collective
action had strengthened the United Nations by
demonstrating its determination to carry out the
responsibilities entrusted to it by the charter.
Although the armistice agreement represented
a victory for the principle of collective security,
Korea continued to be a nation divided, its north-
ern half still held in the ruthless grasp of the very
forces which perpetrated the aggression. In these
circumstances, the United Nations has a continuing
responsibility in Korea — a responsibility which it
cannot ignore or pass on to others — a responsibility
to restore international peace and security in the
area and to achieve its objective of a united, inde-
pendent, and democratic Korea.
The effort to achieve the unification of Korea on
a just and honorable basis and by peaceful means
has been pursued with energy and determination
by those nations which took part in the collective
action at the call of the United Nations. These
nations have had the repeated support and encour-
agement of the United Nations. That effort has
been frustrated by the intransigent position of
the Communist powers who exercise control over
North Korea. These Commimist powers, who
now speak of relaxing tensions and achieving
peaceful solutions of international questions, have
belied their pretensions by obstructing the unifi-
cation of Korea.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE KOREAN POLITICAL CONFERENCE
Paragraph 60 of the armistice agreement con-
tains a recommendation by the military command-
ers to the governments of the countries concerned
on both sides that a political conference be held
within 3 months to negotiate on the withdrawal
of all foreign forces from Korea and the peaceful
settlement of the Korean question. On August 28,
1953, this Assembly adopted a resolution welcom-
ing the holding of such a conference and initiating
certain steps to convene it.^
I shall not take the time of this committee to re-
call the delaying tactics adopted by the Co:nmmiist
side before they would even agi-ee to discuss the
preparations for the conference. Nor do I intend
to review the rigid position taken by the Com-
munist negotiators at Pamnunjom when Ambassa-
dor [Arthur H.] Dean sought with utmost patience
to find a reasonable basis for convening the politi-
cal conference.
The impasse over the convening of the political
conference on Korea finally ended at Berlin on
February 18 of this year, when Soviet Foreign
Minister Molotov agi-eed with the Foreign Min-
isters of France and the United Kingdom and
Secretary Dulles to sponsor a Korean Political
Conference to meet at Geneva, Switzerland, on
April 26.
THE KOREAN POLITICAL CONFERENCE
Thus the Korean Political Conference recom-
mended in the armistice agreement was finally
convened.
The Coimnunist attitude afforded little ground
for optimism. However, the Reiiublic of Korea
and 15 of the Allied participants who had con-
tributed troops at the call of the United Nations
attempted patiently and sincerely to secure agree-
ment on the unification of Korea on the basis of
the principles set forth in the resolutions of the
General Assembly. These 16 nations made a num-
ber of proposals and suggestions consistent with
these principles, which were reaffirmed in the fol-
lowing words in the Declaration by the Sixteen
on the final day of the Conference : *
1. The United Nations, under its Charter, is fully and
rightfully empowered to take collective action to repel
aggression, to restore peace and security, and to extend its
good offices to seeking a peaceful settlement in Korea.
2. In order to establish a unified, independent and
democratic Korea, genuinely free elections should be held
under United Xations supervision, for representatives in
the national assembly, in which representation shall be
in direct proportion to the indigenous population in Korea.
These principles, Mr. Chairman, state precisely
and without exaggeration the rights and powere of
the United Nations in this case. We therefore be-
* For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 3, 1953, p. 132.
950
' Ibid., Sept. 14, 19.53, p. 366.
' Ihid., June 28, 19.54, p. 973.
Department of State Bulletin
lieve thiit they constitute tlio basis for seeking; a
settlement of the Korean question.
Tiie failure of the Korean Political Conference
to find an ajireed solution to the Korean question
resulted directly from the refusal of the Commu-
nist side to accept these principles as a basis for a
settlement. The Communist side not only re-
jected these principles outrij^ht, but tliey also
attacked the very foundations of the United Na-
tions. Mr. Molotov, Mr. Nam II, and Mr. Chou
En-lai (who was there as Foreijjn Minister of the
Chinese Communist regime ami presumably not
speaking merely for the so-called Cliine.se People's
\'olunteers) repeatedly asserted that the United
Nations was itself a belligerent in the Korean war
and had lost its competence and moral authority
to play a part in the settlement of the Korean
question. Thus at Geneva they used political
means to press their war against the United Na-
tions.
For its part, the United States believes that Mr.
Molotov, Mr. Chou En-lai, and Mr. Nam II were
wrong — completely and utterly wrong. "We hold
that the United Nations has both the competence
and the moral autliority to deal with this question.
The United States therefore believes that it is
essential to continue to adhere firmly to both of the
principles which I have quoted above from the
Declaration by the Sixteen. The first of these,
which asserts the authority of the United Nations,
is necessary in order to uphold the validity of the
charter and the legality of the collective action
undertaken to repel the Communist aggression.
This principle was reaffirmed by the General As-
sembly in its resolution of August 28, 1953. The
principle of collective security embodied in article
1 of the charter would have been undermined had
the Allied participants accepted the repudiation
of the authority and competence of the United
Nations in Korea,
The United States is equally convinced of the
necessity and the validity of the second principle.
Genuinely free elections are essential to the uni-
fication of Korea. They are the only means by
which the Korean people can be given a voice in
deciding their own future without fear or coercion.
To insure that such elections would be impartial
and effective, and to carry out the recommenda-
tions of the General Assembly, we take the posi-
tion that they should be conducted under tlie
supervision of the United Nations.
I cannot overemphasize the importance of these
issues wo have been discussing. The United Na-
tions has a unique interest in Korea. The Repub-
lic of Korea was recognized by the United Nations.
The aggression in June 1950 was condemned by
the United Nations. The United Nations called
for forces to go to Korea to repel the aggression.
The Conununist Chinese were found by the United
Nations to be aggressors. Soldiers from 10 na-
tions fought and died in Korea because the United
Nations engaged in collective action against ag-
gression. Their sacrifices will liave been in vain
if we now permit the authorit}- and competence of
the United Nations to be called in question.
PROPOSALS OF THE ALLIED DELEGATIONS AT THE
CONFERENCE
At Geneva the Allied delegations put forward
several proposals in conformity with these prin-
ciples. On April 27, Dr. Pyun, then Foreign
Minister of the Republic of Korea, presented a
proposal based on the October 7, 1950, resolution
of the General Assembly.' That resolution called
for the taking of all constituent acts, including
the holding of elections under the auspices of the
United Nations, for the establishment of a unified,
independent, and democratic government in the
sovereign State of Korea. Dr. Pyun proposed
that elections under United Nations supervision
should be held in North Korea, pointing out that
elections had taken place recently in South Korea
under the supervision of the United Nations Com-
mission for the Umfication and Rehabilitation of
Korea (Uncukk). He asked that the Republic
of Korea not be put on the same plane as the North
Korean regime, which has no legal basis and has
demonstrated its aggressive character.
Speaking of tliis proposal. Secretary Dulles
pointed out on April 28 that a workable plan for
unifying Korea was already at hand in the form
of the United Nations General Assembly resolu-
tion of October 7, 1950. He urged that the inter-
rupted work of Uncurk be resumed and that the
Chinese Communists withdraw their forces from
North Korea so that the United Nations could
"complete its task in an atmosphere free of men-
ace." This proposal was rejected by the Com-
munist delegations.
In a further effort to achieve a peaceful settle-
' Ibid., Oct. 23, 1950, p. 648.
December 20, ?954
951
ment of the Korean problem, Dr. Pyun on May 22
presented a complete proposal which provided for
elections both in North Korea and in the Republic
of Korea. In summai-y this proposal called for :
1. The holding of free elections in Nortli Korea,
where such elections liave not hitherto been possi-
ble, and in South Korea, in accordance with the
constitutional processes of the Republic of Korea,
these elections to be held imder United Nations
supervision within 6 months, on the basis of a
secret ballot and imiversal adult suffrage;
2. A census under United Nations sujiei-vision,
with a view to apportioning the number of repre-
sentatives in the national legislature in proportion
to the population in the electoral districts in all
parts of Korea ;
3. Complete freedom of movement for United
Nations supervisoiy personnel and freedom of
movement and of speech for candidates for
election ;
4. Maintenance of the constitution of the Re-
public of Korea, subject to amendment by the
all-Korean legislature to be convened in Seoul
immediately after the elections;
5. Completion of the withdrawal of Chinese
Communist troops 1 month in advance of the
election date ;
6. Commencement of the withdrawal of United
Nations forces prior to the elections, the with-
di-awal to be completed when the unified govern-
ment had achieved control throughout Korea as
certified by the United Nations; and
7. A guaranty of the territorial integrity and
independence of a unified Korea by the United
Nations.
The United States believed then, as it does now,
that this proposal would have permitted the uni-
fication of Korea on a just and honorable basis and
in complete conformity with the principles laid
down by this Assembly. Under this proposal,
the Korean people would have had the opportunity
to express their will in conditions of freedom,
with adequate and impartial safeguards against
undemocratic electoral practices.
PROPOSALS OF THE COMMUNIST DELEGATIONS
By their flat rejection of this proposal, the
Communist rulers of North Korea revealed once
more their fear of honest elections. They also
revealed their intention of maintaining an illegal
grip on part of the Korean nation in preparation
for a new attempt to brmg all of Korea under
Communist control.
This is the unmistaliable objective of the coun-
terproposals submitted by tlie Commimist side.
In essence, the Commimist proposals provided
that :
1. Elections throughout Korea must be prepared
and conducted by an "all -Korean Commission" in
which North Korea and the Republic of Korea
would have equal representation and which could
function only by agreement between the two;
2. International supervision of the elections
must be limited to a new "Neutral Nations
Supervisory Commission" composed of an equal
number of Communist and non-Communist na-
tions, which would function only by agreement
between the two components ; and
3. All non-Korean forces must be withdrawn
from Korea prior to tlie holding of elections, no
distinction being made between the aggressors'
forces and tliose of the United Nations, thus allow-
ing the Chinese Communist armies to remain
witliin easy striking distance whereas United Na-
tions forces would be dispersed to all parts of the
world.
The Communist proposals failed to provide any
guaranty that tlie elections would be carried out
in freedom. In fact, they gave no assurance that
the elections would ever take place, since the North
Koreans were given a built-in veto with which
to prevent agreement except on their terms. The
so-called Neutral Nations Supervisory Commis-
sion would have come into operation only if the
"all-Korean Commission" had first reached agree-
ment on the conduct of the elections. Even tlien
the provision for unanimous agreement would
liave enabled tlie Communist members to frus-
trate the Commission's operations and prevent any
effective supervision of the elections.
To the very end, the Communist delegations
persisted in their repudiation of the authority of
the United Nations and their insistence on a veto
over the elections. The basis for their position
on the elections is clear. They knew tlien, as they
know now, that genuinely free elections in Korea
would free North Korea from Communist domi-
nation. There was never any indication that they
were prepared to alter the status quo in Korea,
except on a basis which would have assured them
952
Department of State Bulletin
by iiolitical means tlio conquest of Korea which
they had faileil to gain by military aggression.
Ill the closing days of the Conference, the Com-
munist delegations sought lo turn the failure to
reacli agreement into a victory for Communist
propaganda. Hastily prepared "proposals" were
oll'eretl in an elVort to bhir the vital issues at stake.
Mr. Nam 11 blandly i)roposed, in etl'oct, that the
idea of impartially supervised elections be dis-
carded ; that the Re[>ublic of Korea work out meas-
ures for economic and cultural relations with the
North Korean regime — this onl}' after the with-
drawal of foreign forces and the reduction of the
forces of the Republic of Korea to a level equal
to that of North Korea. With the obvious intent
of confusing the debate at this Assembly, the
North Korean regime recently made a similar pro-
posal to the Republic of Korea. Naturally, the
Republic of Korea has refused to accept this
proffered Trojan horse.
Mr. Molotov's proposal on the final day at
Geneva was different, but equally deceptive in
intent. He suggested that both sides agi'ee on a
set of general objectives. But he left to what he
called '"further examination" all of the basic issues
to which the Conference had failed to find solu-
tions. He did not abandon in the slightest degree
the Communist position which had made it im-
possible to solve these issues at the Conference.
As the Allied delegations have indicated in their
report, these proposals could only have served to
conceal the serious issues of principle which re-
mained unresolved and mislead the peoples of the
world into believing that there was agreement
when, in truth, there was none. Accordingly, in
the Declaration by the Sixteen, issued on the final
day of the Conference, the Allied delegations re-
gretfully recorded their conclusion that, so long
as the Communist side rejects the two fundamental
principles which we consider essential, further
consideration of the Korean question by the Con-
ference would serve no useful purpose.
PROSPECTS FOR KOREAN UNIFICATION
Speaking for the United States, Mr. Walter
Bedell Smith rejected a final propaganda gesture
by the Chinese Communist delegate, who called
for a resumption of the Korean Political Confer-
ence at some future date. Mr. Smith said,
This is not a permanent body — set up outside of or
beyond the control of the United Nations. It was given
a specific mission whlcli it lias not bi-en able to achieve
as yet. ... It was my impression that our Declaration
had made it very clear that the f'ommuiilst side could
resume neKotlntions nt any time under favorable condi-
tions by simply ncceptliiK the two fundamental principles
which we have declared . . . and without which negotia-
tions would be fruitless.
After further careful study of the situation, the
United States continues to maintain this position.
The Korean Political Conference came to an end
on June IT), 1954. It ended in failure for the rea-
sons which I have summarized. The United
States is not prepared to undertake new negotia-
tions so long as the Conununists reject the two
fundamental principles which we consider in-
dispensable.
To undertake further negotiations in the ab-
sence of a change in the Communist position is to
court a new failure. The result of a new failure
would be a damaging blow to the prestige and
authority of the United Nations and to the morale
of the Korean people.
Mr. Chairman, after the long debate of the
past 6 years in this body, it is all too easy to forget
that we are discussing the fate of nearly 30 million
Koreans who live in the shadow of Communist
tyranny and who claim only the right to shape
their own destiny in freedom. Those who had
the opportunity of a free choice chose to defend
their freedom with great bravery and immense
sacrifice. If their future is to be cast repeatedly
on the conference table solely for the purpose of
demonstrating our willingness to negotiate, even
when no constructive result is in prospect, it would
not be surprising if the people of Korea should
lose faith in us and in the very process of negotia-
tion.
I am certain that the Korean people will agree
in the future, as they have in the past, to partici-
pate with us in negotiations for a just and honor-
able settlement. But they deserve some assurance
that constructive results may be anticipated and
that they will not merely be subjected to unending
pressure to yield on matters affecting their very
existence. There cannot be a settlement of the
Korean question which is not responsive to the
freely expressed will of the Korean people.
Nor should there be a settlement of the Korean
question which is unworthy of those who fought
and died to defend the Republic of Korea and the
United Nations. I can speak only for the hun-
dreds of thousands of young men who went from
December 20, 1954
953
the United States to fight in Korea. Of these,
more than 130,000 were casualties, 34,000 of them
dead or missing in action. Fifteen other members
of the United Nations and above all the Eepublic
of Korea can speak of similar losses. We must
not repudiate these sacrifices by abandoning the
principles which inspired them.
Until the Communists cease their attacks upon
these principles, no constructive results can be ex-
pected from negotiations on the Korean question.
If we have learned anything from our numerous
and protracted negotiations with them, it is the
importance of careful preparation and careful
timing to assure that negotiations are conducted
under favorable conditions. At this time, when
Comnumist China has just furnished fi-esh evi-
dence of its brutal and illegal treatment of cap-
tured personnel of the United Nations Command
in violation of the armistice agreement, the mem-
bers of this committee will surely agi-ee that
conditions for negotiation are not favorable.
But we should not despair. We should not lose
faith that our objectives will be achieved. We
must be firm and constant in the principles we
know to be right. We must hold fast to the only
course wliich will bring us to the United Nations
goal of a unified, independent, and democratic
Korea. We must not fail the people of Korea —
or ourselves.
STATEMENTS BY SENATOR SMITH *
Fifteen-Power Draft Resolution
U.S. delegation press release 2058 dated December 3
I wish to express my regret at being absent in
the opening of the discussions because as a member
of the United States Senate during this last week
we were in our closing session and I have been
compelled to be there until late last night. How-
ever, I was here this morning and early enjoyed
the fine presentation of the issues involved in this
matter that is before us.
I have a brief statement to make at this time.
The United States delegation was interested to
hear the suggestion made this morning by the
representative of Sweden [Rolf Sohlman] that an
efl'ort be made to merge the Indian draft resolu-
tion ^ with the draft resolution submitted by the
15 powers.^" This suggestion was later endorsed
by the representative of Peru [Victor Andres
Belaunde] . We sincerely appreciate the keen in-
terest which these and other delegations have i
demonstrated in trying to facilitate a just and |
honorable settlement of the Korean question. In
view of the suggestion put forward by the repre-
sentatives of Sweden and Peru, I should like to
make a brief observation of the resolution pre-
sented by the group of 15 nations and the draft
presented by the representative of India.
When the coimnittee began its consideration of
this item, the group of 15 nations agreed unani-
mously to sponsor the resolution which is now
before the committee. The United States delega-
tion believed, in common with others of the group
of 15, that they owed it to this body and to them-
selves to put forward a resolution which embodied
their views on the Korean question in the clearest
jjossible manner, although of course open to sug-
gestions that may be made by this whole com-
mittee. Having, together with the Republic of
Korea and the Union of South Africa, taken part
together in the resistance against aggression at
the call of the United Nations, and having par-
ticipated in the Geneva Conference, the group of
15 believed that the General Assembly should have
the views which they have developed as the result
of their common experience.
It is true that the two resolutions in question
are similar in many respects. However, I should
like to call the committee's attention to the most
significant difference between the resolution spon-
sored by the 15 nations and the Indian draft reso-
lution. The Indian draft resolution merely states
that the General Assembly has "received" the re-
port on the Korean Political Conference. The
resolution presented by the 15 nations calls upon
the General Assembly to "approve" this report.
There are lesser points of difference which I will
not discuss at this time.
The 15 members of the United Nations who par-
ticipated in the Geneva Conference pursuant to
the recommendation of the General Assembly
have formally reported upon their participation
in that Conference. I hope sincei'ely that the
General Assembly will agree that it can do no less
than to approve the report which the 15 members
have submitted.
' Made in CominittoR I on Dec. 3 and 8.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.118.
954
' U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.119.
Departmenf of State Bulletin
In conclusion, may I say that I am sure that
the Indian representative [V. K. Krishna Menon]
and I, and indeed all of us, have the same objec-
tive in mind. A\'e want to see a unilied, independ-
ent, and democratic Korea. Unfortunately, there
is one rather fundamental diflVrence between us,
as I have explained, but I am certain that this will
not in any way change the fact that the 15 nations
and India all want to aehieve a just and honor-
able settlement of the Korean question.
Summary of U. S. Position
U.S. dcleKation press release liOTO dated December 8
At this stage in our discussion of the Korean
question it may be useful to look back at the ground
we have covered. Then wc may have a better basis
for voting on the resolutions before us.
A great many things have been said here by the
Soviet representative and those who support him
which are nothing more than echoes of the false-
hoods and distortions of the past. We do not in-
tend to take up the time of this committee to reply
to them. As a matter of fact, the committee has
heard a number of excellent and penetrating state-
ments which have revealed that there is a wide-
spread understanding of the extent to which these
distortions have become part of the Communist
dogma on Korea. But we believe that the essen-
tials of what has been said can be summarized in
a few general conclusions :
1. The Geneva Conference did not solve the
Korean question. We can all agree on that.
2. The Geneva Conference failed because the
Communists refused to accept genuinely free elec-
tions in Korea and rejected the authority of the
United Nations.
3. The Communist position has not changed.
We mean by that, the Communists have still given
no evidence that they would be willing to accept
either the authority of the United Nations or
genuinely free elections in Korea.
4. The U. S. S. R. proposes another conference
on Korea at an early date and on precisely the same
basis as the recent Conference which failed.
5. Because the Communist position is un-
changed, such a conference would be futile.
We believe that these conclusions give us clear
guidance as to the way in which this committee
should dispose of the resolutions before it. The
resolution introduced by the Soviet Union suggests
further negotiations before the Communists give
any indication of any kind that they are willing
to negotiate on a reasonable basis. Clearly this is a
device. The Soviet delegate is trying to make it
appear that the Soviets have an interest in a rea-
sonable settlement. Actually, we feel that they do
not. They are still insisting upon a settlement
which would make Korea a Communist satellite.
Therefore we believe that this device should be
rejected.
All of these efforts to offer the shadow of false
hope instead of the substance of reality should be
put firmly aside. The U.S.S.R. proposal for a
new conference on Korea is one of these efforts,
and we trust that it will be rejected."
The second resolution introduced by the repre-
sentative of the Soviet Union proposes the aboli-
tion of Uncurk.^2 This resolution is a part of the
determined Communist rejection of the authority
and competence of the United Nations. They
claim that it is a biased committee, that it can do
no useful work, that it is too favorable to the
Eepublic of Korea. Yet they quote from the
Uncurk report,^^ quoting only those positions un-
favorable to the KeiJublic of Korea. We should
all read the entire report of Uncubk? It stands
as a vivid proof of the falsity of the Communist
contentions. Uncurk has done effective work.
It is both the symbol and the instrument of the
United Nations in Korea. It should not be abol-
ished. Quite the contrary. Unless the Com-
munists fear a clear-eyed and detailed examina-
tion of the real conditions in North Korea, let
them give Uncurk the same access to North Korea
that it has to South Korea. Then and only then
will this committee really have an adequate basis
for judging what is going on in North Korea.
We have discussed the two resolutions proposed
by the Soviet Union. There are two other resolu-
tions before this committee — the one introduced
by the 15 nations who participated for the United
Nations in the Geneva Conference — and in that
resolution the U.S. is a party — and the one intro-
duced by India.
We all appreciate the efforts which the distin-
guished representative of India is making to pro-
" U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 116, not brought to a vote.
" U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 117, rejected on Dec. 8 by a vote
of 5-50-1 (Syria).
" U.N. doc. A/2711.
December 20, 1954
955
mote a peaceful settlement of the Korean question.
I have talked with him personally and am ab-
solutely convinced of his sincerity in trying to
bring about a solution of the problem. His state-
ment to this committee yesterday morning made it
clear that he has in view the same basic objectives
as do those of us who participated in the Korean
action in response to the call of the United
Nations.
However, there are differences of approach
which are reflected in these two resolutions. On
Friday, we pointed out the most important differ-
ence. This is the fact that the Indian resolution
only notes that the report to the United Nations
on the Geneva Conference has been received,
whereas the resolution of which the United States
is a cosponsor proposes that the report be ap-
proved. Close examination shows that the 15-
power resolution also emphasizes more clearly
than the Indian resolution the role of the United
Nations in Korea. These differences are sub-
stantive and not merely differences in language.
The 15-power resolution was drafted and sub-
mitted to this committee because its sponsors
believe it is essential to reassert in a clear-cut
manner the overall responsibility and the objec-
tives of the United Nations in this matter. This
has been the issue throughout the long discussion
on Korea in this Assembly. It was the issue at
Geneva. It remains the issue upon which the
imification of Korea will turn.
I regret to say that the Indian resolution in my
judgment subordinates this basic issue. Its adop-
tion would be taken as a signal that we are pre-
pared to consider the unification of Korea on some
other basis. That is, we are sure, not the inten-
tion of the representative of India, but that is the
effect of his resolution. Had the distinguished
representative of India found it possible to agree
with the sponsors on the need to reassert these
principles in a clear-cut manner, thei-e would have
been no need for the 15 powers to submit any
resolution at all.
Since the issue has emerged in this way, how-
ever, the United States cannot vote for the Indian
draft resolution. That is why we support the
motion of the representative of Turkey to give
priority to the 15-power proposal, and that is why
we hope that the 15-power resolution will receive
the overwhelming support of this committee.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman — lest there be any
misunderstanding — we should like to reemphasize
a point which Ambassador Wadsworth said in
opening the discussion of this question. Presi-
dent Eisenhower has stressed the same point in
more general terms in some of his recent public
statements.
For our part, the United States is not closing
the door to further discussions with the Commu-
nists for the peaceful unification of Korea. Dr.
Pyun in his statement to this committee gave clear
indication that the Republic of Korea feels the
same way. The door is not being closed. How-
ever, the United States believes that there is no
point in further discussions until the Communists
have given evidence that they mean to negotiate
on the sound basis of moral principles and United
Nations responsibility. Nothing can be gained if
they intend to repeat the same things they said at
Geneva and have said here. We mean business.
"Vyiien they show that they do, there will be some
point in further negotiations.
Letters of Credence
Rimnania
The newly appointed Minister of the Rumanian
People's Republic, Anton Moisescu, presented his
credentials to the President on December 7. For
the text of the Minister's remarks and the text of
the President's reply, see Department of State
press release 699.
Greece
The newly appointed Ambassador of Greece,
George V. Melas, presented his credentials to the
President on December 9. For the text of the
Ambassador's remarks and the text of the Presi-
dent's reply, see Department of State press release
710 of December 9.
956
Oeparfmenf of State Bulletin
Soviet Propaganda Charges Against U. S. Efforts
To Deter Aggression in Asia
Statement by G. D. Jackson
UjS. Representative to the General Assembly ^
Just last week the Ad Hoc Political Committee
was given a clear picture of how the Soviet bloc is
using tlie United Nations as a propaganda sound-
ing-board to increase world tensions. I am happy
to say that this Committee was not fooled by the
Soviet bloc maneuver.-
Today we have just been treated to another
superb example of propaganda tactics, really skill-
ful propaganda tactics. I am referring to Mr.
Sobolev's bland statement, just a clause and a
sentence just a few minutes ago, to the effect that
the United States stalled the war in Korea, had
attacked Nortli Korea. Now if anyone here be-
lieves that statement, then they can believe Mr. So-
bolev's other stotements which are inevitably built
upon that premise, that is, tiie propaganda struc-
ture. But if, on the contrary, we accept the fact
' Made in the Ad Boc Political Committee on Dec. 9
(U. S. delegation press release 2072).
' Debate on a Czechoslovak proposal (tJ.N. doc. A/AC.76/
L.16) opened in the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Nov.
30. The draft resolution recommended that all states
"take effective measures against all forms of propaganda
tending to create hostility and hatred among nations and
increasing the danger of a new world war." On the same
date the United States, Australia, Brazil, Cuba, France,
Honduras, Iraq, Pakistan, the Philippines, and the United
Kingdom jointly offered amendments (T'.N. doc. A/AC.76/
L.17) which had the effect of deleting four of the draft's
five paragraphs and placing emphasis on the removal of
barriers to free exchange of information and ideas.
The original Czechoslovak draft was not put to a vote.
The amended version was adopted on Dec. 2 by a vote of
.3.>-.".-10 (U.N. doc. A/AC.76/L.19) ; Czechoslovakia joined
the other Soviet-bloc delegations in voting against it. The
vote in the Dec. 11 plenary was 45-5-9.
For texts of statements made during the committee
delmte by C. D. Jackson, see TJ.S. delegation press releases
2049 of Nov. 30, 2052 of Dec. 1, and 2054 of Dec. 2.
of unprovoked North Korean aggressive attack
against South Korea in which there were no
United States troo])S — and tliat lias been the find-
ing of the United Nations — then curiously enougli,
the truth of practically everything else that Mr.
Sobolev said, the truth of practically every statis-
tic which he reeled out for us at considerable
length, is, to say the least, in serious doubt. That
is why I say tliat the Soviet charge against alleged
United States aggression is nothing but propa-
ganda based on a propaganda premise.
This Committee saw througli tlie baseless
charges submitted under the Czech item. In fact,
the crude propaganda attempt of our Soviet col-
leagues blew up in their faces and was turned
against them. This Committee i^ronomiced itself
in no uncertain terms. It placed the responsibility
for fostering so-called war propaganda right
where it belongs. It again went on record de-
cisively that it is the miwarranted and continued
maintenance of the Iron Curtain by the Kremlin
rulers that today constitutes the overriding reason
for false and hostile propaganda against peace.
Today we find ourselves facing the Bamboo
Curtain.
This item is not new. A similar item and simi-
lar resolutions were brought into the Security
Council and the General Assembly in 1950. The
Security Council rejected the Soviet proposal by
9 votes to 1. Tlie General Assembly never voted
on the Soviet proposal. In fact, the debate on it
was interrupted in November 19.50 when the As-
sembly turned its attention to a fact of war and
disregarded their propaganda falsehood. That
fact of war was the Chinese Communist military
intervention in Korea.
December 20, 1954
957
Let us not for a moment forget that the intro-
duction of this general subject at the United
Nations in 1950 was a prelude to Communist
China's engaging in aggression in Korea, of which
Communist China still stands convicted. I ask
my Soviet colleague : Why have you taken this old
item off the shelf and revived it? Is it intended
to hide your own intentions to commit or push-
button further aggressions in the Far East?
This is something we should all ponder during
the course of tliis debate. Certainly the recent
actions of the Soviet Union's Chinese Communist
partners do not reassure us on this score.
Close on the heels of the Geneva Conference the
Chinese Communists began to develop a full-scale
propaganda campaign, both for domestic and for-
eign consumption, promising the "liberation"' of
Formosa, even though the world knows that the
people of Free China are desperately opposed to
the tyrannical form of government which has been
imposed on their mainland brethren. This propa-
ganda campaign has already achieved the magni-
tude of the "Resist America — Aid Korea" cam-
paign by means of which the Chinese Commimists
sought to stir up support for their aggression in
Korea in defiance of the United Nations.
But the Chinese Communists have not relied
upon words of hate and threats of belligerent ac-
tion alone to create tensions in the Formosa area.
They have resorted to bombs and shells to heighten
the effect. On September 3 Chinese Communist
artillery pumped nearly 5,000 shells onto the
Islands of Big and Little Quemoy, thus deliber-
ately inflaming a situation which had been quies-
cent for nearly 5 years. Since then the
Communists have continued to bomb and shell
these and other small islands which have always
been held by the Government of China. It could
not have been mere coincidence that this well-
developed and systematic campaign for the "liber-
ation" of Formosa was launched when a new cam-
paign was needed for the internal purpose of reviv-
ing the faltering enthusiasm for the actions of the
Chinese Communist regime. Externally, of course,
the Chinese Communists and their Soviet partners
hoped to split the United States from its allies.
Let me advise the Soviet representative, however,
that tlie nuitual interest of the United States and
its allies in freedom and justice is so basic that no
amount of cheap political warfare can break them
apart.
