Department of State bulletin

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ol. XXXIII, No. 849

Oaober 3, 1955

ENTERING THE SECOND DECADE • Address by

Secretary Dulles 523

THE U.S. POSITION ON DISARMAMENT • by

Ambassador James J. Jfadsuforth 530

YOUTH AND THE FREE WORLD • by Harold E.

Stassen 535

RELATION OF ANTITRUST POLICIES TO FOREIGN

TRADE AND INVESTMENT O Statement by
ThoTSten V. Kalijarvi 538

For index see inside back cover

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Entering the Second Decade

Address hy Secretary Dulles ^

It is always a pleasure for me to return to this
great Assembly — this center for harmonizing the
actions of nations. My pleasure today is especial.
Not only will this session round out a decade of
United Nations effort, but there are welcome signs
that the second decade may in fact be more har-
monious than was the first. Surely it is in our
power to make it so.

We can feel that confidence because we see the
nations becoming more and more sensitive to the
moral verdicts of this organization. This Assem-
bly is a hall of understanding, and thus of hope.
It is also a hall of judgment. Here the nations
of the world expound, explain, and defend their
international policies. In the process, national
purposes are disclosed and oftentimes altered to
meet the opinions tliat are reflected here. Some-
times true purposes are sought to be concealed.
But this Assembly has a way of getting at the
truth.

The perceptions and the moral judgments of
the nations meeting here endow this Assembly
with genuine power. No nation lightly risks the
Assembly's moral condemnation, with all that
such condemnation implies.

The Problem of Membership

This fact — that our oi'ganization's power de-
rives largely from moral judgments formed here —
illuminates the problem of membership. It shows
how essential it is that there should be here all of
those eligible nations which, by their policies and
conduct, have demonstrated their devotion to the
purjDoses and principles of the charter.

" Made before the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 22
(press release 558).

Today we have a wide and important member-
ship. But about a score of sovereign nations are
not represented here. Most of them meet the
membership tests of our charter. They are peace-
loving, and they have shown themselves able and
willing to carry out the charter's obligations.
Their governments could reflect here important
segments of world opinion.

To block the admission of such nations by use
of the veto power is not only a grave wrong to
them ; it is also a wrong to this organization and
to all of its members.

I hope that, during this Tenth Session, action
will be taken by the Security Council and by this
Assembly to bring these nations into our member-
ship. Thus, the United Nations would enter its
second decade better equipped to serve mankind.

Charter Review

This Tenth Session of ours must deal with the
question of a charter review conference. That
is mandatory under the charter.

The United States believes that such a confer-
ence should be held. One impelling reason would
be to reconsider the present veto power in rela-
tion to the admission of new members, particu-
larly if that veto power continues to be abused.

Also, epochal developments in the atomic and
disarmament fields may make it desirable to give
this organization a greater authority in these mat-
ters. They are vital to survival itself. Wlien
the charter was drafted, none knew of the awesome
possibilities of atomic warfare. Our charter is
a pre-atomic-age charter.

Our founders believed that, after 10 years, the
charter should be reviewed in the light of that
first decade of experience. I believe that they

Ocfofaer 3, 1955

523

were right. That does not necessarily mean that
drastic changes should be made. On the whole,
the charter has proved to be a flexible and work-
able instrument. But few would contend that it
is a perfect instrument, not susceptible to improve-
ment.

The United States believes that this session
should approve, in principle, the convening of a
charter review conference and establish a pre-
paratory commission to prepare and submit rec-
ommendations relating to the date, place,
organization, and procedures of the General Re-
view Conference.

Let me turn now to eome of the events which
have occurred since last Pecember, when the Ninth
Session adjourned. On balance, these develop-
ments have contributed notably to the advance-
ment of our charter goals of international peace
and security in conformity with the principles of
justice and international law. I shall allude only
to those events where United States policy has
played a part, usually in partnership with others.

Germany and Austria

Turning first to Europe, we see that the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany has become a free and
sovereign state by treaties concluded with it by
France, Great Britain, and the United States.
Concurrently, the Federal Republic joined the
Brussels and North Atlantic Treaties. Also, the
Brussels Tre^aty was itself made over so that, in
combination with the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization, there was developed an effective sys-
tem of limitation, control, and integration of
armed forces, the like of which the world has
never seen before.