On x\-ugust 11 Chou En-lai told the 33d session
of the "Central People's Government Council":
The liberation of Taiwan is a glorious, historic mission
of the Chinese people. Only by liberating Taiwan from
the rule of the traitorous Chiang Kai-shek group, only by
fulfilling this glorious task, can we win complete victory
in the great cause of liberating the Chinese people and thus
further safeguard the peace and security of Asia and the
world.
Again on September 23, 1951:, Mr. Chou
addressed the "National People's Conference" as
follows :
The Chinese people must liberate Taiwan. As long as
Taiwan is not liberated, China's territory is not intact,
China cannot have a tranquil environment for peaceful
construction and peace in the Far East and throughout
the world is not secure. On August 11, 1954 the Central
People's Government Council passed a resolution urging
all Chinese people and the Chinese People's Liberation
Army to redouble their efforts in all fields of work and
strive to liberate Taiwan and eliminate the traitorous
Chiang Kai-shek gi'oup, so as to complete our people's
sacred task of liberation. On August 22, all the demo-
cratic parties and groups and people's organizations of
China issued a joint declaration on the liberation of
Taiwan in response to this call of the Central People's
Government.
If the Chinese Communist regime is not seeking
to provoke new armed conflict, what is the meaning
of this language contained in "an order of the day
to all commanders and fighters of the Chinese Peo-
ple's Liberation Army" issued by General Peng
Te-huai, Minister of Defense of the Chinese Com-
munist regime, on October 1, 1954 (the same Gen-
eral Peng, incidentally, who signed the Korean
Armistice Agreement as commander of the so-
called People's Volunteers) ?
The struggle to liberate Taiwan, therefore, is still an un-
finished task in the Chinese People's war of liberation.
It is the glorious duty of the Chinese People's Liberation
Anny to liberate Taiwan. . . .
Only yesterday Chou En-lai said :
To liberate Taiwan and liquidate the traitorous Chiang
Kai-shek clique is a matter which falls entirely within
the scope of China's sovereignty and internal affairs and
no interference by any other country wlU be tolerated.
I ask the Soviet delegate, can the effect of such
statements be other than to increase tensions ? Can
it be tliat they are not deliberately designed to in-
crease tensions? All of us are familiar with the
ominf)iis meaning of the word "liberation" in the
mouths of the Communists. History has taught
us that it spells conquest, aggression, and the f orce-
958
Deparlmenf of Slate Bulletin
till imposition of Communist rule upon unwilling
peoples. This is the coui-se to which Chou En-lai
li;is j)iil)li('l_v (-■onnnitteil his rejiime, luul he stands
the more exposed against the backgrounil of the
continuous stream of similar statements which
have poured from the mouths of other Chinese
Connnunist ollieiuis, i)uuctuated at fretpient inter-
vals by the roar of Communist gunfire.
And the Soviets, apparently feeling the need to
give aid and comfort to the Cliineso Connuunists,
have pitched in with a similar orchestration. In
his address of September 30 in Peiping, Mr. N. S.
Ivrushcliev said:
The Soviet people deeply s.vinpnthlze with the noble
cause of the fireut Chinese people, support the ('hinese
people in their lieteniiination to liberate their suffering
brothers from the oppression of the Chiang Kai-shek
brigands on Taiwan, and to eliminate the Chiang Kai-shek
brigands on the Island.
How does this kind of Soviet support for
Chinese Communist plans to attack Formosa
square with Commimist protestations of devotion
to peace and early disarmament? How do these
bellicose Communist statements on Formosa con-
tribute to a reduction of international tensions?
If the Soviet Government's support of peace and
disarmament is sincere, then why does it not
undertake to moderate its bellicose ally? Appar-
ently the Soviet Government prefers to overlook
these provocative words and deeds of its Chinese
partner and tries to confuse the world with charges
of aggression by the United States.
False Accusations Against U. S.
Let us now look briefly at some of the accusa-
tions that are being hurled at us. The Soviets
allege the forcible seizure and occupation of For-
mosa b}' United States armed forces. Certainly
it is obvious to everyone tliat the United States
has neither seized nor occupied Formosa. There
are some 8 or 9 hundred United States Army, Air
Force, and Naval officers and men stationed on
Formosa for the purpose of training the military
forces of the Chinese Government. They are
there at the request of that government. It is a
patent absurdity to claim that the United States
with a few hundred men engaged in a training
mission has seized or occupied Formosa, garri-
soned by half a million Chinese.
Let me stress again that the small group of
United States militarj- officers are in Formosa at
the invitation of the Chinese Government. The
military and economic assistance extended to the
Chinese (lovernment is nothing new. It is a man-
ifestation of the traditional concern of the United
States for the well-being of China. The United
States is proud of its long record of f rieiulship and
assistance to the Chinese Govermuent. The
United States has traditionally stood and still
stands for the independence and territorial in-
tegrity of China. Historically the United States
has maintained this stand in opposition to im-
perialist pressures.
Many examples could be given of the continuity
of the American policy in this respect, but I will
cite only a few this morning. Defense of China's
independence and territorial integrity was the
purpose of the "Open Door Notes" of Secretary
of State John Hay in 1899, of the United States
Circidar Note to the Powers in 1902, of the United
States appeals to both belligerents in the Russo-
Japanese War in the years 1904-05, and of the
Root-Takahira Agreement of 1908. The United
States took a firm stand against aggression in
Manchuria in 1932 and refused to recognize any
arrangements which impaired the open-door pol-
icy. From 1937 down to the present, the United
States has provided both economic and military
aid to the Government of China. Through pri-
vate institutions the people of the United States
have also made contributions to the welfare and
education of the Chinese people. I recall these
facts simply to make clear the contimiity of Amer-
ican policy toward China. The United States
has consistently stood for the independence and
territorial integrity of China. It has for many
years extended assistance to the Government of
China when that Government has sought such aid.
The record of the United States, therefore, gives
the lie to the Soviet accusation that the United
States has violated Chinese territorial rights and
international agreements respecting China. It
exposes the falsity of the Communist contention
that its economic and military assistance programs
conceal imperialistic or aggressive designs.
As to the accusations that the United States is
l)erpetrating and abetting aggressive acts in the
Formosa area, let us examine the actual situation.
I have already described for you the deliberate and
systematic campaign initiated by the Chinese
Communist regime at the close of the Geneva
Conference to stir up tensions as to the Formosa
December 20, 1954
959
situation. A part of this campaign has been the
launching of attacks against islands held by the
Chinese Government. It was only natural and
right that the Chinese Government should have
defended itself against such attacks and should
have sought to destroy the vear vessels and the
artilleiy emplacements used by the Commimists
in making such attacks. As the Chinese Govern-
meiit has publicly stated, its actions have been
designed jsurely as a defense against these attacks
launched by the Communists as a part of their
burgeoning campaign to seize territories of Free
China. Communist propaganda has deliberately
distorted these defensive actions.
Shelling of Quemoy
For example, for domestic purposes it played
up the heavy shelling of Quemoy as "victory."
The military resjionses which it has provoked by
these attacks have been heavily played in its propa-
ganda as "acts of aggression" by the Chinese Gov-
ernment and the United States. When, several
weeks after the initial heavy Communist shelling
of Quemoy, military activities in the area slack-
ened, the Communists found it necessary to bomb
the Tachen Islands, jiresumably in the hope of
provoking retaliation which could be ballyhooed
as further "aggressive action."
A part and parcel of this Communist campaign
of word and deed to increase tensions over the
Formosa area has been the marked increase in
publicity given to trials of so-called counter-revo-
lutionaries and spies in Communist China. These
spy trials have suddenly been multiplied rapidly
and given miusual prominence in Peiping propa-
ganda output. The victims of these trials are
invariably portrayed as agents of the Chinese
Government and/or the United States, and their
alleged plots are linked with the so-called aggres-
sive designs of their alleged principals. The
climax of this exercise in stirring up war hysteria
in China and heightening international tensions
was the sentencing of 11 United States Air Force
personnel of the United Nations Command.
These trumped-up charges are said by the Com-
munists to "prove" United States aggression
against China. It is by such false accusations as
this, as well as by provocative armed attacks and
a constant barrage of propaganda, that the Chi-
nese Communist regime seeks to create the illusion
of United States aggression.
960
But the military activities of the United States
with respect to Formosa are a matter of record.
They are the antithesis of aggression. They are
designed to prevent aggression and to promote
stability. In June 1950 the then President of
the United States ordered the United States Sev-
enth Fleet to prevent an attack on Formosa be-
cause in the circumstances of the Communist
aggression against the Republic of Korea "the
occupation of Formosa by Communist forces
would be a direct threat to the security of the
Pacific area and to United States forces perform-
ing their lawful and necessary functions in that
area." The purpose of the United States was
clearly to prevent the spread of war and to main-
tain stability in the area of Formosa. Tliis pur-
pose was achieved.
Following the Korean Armistice, tensions in
the area were focused in Indochina, and it was
clear that the continuance of the Seventh Fleet
mission was important to the maintenance of sta-
bility in the general area. Although a settlement
was arrived at during the Geneva Conference de-
signed to contribute to the reduction of tensions
in Indochina, the Chinese Communist regime lost
no time in laimching a campaign aimed at the
forcible seizure of Formosa, which had the effect
of maintaining and increasing tension in that area.
If it had not been for the continuing mission of
the Seventh Fleet, these Communist threats might
already have been turned into the hideous spec-
tacle of a fresh armed assault upon fi-eedom-loving
people. In brief, the Seventh Fleet has carried
out its mission successfully and has accomplished
its objective of preventing the spread of war to
Formosa. It is not engaged in nor has it abetted
any provocative or offensive actions, but it has
made a significant contribution to stability, a
stability which the Communists are now doing
their best to upset.
Last week the Government of the United States
and the Government of China took an important
step to contribute further to the stability of the
Formosa area. On December 2 they signed a
Mutual Defense Treaty.^ The nature and pur-
pose of this treaty was clearly set out in a joint
statement by the United States and Chinese Gov-
ernments issued on December 1 on the conclusion
of negotiations of this treaty. In this joint state-
' Bulletin of Dec. 13, 1954, p. 895.
Department of Stale Bulletin
luent the United States and Chinese Govenuneiits
pointed out ". . . this treaty between the United
States iuul the Repiililie of riiiua will be defensive
in ehanieter. It will lealliriii the dedication of
the parties to the purposes and principles of the
Charter of the United Nations." The purpose of
the treaty was clearly stated in these words: "It
is directed ajjainst threats to the security of the
treaty area from armed attack and provides for
continuing consultation rejiardinjj; any such threat
or attack." This treaty follows the general pat-
tern of other security pacts which the United
States has concluded with countries in the Western
Pacific. It forms another link in the system of
collective security which provides the essential
framework for the defense by the free people of
the Western Pacific against Connnunist aggres-
sion. This treaty can be construed as a threat
only by a would-be aggressor.
This mutual security treaty with the Republic
of China solemnizes and gives permanency to the
previous steps of the United States to stabilize
the situation in the area of Formosa. It is de-
signed to deter aggression — to prevent the kind of
Communist miscalculation which could lead to an
elfort to invade Formosa. I maintain that this is
a contribution to peace, not to war.
Let any impartial observer review these facts
and decide for himself who it is that is promoting
and encouraging war and the increase of inter-
national tensions as between the mainland of
China and Formosa.
Communist Definition of Aggression
The root of the matter is that in Communist
jargon any effort to create a defense against ex-
panding communism is called aggression. I could
cite examples to prove this point from all over the
world, but I shall confine myself to Asia.
As early as 1946, when the Second World War
was over and the United States made clear its
policy of continued support of the Republic of
China, the propaganda of Chinese communism
proceeded to paint the United States as the ag-
gressive successor to imperial Japan.
In 1950 the Communist aggression in Korea was
painted by Moscow and Peking as a defense
against a mythical attack from the south, and the
United Nations response to that aggression had
no sooner taken place than it was portrayed as a
cover for aggression by I lie United States. The
world is long weary of this lie.
In lOriO the T'nited States joined witii Australia
and New Zealand in a defensive treaty and with
the Philippines in another defensive treaty, and,
sure enough, Soviet communism condemned both
these treaties as acts of aggression.
In 1952 the United States concluded a Security
Treaty with Jajian and in 195.'^ it signed a Mutual
Defense Treaty with the Republic of Korea.
These steps wei-e taken as a means of strengthen-
ing further the defenses of the free world in the
Western Pacific. Put the Soviet and Peking Com-
nnmists have from the beginning labeled them as
aggressive.
Then in September of this year an eight-power
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty was
signed at Manila.'' The parties are Australia,
France, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines,
Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United
States. The treaty provides that in case of ag-
gression by armed attack each of the parties will
act to meet the common danger and that in case of
aggression by other means, such as subversion, the
parties will consult immediately to agree on meas-
ures for the common defense. This last provision
is important because, as Secretary Dulles said on
September 15, "subversion and indirect aggression
have been principal tools of international com-
munism."
These are the provisions of the Manila pact, and
the only provisions, concerning aggression. And
what is the reaction from the centers of world
communism? The same as before : that the treaty
is an act of aggression.
And now comes the mutual security treaty with
the Republic of China. Can anyone be surprised
that this too, in Communist language, is labeled as
an act of aggression? As recently as yesterday
Chou En-lai said: "The mutual security treaty
concluded by the United States Government with
the traitorous Chiang Kai-shek clique is in every
sense a treaty of war and aggression. United
States imperialism is hostile to the Chinese
people." How long do Moscow and Peldng think
they can fool the intelligent peoples of Asia
with this outworn inversion of the truth? How
many people in Europe are likely to believe it —
i:)eople who so well remember how Hitler launched
*md, Sept. 20, 1954, p. 393.
December 20, 1954
961
World War II by accusing Poland of committing
aggi'essiou against him ?
The Facts of History
In our search for the truth, we do not need to
depend on such misuse of words. We have the
facts of recent history in Asia, and from those
facts we can easily answer the question I raised a
few moments ago: Wlio is the real aggressor ii^
Asia? Permit me to divide this question into
some concrete questions of fact.
First, who was it that signed a treaty in 1945 to
sujiport the Republic of China and in the same
year turned over vast stocks of captured Japanese
arms to the internal Communist enemies of that
Republic ? Wi\o in the meanwhile closed the port
of Dairen to Chinese Nationalist troops so that
they could not interfere with the Chinese Com-
munist conquest of Manchuria? To both ques-
tion.? the answer is written in history : the Soviet
Union.
Second, who was it that established a Korean
Communist army in North Korea from 1945 to
1950, supplied and trained that army, provided
Soviet citizens of Korean ancestry to be its leaders,
and posted its own military officers to give the
signal for the southward aggression on June 25,
1950 ? The answer is : the Soviet Union, with the
complicity of Communist China.
Third, who sent armies of so-called "volunteers,"
a million strong, into Korea in late 1950 to con-
tinue the aggression after the original aggressor
army had nearly been crushed by United Nations
forces? And who, for this act, was found guilty
of aggression by the United Nations General
Assembly? We all know the answer : Communist
China.
Fourth, who in 1952 subjected helpless prisoners
of war in Korea to weeks and months of depriva-
tion and torture in order to extract false confes-
sions from them about a totally fictitious germ
warfare campaign, and bolstered this propaganda
barrage with fraudulent so-called scientific com-
missions in Peking, all the while resisting any
impartial investigations — thus mounting one of
the mosl colossal and fraudulent hate campaigns
in modern history ? The answer is known : Com-
nmnist China.
Fifth, who in 1953 signed a solemn amiistice
agreement in Korea, forbidding the reinforcement
of armed forces and requiring that evei-y prisoner
of war be sent home if he wished to go — and then
shamelessly violated both these provisions, intro-
ducing reinforcements into North Korea and
denying to hundreds of United Nations prisoners
of war, citizens not only of the United States but
of several other countries as well, the right to
return home? The answer is plain: Communist
China.
Sixth, who in 1954 selected 11 American airmen
from among these illegally detained prisoners, put
them through a mock trial and conviction, and
sentenced them to jail terms ranging from 4 to 10
years, all on fabricated charges of espionage?
Again, Communist Cliina.
Seventh, who in all this propaganda, and not
alone in the infamous germ warfare campaign,
has sought to instill a frenzied hatred of America
into the minds of the Chinese people, our tradi-
tional friends ? Who developed as a basic propa-
ganda the three slogans that begin : "We Must
Hate America; We Must Despise America; We
Must Look Down Upon America"? Who has
fomented all this primitive hatred, which is the
spiritual father of aggression and war? The
answer is the same: Communist China.
And in the face of all these overt acts of aggres-
sion and violence, those who support Red China
in this body are now asking us to condemn as
"aggression" the adoption of a posture of resist-
ance to their imperial ambitions. To bow to this
demand would be to adopt the principle that self-
defense against Communist attack is an inter-
national crime.
The United States continues to act in the belief
that international peace and security can be
attained, even against great obstacles, by patience
and firmness in the right. But it cannot be
attained by bowing to the will of a convicted
aggressor.
Ml'. Chairman, I fervently hope that the Com-
mittee will promptly dispose of the unsubstanti-
ated charges made in this Committee by voting
down decisively the resolution tabled by the
Soviet Union.'
'Tlio draft rcsdlurhiu (U.X. doc. A/AC.7G/L.2:!) was
reject(Ml by the Ad Hoc rolitical Committee on Dec. 10
l).v a vote of 5-39-7 and by the plenary on Dec. 17 by a
vote of a-A-tr-S.
962
Department of State Bulletin
U. N. Human Rights Day, 1954
A !■ HOC LAM ATI O.N '
WiiKWiAS nect?mlK>r 10, l!)r>4, marks tlu' sixth iiuiil-
versary of tlio iirocliiiiuing of the I'nivorsal Ui'i'lnnitloii
of Hmiiaii Uights by the General Assembly of the United
Nations as a common standard of aelilevement for all
nntioiis and all peoples, and is observed by the member
8tati>s of the I'nited Nations as Human KiKlits Day : and
WliKKKAS I>eeember 1,"), ]!)."i4, nuirks the one liundre<l
and sixty-third anniversary of the adoption of our IJlll
of Rights as the lirst ten Amendments of the Coustltutiou
of the I'nited States ; and
WnEREAS these same rights are secured to us in tlie
Constitutions and basic laws of our States and Terri-
tories ; and
WiiKUKAs an attachment to the noble prineiplcs of
individual liberty and equal oiiportuuity for all, as enun-
ciated in tliese great documents, Is the foundation of
our democracy and a safeguard against dictatorship and
tyranny :
Now. THEREKOiiE, I. DWIGIIT D. EISKNIIOWER,
President of the United States of America, do lieieby
call upon the citizens of the I'nited States to jnin with
peoples throughout the world i[i observing December 10,
1954, as United Nations Uuumn Rights Day, and on this
day and on December 15, the anniversary of our Bill of
Rights, as well as throughout the year, to give profound
thanks to Almighty God for tlie rights the people of our
Nation have so long enjoyed — freedom of speech and of the
press: freedom to worship in accord with the dictates
of conscience; fair trial and freedom from arbitrary
arrest; the right to own property and to profit by the
fruits of our labors. For these rights and freedoms men
and women in many countries have striven and died, as
our forefathers strove and died, and as today still others
strive and die in defense of human dignity against the
claims of totalitarian governments. Let us as free men
stand firm in our faith in liberty for all nations and all
peoples. Let us by example and cooiieration strengthen
the world-wide recognition of human rights as the basis
for a lasting and prosperous peace.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Dose at the City of Washington this third day of
December in the year of our Lord nineteen hun-
[seal] dred and fifty-four, and of the Independence of
the United States of America the one hundred
and seventy-ninth.
By the President :
John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State.
Opening of Washington Studios
of Voice of America
REMARKS BY THEODORE STREIBERT •
We life happy to welcome you hei'e this after-
iiooii at the formal oi)eniiig of the Wabhiiigtoii
headquarters of the Voice of America. From
these new studios we broadcast round the clock 7
days a week and reach ])ractically every corner of
the world with 75 programs each week in 138 dif-
ferent languages. This is a fitting occasion on
which to reaffirm the principles which liave guided
the operations of the Voice since the establishment
of the Information Agency on August 1 a year ago
and to rodedicate ourselves to the purposes the
Voice is attempting to accomplish in the interest
of the United States.
The Voice and the other elements of the Infor-
ination Agency play an important supporting role
in American foreign policy. It is our job to com-
municate U.S. policies and actions to peoples
overseas. The Presielent and the National Secu-
rity Council have made this our basic mission — to
communicate and interpret U.S. ])olicies, to keep
U.S. aims clear in the minds of people throughout
the world, and counteract Communist distortions
and misrepresentations.
Obviously we could not carry out this mission
without the closest possible relationship within
and guidance from the Department of State.
From the first day of our existence as a separate
agency we have had the best help and sympathy'
and cooperation from Secretary Dulles, Assistant
Secretary Carl McCardle and the members of his
Public Affairs staff, and from the other officers of
the Department. On behalf of the staff', I wish to
express how much we appreciate this friendly day-
to-day working relationship.
Our program structure here at the Voice consists
primarily of news. It is hard, factual news,
avoiding any propagandistic overtones and in-
tended to give credible, reliable accounts of news
events. We aim to build up a reputation among
listeners for credibility and reliability.
In addition to straight news, the content con-
sists of news commentaries, political commen-
taries, special events, roundups of editorial com-
' No. 3079 ; 19 Fed. Reg. 8089.
December 20, 1954
'Made at the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare Building, Washington, D. C, on Dec. 1. Mr.
Streibert is the Director of the U.S. Information Agency.
963
ment from the U.S. press, and religious programs.
For some areas of the world we include specialized
material of interest to those particular areas.
These programs go out over a network of 30
shortwave transmitters in the United States and
45 additional transmitters, both shortwave and
mediumwave, located at strategic positions
throughout the world.
One of the principal objectives of the Voice is to
bring the truth about the policies of the United
States to the peoples of the Soviet orbit by pene-
trating through the Iron and Bamboo Curtains.
The peoples of the Soviet itself have very little
means of knowing what is going on in the world
except what their Government wishes them to
know. We can constantly bring them the truth,
both b}' revealing it when it is withheld by their
own authorities and by setting the record straight
when distorted versions are imposed on them.
Gradually there may develop a skepticism, or de-
posit of doubt, about the intentions of the Krem-
lin rulers and their policies.
To the enslaved peoples of the satellites, our
news and commentaries from the outside world
can also continue to bring evidence of our interest
in their freedom and hope for their ultimate
liberation.
For these purposes — reaching behind the Cur-
tains— the Voice is devoting three-quarters of its
total programs and two-thirds of its budget, about
$10 million of the total $16 million budget. There
are Qyo hours daily of these programs designed
to penetrate the Curtains, and many are repeated
at different times and on different frequencies to
provide added reception.
The Communists have become increasingly bit-
ter about the Voice. In 1953 the press of the
U. S. S. R. and Communist China attacked us
more than 500 times. From these sources every
knock is a boost, as we see it. And, of course,
they go to great expense and effort in jamming
to prevent their people from listening to Voice
broadcasts. But we know our signals do get
through.
The second function of the Voice is to serve the
countries of the free world in their languages with
news and interpretation of U.S. policies.
Third, the Voice brings news in English every
day to the fur quarters of the globe — so that U.S.
citizens and all English-speaking people can keep
in touch with us.
964
The wisdom of Congress in directing that the
Voice of America be moved from New York to
Washington is already becoming apparent in prac-
tice. All of the major activities of the Agency are ,
now located here. Organizationally, we are now
much more closely knit. Also, the Voice operators
are closer to their source of daily foreign policy
guidance — the State Department.
Another benefit is the considerable psychologi-
cal value of being able to open our programs with
the words "This is Washington." By originating
its programs here, in the shadow of the Capitol
dome, the Voice takes on added authority and
strength.
The new location will also make it easier for
members of Congi'ess to speak over the Voice,
which we are very anxious to have them do as
often as possible, because it is effective program
material — particvilarly when they speak in the
language of the listening audience. No less than
158 members of Congress have contributed their
time and persuasiveness to Voice of America
broadcasts over the past 2 years.
As I have said, a very large portion of our out-
put is concerned with making known to the peo-
ples of other countries the foreign policy of the
United States.
It is my privilege now to introduce to you the
chief of the senior department of our Govern-
ment— the man who bears the heavy responsibil-
ity of determining our foreign policies and
actions. Even prior to his coming to this high
office he spent many months assisting in develop-
ing and carrying forward our foreign policy.
Ten years ago this summer he came to Washing-
ton and worked as a good partner in the creation
of a nonpartisan policy toward the United
Nations, which was then just coming into being.
Beginning nearly 2 years ago he has demon-
strated that he is one of the most dynamic Secre-
taries of State in our history. The record of his
foreign travels, as he worked mightily and cou-
rageously to unite our allies and turn back the tide
of Communist expansion, puts to shame the com-
bined achievements of Odysseus, Magellan, and
Marco Polo. Again and again President Eisen-
hower has expressed his profound gratitude to-
ward him and his gi'eat confidence in his work.
I introduce to you a fine gentleman who has on
many occasions confirmed his interest in the work
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
1)1' the U.S. Information Agency, includinfi the
\'oice of Americii — the Secretary of State, Mr.
John Foster Dulles.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 682 dated December 1
It is a pleasure to be here at the opening of the
Washington studios of the Voice of America.
The handsome invitation said "formal opening."
But I do not feel tiint the accent is on formality
as old friends gather here in a common cause.
The cause is to tell others the truth about Amer-
ica— our United States of America. The U8i.\
does this through many ways, of which the Voice
is the best known, the most direct, and the most in-
timate.
Much of what others want to know relates to
policies made in Washington. So, it is fitting
that the studios of the Voice should be relocated
in the Nation's Capital. I am bound to say, how-
ever, that I hope that this will not mean that
Washington news will monopolize the Voice.
Our country speaks witli many voices, and some-
times it seems to me that the most authentic
voices are to be found outside of our political Cap-
ital. Perhaps the term "Voices of ^Vmerica'
would better define what it is we seek to project,
which is the truth about this great and many-
sided Xation of ours.
And yet there are times when our Nation speaks
as one voice. That is when, as now, the basic
values of our civilization are challenged. At
these times we speak as one in our determination
to resist and overcome the challenge. There are
naturally and properly differences as to how best
to proceed. But on basic matters there is impres-
sive unity.
It is symbolic of that unity that I, who am the
head of one of the departments of Government,
speak here at this meeting of another independent
agency. It shows that the Department of State
and the Usia are one in purj^ose.
At the time when this Agency was created,
President Eisenhower said:
It is not enough for us to have sound policies dedi-
cated to goals of universal peace, freedom, and progress.
These policies must be made known to and understood
by all peoples throughout the world. That is the responsi-
bility of the new United States Information Agency.
It is the Department of State which, under the
President, makes our foreign policies. It is you
wlio help to make them known to and understood
by all peoples tliroughout the world. In this
joint task we cooperate and your Dircc-lur, Mr.
Streibert, and I meet frequently, and appropriate
members of his stall' meet with menilicrs of the
State Department, so as to assure clo.se and har-
monious working relations.
You of tlie Usi.\ are dedicated to spreading the
truth, not fiction. In particular you want to get
that truth to those in captivity behind the Iron
Curtain. There the people are fed an incessant
diet of falsehoods. Only through such agencies
as yours does the truth penetrate. It is of vital
importance, that this should happen. Otherwise,
there would be brainwashing on a vast national
scale. A third of the world's population — 800
million people — live in a nightmare world which
has no counterpart in the world of reality.
You deal with fact — the great story of our Na-
tion. It is your high mission to tell that story
day after day as it unfolds so that all may find
in it hope and take from it courage.
Possibility of Holding
Big Four Conference
Press release 704
At his news conference on December 7, Secre-
tary Dulles was asked for comment on press re-
ports of French initiative in sounding out the
V. S. 8. R. ahout the possibility of a Four Power
Conference in May. The Secretary made the fol-
lowing reply:
Those reports imply a purpose on the part of
the French Government which goes beyond any-
thing of which we have been informed. There has
been, as you all know, a pretty general expression
which has been shared by the representatives of
the three Western Powers of Great Britain,
France, and the United States and also, indeed, by
the Federal Republic of Germany through Chan-
cellor Adenauer when he was here, to the efl'ect
that once the plans for the consolidation of the de-
fenses of Western Europe are completed, so that
a conference would not degenerate into a maneuver
to prevent that, then we would hope for an oppor-
tunity to have talks which might really be con-
December 20, 1954
965
struct! ve and deal seriously with some of the grave
issues : the issue of the Austrian Treaty, which in-
deed could be dealt with without a conference by
a mere act of signing; the question of the unifi-
cation of Germany. There is also the point wliich
I alluded to in my Chicago speech,^ which I believe
was quoted by Mr. Mendes-France in a recent
statement of his, to the effect that we would be glad
to encourage by talks, if that would help, a limita-
tion upon the armament of the Eastern Soviet bloc
comparable to the limitations which will be im-
posed as a self-denying ordinance upon the mem-
bere of the Western European group.
Asked whether there are any arrangements hy
which the three Western Powers will consult or
coordinate in advance steps they may he taking
individually through diplomatic channels with the
Soviets in the coming months, Mr. Dulles replied:
As I said, there was a pretty general consensus
which has been expressed by the President and my-
self for the United States and by the responsible
heads of the Governments of France and the
United Kingdom and also of Germany with
respect to the possibility of having a useful consul-
tation sometime next spring when, presumably,
the London-Paris accords will have been ratified
so that that step will not any longer be a matter
for debate and discussion. Now we have not got-
ten down to the point of thinking concretely as to
when such a meeting might be held, although I
think Mr. Mendes-France mentioned the possi-
bility of May being a date when presumably the
ratifications would have been behind us. But
there has been no concerted action by the three
Western Powers to fix a date or agenda or any-
thing of that sort as yet.
Return of Ambassador Bohlen
to Moscow
Press release 702
At his news conference on December 7, Secre-
tary Dulles wa^ asked whether he had concluded
his talks loith Ambassador Charles E. Bohlen and
whether Mr. Bohlen expected to return shortly to
Moscow: Mr. Dulles made the following reply :
Yes, we have concluded our talks and he is
going back in the normal course. He is leaving
tomorrow.
M
' Bulletin of Dec. l.'J, 1954, p. 890.
966
Asked whether Mr. Bohlen''s return would pro-
mote an exploration of the idea of normal diplo- ,,
matic relations with the Soviet Union, Mr. Dulles Ii
replied: \
There has been an iron curtain almost, you
might say, within Moscow between the representa-
tives of the Western countries, in particular, and
the high officials of the Soviet Government. The
talk whicli IMr. Bohlen had with tlie Soviet Prime
JNIinister at the reception shortly before he left
Moscow was a step in the way of doing away with
that complete barrier, and it would, I think, be
helpful and desirable if there could be opportu-
nities for informal talks between the representa-
tives of the foreign diplomats and the high officials
of the Soviet Union. That is the kind of thing
which comes about only gradually, naturally. The
talks are informal, the kind which often take place
in Washington with foreign diplomats, and I think
we would all welcome it if that atmosphere could
be brought into the Moscow situation.
Asked whether Soviet officials had given any
indications of reducing tensions or dropping some
of the police surveillance of diplomats in Moscow,
Mr. Dulles replied:
There has been nothing of a formal nature at
all that I am aware of in that respect.
Asked ivhether Mr. Bohlen had been instructed
to make any specific proposals about reducing ten-
stones when he returns, the Secretary replied. :
No, other than that Mr. Bohlen is aware of our
general sentiments, as I have just now expressed
them, and certainly he would feel authorized to
encourage any development along that line.
Economic Assistance to
Underdeveloped Areas
Press release 701
At his news conference on December 7, Secre-
tary Dulles was asked a series of questions relating
to the possibility of U.S. economic assistance to
wnderde vcloped areas. He first was asked whether
he loould discuss with the Prime Minister of Cey-
lon an Asian aid progratn. Th e Secretary replied :
Department of State Bulletin
I liiive no intention of (Joinj:; so, hut if hi' brinjjs
ii up I will, of course, tell him the state of our
lliinkin<ron that sul>jtn-t. You will fecall that in
my Chifajjo speecii of last week ' I did not I'efer
to an Asian aid program. I did refer to the fact
that it is normal in a free society that liij^lily de-
veloped countries shoukl assist in the capital de-
velopment of the underdeveloped countries. I
didn't specify underdeveloped countries in any
particular part of the world. There are such un-
derdeveloped countries not only in Asia but in
the Near East and in South America, and that
broad problem is under active consideration by the
United St-ates Government.
Asked how advanced this considei-ation is and
hmo close it is to a foVwy decision, Mr. Dulles re-
plied:
It is advanced, I would saj*, to the point where
the principle is accepted — the general principle
which I laid down in my speech in Chicajro a week
ago Monday, a si)eech which the President indi-
cated he had read and approved. So I would say
that that is clear policy of the administration.
Xow the question of how to implement that pol-
icy is a very complicated one. It involves many
agencies of our Government. It involves the ques-
tion of how best to stimulate that development
tlirough private capital, which is the normal way
by which it is done. It involves the proper role of
government aid versus private aid. It involves
the question of the creation of the investment cli-
mate in the recipient country.
All of these problems are extremely difficult
problems. I think it is generally known that Mr.
[Joseph M.] Dodge is making a study with a view
to making recommendations as to how we shall
organize ourselves in the administration to deal
with that type of problem. As I say, it involves
many ditferent agencies of the Government, and
the first important thing is to be able to coordinate
our own thinking and planning in this field. That
is being studied by Jlr. Dodge, who will shortly
make a report. Until that is worked out, we do
not have any concrete plans except those that are
already reflected in the Msa legislation and in the
policies and actions of the Export-Import Bank.
Asked whether the principle which has been ac-
cepted also involves a shift of emphasis from mili-
' Bulletin of Dec. 13, 1954, p. 890.
December 20, 7954
/«/•// to economic development, the Secretary
replied:
I would not saj- that it is a shift of emphasis
from the military because I believe that until
there is some cll'ective method of controlling and
limiting armaments, or until there is greater con-
fidence in the woi'ld, it is necessary to keep a very
iiigli enii)hasis upon the military. It does, I think,
reflect recognition of the fact that the present phase
of the struggle between the world of Communist
despotism and the free nations is shifted to some
extent, for the time being perhaps, more to eco-
nomic competition, and that there is less fear than
there was, I'm glad to say, of open military activi-
ties. So perhaps we need to give more thought to
this phase of the problem than has been the case
during recent years when primary emphasis was
placed upon the military.
Asked whether Mr. Dodge will make specific
recommendations as to the size and scope of the
policy, or whether he will m,erely study it and
organize the mechanics of formidating such a for-
eign economic policy. Secretary Dulles replied:
I think that the latter is the more likely scope
of his report. In other words, I think that he will
deal primarily with the question of how to get
organized, so that we will be able to come up
quickly with agreed policies which will take into
account the legitimate views of all of the govern-
ment agencies involved.
Asked whether it is the expectation of the admin-
istration to submit a program to the next Congress
for econo7nic development in Asia along the lines
indicated in the Secretary''s Chicago speech, Sec-
retary Dulles replied:
I would think it likely, yes.
Asked whether he thought there is any relation
between this cautious attitude now on aid to Asia
and the resigimtion of Prime Minister Shigeru
Yoshida of Japan, the Secretary replied:
No, I do not think that there is any relationship
there.
Asked tvhether our European allies are helping
with this development of underprivileged areas in
Asia, Secretary Dulles replied:
There is a very considerable amount of activity
on the part of the better developed and industrial-
967
ized European nations to bring about capital devel-
opments in a number of the underdeveloped areas.
Now that's being done to a very considerable extent
through private activity, but oftentimes with gov-
ernment guaranties of credit and the like, which
is a perfectly legitimate and effective waj' of doing
this business. The Germans, I would say, are
l^erhaps doing more today in activities designed to
promote development in underdeveloped areas
than any other European country. They are
doing it, obviously, because they think it is good
business to do it, but that in itself is no reason
for not doing it.
Asked whether the German contribution is
higher than Great Britain's under the Colombo
Plan, the Secretary replied:
I am talking in general here about the under-
developed countries. I think it is a mistake if you
try to divide it up in terms of particular areas.
In the main, there is a veiy considerable amount
of activity going on for the development of under-
developed countries, and much of that is being
done privately, although to some extent with the
help of goverim^ient guaranties. I can't give you
the precise figures because when it is done privately
the figures are not as easy to get as when they are
done by governmental grants.
One of the greatest mistakes that we make is to
assume that nothing is done unless the govern-
ment does it. I have repeatedly said that that
is one of our greatest errors — when we go for
statistics and figures we only go to governmental
figures. We believe in free enterprise, free econ-
omy, and that the greater part of this task should
normally be done by private people who do it be-
cause they think it is the advantageous thing to
do. It is mutually advantageous because, as I
said in my speech at Chicago, provident loans are
usually repaid, and repaid with interest, so it is a
good thing to do.
This counti-y was largely developed by capital
in Eui-ope, private capital, and preferably it
should be done by private capital. The business
of government is primarily to help create an in-
vestment climate such that private capital does
the job. Therefore, I don't like to think of this
task in terms only of its solution by governmental
activities.
Asked whether he was suggesting that the mag-
nitude of the problem in Asia can be dealt with
by pnvate capital rather than by a considerable
government program, Secretary Dulles replied:
No. I believe that there will have to be in some
Asian countries perhaps more of a governmental
assist than in some other countries because the
political hazards in some of these countries are
greater than in other parts of the world. On the
other hand there is a considerable opportunity
for private capital to function in India, for ex-
ample, and it is already doing so to some extent.
Private capital is functioning in Ceylon. To some
extent, there is a field which can be developed by
private capital in the Far East.
There are some countries where the political
risks are so great that you can hardly expect pri-
vate capital to take the risk, and the political risk
is perhaps gi-eater in parts of Asia than it is in
some others. Therefore, I think there may have
to be a larger measure of governmental assistance
there than would be the case if the political risks
were less.
Asked the extent to which Latin American coun-
tries figure in the administration's thinking on
economic aid programs to underdeveloped areas,
Mr. Dulles replied:
They are very much in our minds. Of com'se,
that matter was very fully and fairly discussed, I
think, at the Rio Conference, which has just ended,
and statements were made there as to the prospec-
tive activities of the Export-Import Bank. That
is an area where, while a certain amount of govern-
mental aid to financing is doubtless necessary for
the time being, there is also a considerable scope
for private capital going in. Some of the coun-
tries, such as Venezuela, just to pick one as an
example, have been very largely developed by
private capital going in. Somewhere between $1
billion and $2 billion has recently gone into
Venezuela from private sources, and the end is
not yet in sight. So that illustrates the very
considerable possibilities of development through
private capital. But they will have to be both.
968
Department of Stale Bulletin
U.S. Grants Additional
Economic Assistance to Berlin
Tlie Foreign Operations Administration mis-
sion at Bomi, Germany, announced on November
24 tliat tlio U.S. Government will make an addi-
tional grunt of economic assistance for licrlin in
the amount of $23,695,000.
The purjiose of this U.S. assistance is to con-
tribute to the continuation of Berlin's economic
growth and the development of tlie general wel-
fare of the Berlin population and, in particular,
to augment the availability of long-term capital
for risk investment designed to expand Berlin's
industrial capacity and create additional perma-
nent working places. This assistance supplements
funds already made available for the above pur-
poses, including current investment, reconstruc-
tion, and refugee housing programs.
Discussions are at present being conducted be-
tween representatives of the U.S. High Commis-
sioner, Dr. James B. Conant, and the Federal Gov-
ermnent in regard to tlie programing of the
economic assistance.
Food Shipments to Flood Victims
of Central and Eastern Europe
White House press release dated December 3
The President is pleased to learn that the SS.
Marmucport. carrying flood relief cargo to the
people of the Soviet Zone of Germany and Czecho-
slovakia, is due to arrive today at the East Ger-
man port of Wismar. She is the first of a number
of ships carrying relief aid to the flood victims of
Central and Eastern Europe under the progi-am
the President announced last July 29.^ That pro-
gram was an expression of the American people to
help others meet the aftermath of disaster no
nuitter where they may live.
Because no American ship has called at ports
' BcLLETi.N of Aug. 9, 1954, p. 197.
The cargo of the SS. Mormacport included 1,714 tons of
barley for East German consumption and 2,000 tons of
corn for Czechoslovakian relief. On December 9 the
White House announced that on December 11 the SS. Mor-
macsiirf would arrive at Wismar with a cargo of 2,000
tons of corn for East Germany and 1,000 tons of corn
for Czechoslovakia and on the same date the SS. Mormac-
moon would reach the port of Stettin, Poland, with 4,000
tons of corn for Czechoslovakia.
behind the Iron Curtain in recent years and be-
cause of the necessity of assuring that this relief
will be appropriately administered under Red
Cross i)riiiciples, tiieso shipments have been de-
layed beyond the immediate emergency period.
Tlie grains will arrive there just in time for the
winter season and, the President trusts, will ulle-
viate the hardships caused by this summer's
floods.
The President knows that this relief will be
received in the spirit in which it is given: a gift
from the American people to help relieve the
famine and needs caused by floods and nature's
forces. The best wishes of the American people
go with every parcel to the people of the Soviet
Zone of Germany and Czechoslovakia, now held in
cruel bondage.
Work of Foreign Bondholders
Protective Council
Press release 705 dated December 7
Secretary Dulles and Ralph Demmler, Chair-
man of the Securities and Exchange Commission,
met on December 7 with representatives of the
Foreign Bondholders Protective Council to re-
view the work of the Council and its relations
with the Government. Harvey H. Bundy, Presi-
dent of the Council, and James Grafton Rogers,
formerly President of the Council and now
Chairman of its Executive Committee, were the
principal spokesmen for the Foreign Bondholders
Protective Council. They pointed out that the
Council has been active since the war in negotiat-
ing adjustments on the dollar bonds of a niunber
of countries, including Italy, Japan, Germany,
Austria, Peru, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, and
others.
Secretary Dulles complimented the Council
on the success of its efforts and noted that the
elimination of default situations is an important
step in reestablishing the confidence of private
investors and in encouraging the international
movement of private capital. The Secretary
acknowledged the important public service being
performed by the members of the Council and
expressed his gratification that the Council expects
to continue its operations.
December 20, J 954
969
Current Treaty Actions
MULTILATERAL
Agriculture
International plant protection convention. Done at Rome
December 6, 1951. Entered into force April 3, 1952.^
Adherences deposited: Argentina, September 23, 1954;
Pakistan, November 10, 19.j4.
Ratification deposited: Netherlands (applicable to the
Kingdom in Europe, Surinam, and Netherlands New
Guinea), October 29, 1954.
Copyright
Universal copyright convention and three related proto-
cols. Done at Geneva September 6, 1952.^
Ratified by the President: November 5, 1954.
Ratification deposited: United States, December 6, 1954.
Genocide
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime
of genocide. Done at Paris December 9, 1948.'
Ratification <Mposited: Ukrainian S. S. R., November 15,
1954.
Slave Trade
Protocol amending the slavery convention signed at
Geneva September 25, 1926 (46 Stat. 2183), and annex.
Done at New York December 7, 1953.'
Acceptance deposited: Monaco, November 12, 1954.
Whaling
Amendments to paragraphs 6, 7(a), 7(b), 9(b), and
10(d) of the schedule to the international whaling
convention signed at Washington December 2, 1&46
(TIAS 1849). Adopted at the Sixth Meeting of the
International Whaling Commis.sion at Tokyo July
19-23, 1954.
Operative: November 8, 1954.
BILATERAL
Belgium
Agreement concerning a special program of facilities as-
sistance pursuant to the mutual defense assistance
agreement of January 27, 1950 (TIAS 2010), vrith
agrewl minute. Effected by exchange of notes at Brus-
sels November 23, 1954. Entered into force November
23, 1954.
Italy
Agreement for a technical cooperation program for the
trust territory of Somaliland under Italian administra-
tion. Signed at Rome June 28, 1954. Entered into force
June 28, 1954.
Japan
Agreement relating to the transfer of military equipment
and supplies to Japan. Effected by exchange of three
notes at Tokyo November 19, 1954. Entered into force
November 19, 1954.
Korea
Mutual Defense Treaty. Signed at Washington October 1,
1953. Entered into force November 17, 1954.
Proclaimed by the President : December 1, 1954.
Norway
Agreement amending the agreement of May 25, 1949
(TIAS 2000) relating to the use of funds resulting from
the sale of IJ. S. surplus property in Norway and made
available under the provisions of the Fulbright Act.
Effected by exchange of notes at Oslo August 12 and
October 30, 1954. Entered into force October 30, 1954.
Peru
Agreement relating to duty-free entry and defrayment of
inland transportation charges for relief supplies and
packages for Peru. Effected by exchange of notes at
Lima October 21 and 25, 1954. Entered into force
October 29, 1954 (date of receipt by the United States
of Peruvian note of October 25, 1954) .
United Kingdom
Agreement relating to cooperative technical assistance
activities in British Guiana pursuant to article II, para-
graph 1 (b) of the agreement for technical cooperation
of July 13, 1951 (TIAS 2281). Effected by exchange of
notes at Washington June 29 and July 12, 1954. Entered
into force July 12, 1954.
THE DEPARTMENT
' Not in force for the United States.
' Not in force.
Designations
Julius C. Holmes as senior European political adviser
to the U.S. delegation to the ninth session of the United
Nations General Assembly, effective November 30 (press
release 692 dated December 2).
Bernard G. Bechhoefer as Special Assistant to the U. S.
Representative for International Atomic Energy Agency
Negotiations, effective December 1.
Tyler Thompson as Deputy Administrator for the Refu-
gee Relief Program, Bureau of Inspection, Security and
Consular Affairs, effective December 1.
Edward J. Sparks as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Inter-American Affairs, effective December 5 (press
release 697 dated December 6) .
970
Deparlmeni of Sfafe Bulletin
December 20, 1954
Index
Vol. XXXI, No. 808
Alia
Economic Assistance to Underdeveloped Aroiis (DuUee) . 806
Soviet Proimcanda ClmrRos AKainet U.S. Efforts To Deter
AgKresslou lu Asia (Jackson) I'57
Chin*. Soviet I'ropacanda Charges Af;aiu8t U.S. Efforts
To Deter Atrgresslon In Asia (Jackson) 057
China, Communist
U.K. Staii'UU'Ut on Imprisoned American Personnel (Nut-
tlnc) 945
United Nations Condemns Action of Communist Cblna in
Imprlsouiui; American Fliers (statements, letters, and
text of resolutUvn) 931
Czechoslovakia. Food Shipments to Flood Victims of Cen-
tral and Eastern Europe 960
Economic Affairs
Eciinomic Assistance to Underdeveloped Areas (Dulles) . 966
U.S. Grunts Additional Economic Assistance to Berlin . . 969
Work of ForelKn Bondholders Protective Council . . . 969
France. Possibility of Holding Big Four Conference
(Dulles) 965
Germany
Fo<wl Sliipments to Flood Victims of Central and Eastern
KuroiK! 969
U.S. Grants Additional Economic Assistance to Berlin . . 969
Greece. Letters of Credence (Melas) . 956
International Information. Opening of WaKlilngton Studios
of Voice of .\merlca (Dulles, Streibert) 963
Korea
United Nations Approves Fifteen -Power Report on Korea
(statements and text of resolution) ...... 94S
United Nations Condemns Action of Communist China in
Imprisoning American Filers (statements, letters, and
text of resolution) 931
Military Affairs
UK. Statement on Imprisoned American Personnel (Nut-
ting) , 945
United Nations Condemns Action of Communist China in
Imprisoning American Fliers (statements, letters, and
text of resolution) 931
Hutnal SecDrity
Economic Assistance to Underdeveloped Areas (Dulles) . 966
U.S. Grants Additional Economic Assistance to Berlin . 969
Presidential Documents. U.N. Human Rights Day, 1954 963
Romania. I.etters of Credence (Moisescu) 956
State, Department of. Designations (Bochhoefer, Holmes,
Sparks. Thompson) 970
Treaty Information. Current Actions 970
U.S.S.R.
Pos.slbilit.v of Holding Big Four Conference (Dulles) . . 965
Return of Ambassador Bohlen to Moscow (Dulles) . w . 966
Soviet Propaganda Charges Against U.S. Efforts To Deter
Aggression in Asia (Jackson) 957
United Kingdom
Possibility of Holding Big Four Conference (Dulles) . . 965
U.K. Statement on Imprisoned American Personnel (Nut-
ting) 945
United Nations
Designations (Holmes) 970
Soviet Propaganda Charges Against U.S. Efforts To Deter
Aggression In Asia (Jackson) 957
U.K. Statement on Imprisoned American Personnel (Nut-
ting) 945
United Nations Approves Fifteen-Power Report on Korea
(statements and text of resolution) 948
United Nations Condemns Action of Commuulst China lu
Imprisoning American Filers (statcmeuts, letters, and
text of resolution) 031
U.N. Human Rights Day, 19S4 (text of proclamation) . . ii63
Xante Index
lieclilioefiT, Bernard G 070
Bohlen, Cbarles E 1)66
Dulles, Secretary 005, 966
Eisenhower, President !)03
Holnii's, Julius C 070
Jackson, CD 057
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 031
.Melas. George V 956
Moisescu, Anton 966
Nutting, Antliony 945
Smith, H. Alexander 964
Sparks, Edward J 970
Streibert, Theodore 963
Tliomii-sou. Tyler 970
Wadsworth, James J 948
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 5-12
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Wasbington 25, D. C.
Pre.ss releases issued prior to December 5 which
apijear in this issue of tbe Bulletin are Nos. 682 of
December 1 and 692 of December 2.
No.
teotj
6t)7
Date
12/5
12/6
teas 12/6
Subject
Hoover : return from Rio de Janeiro.
Sparks : appointed Deputy Assistant
Secretary (rewrite).
Phillips : appointed to (Committee on
Refugees.
Rumania credentials (rewrite).
Note on Polish ships.
Dulles : aid to imderdeveloi)ed areas.
Dulles : return of Ambassador Bohlen.
Dulles : visitors from Ceylon and Iran.
Dulles : possibility of Big Four Con-
ference.
Foreign Bondholders Council.
Agreement on Iranian oil.
Educational exchange.
Program for Shah's visit.
Dulles : anniversary of "Atoms for
Peace."
Greece credentials (rewrite).
Graduates of FSI course.
Foreijin Relations volume.
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Buxletin.
699
12/7
t700
12/7
701
12/7
702
12/7
*703
12/7
704
12/7
705
12/7
t706
12/7
♦707
12/8
•708
12/8
t709
12/S
710
12/9
•711
12/9
t712
12/10
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United States
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This 48-page publication tells about our southern partners —
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J/ie/ ^e/i^^[/}il/me^ /)f ^Calc'
Vol. XXXI, No. 809
December 27, 1954
^BNT o*.
'A Tea
ANNIVERSARY OF "ATOMS FOR PEACE" PROPOSAL
Statement by Secretary Dulles 975
Address by Leicis L. Strauss 976
U.N. REFERS SOVIET PIRACY CHARGES TO IN-
TERNATIONAL LAW COMMISSION
Statements by C D. Jackson ••••••••••••••• ""O
Text of Resolution 1003
INCREASING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE U.N.
TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE PROGRAM
Statement by James P. Nash 1004
Text of Resolution 1006
RECOMMENDED REVISION OF U.S. -PHILIPPINE
TRADE AGREEMENT 981
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public U.':-ary
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FEB 2 1955
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December 27, 1954
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The printing of this publication has been
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the Budget (January 22, 1962).
Note; Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
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appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the icork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
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Department, and statements and ad-
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Anniversary of "Atoms for Peace" Proposal
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Tress release "09 dated December S
A year ago today the President of the United
States made his momentous "Atoms for Peace"
proposal for international cooperation. I think
there is much reason for sober satisfaction if we
survey today the progress which has been made
toward fulfilling the promise of this unprece-
dented proposal.
In the United Nations, the General Assembly
on December 4, 1954, unanimously endorsed the
efforts which have been made to implement the
President's pi'oposal. while expressing the hope
that an International Atomic Energy Agency, as
urged by the President, "be established without
delay." ^
Even the Soviet Union joined in this vote al-
though expressing certain qualifications in its
support for the present plan and without proffer-
ing any material support for the Agency at tliis
time. The acceptance by the United Nations of
the President's "Atoms for Peace" plan constitutes
the most hopeful development in this field since
the inception of the atomic age.
During the past year steady progress has been
made in pursuit of the goal proposed by the Pres-
ident December 8, 1953.
We have conducted negotiations with the Soviet
Union looking to its contribution of fissionable
material to an international agency to be created
and used to bring tlie peaceful benefits of atomic
energy to the whole world.
I conferred several times with Foreign Minister
Molotov on this matter at Berlin and Geneva, and
several notes were exchanged.^ Despite initial
lack of interest by the Soviet Union in the United
States proposal, our perseverance in this negotia-
tion finally has resulted in an apparent change
in tlie Soviet position.
Late in September the U. S. S. R. indicated a
willingness to resume the discussions. Since then
further notes have been exchanged on a confiden-
tial basis.
We do not relinquish the hope expressed by the
President December 8, 1953, that tlie United States
and the U.S.S.R. can in this way "open up a new
channel for peaceful discussion, and initiate at
least a new approach to the many difficult prob-
lems that must be solvetl in both private and pub-
lic conversations, if the world is to shake off the
inertia imposed by fear, and is to make positive
progress toward peace."
However, as I said in my address to the United
Nations General Assembly on Sei^tember 23, 1954,
The United States remains ready to negotiate with
the Soviet tJuion. But we shall no longer suspend our
efforts to establish an international atomic agency.
The United States is determined that President Eisen-
hower's proposal shall not languish until it dies. It will
be nurtured and developed. We shall press on in close
partnership with those nations which, inspired by the
ideals of the United Nations Charter, can make this great
new force a tool of the humanitarian and of the states-
man, and not merely a fearsome addition to the arsenal
of war.
The United States has in the meantime gone
ahead with concrete steps proving our intense in-
terest in developing the peacetime aspects of
atomic energy and making these benefits available
to the world.
For example, at Shippingport, Pennsylvania,
on Labor Day ground was broken for the world's
first commercial-size atomic power plant. In a
nationwide broadcast on this occasion the Presi-
dent proclaimed tliis nation's willingness to share
atomic technology for similar purposes with other
countries of good will.''
' Bulletin of Dec. 13, 1954, p. 919.
' For texts of notes, see ibid., Oct. 4, 1954, p. 478.
' Ibid., Sept. 20, 1954, p. 396.
December 27, 1954
975
Following upon the initiative of the United
States, the United Nations is sponsoring a con-
ference on the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
This will be held next year and should develop
clearly the current state of peaceful atomic energy
technology.
The President has authorized the Atomic
Energy Commission to allocate 100 kilograms of
enriched uranium of nonweapons grade for use
in research reactors which foreign countries may
construct. The British have also generously an-
nounced their intention to allocate 20 kilograms of
such material. Such reactors would greatly aug-
ment the world's peaceful research capabilities.
The allocation of this material probably consti-
tutes the single most important step which the
United States has taken to implement its firm sup-
port for international cooperation to develop
quickly the peacetime benefits of atomic energy.
An essential part of this program for interna-
tional cooperation is the authorization given by
the 83d Congress in amending the Atomic Energy
Act to permit the United States to provide infor-
mation and fissionable material, under appropriate
safeguards, to other countries for nonmilitary
uses.
This assistance in the construction of research
reactors is but one of the interim programs which
the United States is undertaking during the period
while the Agency is being formed.
In order that nationals of other countries may
develop nuclear skills, the Atomic Energy Com-
mission is setting up a reactor training school
which will be open to qualified engineers and scien-
tists. The Department of State will shortly trans-
mit to our diplomatic missions abroad instructions
as to applications for such training.
A special course in radioisotope techniques for
scientists from overseas will be offered next May
at the Oak Ridge Institute of Nuclear Studies.
In addition, training programs and courses in
the utilization of atomic energy in biology, medi-
cine, and agriculture will be offered next year at
various institutions throughout the United States
to qualified foreign students. Through technical
cooperation programs, special arrangements are
being made to supply this type of assistance to
individuals from underdeveloped areas.
Collections of all unclassified and declassified
information on atomic energy which has been pub-
lished by the United States Government are being
made available to other countries.
I might add that not only the Government but
American private and pliilanthropic groups are
interested in furthering international develop-
ment of the atom for peace.
One example of such cooperation is given by
the grouj) of citizens who set up the Eisenhower
Exchange Fellowship Program a year ago. I un-
derstand that, in the allocation of its resources
in the coming year, this program will begin to
coordinate with some of the foregoing activities.
It is particularly gratifying to see how the
President's proposal has called forth many offers
of materials and other support from other nations.
"VVe value, as well, the backing pledged by many
nations in their statements wishing us well in this
venture which may in due course increase produc-
tion and bring increasing well-being to the under-
developed areas of the world. This is in keeping
with the great American tradition of finding new
ways whereby a free society can enrich human
life materially, intellectually, and spiritually and
can share those fruits of liberty with men every-
where.
This, then, is an accounting of our efforts dur-
ing the past year to implement President Eisen-
hower's historic "Atoms for Peace" proposal. "We
will continue to strive "to help solve the fearful
atomic dilemma — to devote [our] entire heart and
mind to find the way by which the miraculous in-
ventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his
death, but consecrated to his life."
REMARKS BY LEWIS L. STRAUSS
CHAIRMAN, ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION*
On an occasion such as this, it woidd be appro-
l^riate under ordinary circumstances to begin with
a quip or anecdote, but I am ill suited for it today.
It is a sad week for me — for all of us in the Atomic
Energy Commission. At this very hour in the
Rockefeller Chapel of the University of Chicago,
I understand that memorial services for one of the
great men of our age are being solemnized. In
the early hours of Sunday morning [November 28]
the telephone beside my bed in Virginia rang to
bring me the tragic news of the death of Enrico
Fermi.
This great man, who had lived in your midst
with the utmost modesty for the past 15 years, was
* M;i(ie bfl'ore the Executives" Club of Chicago, 111., ou
Dec. 3 (Atomic Energy Commission jiress release).
976
Department of State Bulletin
tlio true arcliitect of the Atomic Age. We shall
no loiifjer he ahle to show him any reooirnitioii for
the fact that he had been in the forefront of the
march of human knowledge for more than 30 years,
or for the fact that his contributions to theoretical
and experimental physics enabled free men to hold
Communist tyranny at bay for the last 9 of those
years.
Just a dozen years ago yesterday a pile of graph-
ite blocks and uranium billets which he had put
together under the stands at Stagg Field became
the lii-st atomic reactor. Toilay there are more
than two score of them, of one design or another,
in our country. One, installed in the submarine
.Wiufifus, will soon be driving her through the deej)
at hitherto undreamed-of standards of perform-
ance. Another, now building at Shippingport,
Pennsylvania, will be delivering at least tiO.OOO
kilowatts of electrical energy to ligiit the homes
and turn the wheels in that industrial area. These
are only prototypes of many, nniny more to come.
I had the great good fortune to know Fermi for
16 years. In the late thirties he helped me in an
attempt to make radioisotopes cheaply so that they
would be available for cancer therapy to replace
scarce, expensive radium. Thanks to the discov-
eries which he made, such isotopes ai'e now not only
very cheap but plentiful, and medical researchers
have them in abundance and great variety to aid
their attack on cancer and other dread diseases.
It is tragic to think that, had Enrico Fermi been
spared but a few more years, his life might have
been saved by medical advances stemming directly
from his own great achievements.
I had the sad privilege on yesterday of deliver-
ing to his widow the award voted to him some days
ago as a tribute from his grateful fellow citizens
represented by the Atomic Energy Commission
with the approval of President Eisenhower. In
future years these awards will be known as the
"Fermi Prize." Besides perpetuating his name,
■which of course needs no action of government as a
memorial, it is our hope that they may stimulate
and encourage others to go forward into the un-
known reaches of knowledge, to explore, to chart,
to call up their followers, to instruct them, and
then to press ahead again. Like the Italian navi-
gator to whom he was compared 12 years ago,'*
Fermi, as did Columbus, found a new continent —
' For an account of Mr. Fermi's role in the 1942 experi-
mt-nt, see Bui.i.kti.v of Oct. 25, 1954, p. 607.
more than continent, a new world. Those of us lie
leaves upon its beachheads cannot do otherwise in
the presence of his example but penetrate the
interior and develop the riches he opened up for
the good of all men everywhere.
Time for Inventory
This being the last month of the year, it is an
approi)iiat(' time for stocktaking and inventory.
AVe migiit prolitably pause long enough for a trial
balance of the ledger on the 12 years of experience
since Fermi s first atomic pile made the instru-
ments chatter as they recorded the generations of
neutrons born of the first chain reaction.
In the 12 years, we have on one side of the ledger
appropriations of public funds in the neighbor-
hood of 14 billion dollars for the whole atomic
energy project in war and peace. To balance this
we have vast plants, great discoveries, and vital
stockpiles of weapons and fissionable material.