This system insures against the use of national
force in the Western European area for aggressive
and nationalistic purposes. The arrangements
provide security, not only for the participants but
also for the nonparticipants. They end the condi-
tions which have made Western Europe a source
of recurrent wars, the last two of which have de-
veloped into world wars, endangering all.

Never before have collective security and indi-
vidual self-restraint been so resourcefully and so
widely combined. The result can be hailed as a
triumph by all who believe in the dual principle
of our charter, that security is a collective task
and that "armed force shall not be used, save in
the common interest."

As a sequence to these developments regarding
Germany, Austria became free. The Austrian
State Treaty, which had been pending for 8 years,
was signed last May and now is in effect. Thus are
finally fulfilled pledges given by the Moscow Dec-
laration of November 1943 and hopes which this
General Assembly expressed at its Seventh Session.

It should be noted that the Austrian State
Treaty, bearing the Soviet Union's signature, con-
templates support for Austria's admission to the
United Nations.

The Geneva "Summit" Conference

Quickly following these German and Austrian
developments came new efforts by France, Great
Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States
to reduce the danger of war and to solve outstand-
ing issues by negotiation.

Last May the three Western Powers proposed a
two-stage effort. The first stage would be a meet-
ing of the Heads of Government themselves to
provide "a new impetus" for a second stage, which
would be that of detailed examination of the sub-
stance of the problems.

The first phase of the program occurred at
Geneva last July when the four Heads of Govern-
ment met. They clearly manifested their common
desire for peace and better relations. Specifically
they agreed that further efforts should be made in
three fields, namely :

(1) European security and Germany; (2) dis-
armament; and (3) development of contacts be-
tween East and West.

Now, we enter on the agreed second stage, where
the "spirit of Geneva" will be tested. A United
Nations subcommittee is already discussing the
Geneva ideas about disarmament. Next month,
the Foreign Ministers of France, the United King-
dom, the Soviet Union, and the United States will
meet at Geneva. The Western Powers will asso-
ciate with them, where appropriate, the Federal
Republic of Germany and their other Nato
partners.

At the coming meeting, agreed priority will be
given to the closely linked problem of the reimi-
fication of Germany and the problem of European
security. This is as it should be.

The German people have now been forcibly di-
vided for over 10 years. The perpetuation of this
division is a crime against nature.

524

Deparfmenf of Sfa/e Bullef'm

German Reunification

Tliree-quarters of the Germans are in the Fed-
eral Republic, and they are fortunate in having a
great leader, Chancellor Adenauer. He stands for
a united Germany that will be peaceful and that
will find its mission in friendly cooperation with
its neighbors. He is determined that Germany's
legitimate needs for security and sovereign equal-
ity shall be met without a revival of German
militarism.

It would, however, be a tragic mistake to assume
that, because most of the Germans now have
chosen that enlightened viewpoint, the injustice
of dividing Germany can therefore be perpetu-
ated without grave risk.

There are many nations who feel that their own
future security and world peace urgently require
that Germany should be reunited and enabled, if
it so desires, to become a party to the Western
European arrangements for limitation, control,
and integration of armed forces, so that they can
never serve an aggressive purpose. There are
otliers who profess to feel that a united Germany
within Nato would endanger them even under
these conditions.

To bridge this difference, the Western Powers
are ready to advance some overall plan of Euro-
pean security which would give the Soviet Union
substantial additional reassurances. The con-
junction of this attitude of the Western Powers
with the like mood of the Federal Republic of
Germany provides an unprecedented opportunity.
But the German mood which I describe may not
always persist. Also, it cannot be assumed that
the Western Powere, including the United States,
will always be ready to enlarge their present com-
mitments to meet Soviet concern about European
security.

The present opportunity is so unusual and so
full of constructive possibilities that it can be
hoped that the forthcoming four-power Foreign
Ministers Meeting will find a solid basis for the
reunification of Germany within a framework of
European security.