These weapons have indeed been the first and para-
mount concern of the Atomic Energy Commission,
and many people think that the production of
bombs is all that there is to show for the gigantic
expenditure of treasure and effort. A good case
could be made for the fact that this would be well
enough were it indeed the whole story, but it is not.
I would like to give j'ou a quick preview of some
of the other items on the credit side of the ledger.
They are growing so rapidly in number that the
ink is scarcely dry in recording one before another
is ready for entry. From among those I shall list,
we will arbitrarily omit specific reference to med-
ical progress — itself worth perhaps all that has
been spent — in order to concentrate on fields that
might conceivably be of specific interest in this
great capital of agriculture and industry.
Much has been said and written about electrical
energy from the atom, but a strong economy de-
pends on many f actoi-s other than plentiful power.
For example, a recent publication of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture states that crop production
losses, due to all causes, average "about $13 billion
worth of goods per year, nearly one-third of the
potential production. Some 120 million fewer
acres of cropland . . . would have produced the
1942 to 1951 volume of food, feed, and fiber pro-
duction if all these causes of loss had been
eliminated."
We all know of the splendid job that the De-
partment of Agriculture has done and is doing
December 27, 1954
977
througli education and research to reduce these
losses. One of the causes of agricultural loss most
difficult to combat is disease — plant disease. One
of the methods which shows great possibilities
in this line is tlie production of mutants of crops
which are resistant to disease. These mutants can
be produced by radiation.
Experiments with radiation desigzied to pro-
duce such beneficial mutations in plants have been
carried on successfully in the laboratories of the
Commission at Brookliaven, Long Island, and
elsewhere. There has been notable success in the
development of a strain of oats which is resistant
to the disease known as rust. Kust-resistant oats,
if they can be perfected for more species, will be
a potential saving for the American economy in
excess of $50 million per anniun. For the pur-
poses of our imaginary balance sheet, we might
capitalize this at 3 percent and set up a sound asset
of $11/2 billion.
Other researchers are working on other cereal
and leguminous crops. Some who are familiar
with what is going on foresee our entire invest-
ment in atomic energy returned many times over
in its effect on agriculture alone. As instances,
we might note two of many — I am told that our
tortiato crops suffer a great annual loss in yield
due to the disease known as wilt. It has been
found that by using a proper localized dosage of
irradiation at least one generation of wilt-resist-
ant tomato seedlings can be produced. And here
in Chicago, the meat-packing center of the world,
some of you, I am sure, already know that pre-
packaged meat products, if exposed to mild
gamma-ray pasteurization, can remain in the
grocer's stock for nearly 21 days instead of 3.
Studies show that a complete facility for this pur-
pose could be built for considerably less than
three-quartei's of a million dollars. If financed
with 6 percent money, a charge of a small frac-
tion of a cent per pound of the irradiated product
would suffice to amortize it in 5 years.
The item next on the credit side is a very large
one. Tills is the "Atoms for Peace" plan of Pres-
ident Eisenhower, the proposal which he made to
the General Assembly of the United Nations just
a year ago next week. Ever since we first sug-
gested atomic energy cooperation for the mutual
benefit of nations as an alternative to war, and
ever since we offered to give some of our technical
know-how and to make available some of our ma-
terial atomic wealtli to other comitries, the Com-
munist world has belittled and distoi-ted our
suggestions and our proposals. The Soviets
charged that our proposition was not and would
never be specific ; and, while they filibustered the
discussions concerning atomic cooperation, they
denounced us by saying that we were ti-ying to
narrow the scope of our offer and that it had been
insincere in the first place.
U.S. Offer of Fissionable Material
Then about 2 weeks ago we offered to earmark
100 kilograms of fissionable material for use by
other countries.* You may perhaps be interested
to know what can be done with 100 kilograms of
such material. There has been considerable specu-
lation as to what it could do for the countries that
may eventually receive it. Having heard some
mistaken statements, this may be a good place to
put tlie figures into proper perspective. In the
first place, the fissionable material which we will
provide will not be of weapons grade. It will be
in a form particulai'ly suitable for peaceful
application.
One of the best examples of peaceful use of this
100 kilograms of fissionable material would be as
fuel for research reactors. There is a particular
research reactor which might be of special interest
to you because it is located not very far from
here, and it is in tlie public eye today.
I speak of the researcli reactor known as CP-5.
We perhaps overindulge in code names. CP-5
means Chicago Pile No. 5 at tlie Argonne Labora-
tory. The distinguislied director of the Labora-
tory, Dr. Walter H. Zinn, under wliose wise and
devoted suiiervision this reactor lias been designed,
constructed, and operated, is here with us today.
This is a significant occasion for the CP-5 because
the Commission is making the first announcement
that we have removed the security restrictions as
to access which have surromided it. The CP-5
reactor has been, in the main, declassified; and
pertinent information concerning its construction
and operation will be available. This is another
example of the efforts of the Atomic Energy Com-
mission to make atomic energy facilities more
accessible to American industry. During the past
fi montlis, while still under security requirements,
many irradiation services have been carried on in
the CP-5 for both universities and industry ; but
now we expect that much more use can be made of
this modern research instrument.
'Ibid., Nov. 29, 1954, p. 836.
978
Department of State Bulletin
Other countries could use allocations from the
100 kilo<;rams of fissionable material in research
reactors like the CP-i"), which is fueioil with alumi-
nuni-chui urauiiun, enriciied in tiie isotope 235,
and cooled and nioderated with heavy water. This
combination of niutcrials permits tlio realization
of a high neutron Hux, whicli is an important
feature of a research reactor. Fortunately this
hijih flux is obtained at a modest rate of fuel con-
sumption. Even with such economy the Arjjonne
reactor is surpassed only by our Materials Testing
Reactor in Idaho; and we believe that it exceeds,
in eU'ectiveness, any research reactor overseas.
Our people estimate that 100 kilograms of
uranium 235 is sufficient to provide the critical
mventory for 15 such reactors and to keep them in
operation approximately 5 years and still have
ahnost two-thirds of the fuel inventory un-
consumed.
These 15 reactors would multiply many times
the research reactor capabilities of the free world,
excluding the United States. Each of them could
produce more radioisotopes of varied types than
are presently needed by Holland or Switzerland
or Belgium or, for that matter, any country in
the world.
One of the most impoi-tant assets of this tool is
its vei*satility. The high neutron flux created
inside the octagon-shaped reactor is employed by
placing objects to be irradiated into one of the
more than 50 apertures which penetrate its eight
sides and top. By using just one of these more
than 50 access holes, a radioactive cobalt source of,
say, a thousand curies could be made each year.
This would be equivalent to 1,000 grams of radium,
which used to sell for $30,000 per gram. All of
you must have heard of the use of radiocobalt as
a gamma-ray source in combating cancer.
Irradiation of one ounce of gold, which would
occupy a very small part of the available space
in another of the pile apertures, would provide
enough radioactive gold, when placed in colloidal
suspension, to treat many scores of patients for
malignancies. And even the spent fuel elements
from this type reactor have valuable service to per-
form. They can be placed into a facility so that
the gamma radiation wliich they emit can be used
for the pasteurization and sterilization of foods.
For instance, such a facility would kill the trichi-
nae in pork and, it is believed, will preserve other
food products for extended periods.
Carbon 14, a radioactive form of carbon, can
be produced in such a nuclear reactor. This iso-
tope has proved to be extremely useful in biologi-
cal re.search because all living organisms, plant
and animal, are composed of 30 to 40 percent car-
bon. Plants are being grown in specially designed
greenliouses in which the air is arranged to contain
enriched amounts of carbon 14 in the form of car-
bon dioxide. All of the carbon compounds — sugar,
amino acids, proteins, and fats — formed by the
plants grown under such conditions are radio-
active. This technique is being used in connection
with a currently much-debated subject. Tobacco
plants have been used to produce radioactive ciga-
rette tobacco and tobacco compoimds. These are
employed as tracer tools in medical studies to fur-
ther our knowledge of the effects of tobacco on the
organism. I am sorry that there are as yet no
final results with which to enlighten those who,
like myself, enjoy smoking.
The CP-5 type reactor can also be used for
radiation physics measurements; studies of the
nuclear properties of matter ; reactor engineering
experiments to develop better materials and in-
struments for future reactors; and for medical
therapy, both by direct use of external beams and
by producing sources for such use elsewhere. Such
reactors can also be training centers for the educa-
tion of new operators and scientists to advance
nuclear technology. We have already noted that
they can be producers of radioisotopes for uses too
numerous to mention.
But the most remarkable point to remember is
that just one of these reactors will put a country
into business in all of these fields. And lest you
think that such a versatile piece of equipment as
the CP-5 reactor is fabulously expensive, the total
cost (exclusive of fuel and moderator) for the
reactor, the reactor building, and the associated
laboratories is only about $2% million. It might
be considerably less expensive in countries where
construction costs are lower. Some types of re-
search reactors may indeed be built for sums
measured in hundreds of thousands rather than
millions of dollars.
I have consumed so much of your time with this
major item on the credit side of our balance sheet
that we can oidy glance momentarily at other
industrial uses. One of my colleagues a few weeks
ago calculated that these uses were already saving
American industry a $100 million aimually. This
results from applications in thickness, quality, and
wear gauging and control devices, in pipeline and
December 27, 7 954
979
cracking plant applications, in gamma-ray radiog-
raphy of castings to locate flaws, in fertilizer and
insect controls, in catalytic functions. The list is
long and is growing almost daily as new applica-
tions are discovered. Under the new Cole-Hick-
enlooper Act, native American inventiveness will
in 6 years be free to develop in the atomic energy
field almost as easily as in other areas, and we can
look for even more momentum to develop as that
day approaches.
When the Commission began 8 years ago, atomic
energy was not only a Government monopoly but
a military province with no early promise of large-
scale peaceful apjilication. Eight short years
have seen a phenomenal change. American in-
dustry has moved into the field with boldness and
resolution and with confidence based upon the
sound teclinology of many resourceful research
organizations. I believe that the next 8 years will
bring an accelerating increase in both discovery
and application. We are just at the early dawn
of the new age and, if we can find the means of
avoiding war, we will go forward into a period of
prosjjerity and good works such as men have never
witnessed nor scarcely even imagined.
Strengthening Man's Hope
for Peace on Earth
Remarks by the President^
Christmastide is a season of hope — of hearten-
ing hope — for peace on earth, good will among
men. This year, even as two thousand years ago,
when the Prince of Peace was born into the world,
the drums of war are stilled. In their silence,
after a whole generation of almost ceaseless beat-
ing, many people — already become fathere and
mothers — enjoy the first peaceful Christmas they
have known. So mankind's unquenchable hope
for peace burns brighter than for many years.
Our hope, true enough, is blemished by some
brutal facts.
Oppression, privation, cruel suffering of body
and mind imposed on helpless victims — these
scourges still wound in too many places the daily
living of mankind.
Even at this happy season, we dare not forget
crimes against justice, denial of mercy, violation
' Made at the lighting of the National Community Christ-
mas Tree, Washington, D. C, on Dec. 17.
of human dignity. To forget is to condone and
to provoke new outrage.
Neither dare we forget our blessings. To count
them is to gain new courage and new strength, a
firmer patience under test and a stouter faith in
the decency of man and in the providence of God.
Among the greatest of man's blessings this
Christmas is his strengthened hope of lasting
peace. But hope without works is the prelude to
disillusionment. They whose cause is just must
be prepared to meet the harsh challenge of inertia,
privation, despair, statism, materialism. This
bright Christmas must not be followed — ever —
by a Christmas of universal tragedy.
We .:\jnericans know that a mighty part of pro-
moting and serving peace is ours to do.
With our friends, we must enlarge the design
of our partnersliip so that we who marched to-
gether in evil days when war and fear of war
darkened the earth shall enjoy together in days
of light the rich rewards of a secure and stable era.
There are some who have believed it possible to
liold themselves aloof from today's worldwide
struggle between those who uphold government
based upon human freedom and dignity and those
who consider man merely a pawn of the state.
The times are so critical and the difference between
these world systems so vital and vast that grave
doubt is cast upon the validity of neutralistic
argument. Yet we shall continue faithfully to
demonstrate our complete respect for the right of
self-decision by these neutrals. Moreover, because
they hate aggression and condemn war for con-
quest, even as we, there is provided a strong foun-
dation upon which we can proceed with them to
build mutual understanding and sj^mpathy.
Now, with those who stand against us, in fear
or in ignorance of our intentions, we have chosen
the hard way of patient, tireless search in every
avenue that may lead to their better understanding
of our peaceful purposes. They know, as well as
we, that the world is large enough, the skills of
man great enough, to feed and to clothe and to
house mankind in plenty and in peace. This uni-
versal knowledge could be the fruitful beginning
of a prosperous life together.
America speaks from strength — strength in good
allies, in arms, in readiness, in ever-increasing
productivity, in the broader sharing of the abun-
dant fruits of our economy, in our unchanging
devotion to liberty and to human justice. Her
voice is for peiu'c based uixin tU'cciU'v anil right.
980
Department of State Bulletin
But let no man tliink tluit \vi> want i)oacc at any
price, tliat we sliall forsake principle in resijjned
tolerance of evident evil, or that we may pawn our
honor for transitory concession.
At this Christmas season, America speaks too
in humble gratitude for the friendshij) of peaceful
peojiles across the world. Without their warm
confidence and faithful partnership, this eartli
would be a bleak jrround of aindess and endless
clash and conflict.
.Vnd America joins with all believers of every
faith in a prayer of thanks and a plea that, what-
ever lies ahead, we may be strong and courageous
and wise in the doinir of our own task in accord
with the Divine will.
To all the dwellers of the earth, I speak for this
Rejiublic — and directly from the heart of every
one of its citizens — when I say that this nation
prays for you, all of you, tlie fullness of the
Christmas spirit, peace and <jood will.
NATO Council Meeting
Statement by Secretary Dulles
Presa release 718 dated December 14
I am leavinir for Paris to attend one of (he rejr-
ular semiannual meetings of the North Atlantic
Council. Also present there will be the Secretary
of the Treasury, Mr. Humi^hrey : the Deputy Sec-
retary of Defense, Mi-. Anderson ; and the Direc-
tor of Foreign Operations, Mr. Stassen.
At this meeting we, with our friends and allies,
will check on the progi'ess made and look to the
future. AVe will do so in the light of the "long
haul" concept which was adopted 20 months ago
and which was designed to assure strengtli at a
cost which we could afford to live with for the
considerable time that may be necessary.
This meeting, like preceding meetings, will
emphasize the defensive character of Nato.
"UHiat we do at N.\to need cause no alarm for any
peace-loving country. AVe would indeed be glad
if the attitude of others was such that we did not
have to be steadily thinking about develo]iing the
strength of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion. However, until we see dependable signs of
change in the aggi'essive and expansionist mood
of the international Communists, we must not re-
lax our efforts. "We shall neither be intimidated
nor lulled into a fal.se sen.se of security. We shall
patiently and steadily persist in measures of col-
lective siecurity.
Accord Reached on U.S.-Philippine
Trade Negotiations
JOINT STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 15
Press ri'li^ase 717 dated December 14
The United States Delegation and the Philip-
pine Economic Mission, after less than three
months of continuous negotiation, have reached
agreement on a revision of the 194() Trade Agree-
ment to be recommended to the Congresses of tlieir
two countries.^ Notwithstanding honest differ-
ences of opinion between the Delegations on sev-
eral of the issues involved, and despite their vigor-
ous presentation by each side, agreement was
reached in a relatively short period because of the
spirit of friendship and goodwill which persisted
throughout the negotiations.
The agreement reached underscores the desire
of both nations to put their trade relationship on
a more normal and stable basis. This Agreement :
1. Yields to the Philippines control over its own
currency by eliminating Article V thereof;
2. Eliminates most absolute quotas on Pliilip-
pine articles entering the United States;
3. Eliminates quota allocation limitations on
Philippine articles subject to quotas in the United
States ;
4. Makes the enjoyment of parity rights by citi-
zens of either country in the territory of the other
reciprocal ;
5. Makes imposition of quantitative restrictions
on the products of both countries reciprocal ;
0. Gives to citizens of either country the right
to engage in business activities in the territoi-y of
the otlier on a reciprocal basis;
7. Provides security exceptions in the mutual
interest of both countries ;
8. Increases tariif preferences for Philippine
articles entering the United States;
' Copies of the filial act of tlie negotiations may be ob-
tained from ttie News Division, Department of State,
Wasliington 2'>, D. C.
December 27, 7 954
981
9. Decreases tariff preferences for United
States articles entering the Philippines ;
10. Eliminates the proliibition against the im-
position of Philippine export taxes ;
11. Provides for elimination of the Philippine
exchange tax and the dual rate of excliange it cre-
ates by substitution of an import levy to be pro-
gressively reduced and eliminated;
12. Permits the Philippines to ask the United
States Congress for possible increases in the sugar
quota when other nations are permitted to do so ;
and
13. Increases duty-free quotas on Philippine
articles which are subject to declining duty-free
quotas in the United States.
It is hoped that with these changes the Philip-
pines will sooner succeed in attaining a better bal-
anced economic status as a free nation. It is also
hoped that these changes will further strengthen
the friendly and mutually beneficial political and
economic relations between the two peoples.
Jose P. L.\tjrel, Chairman
Philippine Economic Mission to the United
States
James M. Langlet, Chairman
United States Delegation for Philippine
Trade Negotiations
REMARKS BY WALTER S. ROBERTSON
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR FAR EASTERN
AFFAIRS 2
Press release 719 dated December 15
Nearly 3 months ago, it was my privilege to
welcome you, Senator Laurel, and the other distin-
guished members of the Philippine delegation
and to extend to you the warm greetings of Pres-
ident Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles.^ At that
time, I said that my Government was ready to
give sympathetic consideration to the proposals
which the Phili))pine Government might wish to
advance and I expressed confidence that the dis-
cussions would be frank and cordial and that the
outcome would represent the best interests of our
two countries.
We have met today to witness the signing, by
the chairmen of the Philippine and the United
" Made at the signing of the agreement on Dec. 15.
' Bulletin of Oct. 11, 19.'54, p. .542.
States delegations, of the agi-eement which the
delegations have reached after nearly 3 months
of discussions. I heartily congratulate the chair-
men and members of both delegations for the com-
pletion of their difficult and important task, the
development of a plan for the revision of the Phil-
ippine Trade Act which will now be referred to
the United States and Philippine Governments
for further action. It will be the responsibility
of the chairmen to comment about the nature of
the agreement. I should like to emphasize only
one aspect of the discussions but an aspect which
is of great importance to both of our countries,
namely the atmosphere of friendship and sympa-
thetic understanding in which the discussions were
carried on. Differences of opinion have been re-
solved in a spirit of mutual respect and confidence.
Entirely apart from the important substantive
points about which agreement has been reached,
the manner in which this has been accomplished
cannot fail, I believe, to make even stronger the
ties of friendship which unite our countries.
It has been a great pleasure, Senator Laurel,
to have j'ou and your distinguished associates as
guests in our country. As you return to your
country, I bid you Godspeed. Both personally
and on behalf of my Govermnent, I assure you of
a warm welcome when you visit us again — which
I hope will be veiy soon. And to Mr. James M.
Langley, the distinguished and able chairman of
the Ainerican delegation, I wish to express on
behalf of Secretary Dulles our deep appreciation
for his tireless, selfless, and dedicated services.
U.S. Policy of Granting Asylum
to Victims of Oppression
TEXT OF DECEMBER 8 NOTE TO POLAND
Press release 700 dated December 7
FoUoioing is the text of a note delivered on
Deceinher 8 hy the United States Embassy at
Warsain to the Polish Foreign Office regarding
the Polish ships Praca and Gottwald.
The Embassy of the United States presents
compliments to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and refers to its note of November 20, 1954. The
United States Government again rejects as with-
982
Department of State Bulletin
out l)iisis in fact the version lontainod in that note
of tlie interception of the Polisli-llag vessels I'raca
and GotiwaJd. The United States had no con-
nection with this action or with the decision of so
piany crew members from these ships to seek
asyhun.
These vessels were intercepted by the naval
forces of the Kepublic of China. If the Polish
Government is genuinely interested in pursuing
this matter in a practical way rather than in dis-
patching a series of notes purely for propaganda
jnirposes, it could seek a solution of this issue with
the Government of the Republic of China through
diplomatic channels.
The note of the Polish Government refers to
the presence in the area of the Island of Formosa
of aircraft of the United States Navy. These
United States aircraft operate in conjunction with
the Seventh Fleet of the United States NaTj',
which has been ordered by the President of the
United States to patrol the waters around For-
mosa in order to prevent an attack on that island.
The mission of the Seventh Fleet has been and
will continue to be to contribute to the security of
the Far East. The United States reaffirms its
intention to devote its efforts to the maintenance
of peace and stability in that area and hopes that
other governments will contribute their efforts to
the same end.
In discussing the decision of the officers and
crew of the two vessels to seek asylum in the free
world, the Polish Government's note reveals its
concern that large numbers of Poles have fled
from their homeland. Many of these people who
have escaped from political and religious perse-
cution in Poland, or have refused to return there,
have sought asylum in the United States. The
United States Government, true to its traditional
policies of granting asylum t-o those suffering from
oppression, has welcomed and will continue to
welcome persons such as the Polish officers and
seamen from the Praca and Gottwald who sought
refuge in this country.
POLISH NOTE OF NOVEMBER 20
In Its notes of October 12 ' and 26, 1953, concerning the
seizure of the Polish merchant vessel Praca by warships
on the waters of the Far East, controlled by the United
States Armed Forces, and its detention together with the
entire crew on the Island of Taiwan, iind in It.s iioto of
May 15, 1!)54,' concerning a similar illegal act involving
another I'olisli niiTcliant ship, the Prcxidrnt (lollwnld,
the (Jovernment of the I'olish I'eople's Republic iiuiiie
reference to a number of facts proving tlie responsiliility
of the United States for tJKise acts of attack and violation
of tlie riglits of tlie I'oiish flag.
The I'olish Government emphasized, in [larticular, tliut
the mentioned ocean area was under the control of the
United States Armed Forces and tliat units of the Chiang
Kai-sliek clique, entirely subordinate to the United States,
were committing piratical assaults in tliat area, aimed
against peaceful navigation, directed against ijeaceful and
international communication, and intended to evoke ten-
sion in international relations.
Unable to deny these irrefutable facts, the United States
Government preferred to limit itself, in its notes of Oc-
tober 20 ' and November 3, 1053, to a proofless refusal to
accept any responsibility for the above-mentioned acts of
violence. This does not by any means change the fact
that the Cliiang Kai-shek clique, which executed tlie acts
of violence and wliich has been denounced by the entire
Chinese nation, could commit these deeds only under the
patronage and support of the United States.
In its above-mentioned notes the Government of the
Polish People's Republic protested against the illegal
acts, the victims of which were Polish seamen and I'olish
ships, and demanded that the United States Government
undertake appropriate steps in order for the seized crews,
vessels, and cargoes to be released immediately and
returned to Poland.
However, despite demands on the part of the Polish
Government and protests by the Polish people, families
of the imprisoned seamen, and numerous international
organizations, the crew of the President Oottwald has
been kept in custody for 6 months and deprived of the
possibility of returning to their fatherland and their
families. Like the crew of the vessel Praca, the crew of
the President Oottwald has also been subject to brutal
pressure and attempts at corruption ; like criminals, they
are being held under guard of police equipped with auto-
matic weapons. An atmosphere has been created which
leads the sailors to acts of desperation, the suicide of one
of them being a glaring confirmation of this.
The aim of all these brutal thugs is to destroy the
morale of the seamen and to force from them a decision
to break faith with their fatherland. The copy attached
to the note — the original of which is in the bands of the
Polish Government — of a statement ^ by the seamen of
the Praca, who as a result of the prolonged efforts of the
Government of the Polish People's Republic and the aid
of the Swedish Red Cross have returned to Poland, is
convincing proof of the pressure put on the Polish seamen
and the leading role in this action of tlie representatives
of the United States, including the Ambassador of the
United States to Taiwan.
Recently the seamen of the President Oottwald, physi-
cally and morally maltreated, turned to the International
' BrLLETi:^ of Nov. 0, 19,53, p. 640.
December 27, J 954
' For the U. S. rejection of the May 15 allegations, see
ihid.. May 31, 1954, p. 824.
" Not printed here.
983
Red Cross with a request for aid in obtaining freedom and
in repatriation to Poland.
The behavior of the Government of the United States
and its subordinates is a glaring violation of the uni-
versally obligatory principles of international law and the
elementary rights of personal freedom, whose slogans the
United States politicians fence with so willingly.
An additional and striking confirmation of the role of
the United States authorities in the action against the
Polish seamen is the latest act of recruiting, by means of
moral pressure and terror, and transporting to the United
States a group of Polish seamen only for the purpose of
using them as compliant tools in the anti-Polish propa-
ganda, which is not very fastidious in its method.?.
Protesting categorically against these methods, which
are contrary to international law, the Government of the
Polish People's Republic repeats its demands for the re-
lease of the seamen lield on Taiwan, the return of the
Praca, and President Gottwald and their cargoes, and the
puni.shment of those guilty of tlie illegal acts.
between our countries. These were practical de-
cisions which will produce tangible, constructive
benefits to all.
These decisions depended upon certain basic
principles that were uppermost in all of our minds.
It was recognized that, first, by working more
closely together, we could strengthen the ties be-
tween our countries and, second, that private en-
terprise and sound economic practices would bene-
fit all our peoples.
The one message I would like to bring from the
people of Latin America is to express the spirit of
friendship and cooperation which is felt toward
our country. I liave been in every country of
Latin America and have spent much of my life
working there. Never have I seen this spirit of
good partnership more in evidence than at the
Conference from which we have just returned.
Results of Inter- American
Economic Conference
Folloiving is the text of a statement made hy
Uivder Secretary Hoover^ vice chairman of the
V.S. delegation to the Meeting of Ministers of
Finance or Economy (November 22-Decemher 2) ,
on his return fro-m Brazil^ together with the final
declaration af proved unanimously at the closing
session of the Conference.
STATEMENT BY MR. HOOVER
Press release 696 dated December 5
We have just returned from the Rio Conference
of Ministers of Finance or Economy in Brazil.
The United States delegation and I believe tliat
this Conference represents a notable milestone in
the strengthening of the traditional ties of friend-
ship and cooperation between the United States
and the neighboring Republics of Latin America.
Underlying the economic and financial work of
our delegation was the firm determination of the
21 countries to work together, in the words of
President Eisenhower, as "good partners."
Many resolutions were passed at this Confer-
ence. Among them were decisions to study trans-
portation, to work together to improve liarbor fa-
cilities, to cooperate in lessening the barriers to
maximum flow of trade and commerce, to improve
the development of resources, and to expand travel
TEXT OF FINAL DECLARATION
[Unofficial translation!
We leave this Conference with the satisfaction
of having proved that the American nations here
represented are in complete agreement as regards
their great objectives in the economic field. These
may be summarized as a determination to speed
up the progress of each and every one of them
within the framework of freedom and justice,
through substantial intensification of our inter-
American economic, financial, and technical co-
operation.
Naturally, in analyzing the means for obtaining
the goal which we are unanimously seeking, there
were difi"ering points of view as to the most ade-
quate measures for reaching the common objective.
We were glad to see the energy and frankness
which characterized the discussions. Not one dele-
gation failed to present carefully tliought-out
projects. The energy with which the representa-
tives of the several governments upheld their re-
spective points of view demonstrated the abso-
lute independence of thought prevailing in this
liemisphere and the interest felt by the govern-
ments in promoting the welfare of their peoples.
The discussions showed also that all the Ameri-
can nations are resolved to grapple with economic
problems with the same fervor and resolution with
which on different occasions they have attacked
common political problems. Further, the Ameri-
can family of nations demonstrated a clear reali-
984
Department of State Bulletin
zntion of the imperative necessity that the prin-
ciple of ivonoiiiif cooporiition set fortli in article
26 of the C'hartei' of the Orpmization of American
States become a more palpable reality in order that
by dose fraternal cooperation, always with scrup-
ulous respect for institutional ditl'erences, each can
assure that the common effort to conquer the want
now aftlictinjx jrreat masses of people in this hemi-
sphere may produce maxinnnn results.
We are convinced that the results of this eco-
nomic conference justify holdinji othei-s of the
same kind; and, furthermore, the profjiress which
we have here jointly achieved au<jurs that this
meetinfr will be the first of a series in which at
rejiular intervals the American Republics meet
together to weiph the pro<;ress which they have
achieved separately and collectively in stren<xthen-
in<I this preat agricultural, industrial, and finan-
cial structure wliich we are raising in the hemi-
sphere and under whose protection we shall pro-
gress toward that life to which our natural and
human resources give us the right to aspire.
We wish to express our gratitude for the tech-
nical cooperation given us during the meeting by
t]\e Technical Secretary of the Inter-American
Economic and Social Council, the Economic Com-
mission for Latin America, the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development, and the In-
ternational Monetary Fund.
We take pleasure in announcing that we have
agreed to recommend to our governments that the
next meeting of Ministers of Finance or Economy
be held at Buenos Aires in 1956.
Development Assistance Agreement
Signed by U.S. and Guatemala
Press release 715 dated December 13
The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 13 the signing of a Development Assistance
Agreement between the United States and Guate-
mala. The agreement sets forth certain under-
standings governing the furnishing of U.S. eco-
nomic assistance to Guatemala. This is in addi-
tion to the assistance provided under the technical
coo])eration program, which is being carried out
pursuant to the General Agreement for Technical
Cooperation, signed in Guatemala City on Septem-
ber 1, 1954.
Henry F. Holland, Assistant Secretary of State
for Inter-American Affairs, signed for the Unitwl
States and Lt. Col. .Jos('- Luis Cruz-Salazar, the
Ambassador of Guatemala, signed for Guatemala.
Under the agreement the United States will be
able to furnish certain extraordinary assistance to
(iualemala in accordance with specific project ar-
rangements to be signed by the two Governments.
Included among the specific projects now ready for
signature by both Governments is the allocation of
approximately '^i million to assist the Guatemalan
Government to complete the important Pacific
Slope Highway.
The Foreign Operations Administration ami
the Department of State jointly announced on
October ;')0 that $0,425,000 was being made avail-
able to Guatemala. Of this, $1,300,000 was to be
for technical assistance, $1,4'25,(I00 for tlie Inter-
American Highway, $500,000 for the Roosevelt
Hospital, and $3,200,000 for unspecified develop-
ment projects.
Normal Diplomatic Relations
Resumed With Honduras
Press release 720 dated December 16
The U.S. Government on December IG reestab-
lished diplomatic relations with Honduras. Tliis
was done by a note from the American Embassy
at Tegucigalpa, which was in reply to a cable sent
the Secretary of State by the Honduran Foreign
Minister on December 6 stating that all public
powers had been assumed on that date by Julio
Lozano Diaz in the capacity of Supreme Chief of
Honduras.
The note transmitted today to the Honduran
Government expressed confidence in the contin-
uance of the traditionally friendly relations which
have so long existed between the peoples and gov-
ernments of the United States and Honduras.
Arrangements for Participation in
Iranian Oil Consortium
I'ri'ss release 706 dated December 7
The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 7 that the five American oil company members
of the Consortium, which recently concluded an
agreement with Iran for the production and sale
December 27, 1954
985
of Iranian oil/ are prepared to transfer, at cost,
a portion of their participation to other American
oil companies which meet certain requirements.
This is in line with the understanding reached last
year, when the possibilities of an agreement be-
tween Iran and the Consortium were first con-
sidered, that it would be desirable to provide an
opportunity for additional American oil com-
panies to participate in the Consortium in the
event negotiations between Iran and the Con-
sortium reached a successful conclusion. The
agreements which have been executed make it pos-
sible to carry out that understanding.
The agreement between the Imperial Govern-
ment of Iran and the National Iranian Oil Com-
pany, on the one hand, and the Consortium of
eight oil companies, on the other, became effective
October 29, 1954. The Consortium members also
entered into agi-eements among themselves, ef-
fective the same day, relating to their respective
share percentages in the Consortium, including
the minimum amount of crude oil and refined
products each will take or pay penalties for failure
to take, capital outlays, the conduct of operations,
and the like. Under these agreements, five Ameri-
can oil companies, namely, Gulf Oil Corporation,
Socony- Vacuum Oil Company, Inc., Standard Oil
Company (New Jersey), Standard Oil Company
of California, and the Texas Company, each ac-
quired an 8 percent interest in the Consortium.
The agi'eements provide, among other things,
that within 6 months from October 29, 1954, the
five American members of the Consortium may
each transfer up to one-eighth of its participation
in the Consortium to one or more other established
American oil companies (or to an American com-
pany formed by such other companies) which
satisfy the requirements specified in the agree-
ments (paragraph 21, Participants Agreement).
Important requirements are that each additional
participant possess sufficient responsibility to, and
does, assume its proportion of the obligations
arising under the agi-eements and that the Gov-
ernment of Iran give its consent in writing to the
transfer of an interest to such company. If trans-
fer is made to more than one eligible company,
such companies will be treated for all the pur-
poses of the agreements as a single participant
' BtniETlN of Aug. 16, 1954, p. 230.
and will be required to appoint a common agent
to act for all of them in all matters relating
thereto, provided that each such eligible company
will have the right to dispose freely and indi-
vidually of its share of Iranian oil. If applica-
tions by eligible companies exceed the total which
is available for subscription, such companies also
will be expected to agree among themselves as to
the portion which each is to subscribe.
The right of the five American members of the
Consortium to make transfers under this provision
of the agreements will expire April 29, 1955. In
view of the desirability of securing the judgment
of a qualified and disinterested party on the re-
sponsibility of applicants and in view of the time
element involved, any established American oil
company interested in acquiring a participation
in the Consortimn should file certain information
with Price Waterhouse & Company on or before
January 22, 1955. General information as to the
cost and other obligations incident to participa-
tion, together with an outline of the information
which should be filed with Price Waterhouse &
Company, can be obtained from that firm at 56
Pine Street, New York, N. Y. Price Waterhouse
& Company wiU not publish the name of any
company supplying information or divulge the
information supplied. The firm will, however,
determine whether any interested company pos-
sesses the responsibility to undertake the obliga-
tions required to be assumed in connection with
the participation it seeks.
For any company found by Price Waterhouse
& Company to possess the required responsibility,
the Department of State will lend its facilities in
obtaining a determination as to whether the Ira-
nian Government would be willing to approve such
company as a participant in the Consortium.
Each such company that meets the necessary re-
quirements will then be afforded an opportunity
to study the agreements involved before deciding
whether or not it desires to acquire an interest.
The companies which decide to acquire an interest
will be expected not later than April 1, 1955, to
agree upon the manner in which they will be
organized and be represented in the Consortium.
Thereafter, the five American members of the
Consortium will arrange, in conjunction with such
companies, the transfer of interest.
986
Department of Slate Bulletin
Transfer of U. S. Submarine
to Italian Navy
Remarks by V. Burke Elhrick
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Ettropean Affairs '
It is a great honor for me to represent the Sec-
i-etarv of State on this important occasion. His
Excellency, the Ambassador of Italy, is with us
here to receive on behalf of his Government the
U. S. S. Barh^ the lii-st of two submarines being
delivered to tlie Italian Navy to provide training
for Italian units in antisubmarine warfare. The
Congress of the United States has specifically au-
thorized the President to lend these vessels to
Italy for this purpose.
The presence here of the Italian Ambassador,
Signor [Alberto] Tarchiani, and of Admiral
Robert B. Carney, Chief of Naval Operations and
formerly Commander in Chief of the Nato
Forces Southern Europe, exemplifies, as it were,
the foreign policy objective of both Italy and the
United States to join together with the free coun-
tries of "Western Europe in measures for common
defense against totalitarian aggression. The bul-
wark of this defense is the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. The transfer of this ship today is
but one of many acts our two Governments have
been taking to develop and to strengthen fm'ther
tliis defense system, which is already a powerful
deterrent to aggression.
No one familiar with the historj' of the Italian
Risargimento can be surprised to find present-day
Italy in the forefront of the common defense of
the civilized community of nations. Bj' their own
historical experience, Italians know that divided
states cannot withstand the aggressive force of
organized power. The Italian people have devel-
oped a great consciousness of the true necessity of
political unity and of the fact that no member of
the free world community can stand alone today.
Based on the recognition of this national feeling,
the Italian Government is playing a leading role
in promoting the economic, political, and military
integration of Western Europe. Moreover, the
Italian people are increasingly aware of the dan-
gers which external aggression poses to their great
' Made on the occasion of the transfer of the submarine
U. S. S. Barb to the Government of Italy at the U.S.
Naval Submarine Base at New London, Conn., on Dec. 13
(press release 713).
spiritual heritage. This realization further
strengtliens their determination to resist Soviet
propaganda blandishments and to join with the
Nato countries in collective security arrange-
ments.
Italy and the United States are partners in
these security arrangements, and the transfer of
the U. S. S. Barh today is new evidence of this
close partnership as well as of the many tradi-
tional ties which bind our countries together. In
this common endeavor lies our nmtual self-preser-
vation.
I note that the Italian olHcei's and crew which
will take this ship to Italy are here with us today.
I hope their stay in the United States has been a
pleasant one. I know they will take back to Italy
more than the technical knowledge acquired here.
I am sure that they will take back with them the
strong friendship, esteem, and good will which
this country feels for Italy.
I wish them a pleasant voyage and success in
future missions.
Joseph Dodge Named Chairman of
Council on Foreign Economic Policy
White House press release dated December 11
On December 11 the White House made public
the following letter from President Eisenhower
to Joseph M. Dodge.
Mt dear Mr. Dodge: It is my desire that we
proceed as rapidly as possible to bring about im-
provements in the organization of the Executive
Branch for the development and coordination of
foreign economic policy, including its relation to
domestic economic policy where it is involved. I
have discussed the objectives of this program with
the Cabinet, my Advisory Committee on Govern-
ment Organization, the Director of the Bureau of
the Budget, and with you.
I am most pleased that you have agreed to con-
tinue to serve the Government and to organize on
my behalf this very important undertaking. Ef-
fective immediately I am designating you as Spe-
cial Assistant to the President to assist and advise
me in accomplishing an orderly development of
foreign economic policies and programs and to
assure the eifective coordination of foreign eco-
nomic matters of concern to the several depart-
ments and agencies of the Executive Branch.
December 27, J954
987
More particularly, in respect to foreign eco-
nomic matters, I shall look to you to provide for
the anticipation of problems and issues, ensure ad-
vance preparation, analyze information for the
purpose of clarifying and defining issues, and de-
termine the primary responsibilities of the execu-
tive agencies for the preparation of original doc-
uments and for any other steps necessary to pro-
duce a coordinated and agreed upon governmental
position.
There now are mmierous standing and ad hoc
interdepartmental coordinating mechanisms, as
well as a complex of overseas departmental op-
erations, each dealing with a limited aspect of our
foreign economic policy. I expect that the ar-
rangements established by this letter, with the co-
operation and assistance of the Director of the Bu-
reau of the Budget and his staff and with the bene-
fit of other studies in this field of activity now
underway, will lead to a substantial simplification
of the present structure.
You are authorized to establish and to serve as
the chairman of a Council on Foreign Economic
Policy through which executive agencies can par-
ticipate effectively in this undertaking. The Sec-
retaries of State, Treasury, Commerce, Agricul-
ture, and the Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration, or their principal deputies,
should comprise the initial basic membership of
the Council. All of them are regular members of
the Cabinet and three of them are regular members
of the National Security Council.
In addition, ex officio members will be my
Administrative Assistant for Economic Affaire,
my Special Assistant for National Secvirity Af-
fairs, and a member of my Council of Economic
Advisers. The heads of other departments and
agencies should be invited by the chairman to par-
ticipate in meetings of the Council when mattere of
direct concern to them are under consideration.
You may provide yourself with such staff' as
is necessary to assist you in connection with these
duties. In addition, I anticipate that from time
to time provision will need to be made for a
limited nmnber of special task forces for the
review of specific foreign economic matters that
are so extensive or complicated as to make it
advisable to organize them as special projects.
Because the formulation of foreign economic
])olicy in many instances is an integral part of
the formulation of national security policy or of
international financial policy, I want you, as
quickly as possible, to establish appropriate work-
ing relations with the National Security Council
and the National Advisorj^ Council on Interna-
tional Monetary and Financial Problems, respec-
tively, to the end that in those instances referred
to the desired integration will be effected. The
achievement of such integration will be furthered
by your attendance at such meetings of those
oi'gaiiizations as you consider necessary, as well
as attendance by a representative of those or-
ganizations at meetings of the Council on Foreign
Economic Policy when appropriate.
Sincerely yours,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Committee on Mineral Policy
Reports to President
White House press release dated December 1
On December 1 the President received the final
report of the Cabinet Committee on Mineral
Policy, a report designed to provide the basis for
national policies affecting the production and use
of metals and minerals. The report was approved
by the President after discussion by membere of
the Cabinet at several recent Cabinet meetings.
The report contains 11 recommendations.
Three are designed primarily to enhance the se-
curity of the Nation ; one is intended to bring about
closer Government-industry relations in the
mining field; and seven are directed toward the
encouragement of an orderly and vigorous de-
velopment of domestic mineral resources.
Security Recommendations
The three recommendations dealing with se-
curity which the Committee termed "overriding
in importance" are :
1. That a complete review be undertaken of all
stockpile objectives for strategic and critical
metals and minerals, and new long-term objec-
tives established to assure, over a period of time,
the acquisition of adequate stocks of these mate-
rials, and thereby reduce — and where possible
eliminate — foreseeable wartime shortages.
2. That the supply-demand situation for each
of the metals and minerals be evaluated periodi-
cally on a case-by-case basis to estublisli the proper
level of efficient domestic production required as
an adequate component of the mobilization base.
988
Department of State Bulletin
3. That the Office of Defense Mobilization re-
view with the Departments of Interior and Com-
merce, and other ajiencies concerned, the tasks
whicii need to be carrietl on to build and maintain
the mobilization base for metals and minerals and
issue necessary delcfjations of authority to assure
full coverage of mobilization planninj^ for metals
and minerals within the policy framework and
criteria established by Onsi.
Domestic Development
In addition to security considerations, the Com-
mittee gave attention to the development of do-
mestic mineral resources.
"A major objective of mineral policy," the
report stated, "is a full and orderly program for
the development and conservation of the country's
mineral resources. An orderly development and
wise use of the Nation's resources is an essential
element in a strong and sound economy."
The Committee, in its report and in discussions
with the Cabinet and the President, emphasized
that the development of mineral resources is pri-
marily a function of private enterprise and that
actions of Government in this field should be
limited to those which are in the national interest
but not likely to be undertaken by private industry.
The Committee's recommendations relating to
domestic resources ai-e:
4. That the tax structure as it affects the dis-
covery and production of minerals should be pe-
riodically reviewed in order to eliminate, where
possible, such deteiTents as may be found to exist
to the sound development of the Nation's mineral
resources.
5. That the program of financial assistance to
private industry for exploration such as that now
administered by the Defense Minerals Exploration
Administration be strengthened and continued.
6. That the Department of the Interior — the
Federal agency with major responsibility in this
field — accelerate those activities which must pre-
cede or supplement private exploration such as
topographic and geologic mapping, geologic re-
search, and the development of geochemical and
geophysical theories and techniques.
7. That the Department of the Interior expand
direct exploration activities aimed at the discovery
of new mineralized areas or critically short mate-
rials essential to security but that work in this field
be confined to that which provides data as to the
December 27, 1954
325859—54 3
probable location and general potential of mineral
deposits; and, fui-tlicr, tliat this type of search be
unilertaken by the Federal Goverimient only when
it clearly is in the national interest and when it
is reasonably certain that the work will not be
done by private industry.
8. That the Secretary of the Interior develop
recommendations for such revisions of the mining
laws as may be desirable to recognize and thus
encourage the use of newer methods of explora-
tion.
9. That the Secretary of the Interior take such
steps as may be necessary to strengthen and co-
ordinate the collection and dissemination of facts
concerning the Nation's mineral resources and
factors pertaining to their production and utiliza-
tion.
10. That the Department of the Interior inten-
sify its program of mineral and metal research
aimed at the development of latent resources, new
mineral raw materials, and improved utilization
of existing raw materials and coordinate its min-
erals and metal research with that of other Fed-
eral agencies and, as practicable, with research in
industry.
In offering a final recommendation, the Com-
mittee expressed the belief that the objectives
sought by mineral policy can be more effectively
achieved if closer cooperation can be developed
between Government and the mineral industries.
The Committee, therefore, recommended:
11. That the Secretary of the Interior develop
ways and means of establishing and maintaining
through some workable body the contacts between
the mining industry and Government necessary
to give force and effect to the recommended
policies.
Committee Actions
The Conamittee was appointed by the Presi-
dent on October 26, 1953. In addition to Secre-
tary McKay as Chairman, the Committee is com-
posed of the Secretary of State, the Secretary of
Commerce, and the Director of the Office of De-
fense Mobilization. The Secretai-y of the Treas-
uiy and the Director of the Bureau of the Budget
served as consultants.
In their letter of transmittal, the members of
the Committee pointed out that, during the interim
since the submission of a preliminary report in
March of this year, a number of actions have been
989
taken implementing recommendations made at
that time.
The recommendation that the strategic stockpile
be expanded in the interests of national security
became effective by the President's announcement
of March 26, 1954.
The delegation of authority by 0dm covering
mobilization planning for metals and minerals
became effective November 12.
Action has been taken by Odm to continue and
strengthen the program of the Defense ISIinerals
Exploration Administration.
Substantial progress along the lines of the rec-
ommendation regarding the elimination of tax
deterrents has been made in the Internal Revenue
Code of 1954.
In his appointment of the Committee in Octo-
ber 1953, the President called attention to the
depressed conditions in segments of the mining in-
dustry existing at that time and specifically
referred to the situation of lead and zinc pro-
ducers. The Committee gave particular attention
to this problem as a representative test case. An-
nouncement of the stockpile policy last March
resulted in a firming up of the lead and zinc mar-
ket, the letter of transmittal noted, and when a
purchase program was inaugurated under the new
policy, the market prices of both commodities rose
substantially.
Danish Liberalization of
Dollar Imports
Press release 721 dated December 17
The following joint statement of the Depart-
ments of Commerce and State was released on
December 17.
The U.S. Government welcomes the announce-
ment by the Danish Minister of Commerce that
Denmark is liberalizing imports from the dollar
area by abolishing import licensing requirements
for a wide variety of dollar goods.
"VVliile a full list of the goods freed is not yet
available, the Danish Government has indicated
that this relaxation of restrictions on imports from
the dollar area involves a liberalization of 38 jDer-
cent of Deimiark's dollar imports, based upon
dollar imports in 1953.
This first stage of dollar liberalization includes
such commodities as vmmanuf actured tobacco, cot-
ton, asphalt, Imnber, paper, many chemicals, me-
dicinal articles, optical glassware, various tools and
instruments, sewing machines, agricultural ma-
chinery, textiles, printing, packing and other ma-
chines, machine tools, and telephone and telegraph
equipment.
It is exjjected that this first step in the liberal-
ization of dollar imports will be followed by fur-
ther liberalization measm-es as soon as conditions
permit.
This voluntary action by the Danish Govern-
ment is commended as an example of the con-
structive action taken by those countries whose
dollar position permits the adoption of measures
in the direction of freer trade. There has been
much progress recently in the relaxation of foreign
restrictions on a large variety of U.S. exports.
Otlier Western European countries which re-
cently have freed imports from the United States
and Canada include Belgium, the Netherlands',
Luxembourg — 86 percent; Germany — 70 percent;
the United Kingdom — 49 percent; Sweden — 45
percent; and Italy — 23 percent.
President Decides Against
Absolute Quota on Clothespins
White House press release dated November 22
The President, on November 22, declined to ac-
cept the recommendations of three members of the
U.S. Tariff Commission for an absolute quota on
imports of spring clothespins.^
The Tariff Commission made an investigation
into the effect of trade-agreement concessions on
domestic manufacture of spring clothespins pur-
suant to section 7 of the Trade Agi-eements Ex-
tension Act. In its report, the Conunission was
equally divided. On two earlier occasions, when
domestic producers made similar applications, the
Tariff' Commission by a majority vote declined to
recormnend restrictive action against imports. In
the Commission's report on its latest investiga-
tion, three Commissioners foimd that spring
clothespins are being imported into this country
in such increased quantities as to cause serious in-
jury to the domestic industry. The other three
' Copies of the Tariff Commission's report may be ob-
taiueil from the U.S. Tariff Commission, Washington 25,
D. C.
990
Department of State Bulletin
Commissioners took the position that any unsatis-
factory conditions that there may be in the indus-
try at tliis time are not properly attributable to
increased imports. Under present law, split de-
cisions in the Commission are forwarded to the
President for resolution and he is authorized to
consider the Ihidings of either as the findings of
the Commission.
The President, in identical letters to Senator
Eugene D. Millikin, Chairman of the Senate Fi-
nance Committee, and Representative Daniel A.
Reed, Chairman of the House Ways and Means
Committee, stated that '"no clear case has been
made for further restricting imports of spring
clothespins" and that "such hardship as may have
been experienced lately by domestic producers and
workers has been due to domestic developments
which do not warrant action under section 7 of
the Trade Agreements Extension Act."
The President said that, even if some restrictive
action were warranted in this case, he would be
particularly hesitant to impose an absolute quota
on imports in a case of this kind. "Only in excep-
tional situations.'' he said, "has the Fnitod States
resorted to controlling imports by absolute quotas,
as in the case of a few farm products where a sup-
ported price in the American market was attract-
ing an excessive quantity of imports."
Text of President's Letter
November 20, 1954
Dear Mr. Chairman : The United States Tariff Com-
mission on October 6. 10.54, siibmittpcl to me a report of
it.s escape clause inve.stigation on spring: clothespins un-
der Section 7 of the Trade Agreements Extension Act.
The members of the Commission are equally divided
on the question of whether relief is warranted. Under
the present law, I am authorized to consider the findings
of either as the findings of the Commission. This is the
third application. The prior two were turned down by
majority votes of the Commission.
The group of Commissioners which concludes in this
case that relief is called for believes that the permissible
increase in duty under the escape clause authority would
be insufficient to bridge the gap between the prices of the
domestic and foreign products, and recommends the im-
position of an absolute limit upon the quantity of spring
clotliespins that may be imported annually hereafter to
450,000 gross. That would amount to a reduction of over
half in the volume of recent imports.
The second group of Commissioners takes the position
that any unsatisfactory t^oudltlons that there may be la
the industry at this time are not projwrly attributable to
increased import.s.
1 Miilurally am deeply concerned by the reported un-
employment in this industry, though I am pleased to learn
that the very latest employment reports from New Eng-
land are more encouraging. Close study of all the data
available, however, leads nie to conclude, with the second
group of Commissioners, that no clear ca.se has been made
for further restricting Imintrts of spring clothespins ond
that such hardslilp as may have been experienced lately
by domestic producers and workers has been due to domes-
tic developments which do not warrant action under
Section 7 of the Trade Agreements Extension Act.
The outstanding fact in this situation is that total sales
of all clothespins have been delinitely on the decline In
the United States. Despite this general trend, total sales
of spring clothespins, with which we are here concerned,
have been substantially maintained ut a level more than
double that of the pre-war years. Nearly all spring
clothespin manufacturers also produce slotted pins, and
where financial losses have occurred, they appear to be due
to the marked decline in sales of slotted pins rather than
to imports of spring <;lotliespins. Moreover, the extent
of the decline in the over-all sales of clothespins has been
much greater than the total quantity of Spring pins
imijorted.
The decline in the use of clothespins seems clearly at-
tributable to recent domestic developments. Over 2%
million automatic driers have been installed in American
homes and apartment houses since the close of the war.
Also, more laundry aijparently is being done outside the
home in laundromats and commercial laundries.
The reported decline in employment is due at least in
part to the fa,et that several of the domestic firms have
during the last few years installed additional equipment
in order to improve their efliciency. With this increased
mechanization they have required a smaller niimber of
persons to turn out the same amount of goods.
Even if some restrictive action were warranted in this
case, I should be particularly hesitant to impose an ab-
solute quota on imports in a case of this kind. We have
been very concerned that sales abroad of many American
export pro<lucts have been seriously hurt during recent
years by quantitative limitations imposed by various for-
eign countries, thus curtailing the play of competition
even when our product and its price are better.
Only in exceptional situations has the United States
resorted to controlling imports by absolute quotas, as in
the case of a few farm products where a supported price
in the American market was attracting an excessive quan-
tity of imports.
In view of all these considerations, no jchange in the
present import treatment of spring clothespins seema
warranted.
Sincerely,
DWIOHT D. ElSEKBOWEK
December 27, 1954
991
Reorganization of German Coal,
Iron, and Steel Industries '
The following Order No. (V) G-G issued by the
Combined Steel Group of the Allied High Com-
mission for Germany pursuant to Allied High
Commission Law No. 27 - (Reorganization of Ger-
man Coal, Iron and Steel Industries), as amended
by Allied High Commission Law No. 76,'' is deemed
to be of interest to certain U. S. citizens as having
legal effect upon them or their pi'operty. Provi-
sion for review of this order will be found in Arti-
cle 13 of Law No. 27, as amended by Article 4 of
Law No. 76.
OuDEB No. (V) 6-G
To:
1. Vereinigte Stahlwerke Aktiengesellschaft in Liquida-
tion auf Grnnd dps Gesetzes Nr. 27 uber die Umgestaltung
des detitschen Kolileuliergbaues und der deutschen Stahl-
und Eisen-indti.strie, in Dus.seldorf.
2. Itheinstahl-Mniou Maschinen- und Stahlbau Aktien-
gesellseliaft, in Dnssoldorf.
Hannoversche Maschinenbau-Aktien-Gesellschaft vor-
mals Georg lOgostoiff (Uanomag), Hannover-Linden.
Eiseuwei-k Wanlu>ini Gesellschaft mit beschrankter
Haftung, Duisburg-Wanheim.
Nordse*>\vorke Emdeu Gesellschaft mit beschrankter
Haftung, Emden.
Dortmiinder Union Bruckenbau Aktiengesellschaft,
Dortmund.
Sieircnor Eisonbahnliedarf Aktiengesellschaft, Dreis-
Tiefonbach, Kreis Siegen.
Concordiahutte Gesellschaft mit beschrankter Haftung,
Bendorf/IUiein.
Wagner & Co. Werkzeugmaschinenfabrik Gesellschaft
mit beschrankter Haftung, Dortmund.
Gelsenkircliener Bergwerks-Aktien-Gesellschaft In Es-
sen-Huhr.
Dortmunder Bergbau Aktiengesellschaft, Dortmund.
Klicinelbe Bcrgbau Aktiengesellschaft, Gelsenkirchen.
Hansa liergbau Aktiengesellschaft, Dortmund.
Erin Bcrgbau Aktiengesellschaft, in Castrop-Rauxel.
Hamborner Bergbau Aktiengesellschaft, in Duisburg-
Hamborn.
Dortnuind-IIorder Huttenunion Aktiengesellschaft, in
Dortmund.
Kheinische Rohrenwerke Aktiengesellschaft, in Mul-
heini-Kuhr.
Iluttenwerke I'hoenix Aktiengesellschaft, in Duisburg-
Ruhrort.
lUu'iniscb-Westfalische Eisen- und Stahlwerke Aktien-
gesellschaft, in Mulbeim-Ruhr.
Eiscnwerke MuUieim/Meiderich Aktiengesellschaft,
MuUu'im-Huhr.
Eiscnwerke Gelsenkirchen Aktiengesellschaft, Gelsen-
kirilicn.
Iluttenwerke Siegerland Aktiengesellschaft, in Siegen
1/W.
Fried richshntte Aktiengesellschaft, Herdorf.
3. All other Successor Companies, including their Sub-
sidiaries, of Vereinigte Stahlwerke Aktiengesellschaft in
Liquidation.
4. The National City Bank of New York, in New York;
Irving Trust Company, in New York ; Kreditanstalt fur
Wiederauft)au, in Frankfurt/M.
Whereas the Liquidators of Vereinigte Stahlwerke
Aktiengesellschaft in Liquidation under Law No. 27 on
Reorganization of German Coal and Iron and Steel In-
dustries (hereinafter referred to as "Vereinigte Stahl-
werke AG i.L.") have submitted a Plan dated 10 Decem-
ber lOijS (hereinafter referred to as "I'lan") for the treat-
ment of claimants under the following dollar bond and
debenture issues (hereinafter referred to as "Old Bond
Issues") :
Rheinelbe Union Twenty- Year 7 percent Sinking Fund
Mortgage Gold Bonds, issued under Indenture, dated as of
1 January 1926. Trustee : Irving Trust Company.
Vereinigte Stahlwerke Aktiengesellscliaft, 25-Ycar 6^2
percent Sinking Fund Mortgage Gold Bonds, Series A, is-
sued under Indenture, dated as of 1 June 1926. Trustee:
The National City Bank of New York.
Vereinigte Stahlwerke Aktiengesellschaft, 25-Year 6Vi
percent Sinking Fund Mortgage Gold Bonds, Series C,
issued under said Indenture, dated as of 1 June 1926.
Trustee : The National City Bank of New York.
Vereinigte Stahlwerke Aktiengesellschaft, 20-Year 6^/2
percent Sinking Fund Debentures, Series A, issued under
Indenture, dated as of 1 July 1927. Trustee: Irving
Trust Company.
and
Whereas the Plan provides for the refunding of the out-
standing debt under the said Old Bond Issues and the
transfer of the debt so refunded to the following successor
companies, and no others, derived from Vereinigte Stahl-
werke AG i. L. (hereinafter referred to as "Obligor Com-
panies") in the following respective percentages:
Percent
Rheiustabl-Union Maschinen-und Stahlbau Ak-
tiengesellschaft, Dusseldorf 9.5000
Gelsenkirchener Bergwerks- Aktiengesellschaft,
Essen 25.3400
Hamborner Bergbau Aktiengesellschaft, Duis-
burg-Hainborn 1. 5837
Erin Bcrgbau Aktiengesellschaft, Castrop-
Rauxel 4.7512
Dortiniuid-Horder Huttenunion Aktiengesell-
schaft, Dortmund 14.7005
Rbcinlscbe Rohrenwerke Aktiengesellschaft,
.Mulbcim-Ruhr 12.9414
IlutlcnwcrUe I'hoenix Aktiengesellschaft, Duis-
burg-Unbrort 12.9414
Rhcinisch-Westfalische Eisen- und Stahlwerke
AktieugesellschaCt. Mulbeim-Rulir 12.3535
Iluttenwerke Siegerland Aktiengesellschaft,
Siegen 5.8823
100. 0000
■ m Fcrf. ReiJ. 0815.
" -^^^ Fell. i;c(j. S59i.
'19 Fed. Reg. 0011 (Bulletin of Nov. 1. 1954, p. 654).
and
Whereas the Obligor Companies will issue their Obliga-
tions pursuant to the Plan and to the provisions of the
Declaration and Agreement of Deposit attached thereto as
Annex 10 (hereinafter referred to as "Declaration"),
which (Hiligations are to be secured by security mortgages
to be registered on operating properties (real estate and
mining proi>erties) of the following companies (herein-
after referred to as "Mortgagor Companies"), all as pro-
vided in the Plan :
992
Department of State Bulletin
Hannoversche Maschinenbau-Akticngesellschaft, vormals Georg KgostorIT (HANOMAG),
Haiuiovor-Linden $712, 500
Eisoinvork Wiinlu'iin Gcsollschaft init boschrankter Haftung, Duisburg-Wanhoim • ■ • • 712, .lOO
Nordspowerke IOhuUmi Qpsollscliaft iiiit bosclininkter Ilaftving, Enideii 475, 000
Dortmuiidcr Union Bruckenlmu AkticiiKt'sellscluift, Dortmund 190,000
Sicgenor Ijsenbahnbcdiirf Akti(MiKi'si'll.scli;ift, Drcis-Ticfciibach Krois Riegon 118, 7.')0
f'oncordiHluittP ricscllsftiuft niit bi'scliriinktcr lliiftiinK, Bcndorf/Ulicin 9.'), 000
Wagner & Co., Wcrkzcngniascliinonfabrik (.lesollscliaft niit buschranktcr Ilaftung,
Dortmund 71,250
S2, 375, 000
DortmundiT Horgbaii Aktiengcscllschaft, Dortmund 2, .'J75, ti25
Uhoinolbe Bergbau Akticngcsellschaft, Golsenkirchon 3,107,500
Hansa Bergbau Akticngcsellschaft, Dortmund 791, 875
0, 335, 000
Ilamborner Borgbau Aktiengesellschaft, Duisburg-IIamborn .30fi, 000
Krin Bergbjiii Aktiongosellscliaft, Cnstrop-Uauxol 1, ISS, 000
Dortmund-IIorder Hiittoiuinion AktieiiKesellschaft, Dortmund 3,077,000
Rheinisehe Uohrenwerko Aktiengesellschaft. Mulheim-Uuhr 3, 235, 000
Huttenwerke Phoenix Aktiengesellschaft, Duisherg-Iluhrort 3, 235, 000
lOisenwerkc Mulheiin/Meiderich .Vktiengesellschaft, Mulheim-Huhr 1,235,200
Eisonwcrke Gelsonkirchcn Aktiengesellschaft, Gelsonkirchon 1, 852, 800
3, 088, 000
Huttenwerke Siegerland Aktiengesellschaft, Siegen 1,176,800
Friedrichshutte Aktiengesellschaft, Herdorf 294, 200
1,471,000
25, 000, 000
and
Whereas such Obligations will be the several Obliga-
tions of the respective Obligor Companies and will not
provide for aii.v form of joint liabilit.v on the part of any
of them within the meaning set forth in Annex 15 to the
Plan, and
Whereas Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau has agreed to
undertake its unconditional guaranty for the fulfillment
of the said Obligations and of the Declaration as set forth
in the Plan, and
Whereas The National City Bank of New York and
Irving Trust Company have, by letter dated 10 December
liiii'.i, agreed to act in accordance with the terms of the
Plan as Depositaries of the Obligations to be issued by the
above-named Obligor Companies, and
Whereas the Combined Steel Group has determined that
the Plan provides fair and equitable treatment to the
claimants under the Old Bond Issues in compliance with
Article 5 of Law No. 27 without prejudicing the rights
of other claimants to such fair and equitable treatment.
The combined steel group hereby orders as follows :
Article I
(1) The "Plan for the Treatment of Claimants under
United States Dollar Bond and Debenture Issues of Verein-
Igte Stablwerke Aktiengesellschaft in Liquidation"* at-
tached hereto and incorporated herein, is approved and
enters into force. The refunding and the transfer of the
debt so refunded as provided for in the Plan becomes ef-
fective as from 1 January 1953. If an Obligor Comjiany
was not yet in existence at that date, the debt allocable
to it is being transferred to it as of 1 January 1953, effec-
tive as of the date of its registration in the commercial
register.
( 2 ) Vereinigte Stahlwerke AG I.L., each of the Obligor
Companies, each of the Mortgagor Companies, The Na-
tional City Bank of New York, Irving Trust Company and
Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau shall forthwith take, each
in its own capacity, all action necessary for the implemen-
tation and execution of the Plan. The National City Bank
of New York and Irving Trust Company, as Depositaries,
shall, in particular, acce[)t and hold the Obligations to be
issued by the Obligor Companies subject to the terms and
provisions of tlie Plan and of the Declaration and shall
* Copies of the Plan may be obtained by interested bond-
holders by application to the Combined Steel Group, c/o
The Allied General Secretariat, Allied High Commission
for Germany, Bonn, Germany.
Copies of the Plan are available for inspection by inter-
ested bondholders at the following places :
OflSce of German Affairs, Department of State, Twenty-
first Street and Virginia Avenue NW., Washington, D. C.
Corporate Trust Department, The National City Bank
of New York, .55 Wall Street, New York, N. Y.
Corporate Trust Department, Irving Trust Company,
1 Wall Street, New York, N. Y.
Public Reference Room, Securities and Exchange Com-
mission, 425 Second Street NW., Washington. I). C.
The following other offices of the Securities and Ex-
change Commission :
Federal Building. Post OflSce Square, Boston, Mass.
Room 350, Peachtree-Seventh Building, Atlanta, Ga.
Room 630, Bankers Building, 105 West Adams Street,
Chicago, 111.
Room 162, New Customs House, 19th and Stout Streets,
Denver, Colo.
Room 301, United States Court House, 10th and Lamar
Streets, Fort Worth, Tex.
42 Broadway, New York, N. Y.
Room 334, Appraisers Building, 630 Sansome Street,
San Francisco, Calif.
Room 304, 905 Second Avenue Building, Seattle, Wash.
Room 1628, Standard Building, 1370 Ontario Street,
Cleveland, Ohio.
Room 1074, Federal Building, Detroit, Mich.
Room 1737, United States Post Office and Court House,
312 North Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif.
Room 400, Pioneer Building, Fourth and Roberts Streets,
St. Paul, Minn.
December 27, 1954
993
distribute to the claimants under the Old Bond Issues
Participation Certificates and Scrip in the form and man-
ner provided in the Declaration.
Aeticie II
(1) The Mortgagor Companies shall secure the liabil-
ities resulting from the respective Obligations liy register-
ing in favor of The National City Bank of New York and
Irving Trust Company security mortgages on operating
properties (real estate and mining properties) of such
mortgagor companies as provided in Article VII of the
Plan. These mortgages shall be in the respective amounts
set out in Column (2) of Annex 10 of the Plan in cur-
rency of the United States of America : no consent of
any German authority will be required for the entry of
the mortgages in currency of the United States of Amer-
ica ; Paragraph 15 of the "Verordnung uber die Entragung
von Hypotheken in auslandischer Wahrung vom 13. Feb-
ruar 1920 (RGBl. S. 231) in der Fassung des Gesetzes
vom 12. Marz 1931 (RGBl I S. 31)" shall not be applicable.
The mortgages shall be entered as first mortgage liens in
the land registers of the real estate to be mortgaged and
in the mining registers of the mining properties to be
mortgaged ; in the cases specified in Ai'ticle VII, Para-
graph 2, sentence 2 of the Plan, the mortgages shall be
registered at the rank immediately after the existing
liens referred to in Annex 13 to the Plan, but they shall
move up to the first rank as soon as and to the extent
that the prior liens are either cancelled or revert to the
owner, and, in order to assure this result, preliminary
notices of cancellation shall be registered in favor of The
National City Bank of New York and Irving Trust
Company.
(2) The transfer of the mortgages and of the claims
secured thereby to successors and assigns of The National
City Bank of New York and Irving Trust Company is
governed by the general rules of law.
Article III
(1) To the extent that reservations of priority (Rang-
vorbehalte) or preliminary notices (Vormerkungen) pro-
vided for in previous orders of the Combined Steel Group
and the Combined Coal Control Group have been entered
in the land registers, the mortgages shall be entered in
exercise of such reservations of priority or in cancellation
of such preliminary notices.
(2) To the extent that such reservations of priority
or such preliminary notices will not be fully utilized by
the entry of a mortgage, or will not be made use of for
the entry of a mortgage, the reservation of priority or the
preliminary notice, ranking after such mortgage, will
remain in existence in such a way that the owner shall
be entitled to make use of the remaining reservation
of priority or of the remaining preliminary notice in favor
of any creditor, without prejudicing, however, the rights
of any person other than the creditors of the refunded
debt to claim a rank below that required for securing
such debt.
Akticle IV
(1) To prove to the land registry that a real estate or a
mining property of a Mortgagor Company is or is not a
real estate or a mining property to be mortgaged in accord-
ance with Article II of this Order, the written statement
of the Managing Directors (Vorstand) or of the Managers
(Geschaeftsfuehrer) of such company shall be suflicient,
which statement is not required to be in the form pre-
scribed in Paragraph 29 of the land register ordinance
( Grundbuchordnung) .
(2) No consent of the party in interest will be required
either for the cancellation of a preliminary notice entered
pursuant to a previous order of the Combined Steel Group
or for the correction of the land register to the extent that
such notice was not utilized for the entry of the mortgage.
Article V
Pursuant to the provisions of Article 5 of Regulation
No. 6 under Law No. 27, Vereinigte Stahlwerke AG i.L.,
is hereby released from any and all liability under any
of the Old Bond Issues as from 1 January 1953 and from
any and all liability under the refunded new debt as
from the date of its transfer to the Obligor Companies.
Neither The National City Bank of New York nor Irving
Trust Company as Trustees nor any holder of any bond
or debenture including interest coupons pertaining thereto
under the Old Bond Issues, or of any claim based thereon,
shall have any right to enforce the same or any of the
provisions of any of the indentures referred to herein
against either Vereinigte Stahlwerke AG i.L., or its
Liquidators, or against any of its successor companies, or
against any of the properties of either Vereinigte Stahl-
werke AG i.L. or any of its successor companies or of
any subsidiary of any such successor company, and no
holder of any such bond or debenture, including interest
coupons, under the Old Bond Issues or of any claims based
thereon shall have any other right or claim by reason
of the holding or ownership thereof, or otherwise, except
to surrender the said bond or debenture or interest cou-
pons in exchange for Participation Certificates or Scrip,
or both, in the manner provided in the Declaration, after
such bond or debenture or interest coupons shall have
been validated pursuant to the Validation Law for Ger-
man Foreign Currency Bonds, dated 25 August 1952, or,
in the case of non-validation, to claim compensation under
Part V of said Law against the Obligor Companies, sever-
ally, in the respective percentages indicated above.
Abtiole VI
Article 7, Paragraph 1 of Law No. 27 applies to all
measures which will be taken in compliance with the pro-
visions of the Plan or of its Order. The terra "Taxes and
other duties" used in Law No. 27 will include turnover
taxes and transfer taxes as well as other duties, fees and
costs, which otherwise would have to be paid in conse-
quence of these measures, subject to the provisions of
the following sentence. The treatment of the deconcen-
tration measures for profit and property taxation purposes
is determined by the orders of the competent highest
fiscal authority of the Land which will establish them in
agreement with the persons subject to taxation.
Article VII
The English and German texts of the Plan and its
Annexes are equally authentic.
994
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
Articij: VIII
This Order, under the authority jrriinted in Retnilation
No. 21; under Law No. 27 of the Allied Uitih t'ommission,
sbnil be l.ssued and become effeetlve on 1 Octolier 1954
and is to he i)ul)lished as provided in Division No. 10 of
the Allied Ulgb Commission.
W. G. Daniexs,
Acting V. 8. Chairman.
E. A. Janet,
French Chainmin.
A. H. Dauncey,
U. K. Chairman.
For the Secretary of State:
Geoffrey W. Lewis,
Deputy Director, Offlce of German Affairs,
Bureau of European Affairs.
October 13, 1954.
Current Treaty Actions
MULTILATERAL
Commodities — Wheat
Agreement revising and renewing the international wheat
agreement of lti4!) (TIAS 1957). Dated at Washington
April 13, 1953. Entered into force .July 15, 1953, with
respect to parts 1, 3, 4, and 5; and August 1, 1953,
with respect to part 2. TIAS 2799.
Arccssion dci)oxitC(l: Italy, Decenilier 10, 1954.
Genocide
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the
crime of genocide. Done at Paris Deceml)er 9, 1948.'
Accession deposited: Germany, November 24, 1954.
' Not in force for the United States.
German External Debts
Adiiiinislratlve agreement concerning the Arbitral Tri-
bunal and the Mixe<l Commission under the agrH'ment
on (ierman external debts of February 27, lU.^.'l (TIAS
27JI2), with annex and exchange of letters. Signed at
lUmn December 1, 19.")4, by the United States, France,
the Federal Uepublic of Germany, and the United King-
dom. Enteretl into force December 1, 1954.
BILATERAL
Colombia
Agreement extending agreements for United States Air
Force, Army, and Naval Missions to Colombia (TIAS
1893, 1892, and 15r.."{, respectively). Effected by ex-
change of notes at UogotA October 6 and November 4,
1954. Entered into force November 4, 1954.
Germany
Agreement concerning tax relief to be accorded by the
Federal Republic of Germany to United States expendi-
tures in the interest of the common defense, with annex
and exchange of letters. Signed at Bonn October 15,
1954. Enters into force upon the deposit of an instru-
ment of ratification by the Federal Republic with the
United States.
Guatemala
Development assistance agreement. Signed at Washing-
ton December 13, 1954. Entered into force December
13, 1954.
Iran
Agreement extending the military mission agreement of
October 6, 1947, as amended and extended (TIAS 1CG6
and 2947). Effected by exchange of notes at Tehran
September 22 and November 22, 1954. Entered into
force November 22, 1954.
December 27, 1954
995
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
1
U.N. Refers Soviet Piracy Charges to
International Law Commission
Statements iy C. D. Jackson
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly
On December 13 the Ad Hoc Political Com-
m,ittee iegan debate on the last item on its agenda,
a Soviet-sponsored resolution entitled '■'Complaint
of violation of the freedom of navigation in the
area of the China Seas'' (A/AC.76/L.24.). The
Soviet resolution called for condemnation of
'■''piratical raids'" on merchant .shipping carried out
hy '''■naval vessels hased on the island of Taiwan
and controlled hy the United States authorities.''''
The folloioing day the Syrian delegation offered a
suhstitute resolution {A/AC.76/L.'25) calling on
all concerned to ''''resolve their differences by re-
course to appropriate peaceful processes" and ask-
ing all member states to '"''abstain from, acts which
would be considered contrary to the principle of
freedom of navigation on the high seas." Neither
the Soviet nor the Syrian resolution was brought
to a vote. Instead, the committee on December
15, by a vote of 35-5-15, adopted a draft resolution
cosponsored by the United States, Cuba, and the
Philippines {A/AC.76/L.26) referring the matter
to the International Law Commission for study.
The recommendation of the committee was ap-
proved in plenary session on December 17 by a
vote of 39-5-H. Following are the statements
made by Mr. Jackson in the com/mittee on Decem-
ber 13, H, and 15 and in the plenary session on
December 17.
STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 13
U.S. delegation press release 2082
Fellow delegates, if you will permit me to use
publishing terminology, I'd say we are today deal-
ing with chapter 3 of the same old volume, entitled
"How To Use the United Nations for Propaganda
Purposes." We have survived the Czech item on
propaganda. (At least that one was honestly
named.) Then we had the Soviet item accusing
the United States of aggression in the Formosa
area.^ And this morning once again the Soviet
delegate [Jacob A. Malik] has unmistakably
linked this item with today's item.
I would like to draw your serious attention to
the fact that the present item not only owes its
parentage to the previous Soviet item on aggres-
sion but has its grandfather in the Czech item and
therefore deserves the same treatment that the
whole family has received. We are dealing again
today with another of these items introduced by
the Soviet Union or one of its satellites whose
purpose is not to seek a practical and reasonable
solution to some specific problem. Its purpose is
to convert this forum into a sounding board for
Soviet propaganda.
This item, like the one the committee has just
completed, is another cold-war item. This is made
evident by the words we have heard this morning.
It is made evident by the Soviet explanatory
memorandum.
It seems to me that our French colleague has
presented the conclusive proof that this is a cold-
war item. We should not forget that it was the
Soviets themselves, on their own initiative, who
appealed to the French to exercise their good
offices in the Tuapse case. We should also not
forget that the Chinese Government accejited the
suggestion immediately.
At that moment the Soviets should have with-
drawn the item. How could the Soviets, if they
'For statements by Mr. Jackson on this item, see
Bulletin of Dee. 20, 1954, p. 957.
996
Department of State Bulletin
were actinp; in good faith, propose on the one hand
a serious good-ollifes etl'ort by the French with the
Chinese Government and at the same time phin
til carry on tliis debate in the most inflammatory
and intemperate manner whicli could only inter-
fere with, if not completely nullify, the requested
iTdod oflices.
The statements made by the Soviet delegate have
a familiar ring. They contain many of the same
distortions and the same fantastic accusations
against the United States Government wliich were
presented by the Soviet delegate and his colleagues
from the Communist orbit in their vain attempt to
confuse this body into condemning the United
States as an aggressor in Formosa.
This committee on December 10 decisively re-
jected these false charges. Only the Soviet bloc
voted in favor of their own resolution. This com-
mittee was not deceived by the utterly false picture
of the United States position respecting Formosa
painted by the Communist delegates. Yet they
are now having another go at it. This can hardly
be taken as a compliment to the intelligence of this
committee.
Among the familiar themes we are hearing
again is that the United States has seized and oc-
cupied Formosa. The United States is therefore
responsible — according to this absurd contention —
for each and every action taken by the forces of
the Chinese Government. The distinguished del-
egate of China has ably set forth his case in respect
to the actions taken by the forces of his Govern-
ment in the waters surrounding Formosa. I will
come back to this question later. But first permit
me to deal with the allegations that the United
States Government is a party to these actions of
the Chinese Government.
Wlien the last item was discussed by this com-
mittee, it was pointed out that the United States
has neither seized nor occupied Formosa. I pre-
sented the facts as to the activities of the United
States Seventh Fleet and the purpose of its mis-
sion. That purpose is, and has been, the mainte-
nance of stability in the Formosa area. Now in
connection with this item we are not only hearing
over again the outworn Soviet charges, but they
are being related to the detention of the three ves-
sels named in document A/2741. This is being
done despite the fact that the accusations with re-
spect to the three vessels have all been contained
in notes to my Government from the Soviet and
Polish Governments and have been categorically
rejected. This is all a matter of public record. I
should like to read certain pertinent extracts from
notes which my Government has sent to the Polish
and Soviet Governments on these matters.
Accusations Rejected
On October 12, 1953, a Polish note alleged that
the United States Government was responsible for
tlie seizure of the tanker Praca^ on the ground that
the forces of the Chinese Government on the island
of Taiwan were under the political and military
control of the United States. In a note to the
Polish Government, dated October 20, we replied
as follows : ^
The United States Government rejects categorically the
false charges contained in the Ministry's note and wishes
to make clear to the Polish Government that the United
States Government had no connection with the detention
of the Praca.
Following the seizure of the vessel Gottwald
by the Chinese Navy, the Polish Government in a
note dated May 15, 1954, accused my Government
of responsibility for this action. In addition,
other baseless and provocative charges were made.
We were accused of both inspiring the seizure and
taking part in it directly. We were accused of
gangsterism, of increasing tensions in the Far
East, of aggression. On May 20 the United
Stat&s Government replied as follows : '
The United States Government rejects as completely
without foundation the allegations made by the Polish
Government. The United States Government has had no
connection whatever with this incident.
On June 24, the Soviet Government transmitted
to the Government of the United States a note
concerning the detention of the tanker Tuapse
which contained the assertion that
It is entirely obvious that seizure of a Soviet tanker by
a war vessel in waters controlled by the U. S. naval fleet
could be carried out only by the naval forces of the U. S.
On June 26 the United States answered this note
as follows : *
The United States Government rejects as completely
without foundation the allegations made by the Soviet
Government that Naval Forces of the United States have
seized or otherwise interfered with tlie movement of the
Soviet tanker in question.
' Ihid., Nov. 9, 1953, p. 640.
' Ibid., May 31, 19.54, p. 824.
' Ibid., July 12, 1954, p. 51.
December 27, 1954
997
The allegations contained in these notes were
based on the same false premise that the United
States has seized and occupied Formosa. These
accusations against the United States of aggres-
sion in Formosa were discredited in their entirety
by the action of this committee last week. And
yet this is the very premise upon wliich this morn-
ing's Soviet resolution is based and the premise
previously rejected by this committee.
There is another allegation made in connection
with these cases which should be noted. It is
alleged by the Soviet Union that United States
military aircraft have indulged in provocative ac-
tions and violated freedom of commercial naviga-
tion over the open sea in the region of Taiwan.
I would like to read in full to the members of the
committee the text of the United States note of
November 29 to the Soviet Union in reply to these
unwarranted charges.^
The Soviet representative alleged this morning
that United States military aircraft fired on ships
off Hainan. I should like to read the following
note of the United States Government.^
Question of Military Cargoes
Now, Mr. Chairman, I would like to discuss
the background against which this Soviet item
should be considered. Is it one which leads us to
believe that the sponsor of this item is genuinely
concerned with the principle of the freedom of
the seas, or is there reason to believe that he has
other fish to fry?
It is quite possible that the Soviet Union is up-
set because there has been some interference with
the supply of fuel for the Air Force of the Cliinese
Communist regime. The Chinese Communist ally
of the Soviet Union has been announcing almost
daily that its "war of liberation" is not yet fin-
ished— that Formosa must be taken. This sinister
task, if we can believe the words of the Chinese
Connnunist leaders themselves, has been entrusted
to the Chinese Red Army, Navy, and Air Force.
It will be hard to carry out this task without ade-
quate supplies of fuel. Is that what upsets the
Soviet delegate?
'Ibid., Dec. 13, 1054, p. 901.
'Ibid., Aug. 16, 1954, p. 241.
The cargo carried by the Soviet tanker Tuapse
may be described as kerosene. This is an inno-
cent-sounding label. It is reported, however, that
this seemingly irmocent cargo is in every respect
suitable for simple conversion into fuel for jet
aircraft. It is known, too, that the cargo of the
tanker Praca also contained kerosene of a grade
entirely useful for jet aircraft. This is the testi-
mony of Capt. Leonard Wasowski, master of the
Pra<;a:
Captain Wasowski decided not to return to
Communist Poland, following the detention of
his ship by the Chinese Government, and re-
quested asylum on Formosa because, to use his
own words, he had "had enough of communism."
Captain Wasowski subsequently applied for entry
to the United States, together with 21 men from
the Praca and GottwaM, and he is now living in
New York City.
There were circumstances of his last voyage
which left no doubt in Captain Wasowski's mind
that he had a military cargo on board the Praca.
Before he sailed, he was given secret written in-
structions as to how to proceed with his cargo in
Far Eastei-n waters. These were not instructions
given to a captain responsible for a cargo of oil for
the lamps of China. Captain Wasowski, whose
crew included 17 Chinese headed by a political
officer, was instructed to maintain radio silence af-
ter leaving Singapore and to give a wide berth to
Formosa. In short, he was ordered to behave as
though he were going through a war zone.
I have here a signed statement by Captain Wa-
sowski, master of the Praca, which I would like to
read to j'ou.
Like all the Polish captains of the Chinese trade I got
the secret instruction (in writing) covering my duties
when I will sail through the Chinese Sea.
As far as I can remember, that instruction had the fol-
lowing points :
1) Radio silence should be maintained from the time
of passing Singapore till 24 hours before reaching the
Chinese port.
2) Sharp lookout should be kept when sailing east of
Singapore.
3) I should avoid approaching Formosa's coast less
than 60 miles.
4) In case of interference by any foreign ship, I should
deny anybody's right to board my ship. I may yield only
before force. In such a case I should point out that the
Polish Government doesn't recognize Chiang Kai-shek
and is freo to trade with Red China.
5) In case of trouble I should send the TTT telegrams
announcing that my ship was stopped unlawfully at hi^'h
seas.
998
Department of State Bulletin
RepmllnB the cargo, I may say It was kerosene ami in
19r)2 when I carried exactly the same kind of earj,'o I
was contidentlally informed by the Russians who hoarded
the ship in Constanza that it is needed badly for the
Jets fl;;htiiiK in Korea. Therefore I assumed tlie icero-
sene was to be used tor military purposes.
My ship I'raca was witliout any doubt the property of
lied China.
It is known to me that the cost of overhauling the ship
in Belgium (over $2 million in U.S. dollars) was covered
by (be I'.ank of China throuRh the Hank of Poland.
Wliile I asked for political asylum on Formosa, nobody
ever su^'^'ested such defection to me. 1 was neither in-
duced nor bribed.
I did ask for asylum because I wanted to be free and
because I disapprove everything that is going on in Poland
under the Communist regime.
I can quite understand why this wliole business
of defection sliould be a very sensitive and sore
subject to the delegate from Poland [Stanislaw
Skrzeszewski] — very sensitive. In fact, the fact
that 21 crewmen of the Gottwald and the Praca,
plus the captain of the latter vessel — making 22 in
all — have been welcomed in the United States is
no doubt irritating and embarrassing to the Polish
Government, which has been confronted with de-
fections on a wholesale basis. I think they really
win a prize on that one. In this connection I
should like to refer to a few of the more well
known cases in the past 2 years, and I think that
everyone will agree that none of these ladies or
gentlemen had their arms twisted in order to de-
fect— and I also apologize for what will probably
be some mispronunciation of Polish names.
"Well, tliere is Andrzej Panufnik, foremost com-
poser, who defected in Switzerland in July 1954.
There is Krystyna Bujnowska, member of the
famous "Mazowsze"' dance ensemble, who defected
in Paris in November 1954.
[At this point the representative of the U. S. S. R. inter-
vened on a point of order. The Chairman did not sustain
the point of order and requested the U.S. representative
to proceed.]
Well, I won't offend the Soviet representative by
reading the rest of this list. The reason I've made
this reference was because the Polish representa-
tive had treated us to a half hour of talk about
the alleged measures used to get the Polish seamen
to come to this country. There is one basic dif-
ference between the Polish seamen whose alleged
statements were read by the Polish delegate this
afternoon and Captain Wasowski and the other
seamen about whom he was talking, and that really
is a very basic difference. The difference is that
these 22 Polish seamen and Captain AV'asowski are
right here in this country, a great many of them
in this city. I have no doubt that if the delegate
from Poland wished to speak with them, or if any
of tiie other delegates wished to speak witli them
and lind out the circumstances of their defection
and of their seeking asylum, they would be de-
lighted to oblige. In fact, I wonder if it wouldn't
be a good idea to challenge the Polish delegate
to such an interview.
Now, what is the reason for transporting jet
fuel to Communist China in these tankers ?
The Peiping regime has recently announced that
it is building its own airplanes. It has not claimed
that it is constructing jet planes for commercial
uses. It is clear that jet fuel bound for Com-
munist China is intended solely for the jet planes
of the Chinese Communist Air Force.
The source of these jet planes is well known.
Tliey appeared frequently in Korea in combat
against the Air Force of the United Nations Com-
mand— that is, in support of the Communist ag-
gressors in Korea. During the Korean action
there were a total of 44,165 sightings of MIG-15
aircraft alone. Almost 1,000 tons of petroleum
products were consumed each day by the Com-
munist side during the fighting in Korea. All
indications are that these petroleum products
were furnished to the Chinese and North Korean
Communist forces by the Soviet Union.
The transport of this large quantity of oil for
the military machines used by the Communist ag-
gressors in Korea, in addition to the heavy load
of other military supplies, severely taxed the ca-
pacities of the Trans-Siberian and Communist
railway systems. These rail facilities continue to
be hard pressed in order to supply the needs of
the Soviet armed forces in the Far East as well
as the Chinese and North Korean Communist fuel
requirements for military transports, naval and
aircraft. The petroleum from the Soviet Union
for the Chinese Communist war machine is car-
ried therefore almost exclusively in tankers of the
Soviet Union and other countries in the Com-
munist orbit and disposed mainly in Shanghai,
Tsingtao, and Dairen, where storage facilities are
available. In recent months there has been an
increase in this traffic in jet kerosene and high-
octane gasoline coming from the Black Sea ports
to Chinese Communist ports, where storage depots
are available for military operations directed
December 27, 1954
999
against Formosa, Quemoy, and other islands on
the Formosa Straits.
Increasing Tensions in Formosa Area
You will recall my statement in this committee
of December 9 ' in which I described briefly the
actions taken by the Chinese Communist regime
in recent months in increasing tensions in the
Formosa area not only through intensive and sys-
tematic propaganda for war but by armed attacks
on the territory held by the Government of China.
The situation confronting the Chinese Govern-
ment is indeed ominous.
Here is the Chinese Communist Minister of De-
fense, Peng Te-huai — the same general who com-
manded the so-called Chinese People's Volunteers
in Korea — proclaiming to the vast army under his
control, in an order of the day, October 1, 1954,
that "the struggle to liberate Taiwan ... is still
an unfinished task in the Chinese People's war of
liberation."
We have also the Chinese Communist Prime
Minister and Foreign Minister Chou En-lai de-
claring that "Taiwan must be liberated" and
Chiang Kai-shek's government "liquidated," while
the Chinese Communist Army men on the coast
facing Taiwan are openly exhorted to prepare for
combat. And while all this is going on, the Soviet
Union is busily pouring thousands of tons of jet
fuel for the Chinese Communist Air Force into
storage depots on the Chinese mainland. During
1954, 17 tankers with approximately 90,000 tons of
petroleum from the Soviet bloc arrived at Chinese
Communist ports.
This is the background against which we should
consider the actions taken by the Soviet Govern-
ment in submitting this and the previous propa-
ganda item to the General Assembly. The Soviet
objective is to have the United Nations preside
over and assist in the liquidation of the freedom
of Formosa. It seeks to undermine the measures
of self-defense being taken by the Government of
the Republic of China and to render it helpless to
resist any armed assault which the Chinese Com-
munist partners of the Soviet Union are appar-
ently preparing from the mainland. If the Soviet
motives were genuinely those of seeking to relieve
tensions, these sinister objectives would not be
pressed. The Soviets would instead moderate
^ lUd., Dec. 20, 1954, p. 957.
their partners who are whipping up a frenzy for
continuing the so-called unfinished war of "libera-
tion" against Formosa.
So, fellow delegates, once again this committee
is face to face with the same Soviet maneuver in
a new uniform.
As I said in conclusion on December 9 in con-
nection with the analysis of who is planning and
actually carrying on aggression in the China area,
in the face of all these overt acts of aggression and
violence, those who support Red China in this body are
now asking us to condemn as "aggression" the adoption
of a posture of resistance to their imperial ambitions.
To bow to this demand would be to adopt the principle
that self-defense against Communist attack is an inter-
national crime.
In the face of the dangerous military situation
confronting his country, the Chinese delegate [T.
F. Tsiang] has taken an eminently reasonable po-
sition as to the way to deal with the question before
us. He has reminded us that in the past the sub-
stantial majority of differences arising from inci-
dents of the type referred to in the explanatory
memorandum of the Soviet Union have been
solved on the basis of negotiations, taking into ac-
count the individual circumstances surrounding
each case. His stand is moderate and practical.
It paves the way for the settlement, by means of
negotiation or other peaceful procedure, of dif-
ferences which may have arisen in connection with
the activities of the Chinese naval vessels in the
waters surrounding Formosa.
]\Iy Government believes this general approach
is sound.
As to the Soviet resolution, we have already
shown that it belongs to the same family as the
Soviet resolution on aggi-ession, which this com-
mittee rejected decisively on December 10. This
and the aggression resolution are both based on
the same false premise. The resolutions were in-
troduced for the same transparent purpose of in-
flammatory propaganda. Therefore this resolu-
tion deserves exactly the same treatment as its
predecessors. In our view, it is entirely unaccept-
able. It should be rejected.
STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 14
U.S. delegation press release 2087
I will be really very brief exercising the right of
reply.
We have really been treated this afternoon to a
1000
Department of Stale Bulletin
-uperb demonstration of tlie points that I was
t lying to make yesterday with respect to the prop-
aganda content of tliis Soviet resolution. Today
my Government — and I guess myself — have been
challenged on innumerable points by the repre-
sentatives of the Soviet Union, Poland, and
Czechoslovakia. Most of them are beside the
point. The point before us is this resolution, and
I would like just to try to bring the discussion back.
It was riither entertaining to hear tlie ilistin-
guishetl delegate from Czechoslovakia [Gertruda
Sekaninova] quote the old Czech proverb which,
if I understood correctly, was "Ja nic, ja nuisi-
cant." She translated it into something having to
do with being caught in the cookie jar. Now, actu-
ally, what those words mean — what the proverb
says is, "I am not involved here, I am only a musi-
cian.'' That is particularly apt in connection with
this afternoon's discussion and what we heard
yesterday from the Soviet bloc. There was a
time when everybody played their own tune, only
this time we have been treated to a whole series
of variations on one theme.
Now, trying to get back to the resolution before
us, the Soviet representative and his friends here
allege that the United States has seized and occu-
pied Formosa. The fact is that the United States
has extended aid and protection to the Chinese
Government on Formosa in its time of danger and
at the express request of that Government. Fur-
thermore, they allege that the United States mili-
tary forces are in charge of Formosa. The fact is,
as I have said before, that there are some 800
American military personnel on the island as con-
trasted with probably half a million military per-
sonnel of the Government there.
Mr. Malik has made much of the fact that, be-
cause the Seventh Fleet patrols the area, the
United States controls whatever happens there.
The distinguished delegate from the United
Kingdom [Ivor T. M. Pink] I think has taken care
of that point better than I could. I would simply
be repeating what he said. There is a difference
between patrol and control, at least in the English
language.
Finally, the Polish representative alleges that
the United States played a part in forcing Polish
seamen to come to the United States. Well, that
just isn't so, and the facts are quite the reverse.
The record of Polish naval defections to the West
in the past 5 years is estimated at 1.000 Polish
seamen alone, which is a somewhat clear indica-
t ion of what the situation is.
Now, since the SDvict resolution, supported by
the Soviet delegation and the Soviet bloc speeches,
says that the United States seized Formosa, that
the United States military control Formosa, that
the United States controls the vessels of the Chi-
nese Government, that the United States aircraft
iiave lired upon Polish ships, that the United
States is i)arty to coercion against members of the
crews of foreign ships in Formosa, that the United
States has seized vessels of foreign governments —
since none of these accusations are true, the United
States categorically and comi)letely rejects the
Soviet resolution.
STATEMENT OF DECEMBERIS
U.S. deletjiitlon [ircKs release 2089
The Ad Hoc Political Committee has been con-
sidering the current item proposed by the U.S.S.R.
and a draft resolution submitted by the Soviet
delegation, with reference to particular incidents
involving certain ships in the China seas. This
debate, by its very nature, could not deal ade-
quately with those general principles of inter-
national law which would govern the actions of
states with respect to the regime of the high seas,
nor is this committee actually the proper forum
for such a debate.
The draft resolution proposed yesterday by the
distinguished delegate of Syria [Adib Daoudy]
would make pronouncements concerning the whole
question of the regime of the high seas. There
has not been such a consideration of the subject
matter in this conunittee nor indeed in the com-
petent United Nations bodies as would warrant
our proceeding here with this type of resolution.
The subject matter of the Syrian draft resolution
is one which ought to be dealt with in the context
of a full and expert consideration of the complex
questions of international law which are involved.
Such a study is in fact under way at the present
time in the International Law Commission. The
Commission has requested the comments of gov-
ernments on its drafts and has just been requested
by the Assembly itself to submit its final report
to the eleventh session of the General Assembly
on this whole matter.
It would appear appropriate therefore for our
committee to transmit the Sjrrian resolution along
December 27, 1954
1001
with the records of our debate here to the Inter-
national Law Commission. It would also be useful
to invite governments to make known their views
concerning the principle of freedom of navigation
on the high seas to the International Law Com-
mission, so that the Commission might take these
views into account in the preparation of its final
reports.
This would seem a sounder way to proceed than
for the General Assembly on the recommendation
of the Ad Hoc Political Committee to adopt
hastily a resolution whose consequences might be
far-reaching. It would be imprudent for the As-
sembly to act on the basis of a clearly insufficient
debate.
For these reasons my delegation, joining with
the delegations of Cuba and tlie Philippines, is
submitting the following resolution.* It goes
without saying that this resolution should be
voted on immediately after the vote on the Soviet
proposal. If there should be any question on this,
I shall make a motion to that effect.
PLENARY STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 17
U.S. delegation press release 2097
Wlien the Soviet delegation presented its origi-
nal resolution on the matter of the high-seas pi-
racy of the United States Navy, we labeled that
item a propaganda item. We tied it in with a
previous item, the aggression item, which was also
a propaganda item. And we tied those two in
with an earlier item, the Czech resolution on war
propaganda — the correctly named one — and we
tied them all together.
Immediately an anguished howl went up from
the Soviet bloc. "Wliat do you mean propaganda ?
This is substantive ; this is serious ; this is peace ;
this is freedom; this is all the great big words.
And we listened to 3 days of debate of a degree of
vilification and violence, intemperance and inflam-
matory language from them that is well-nigh in-
describable, including one day such coarseness and
vulgarity from one of the Soviet bloc members
that he had to be rebuked by the chair.
In an effort to get things going and to smooth
things over, the Syrian delegation introduced a
resolution, a substitute resolution. The following
day the Soviet delegation announced to an as-
'Sce page 1003.
1002
tounded Ad Hoc Political Committee that they
were not pressing their resolution and instead
would back the Syrian resolution. In other words,
they did not even have enough conviction about
their resolution to go down fighting on it.
That is what I meant when I said originally
that this was a propaganda item, and it is still
today a propaganda item. They proved it them-
selves the day before yesterday when they said
they would not press it.
Now, three Soviet bloc delegates have spoken
here this morning on this item, and they have
spoken just as though what was before this group
was their original resolution. They went tlirough
the same victrola record all over again three
times — and we still probably have two to go.
Have they forgotten that the day before yesterday
they said they were not going to press their item —
they have not reintroduced it — and they said they
were going to back the Syrian resolution? What
kind of performance is this ?
Shouldn 't we here today stick to what is before
us, namely, the resolution cosponsored by Cuba,
the Philippines, and the United States?
The United States Government, in concert with
those Governments, sponsored the draft resolution
which was adopted by the ^4^ Hoc Political Com-
mittee by a substantial majority.
Since the Ad Hoc Political Committee debated
for the most part incidents involving certain ships
in the China Seas, it could not deal adequately
with those general principles of international law
which would govern the actions of states with
respect to the regime of the high seas. Nor did we
believe that the Ad Hoc Political Committee was
actually the proper forum for such a debate. The
International Law Commission is already engaged
in a study of the regime of the high seas and re-
lated questions and has already been requested
by the General Assembly to be ready with its final
reports for consideration of them at the Assembly's
eleventh session. It seemed, therefore, appropriate
to transmit to the International Law Commission
the records of the debate in the Ad Hoc Political
Committee on the present agenda item, together
with relevant documents — and high among the
relative documents is the draft resolution intro-
duced by Syria — for the Commission's informa-
tion in conjunction with the work now in progress
on the regime of the high seas.
As I said earlier, it should be noted that the
Soviet Union has in effect withdrawn its own
Department of State Bulletin
Resolution on Freedom of Navigation
U.N. doc. A/AC.76/L.28
The Ocnmil Auncmblu,
Rccalliiuj its resolution
(IX) of
14 Doocmber VXA whirh inter alia ri^quostod the In-
ternational Law I'oninii.ssiou to coiuplete its final
report concerning the regime of the hinh seas, the
r^Kinie of territorial waters and related problems In
time for the General Assembly to consider these
matters at its eleventh regular session,
1. Decider to transmit to the International Law
Commission the records and documents, including
tJie draft resolution of Syria contained in document
A/AC.76/L.2;'}, of the meetings of the Ad Hoc Po-
litical Committee at which item 71 of the agenda
of the ninth regular session of the General Assembly
was considered ;
2. Inrites the Governments of Member States to
transmit to the International Law Commission their
views concerning the principle of freedom of naviga-
tion on the high seas.
resolution, conceded that its propaganda charges
against the free world were hollow and unsubstan-
tiated, and has confirmed our claim that this item
was per se a propaganda item.
Now it is not my intention to weary the General
Assembly with another point-by-point refutation
such as we have been listening to this morning.
However, I would remind the General Assembly
that most of the Soviet charges made in the Ad
Hoc Political Committee revolve around the al-
leged aggressive activities of the United States
Navy in the area of Formosa. The Soviet resolu-
tion and the Soviet bloc statements are clear evi-
dence that the purpose of this item and resolution
was to make cold-war propaganda.
The mission of the United States Seventh Fleet
in the Formosa area has nothing to do with con-
trolling commercial traffic in these waters. It does
not interfere with freedom of the seas. Its mission
is to defend Formosa against hostile attack. There
cannot be the slightest doubt that such a hostile
attack is being threatened from the mainland, par-
ticularly in light of the fact that the Chinese Com-
munist authorities have repeatedly gone on record
as to their hostile intentions.
I would like to underscore the reasonable and
practical approach taken by the Chinese delegate
with respect to the questions discussed by the Ad
Hoc Political Committee. He reminded us that
in the past the substantial majority of differences
arising from the incidents of the type referred
to in the expluiuitory memorandum of the Soviet
Union have been solved on the basis of negotia-
tions, taking into account the individual circum-
stances surrounding eacli case. My Government
believes that this stand is sound and gives hope
for the settlement, by means of negotiation or
other peaceful procedure, of dilFerences which may
have arisen in connection with the activities of the
Chinese naval vessels in the waters surrounding
Formosa.
General Assembly Adopts Resolution
on Admission of New Members
Following is the text of the resolution on '■'■ Ad-
mission of New Members to the United Nations'''
as adopted unanimously by the General Assembly
on November 23. For a statement of the U.S. po-
sition by James J. Wadsworth, U.S. Represent-
ative, made in the Ad Hoc Political Committee on
November 2, see Bulletin of November 22, 1954-,
p. 786.
U.N. doc. A/ReBolutlon/228
The General Assembly,
Notinfi the growing general feeling in favour of the nni-
versality of the United Nations, membership in which is
open to all peace-loving States which accept the obliga-
tions contained in the Charter and, in the judgment of the
Organization, are able and willing to carry out those ob-
ligations.
Having considered the report (A/2720) of the Com-
mittee of Good Offices established by General Assembly
resolution 718 (VIII) of 23 October 1953,
Noti7iff that, notwithstanding the best endeavours of the
Committee of Good Offices, the problem remains unre-
solved.
Further noting the views recorded by the Committee
of Good Offices that possibilities of reaching an under-
standing remain and that "different views may eventually
be harmonized within the spirit of the Charter",
1. Expresses appreciation of the work and efCorts of the
Committee of Good Offices ;
2. Decides to send back to the Security Council the
pending applications for membership, together with a full
record of the discussions at the present session of the
General Assembly, for further consideration and positive
recommendations ;
3. Suggests that the Security Council consider the de-
sirability of invoking the provisions of paragraph 2 of
Article 28 of the Charter to help resolve the problem;
4. Requests the Committee of Good Offices to continue
its efflorts ;
5. Requests the Security Council and the Committee of
Good Offices to report to the General Assembly during the
present session if possible and in any event during the
tenth session.
December 27, 1954
1003
Increasing the Effectiveness of tlie
U.N. Technical Assistance Program
STATEMENT BY JAMES P. NASH
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE
GENERAL ASSEMBLY >
Technical assistance has become one of the most
dynamic ways yet devised of increasing the wel-
fare of people and their opportunities for ad-
vancement. It is probably one of the most imi-
versally supported progi-ams of international
economic cooperation. It involves a compara-
tively small expenditure for a tremendous amount
of good.
Interest in the economic development of lesser
developed countries has been expressed by my
Government frequently and forcefully. In an
address given only a few weeks ago, on October 20,
in New York City, President Eisenhower said:
"We must devise means by which more higlily
developed countries can assist peoples who face
the difficulties of an earlier stage of economic
development." One of the best ways to achieve
this is through the United Nations expanded pro-
gram of technical assistance.
For the first 3 years of this progi'am the United
States has contributed a total of $36 million, or
approximately 60 percent of all funds pledged to
the central fund. For 1954, although our per-
centage share was reduced to approximately 51
percent of the total, the dollar amoimt of our
pledge increased to $13,861,809.
Although my Government is not in a position
at this time to make a pledge for calendar year
1955, the President has authorized the United
States delegation to state that he is prepared to
request from the Congi-ess funds for a United
States contribution to the 1955 program. He
hopes that the United Nations technical assistance
progi-am will continue to operate at least at its
present level and that in the future it will obtain
'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Nov. 19 (U.S. delegation press release 2030).
increasing support from aU governments. While
the President's request to the Congress does not
constitute a pledge and should not be so consid-
ered, it does indicate his continuing interest in
this vital United Nations program.
The position of the United States on this sub-
ject has been fully stated in the letter of November
1, 1954, from Ambassador Lodge to the Chairman
of the Negotiating Committee, Extra-Budgetary
Funds.^
Let me turn now to the resolution adopted last
summer by the Economic and Social Council re-
lating to the administration of the program.'
Much serious thought has been given to this reso-
lution by goveriunents, by various delegations and
within various bodies of the United Nations sys-
tem. The principles involved have been thor-
ouglily canvassed. In order to secure the widest
possible support among all nations for an effective
expanded midtilateral technical assistance pro-
gram on a continuing and stable basis, it is nec-
essary that differences in points of view be
reconciled.
It is likewise true in this program, as in so many
other types of institutional endeavor, that very
much depends on the attitudes of the individuals
who, in the end, make up the institution. From
tliis point of view, sympathetic understanding and
reciprocal good will are frequently more important
than legislative texts. The expanded program is
no exception to this rule. We can all take satis-
faction in the fact that the discussions which have
gone on over the last 12 months with respect to
these organizational arrangements have taken
place in an atmosphere of mutual good will.
My delegation wishes to emphasize what must
be clear to all who have become familiar with the
workings of tlie expanded program : that is. that
' BuLLE'nN of Dee. 6, 1954, p. 879.
' U.N. doc. B/Res. XVIII/IS.
1004
Department of State Bulletin
the participating organizations in this program
are its operating amis, without which there would
je no program at all. From the technical skill,
ihe overall competence, and the devotion of these
agencies have come the achievements of the pro-
gram. My Government take.s the position that the
whole context in whicii the program operates must
be one which utilizes fully the planning and opera-
tions of the specialized agencies within their re-
spective spheres, in order that their demonstrated
effectiveness may be continued at a high level of
performance. AMiat we are seeking is closer and
more etfective coordination and not centralization.
From this point of view, my delegation wishes
to establish clearly our undei-standing of the way
the procedures outlined in the resolution will work.
First, we would assume it to be thoroughly
understood that the activities of resident repre-
sentatives, including the development of country
programs, are carried out in full cooperation with
the field personnel of the participating organiza-
tions. Tliis necessarily would require that the resi-
dent representative would consult with agency
representatives on all matters affecting their agen-
cies, would keep them informed of any develop-
ments that come to his knowledge, and would carry
on negotiations affecting their programs jointly
with them. As an obvious coimterpart to this,
agency representatives would of course similarly
keep the resident representative informed.
Also, with regard to resident representatives, we
assume, of course, that these officials will not have
technical staffs of their own and that they depend
upon the personnel of the participating agencies
in development and execution of the country
programs.
Second, the same thought would carry over to
the staffing of the Technical Assistance Board.
We assume that the Tab will continue to look to
the participating organizations for substantive
assistance in the technical fields and that the Tab
staff will be concerned with those aspects of the
program which involve general problems and
interrelationships traruscending the particular
field of concern of any one of the participating
organizations. We certainly would not wish to
see the growth of a new and costly bureaucracy.
Third, the resolution provides that the Techni-
cal Assistance Committee should review the over-
all program in the light of its importance for
economic development. The resolution specifi-
December 27, 1954
cally provides that the review should not deal with
coiuitry allocations or with the technical aspects
of the program or with the national development
plans of the respective governments. The resolu-
tion indicates that Tac shall be concerned with
overall priorities, evaluation of the projects, and
tiie program interrelationships.
We would like to explain our understanding of
paragraph 1 (b) (iv) of the resolution.* In order
that the concept of country planning can be given
the widest practicable application and at the same
time provision can be made for adequate overall
review, we understand that in the review and ap-
proval of the program by Tag there will be no
material shifting of programs or reallocation of
funds among the specialized agencies or among the
agencies within any given country for the given
year. The evaluation and review authorized to be
made by Tag under the present resolution is much
the same as has been authorized in the past, an
evaluation and review of the program as author-
ized in Tag's original terms of reference — "to make
for the Council critical examinations of activities
undertaken and results achieved under the Ex-
panded Program of Technical Assistance." As we
see it, the committee will continue to be largely
concerned with eliminating duplication and
achieving more effective coordination.
Fourth, with respect to the allocation of the 5
percent "free money,"* the executive chairman
has himself declared that he "will consult with the
participating organizations as appropriate." To
remove any possible ambiguity about this state-
ment, my delegation would assume it to be under-
stood that the executive chairman would consult
either with the agencies or with Tab with respect
to the allocation of the free money.
Mr. Chairman, I do not want to end my remarks
with technical comment on procedures, important
though these are to the effectiveness of the entire
program. I want to say once again that the idea
of technical assistance is a deeply rooted part of
United States policy. My Govermuent recognizes
the importance of technical assistance in promot-
ing the economic development of the underdevel-
oped countries. It has strongly supported the
United Nations expanded program since its
inception.
' See annex III to A/ResolutIon/229.
' See annex III, paragraph (b) (v).
1005
TEXT OF RESOLUTION «
B
Cr.N. doc. A/Resolutlon/229
The General Assembly,
Having considered the report of the Economic and Social
Council regarding the Exi)anded Programme of Technical
Assistance,'
Mindful that this Programme constitutes one of the most
fruitful achievements of the United Nations,
Convinced that a further expansion of this Programme
would contribute substantially to the promotion of eco-
nomic development and social progress in the under-
developed countries,
Noting with satisfaction the wide moral and material
support given so far to the Expanded Programme and the
readiness of Governments to contribute to this enterprise
of international co-operation.
Considering that the Economic and Social Council has
taken steps to ensure that the Expanded Programme is
operated with increased efficiency,
Recognizing the need for adequate programme planning
at the country level and the important role of the par-
ticipating organizations whose technical skills and com-
I)etence make possible the achievements of the Programme,
and also being desirous of promoting more effective co-
ordination of the work of the participating organizations
in order that the whole Programme might be more
effective.
Considering, in particular, resolutions 521 A (XVII)
and 542 B (XVIII) of the Economic and Social Council,
Having noted the first report (A/2661) of the Advisory
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions
to the ninth session of tlie General Assembly relating to
the Expanded Programme, and having welcomed the
statement of the Secretary-General that the Administra-
tive Committee on Co-ordination would, in its forthcoming
study of the organizational relationships in the Expanded
Programme, take full account of this report.
1. Invites Governments to give the fullest support to
the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and to
announce their pledges for the year 1955 at the forth-
coming Fifth United Nations Technical Assistance Con-
ference, in order to ensure the continued growth of the
Programme ;
2. Recommends that Governments and participating
organizations continue to pay due regard to making the
aims and operations of the Expanded Programme of Tech-
nical Assistance more widely known ;
' Sponsored by Argentina, Australia, Chile, Egypt, El
Salvador, France, India, Indonesia, Iraq, the Netherlands,
Norway, Saudi Arabia, Sweden, the United Kingdom,
Venezuela, and Yugoslavia ; adopted unanimously by
Committee II on Nov. 24 and by the General Assembly on
Nov. 26.
' See Official Records of the General Assem'bly, Ninth
Session, Supplement No. 3, doc. A/2686, chapter III.
1. Approves the arrangements recommended by the
Economic and Social Council and reproduced in annex 1
to the present resolution regarding the reconstitution of
the Special Reserve Fund of the Expanded Programme as
a Working Capital and Reserve Fund ;
2. Approves the recommendation of the Council that
the financial arrangements for the year 1954 as laid down
in Council resolution 492 C (XVI), section II, and re-
produced in annex II to the present resolution, be con-
tinued for the year 1955 ;
3. Approves the recommendations of the Council regard-
ing the future system of allocation of funds under the
Expanded Programme, outlined in annex III to the present
resolution and included in Council resolution 542 B
(XVIII), section II, amending resolutions 222 (IX) and
433 (XIV) ;
4. Requests the Council to study the means of securing,
where possible, contributions to the Expanded Programme
on a continuing basis;
Refers to the Economic and Social Council the com-
ments and recommendations contained in the first report
of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budget-
ary Questions to the ninth session of the General
Assembly (A/2661) :
D
Requests the Economic and Social Council to furnish to
the General Assembly at its tenth session a report on the
progress made in the consideration of the questions raised
in the first report of the Advisory Committee on Adminis-
trative and Budgetary Questions to the ninth session to-
gether with the comments of the Advisory Committee on
the report of the Council.
Annex I
WORKING CAPITAL AND RESERVE FUND OF THE
EXPANDED PROGRAMME OF TECHNICAL ASSIST-
ANCE
(Recommended by the Economic and Social Council in
resolution 521 A (XVII))
(a) The Special Reserve Fund shall be reconstituted as
a Working Capital and Reserve Fund, which will serve as
a continuing operating reserve and which may be used for
the following purposes :
(i) To make advances to participating organizations
pending the receipt of contributions from Govern-
ments, for the purpose of initiating or continuing
approved programmes within an organization's
approved earmarkings;
(ii) To improve and facilitate currency management,
by making currencies available for exchange with
organizations' allocated currencies, for the pur-
chase of needed currencies pending collection of
particular contributions, and for advances of cur-
rencies which would otherwise have to be pur-
chased by organizations with dollars;
(iii) For such other purposes as may be approved by
the Technical Assistance Committee from time to
time;
1006
Departmenf of State Bullefin
(b) The size of the Working Capital and Reserve Fund
shall be deteriiilncd from time to time by the Technical
Assistance Committee;
(c) Withdrawals from the Working Capital and Re-
serve Fund shall bo replaced l)el'<ire the end of the llnaii-
cial period In which they are made.
Annex II
FINANCIAL ARRAXGEMFA'TS FOR lO.-.n
(From parncraph 5 of section II of resolntion 402 C (XVI)
of the Economic and Social Council)
(a) Seventy-flve per cent of total funds available, ex-
cluding carry-over, shall be available lor allocation to the
participating orgaiuzations after approval of country jiro-
grammes by the Twhnical Assistance Board, in accordance
with the percentages set forth in paragraph 8 (c) ' of
Council resolulion 222 (IX) as amended and modified
pursuant to para).'raph 11) of the rejjort of the Technical
Assistance Committee to the thirteenth session of the
Council ;
(b) The balance of funds available, including carry-
over, shall be retained in the Special Accoimt (i) to cover
the necessary minimum expenses of Tah and the resident
representatives; and (ii) for further allocation to the
participatins: orj.'anizations, as provided in Council reso-
lution -i;« (XIV) ;
(c) In establishing the level of the necessary adminis-
trative expense in the whole Programme, the need for
economy, in view of the present level of oi)erational ex-
penditure, shall be fully taken into account.
Annex III
SYSTEM OF ALLOCATION OF FUNDS UNDER THE
EXP.A.NDED PROGRAMME
(Approved by the Economic and Social Council in para-
graph 1 of section II of resolution ij42 B (XVIII))
(a) As from 1 January 195.5 and in relation to the
programme for 1!>56 and subsequent years, the funds of
the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance shall
no longer be allocated to the organizations participating
in the Programme on the basis of percentages fixed in
advance. The funds shall be distributed on the basis
of the requests submitted by Governments and the prior-
ities established by them, subject to the provisions of
paragraph (b) below;
(b) The planning and approval of the programmes, and
the allocation of funds for their implementation, shall be
subject to the following procedure and principles :
(i) Tab shall formulate early in the year, as a guide in
planning country and regional programmes, target
figures showing the amount of exiwnditure on
technical assistance which it may be possible to
undertake during the ensuing year on the basis of
an assumed financial availability. In order to
ensure stable programming, sharp reductions In
country target figures in any single year should
normally be avoided, subject to the availability of
financial resources. Country target figures, in-
cluding agency sub-totals for each of the partici-
pating organizations, derived from their activities
during the preceding year, shall be communicated
to the respective Governments. Governments
shall, however, be at liberty to present their re-
quests without being bound by these sub-totals ;
'Formerly paragraph 9 (c).
December 27, ?954
(11) Programmes shall be drawn up at the country
level by the nHpiesting (Jovernmenta, In consulta-
tion with the resideni representatives or such
represenlallvi's of Taii as may be specially assigned
for the puriMise, due regard being paid to continu-
ing cnMindlmeids. Partlcljiating organizations
shall continue In be rcs|K)nsil)le fur advising and
assisting the a|ipropriate Government authorities
In the te<Ouiical planning of indiviiliial jirojwts.
'Hie responsibility for ci)-ordinating consultations
between (iovernments and iiarticipatlng organiza-
tions shall rest with the resident representatives
or such representatives of Taii as may be specially
assiirned for the purpose;
(111) The couidry programmes shall be forwarded by
requesting Governments, with an in(licati(m of
the priorities established by them, to Taii through
the resident representatives. Taii shall consider
the progranunes, draw up the over-all Programme
for the following year, including estimates of ad-
ministrative and indirect operational costs, and
submit it. with its recomniendations, to Tao. In
drawing up the Programme, Taii shall ensure that
the ratio between the programmes to be imple-
mented by the different participating organiza-
tions will make possible the authoriziition of allo-
cati(Uis in accordance with sub-paragraph (vi)
below ;
(Iv) Tac shall review the over-all Programme in the
light of its importance for economic development;
this review should not deal with country alloca-
tions or with the technical aspects of the Pro-
gramme or the national development plans of the
respective Governments, but should be concerned
with overall priorities, evaltwtion of the projects
and the i)rogramme inter-relationships. On the
basis of this review, Tac shall approve the Pro-
gramme, and its approv;il shall be a prerequisite
for any commitment in regard to the implementa-
tion of the Programme. The preparation and re-
view of the Programme and all other necessary
steps shall be carried out in such a way that Tag
will be in a position to approve the over-all Pro-
gramme and authorize allocations to the partici-
pating organizations by 30 November, at the
latest ;
(v) Subject to the confirmation of the General As-
sembly, Tac shall authorize the allocation of
fimds to each of the participating organizations
in proportion to their share in the approved over-
all Programme, subject to paragraph (vi) below.
These funds shall be drawn from the net finan-
cial resources, after setting aside the expenses of
the Tab secretariat, the Reserve and Working
Capital Fund, and a sum amounting to 5 per cent
of the estimated resources for the financial year,
wliich shall be allocated by the Executive Chair-
man of Tab to meet any urgent needs which may
arise during the implementation of the annual
Programme ;
(vi) In order to avoid substantial fluctuations in the
total amounts entrusted to each participating
organization from year to year, the amount allo-
cated to each of them for the coming year shall
not be less than 85 per cent of the amount allo-
cated to them under the current year's Pro-
gramme, except that, if the estimated net finan-
cial resources for the ensuing year fall below the
total allocations made during the current year,
the am<iunt allocated to each participating organi-
zation shall not be less than 85 per cent of its
proportion of the allocations for the current year ;
(tH) Any extraordinary requests submitted by a Gov-
ernment for modilication of the programme, re-
ceived subsequent to Tac approval of the annual
Programme, may be approved by Tab and reported
1007
to Tao at its next meeting. Should it not be
possible to effect necessary increases and de-
creases within the programme of the country con-
cerned, the funds available for allocation by the
Executive Chairman under paragraph (v) may
be used for this purpose ;
(c) Tag shall continue to be under the authority of the
Economic and Social Council, and its decisions subject to
general policy review by the Council ;
(d) The appropriate organs of the participating or-
ganizations are requested to continue to review the techni-
cal aspects of the programmes for which they assume
responsibility, in the same way, in so far as possible, as
they examine their regular programmes.
Economic and Social Council's
Work in Social Field
Statement hy Mrs. Oswald B. Lord
V.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
I should like at this time to express the views
of the United States delegation on chapter IV and
on several sections of chapter V of the Report of
the Economic and Social Council.^ Later in our
debate my colleague, Mr. Johnson, will discuss
the parts of chapter V dealing with trade union
rights, forced labor, and slavery.
Chapter IV of the report of the Council hardly
does justice to the wide range of activity carried
on by the United Nations in the social field. The
report summarizes the action taken by the Coun-
cil and its Commissions, but it makes no mention
of the work of the Secretariat. For this reason,
may I call the attention of the Committee to the
Annual Report of the Secretary General on the
Work of the Organization ' which, on pages 60
to 63, smnmarizes the activities of the Secretariat
in the whole social field. Inasmuch as you have
very properly ruled, Mr. Chairman, that members
of the Committee must confine their remarks to
chapter IV and chapter V of the report, I shall
not comment on these activities, even though they
are relevant to our discussion. In order to pre-
vent a recurrence of this difficulty next year, may
I suggest to the Secretariat that the Report of the
Economic and Social Council should include a
brief summary of the work of the Secretariat, or
'.Made in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian, and
Cultural) on Nov. 19 (U. S. delegation press release 202S).
= U.N. doc. A/2686.
' M.N. doc.A/2663.
perhaps a paragraph referring to the pertinent
aspects of the Report of the Secretary General.
In that way we would be able next year to discuss
the work of the Secretariat within the confines of
chapters IV and V of the Report of the Council.
Turning now to section II of chapter IV, I
should like to pay tribute to the work of Unicef.
Last year the General Assembly changed the name
of Unicef and removed the word "Emergency."
This change reflected a significant development in
the programs of Unicef. It reflected the firmly
established trend toward projects which promote
the development of permanent services for chil-
dren, especially in underdeveloped countries.
Aid for maternal and child health programs has
reached a volume comparable to the big mass
health campaigns. This is a welcome trend, be-
cause it means that health and commimity serv-
ices, particularly in rural areas, can consolidate
and continue the achievements gained in the mass
health campaigns.
In some instances governments are beginning to
take over activities initiated or aided by Unicef
and are continuing them on their own account.
This is a heartening development, and my delega-
tion hopes that there will be an increasing number
of such instances. Having been associated with
the earlier work of Unicef, when the emphasis was
necessarily on emergency programs, I am person-
ally very pleased with this new development. In
fact, this is the real test of the success of Unicef.
Tills is the real test that the work of Unicef is
bringing j^ermanent results — the kind of perma-
nent results which the General Assembly has em-
phasized in its resolutions concerning Unicef.
It is essential that Unicef direct its activities to
effecting not temporary but permanent improve-
ment in the health and well-being of children.
United States representatives in the Executive
Board of Unicef, the Social Commission, and the
Economic and Social Council have repeatedly em-
phasized the importance of the closest possible
coordination between the work of Unicef and that
of the specialized agencies, as well as the social
welfare program of the United Nations itself. My
delegation is pleased that much has been done to
provide for close collaboration between Unicef
and the World Health Organization, and it urges
that this collaboration be continued and strength-
ened. Similar collaboration, especially in the
planning of joint projects, should be further de-
veloped between Unicef and Unesco, and between
1008
^epat\men\ of Sfate Bullefin
Unicef and the Food and Af^riculture Oi-jjaniza-
tion.
One development wliieh was of concern to the
United States delegation at the last session of the
Council is worth nientioninfi before this Commit-
tee. I am referrinj;; to the new policy by wliich
TJnioef undertakes the financing of limited local
costs. I just wish tx) repeat the concern of the
United States delegation that this new policy, un-
less applied with proper caution, could undermine
tlie important self-help character of Unicef aid —
a characteristic which we recognize is of cardinal
significance in the development of permanent and
lasting benefits for children.
Work in the Narcotics Field
May I turn now, Mr. Chairman, to the work of
the United Nations in the field of narcotics. This
is a subject of vital importance to the United States
Government, because it directly affects the lives
and well-being of many thousands of our citizens
and the safety of our whole population. Our Gov-
ernment has always supported, and will continue
to support, international action to control the man-
ufacture and trade in narcotic drugs.* This is a
kind of "collective security" — security from the
illicit traffic in drugs — to which all governments
should give their fullest support.
One of the most important developments in re-
cent years has been the conclusion of the Inter-
national Opium Protocol in June 1953. The
Protocol represents a major step forward in the
international system for controlling narcotics. It
will result in reducing the quantity of opium avail-
able for the illicit traffic. I am happy to report,
Mr. Chairman, that tlie United States was one of
the 36 states which signed the Protocol. The
United States Senate, last August, voted 71 to 0
to give its advice and consent to ratification. My
delegation earnestly hopes that the Protocol will
be ratified by the largest possible number of states,
in order that the illicit traffic in drugs — surely one
of the great evils of our times — may be brought
under control.
An earlier step in this common effort to control
the traffic in drugs was the conclusion of the Proto-
col on Synthetic Drugs in 1948. This Protocol has
been ratified by 43 states. Because of the im-
portance of controlling this new category of drugs,
* For an article on this subject, see BuiXEmN of Sept. 13,
1954, p. 366.
my delegation hopes that many more states will
ratify the Protocol.
It is also gratifying to my delegation to see that
the majority of the nations of tlie world have out-
lawed the synthesis and importation of heroin.
Our medical colleagues tell us that heroin is not
indispensable to medical practice. There are, how-
ever, a few nations which continue to permit the
synthesis and importation of this drug, which is
highly dangerous from the standpoint of produc-
ing addiction.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, may I point out that
the origin of nmch of the narcotics seized in illicit
traffic can be traced to Comnuinist China. Reports
indicate that the volume of this nefarious trade
is indeed large. When one takes into considera-
tion the all-embracing controls in effect in a police
state such as Communist China, one cannot but
conclude that there is at least official complicity in
this illegal traffic.
For this reason, our delegation supports the
recommendation made earlier in the debate by the
distinguished repi'esentative of China that special
attention should be paid to this problem.
Turning now, Mr. Chairman, to chapter V of
the i-eport, may I comment very briefly on section
VI, concerning freedom of information. I had
intended to speak at some length in our general
debate on the subject of freedom of information
and its relation to human rights. However, Mr.
Chairman, I shall try to heed your appeal to avoid,
so far as possible, a double debate on subjects that
form separate items later on our agenda. I shall
do no more, therefore, than express general en-
dorsement for the action taken by the Economic
and Social Council to promote freedom of infor-
mation. Our delegation will wholeheartedly sup-
port the recommendation of the Council that the
Secretary-General be authorized to provide tech-
nical assistance, on the request of governments,
in the field of freedom of information. As Mr.
Johnson will explain when the Committee reaches
the next item, our Goverimient reaffirms its de-
votion to the freedom of speech and freedom of
the press and desires to cooperate in every activity
of the United Nations designed to promote these
essential freedoms.
Status of Women
Similarly, Mr. Chairman, it will not be neces-
sary for me to enter into a lengthy discussion of
December 27, J 954
1009
section XI, concerning the status of women, since
one issue in that field will be debated later on our
agenda. May I express the appreciation of my
delegation, howevex', for the steady progress that
is being made, year by year, in the achievement
of political rights by women throughout the world.
The latest report of the Secretary-General showed
that women now enjoy full political rights in 60
countries. Since the publication of that report,
the Government of Colombia has taken action ex-
tending full political rights to women. I under-
stand also that the President of Peru, where
women enjoy only limited voting rights, has also
indicated interest in equal suffrage. I should like
to take this opportunity of congratulating the
representatives of those countries on their progress
in assuring equality for women. In particular,
may I congratulate our colleague in this Commit-
tee, Miss Aguilar of Peru, for her leadership in
this cause.
In stressing political rights, Mr. Chairman, I
do not overlook the need for promoting equal
rights for women in the economic, social, and
cultural fields. I stress political rights, and the
progress that is being made toward wiping out
the old foi-ms of discrimination that still remain
in a few countries, because history shows that
equal suffrage is a prerequisite for equal rights
in other fields.
The Commission on the Status of Women has
been giving special attention to all of these prob-
lems and has developed a number of useful meth-
ods for dealing with them. However, some of the
resolutions proposed in the Commission — ^like the
one of private law that is on our agenda — have
been so completely directed toward the specific
provisions of the legislation of Member States and
so encumbered with details that the United States
representative in the Commission, Mrs. Hahn, has
been unable to vote for them. I should hope that,
in the future, the Commission might devote more
attention to practical measures for promoting
rights for women, especially through education.
One part of chapter V that requires no action at
this session of the General Assembly is section II,
dealing with self-determination. The Commis-
sion on Human Eights has already been requested
by the Council to give further study to the prepa-
ration of recommendations on measures for pro-
moting the right of self-determination. Since the
question of self-determination is of considerable
interest to this Committee, however, I should like
to outline briefly the views of my Government.
My delegation wishes to reaffirm that the United
States, in accordance with its own traditions and
with the Charter of the United Nations, upholds
the principle of equal rights and self-determi-
nation of peoples. The United States will con-
tinue to support the principle of self-determi-
nation and to encourage the development of a free
society of nations where each may be free to enjoy
government and other institutions of its own
choosing.
Principle of Self-Determination
Only 2 months ago, the United States and seven
other nations proclaimed at Manila the Pacific
Charter, wliich fully recognizes the principle of
self-deteiTnination. The Pacific Charter states:
First, in accordance with the provisions of the United
Nations Charter, they [the signatory states] uphold the
principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples
and they will earnestly strive by every peaceful means to
promote self-government and to secure the independence
of all countries whose peoples desire it and are able to
undertake its responsibilities ;
Second, they are each prepared to continue taking effec-
tive practical measures to ensure conditions favorable to
the orderly achievement of the foregoing purposes in
accordance with their constitutional procedures.
As Secretary Dulles said after the Manila Con-
ference : "The Pacific Charter, on which the East
and the West did meet, may well prove to be the
most momentous product of the Conference."
Some of the speakers in our debates have left
the impression that the right of self-determination
relates only to non-self-governing and trust terri-
tories. I should like to point out, however, that
the right of self-determination relates not only to
the old colonial empires but also to the new Com-
munist empire in Europe and Asia. In fact, the
problem of self-determination is much more signif-
icant and urgent in the vast new empire that now
extends from the Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean.
I fear that some of our members have become so
concerned about the problem of self-determination
in non-self-governing territories, especially two or
three territories in North Africa, that they have
completely overlooked the problem of self-deter-
mination in a vastly larger area of the world.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, may I comment briefly
on section III of chapter V, entitled "Development
of the Work of the United Nations for Wider
1010
Department of State Bulietin
i ibservance of, and Respect for, Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms Throughout the
World." This rather formidable title accurately
describes the task of the next session of the Com-
mission on Human Rights. During its first 10
sessions, the Commission has been largely pre-
occupied with the drafting of international instru-
ments— first, the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, and, more recently, the Draft Covenants.
For the first time in 10 years, the Commission will
be able to give its full attention not only to the
report of the Subcommission on Discrimination
and Minorities but also to all other items on its
agenda.
The most important task before the Commission,
now that the Draft Covenants have gone forward
to the General Assembly, will be to devise prac-
tical measures for promoting human rights. The
agenda of the Commission already contains a
number of different proposals concerning such
practical measures for the promotion of himian
rights — proposals from various governments, from
the Secretary-General, and from nongovern-
mental organizations. My Government, for ex-
ample, has introduced three proposals for an ac-
tion progi"am, encompassing biennial reports from
governments, special studies of individual rights,
and technical assistance.^
These proposals have received support from
many of the governments, specialized agencies, and
nongovernmental agencies that have had the op-
portunity to study them. Many constructive com-
ments and suggestions about these proposals have
already come in. These comments and suggestions
will provide a useful basis for the discussion of
these proposals at the next session of the Com-
mission.
All of these many proposals will require careful
study and discussion by the Commission. The
really significant thing is that the Commission
will have an opportunity to review all these pro-
posals, to improve and perfect them, and to con-
solidate them into a practicable program for fos-
tering human liberty.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, the Report of the
Council shows that the United Nations is moving
ahead in the broad program of practical action in
the social field, in improving conditions for fami-
lies and children, and in promoting freedom of
information, the status of women, and human
' Ibid., Nov. 2.3, 195.3, p. 727.
December 27, 1954
rights in general. It is experimenting with many
different techniques and methods. It is turning
the spotlight of public opinion on the need to fur-
ther luiman freedom and on the need to remedy vi-
olations of human rights when they occur. Prog-
ress is necessarily slow, but the very fact that our
organization is debating these problems, and is
trying to find solutions for them, should give en-
couragement and hope to peoples everywhere.
U. N. High Commissioner's Advisory
Committee on Refugees
The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber () (press release 698) that Christopher H.
Phillips, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
for International Organization Affairs, would
represent the U.S. Government at the fifth session
of the U. N. High Commissioner's Advisory Com-
mittee on Refugees, convening at Geneva, Switzer-
land, on that day. Mr. Phillips is assisted by one
adviser, Henry F. Nichol, conference attache.
Resident U. S. Delegation to International Organ-
izations at Geneva.
By a resolution of December 3, 1949, the General
Assembly of the United Nations created a High
Commissioner's Office for Refugees to provide for
the legal and political protection of refugees and
displaced persons. G. J. van Heuven Goedhart of
the Netherlands was elected High Commissioner
for a 3-year term beginning January 1, 1951, and
was subsequently reelected for a 5-year term be-
ginning January 1, 1954.
In response to a request by the High Commis-
sioner, made in accordance with the statute of his
oifice, the Economic and Social Council of the
United Nations on September 10, 1951, established
the U. N. High Commissioner's Advisory Commit-
tee on Refugees. This Committee is composed of
the representatives of the Vatican and the follow-
ing governments, both members and nonmembers
of the United Nations, which have demonstrated
an interest in and devotion to the refugee problem :
Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Denmark,
Federal Republic of Germany, France, Israel,
Italy, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom,
United States, and Venezuela.
In a report on the activities of his office for the
period June 1953 to May 1954, the High Commis-
sioner dealt, among other things, with the pos-
1011
sibility of promoting permanent solutions for the
problems of the most needy refugees of concern to
his office. Reference was made to the belief that,
since few refugees desired to be repatriated and
since the opportunities for overseas settlement
were limited, stress should be placed on efforts to
integrate refugees into the economies of their
countries of residence. A program, developed on
the basis of experience gained with a Ford Foun-
dation gi'ant, was outlined for the promotion of
permanent solutions for the problems of refugees.
That program was primarily designed to stimu-
late the integration of refugees into agriculture;
their establishment in trades, small businesses, and
professions ; the construction of housing ; the voca-
tional training and retraining of refugees to
facilitate their integration or resettlement; aid to
univereity students; the creation of community
centers ; the promotion of resettlement opportuni-
ties overseas; and the establishment of resettle-
ment counseling services for refugees.
Study of the matter by Ecosoc at its eighteenth
session (Geneva, June 29- August 6, 1954) and
then by the General Assembly at its current ses-
sion resulted in (1) authorization to the High
Commissioner to undertake the program; (2)
authorization to the High Commissioner to make
appeals for funds for the promotion of perma-
nent solutions for the problems of refugees, as
well as for the provision of emergency assistance
to the most destitute cases; and (3) a decision that
Ecosoc, on the basis of recommendations to be
made by the High Commissioner upon the advice
of his Advisory Committee, should (a) "establish
an Executive Committee responsible for giving
directives to the High Commissioner in carrying
out his programme and for exercising the neces-
sary controls in the use of funds" or (b) "revise
the terms of reference and composition of the
Advisory Committee in order to enable it to carry
out the same duties.''
The basic task of the fifth session of the Advis-
ory Committee will be to consider the High Com-
missioner's proposal and to determine the amount
of the funds to be sought in the form of volmitary
contributions to finance the new program.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography^
General Assembly
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Ninth
Regular Session of the General Assembly : Item Pro-
posed by Australia. Admission to the United Na-
tions of Laos and Cambodia. Letter dated 22 August
19.04 from the Minister of State for External Affairs
of Australia, addressed to the Secretary-General.
A/2709/ Add.l, August 31, 1954. 4 pp. mimeo.
Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Note
by the Secretary-General. A/2714, August 31, 1954.
5 pii. mimeo.
Admission of New Members. Report of the Committee
of Good Offices. A/2720, September 9, 1954. 3 pp.
mimeo.
Draft Report of the Committee on Information from
Non-self-governing Territories. A/AC.35/L.184, Sep-
tember 10, 1954. 37 pp. mimeo.
Ti-eatment of People of Indian Origin in the Union of
South Africa. Report of the United Nations Good
Offices Commission. A/2723, September 15, 1954. 5
pp. mimeo.
Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees. Addendum. A/2648/Add.2, September 15,
1954. 20 pp. mimeo.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Pre.s.s, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. T.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States.
Adoption of the Agenda and Allocation of Items to Com-
mittees. Memorandum by the Secretary-GeneraL
A/BUR/13S, September 10, 1954. 13 pp. mimeo.
Economic Development of Under-develojied Countries.
Question of the Establishment of a Special United
Nations Fund for Economic Development. Summary
of comments of Governments on the report of the
Committee of Nine made in accordance with General
Assembly resolution 724 B (VIII). Presented by
the Secretary-General. A/2727, September 17, 1954.
30 pp. mimeo.
Question of South West Africa. Supplement to the re-
port of the Committee on South West Africa to the
General Assembly. A/266G/Add.l, Septemlier 17,
1954. 16 pp. mimeo.
Organization of the Secretariat. Report of the Secre-
tary-General. A/2731, September 21, 1954. 24 pp.
mimeo.
Agenda of the Ninth Regular Session of the General As-
sembly. Adopted by the General .-Vssenibly at its
476th. 477th and 478th plenary meetings on 24 and
25 September 1954. A/2737, September 25, 1954. 5
pp. mimeo.
International Co-operation in Developing the Peaceful
Uses (If Atomic Energy. Letter dated 25 September
1954 from the Representative of the United States of
America to the United Nations, addressed to the Sec-
retary-General [transmitting copies of communica-
tions exchanged by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.].
A/2738, September 27, 1954. 39 iqi. mimeo.
Application, Under the Auspices of the United Nations, of
the Principle of ElQual Rights and Self-determination
of Peoples in the case of the Population of the Island
of Cyprus. Letter dated 25 September 1954 from the
Permanent Representative of Greece addressed to the
Secretary-General. A/C.1/747, September 27, 1954.
10 pp. mimeo.
1012
Department of State Bulletin
PUBLICATIONS
Foreign Relations Voiume
Press rolonse 71- liatoU IKH-einluT 10
The Department of State released on December
18 Foreign Rclatlom of the United Staien, 1938,
Volume III, The Far East. This is tlie liret of
the series of five vohinies of diplomatic corre-
spondence to be published for the year l!i;i8. Doc-
uments in this volume deal with the undeclared
war between China and .lapan and with problems
arising from it. A second volume on the Far East
in 1038 will appear shortly.
The deepening of the international crisis caused
by the conflict in China and the danger of general
war among the gi-eat powers form the principal
subjects of this volume of papers from State De-
partment liles. The prominent role played by the
Soviet Union and by Chinese Conmiunists in de-
veloping the situation is pictured in many docu-
ments now published for the first time.
Significant re^wrts on the chance of mediation,
on the possibility of war between the powers, on
the future of the Republic of China, and on spe-
cific problems resulting from intensification of the
undeclared war are revealed under seven general
headings. These cover politico-military develop-
ments, Manchuria, China's appeal to the I^eague
of Nations for sanctions against Japan, financial
and other aid by the powers to China, and ques-
tions relating to Japanese bombing activities and
Japanese impairment of China's revenue adminis-
trations.
The documentation on the undeclared war con-
sists of nearly 450 jjages. It begins with a tele-
gram from Ambassador Nelson T. Johnson at
Hankow reporting Japanese terms submitted to
China through the German Ambassador and con-
cludes with a telegram from Adm. Harry E. Yar-
nell at Shanghai reporting the latest Japanese
terms for restoration of peace. The question of
mediation repeatedly crops up during the year.
The position of the United States was stated
early in 1938 by Under Secretary of State Sum-
ner Welles as follows (p. 47) :
First, That action in the direction of mediation could
be taken by this Government only if there came to it an
olllcinl indlciitlon from tlie .lupuufse OoveriiiiK'iii and u
siniiliir Indliatlon friun the Chliii'sc Guvciiuni-nl thai K<>iid
oflii't's or UR'diutidU l)y this GoviTiimciit iiri- di'sired liy
those Governiiients rcspoctlvely ; Second, That this (!ov-
eriuneut could act only on the l>asls of and iu the light of
Its l>eluR understood that the settlement must be consistent
with both the principles and tlie provisions of the |\Vash-
luKton) Nine Tower Treaty [of February tj, 1!)1!2] ; and
Third, Tluit it is the [Misitloii of this Goveriiiiient that the
|.'ro\ Isloiis of the Nine Tower Treaty are susceptible of
niodillcatloii, amendment and alteration, but only by recog-
nized processes of negotiation ami agreement, not liy uni-
lateral action on the part of any one power.
Ell'orts were made by various private individ-
uals, including Dr. John Leighton Sluait, Presi-
dent of Yenching University near Peiping, to
sound out officials on both sides and in countries
not party to the hostilities; but the United States
did not encourage these efforts and nothing came
of tliom (pp. 109-124 passim). On March 11
Ambassador Jolmson reported conversing with
John Foster Dulles, then visiting China in a pri-
vate capacity (pp. 119-121), while tlie Japanese
Ambassador in London, Shigeru Yoshida, was
endeavoring unofficially to promote some form of
mediation (pp. 139-140, 207-209). However, as
Secretary of State Hull explained to the Chinese
Ambassador on August 3 (p. 252),
. . . this Government has been keeping in mind all phases
of the mediation question since the outbreak of hostilities
and that it continues to do so, but that this does not neces-
sarily mean that there are in immediate prospect any new
developments.
Estimates on the likelihood of war between
Japan and the Soviet Union remained more or
less unchanged during the year, except that a crisis
in Europe or fighting on the Manchuria-Korea-
Siberia frontier momentarily colored predictions.
The usual view was that neither country would go
to war; this was modified at times by the condition
that the Russians would not go to war without
active support from Britain and France and per-
haps also from the United States (pp. 5, 19, 116,
13G, 293, 296, 310, 400, 470). For example, on
August 5 American Charge d'Affaires Alexander
C. Kirk at Moscow reported (p. 470) Soviet For-
eign Commissar M. M. Litvinov as telling him
"that the Soviet Government 'knew' that Japan
did not desire a war with the Soviet Union" but
that "the only manner of dealing with those na-
tions was to meet force or threat of force with the
same weapons."
Meanwhile various forms of aid — loans and mu-
December 27, T954
1013
nitions — were delivered to China by various pow-
ers such as the United States, the Soviet Union,
Germany, and the United Kingdom. Fear of in-
volvement in war influenced policy in regard to
extending further aid to China, although a pro-
posal for doing so received attention from high
officers in the State Department (memorandum of
July 23 by John Carter Vincent, pp. 2,34-237).
Another proposal, however, warned that "retalia-
tory measures against Japan" might mean a "seri-
ous risk of armed conflict" (memorandum of
December 5 submitted by four Department officers,
pp. 406-409). Nevertheless, definite action to aid
China was advocated on December 22 by Stanley
K. Hornbeck, Far East Adviser on Political Rela-
tions (pp. 425^57).
Interest in the Communist question in China
increased during 1938. An instruction on Feb-
ruary 10 to keep the Department informed of
developments (pp. 78-80) was followed by a se-
ries of reports from the field in regard to Commu-
nist tactics and policies (pp. 246-247, 253-254,
273-275, 299-300, 313-314, 333-334). A report
on February 17 from Manchuria (p. 444) stressed
that Commmiists there were linked to Moscow and
not to Yenan, their center in northwest China.
Ambassador William C. Bullitt on May 9 tele-
graphed (pp. 164^165) that Sun Fo, son of the
late Smi Yat-sen, after negotiating in Moscow,
had arrived in Paris with the assertion "that the
Chinese Commmiist leaders were now cooperating
in full loyalty with Chiang Kai-shek" and there
■'was no danger of communism in China." Sun
told of a long talk with Stalin, who "was appre-
hensive that Germany might attack the Soviet
Union if the Soviet Union should make war on
Japan." Ambassador Joluison followed this with
a despatch on May 23 (pp. 173-181) reviewing
political events in China since December 1936
when Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek was kid-
naped at Sianfu. The outcome of his detention
"left the Chinese Government and its leadership
definitely pledged to a policy of resistance bj-
force to further Japanese encroachment" (p. 175) .
"The path of Soviet Russia has been a wary
one," wrote Mr. Johnson, but their hope was "that
the Chinese would continue resistance to Japan to
the point where Japan would be exhausted, believ-
ing that a Japan exhausted and occupied in China
would not be a menace to Soviet Russia" (p. 180).
The Ambassador concluded a lengthy survey by
saying, "The East is apparently doomed to a pe-
riod of warfare and turmoU which will last for
years" (p. 181). In another despatch, dated No- ]
vember 19, ilr. Johnson described the editorial
policy of a Commmiist paper at Chungking and
summarized it as follows (p. 389) : "In short, this
newspaper pleads for a coalition of the democ-
racies, including China and the Soviet Union, to
curb what it terms the 'Fascist group.' " Japan,
Germany, and Italy were meant. As late as No-
vember 29 the Ambassador reported (p. 398) that
Chinese Commmiist leaders were then "sincerely
desirous, even at the expense of fundamental prin-
ciples, of cooperating with other anti-Japanese
elements in the task of expelling the Japanese
from Chinese territory."
Copies of this volume (iii, 768 pp.) may be pur-
chased from the Superintendent of Documents,
Government Printing Office, Washington 25,
D. C, for $3.50 each.
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington ^5, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may be ob-
tained from the Department of State.
How Foreign Policy Is Made. Pub. 5585. General For-
eign Policy Series 92. 20 pp. 15<f.
A pamphlet which summarizes the factors and considera-
tions involved in determining the course of American
foreign policy.
Foreign Service List, October 1, 1954. Pub. 5605. 122 pp.
m-
A quarterly list which includes the field staffs of the U.S.
Foreign Service, the U.S. Information Agency, and the
Foreign Operations Administration.
Your Opinion Counts. Pub. 5606. General Foreign Pol-
icy Series 93. 12 pp. 100.
A pamphlet aimed at making the American pubUc more
aware of its role in formulating foreign policy.
Tlie Pliilippine Rehabilitation Program — Report to the
President by the Secretary of State, August 31, 1954.
Pub. ."i611. Far Eastern Series 67. 30 pp. Limited dis-
tribution.
A report on the program of aid sponsored by the United
States Government under Title III of the Philippine Re-
habilitation Act of 1946.
A Message for America. Pub. 5631. General Foreign
Policy Series 95. 4 pp. Limited distribution.
By Walter Bedell Smith ... on his retirement as Under
Secretary of State, October 1, 1954.
Human Rights — A Guide Book for Community Leaders.
Pub. 5036. International Organization and Conference
Series IV, 24. 24 pp. Limited distribution.
Some background information prepared by the U.S. Na-
tional Commission for Unlscx) for the use of community
leaders in initiating programs for the observance of
Human Rights Day.
1014
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
December 27, 1954
Ind
e X
Vol. XXXI, No. 809
American Principles. Strengtlienlng Man's Bope for Peace
oil Earth (KisoiihowtT) 080
American Republics. ResultB of Inter-American Economic
Conference (statement and text of final declara-
tion) 084
Atomic Energy. Anniversary of "Atoms for Peace" Pro-
posal (Dulles, Strauss) 078
China. U.S. Policy of Granting Asylum to Victims of
Oppression (text of notes) 982
Denmark. Danish Liberalization of Dollar Imports (joint
statement) 900
Economic Affairs
Accord Reached on Revision of U.S. -Philippine Trade
Agreement (joint statement and remarks) . . . 981
Arrangements for Participation in Iranian Oil Con-
sortium 085
Committee on Mineral Policy Reports to President . . 088
Danish Liberalization of Dollar Imports (joint state-
ment) , ► 990
Development Assistance Agreement Signed by U.S. and
Guatemala 985
Joseph Dodge Named Chairman of Council on Foreign
Economic Policy (Eisenhower) 987
President Decides Against Absolute Quota on Clothes-
pins (Eisenhower) 990
Beorganlzation of German Coal, Iron, and Steel
Industries 992
Results of Inter-American Economic Conference (state-
ment and text of final declaration) 984
Far tUst
Foreign Relations Volume 1013
D.N. Refers Soviet Piracy Charges to International Law
Commission (statements and text of resolution) . . 996
Germany. Reorganization of German Coal, Iron, and
Steel Industries 992
Gnatemala. Development Assistance Agreement Signed by
U.S. and Guatemala 985
Health, Education, and Welfare. Economic and Social
CouncU's Work in Social Field (Lord) 1008
Honduras. Normal Diplomatic Relations Resumed With
Honduras 085
International Orgranixations and Meetings
Results of Inter-American Economic Conference (state-
ment and text of final declaration) 984
D.N. High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on
Refugees 1011
Iran. Arrangements for Participation in Iranian Oil
Consortium 985
Italy. Transfer of U.S. Submarine to Italian Navy
(Elbrick) 087
Mutual Security. Transfer of U.S. Submarine to Italian
Navy (Elbrick) 987
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO Council Meet-
ing (Dulles) 981
Philippines. Accord Reached on Revision of U.S. -Philip-
pine Trade Agreement (joint statement and re-
marks) 981
Poland
D.N. Refers Soviet Piracy Charges to International Law
Commission (statements and text of resolution) . 996
D.S. Policy of Granting Asylum to Victims of Oppression
(text of notes) 982
Presidential Documents
Joseph Dodge Named Chairman of Council on Foreign
Economic Policy 987
President Decides Against Absolute Quota on Clothes-
plus 990
Publications
Current U.N. Documents 1012
Foriign Relations Volume 1013
Recent Releases 1014
Refugees and Displaced Persons. U.N. High Commissioner's
Advisory Committee on Refugees 1011
Treaty Information. Current Actions 905
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents 1012
Economic and Social Council's Work in Social Field
(Lord) 1008
General Assembly Adopts Resolution on Admission of
New Members (text) 1003
Increasing the Effectiveness of the U.N. Technical As-
sistance Program (statement and text of resolution) . 1004
U.N. Refers Soviet Piracy Charges to International Law
Commission (statements and text of resolution) . . 996
Name Indew
Dodge, Joseph M 987
Dulles, Secretary 975, 981
Elsenhower, President 980, 987, 988, 991
Elbrick, C. Burke 987
Hoover, Herbert, Jr 984
Jackson, CD 996
Lewis, Geoffrey W 995
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B 1008
Nash, James P 1004
Robertson, Walter S 982
Strauss, Lewis L 976
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 12-19
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to December 13 which
appear in this
issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 696 of
December 5,
598 of December 6, 700 and 706 of
December 7, 7
09 of December 8, and 712 of Decem-
her 10
No.
Date
Subject
713
12/13
Elbrick : transfer of submarine to
Italy.
»714
12/12
DuUes: death of Hugh Gibson.
715
12/13
Agreement with Guatemala.
*716
12/14
Agreement with Philippines.
717
12/14
U.S. -Philippine negotiations.
71S
12/14
Dulles : departure for NATO meet-
ing.
no
12/15
Robertson : U.S.-Philippine nego-
tiations.
720
12/16
Resumption of relations with Hon-
duras.
721
12/17
Danish dollar imports.
t722
12/17
Release of Colombo plan report,
d.
*Not printe
tHeld for a
later issue of the Bui.T.frnN.
U. S. COVERNHENT PRINTING OFFICE; 19B4
the
United States
Government Printing Office
DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS
Washington 25, D. C.
PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOI
PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300
<GPO)
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Our Southern Partners:
The Story of Our Latin American Relations
Publication 5604
25 cents
Department
of
Stat
Our casual use of the word "American" when we mean
"United States" leads us to forget that most "Americans" live
outside our 48 States in other parts of the Western Hemisphere.
Whether we call them Nicaraguans, Canadians, Brazilians,
Cubans, or any other national name, they are all "Americans"
in the true sense of the word.
These other Americans are very important people in our
daily life. They will be even more important in our future.
They are our good partners, friends, and neighbors.
This 48-page publication tells about our southern partners —
the people and the region, their economic policies, political and
social development, the growth of inter-American organiza-
tions, our policy toward Latin America, and the outlook for
great progress of the United States and our Latin American
partners, working together.
Copies of this publication may be purchased from the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D.C., for 25 cents each.
Order Form
To: Supt. of Documents
Govt. Printing Office
Washini^ton 25, D.C.
Enclosed And:
Please send me copies of Our Southern Partners: The Story of
Our Latin American Relations.
I
I.
Name:
Street Address:
City, Zone, and State:
(cas/t, check, or
money order).
BOSTON
PUBLIC UBB{;R{
3 9999
06352
756 6
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