Tile Sateiiites and Internationai Communism

At Geneva President Eisenhower mentioned
two causes of international tension which were not
accepted for the agenda of tlae conference. The
first was "the problem of respecting the right of

peoples to choose the form of government under
which they will live." As to this, he said that "the
American people feel strongly that certain peoples
of Eastern Europe, many with a long and proud
record of national existence, have not yet been
given the benefit of this pledge of our United
Nations wartime declaration, reinforced by other
wartime agreements."

President Eisenliower also raised the problem of
international communism. He said that for 38
years this problem has disturbed relations between
other nations and the Soviet Union. It is, indeed,
difficult to develop really cordial relations between
governments when one is seeking by subversion to
destroy the other. The head of the Soviet Gov-
ernment took the position that these problems were
not a proper subject of discussion at the Geneva
conference. Nevertheless, the eyes of much of the
world will remain focused upon these two prob-
lems. What, in fact, the Soviet Union does about
them will, to many, be a barometer of the Soviet's
real intentions.

If the "spirit of Geneva" is genuine and not
spurious, if it is to be permanent and not fleeting,
it will lead to liquidating abnormal extensions of
national power, which crush the spirit of national
independence, and to the ending of political of-
fensives aimed at subverting free govermnents.

Tlie Organization of American States

Turning now from Europe to this hemisphere of
the Americas, we find the Organization of Ameri-
can States continuing to demonstrate how the pur-
poses and principles of the United Nations can be
effectuated through regional arrangements for col-
lective self-defense. The organization's general
meetings have promoted political understanding
and economic and social cooperation. On three
occasions within the last 15 months, in relation to
Guatemala, to Costa Rica, and now in relation to
the Ecuador-Peru boundary dispute, the organiza-
tion has acted promptly and effectively to main-
tain international order. Its activities in this field
have been fully reported to the Security Council,
pursuant to our charter.

Tlie Near East

In the Near East the situation remains troubled.
It has been difficult to assure the sanctity of the

Ocfober 3, 1955

525

armistice lines established in 1948 under the aus-
pices of the United Nations to end the fighting
between Israelis and Arabs. The United States
desires to pay high tribute to those who, during
these troubled days, have been serving the United
Nations, and particularly to General Burns of
Canada and his associates.

On August 26 of this year, I addressed myself
to certain fundamental aspects of this situation.^
I said that if the parties desired a stable settle-
ment, they could, I thought, be helped from with-
out. I had in mind financial assistance in relation
to the problem of Arab refugees, and of irrigation
projects which would enable the people through-
out the area to enjoy a better life. I also spoke of
tlie importance of bringing gi'eater security to the
area. I said that, if nations from without the area
made clear their readiness to contribute to these
three essential aspects of a settlement, it might
then be more possible to bring order, tranquillity,
and well-being to the area itself.

President Eisenhower authorized me to say that
he would recommend participation by the United
States in these monetary and security commit-
ments, if this were desired by the governments
directly concerned and on the assmnption that
action wherever feasible should be on an interna-
tional basis, preferably under the auspices of the
United Nations.

The United Kingdom immediately associated
itself with tliese United States suggestions. A
number of other countries have also indicated
their support.

If there is a favorable response from the Near
Eastern countries, many aspects of this problem
would eventually come to the United Nations for
its action at some future session.

The Far East

During the past year the fabric of peace in the
Far East was strengthened by the coming into
force of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty. An organizational meeting of tlie Treaty
Council was held at Bangkok toward the end of
February at the ministerial level.

This security arrangement is unique. It marks
the first time that any considerable number of
countries have banded together, in eastern Asia,
for collective self-defense. There are eight parties
to the treaty, which, in addition, applies to Cam-

' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.

bodia, Laos and Free Viet-Nam. Also, the ar-
rangement draws together western and Asian
countries. This would not have been possible had
not all the parties firmly committed themselves to
the principle of political independence and self-
determination. This commitment is found both in
the preamble to the treaty and in the concurrent
Pacific Charter, which reflects the aspirations of
men everywhere to be free.

The Southeast Asia Treaty does not envisage
the establislunent of a combined military organi-
zation comparable to that which has grown up
under the North Atlantic Treaty. The condi-
tions in the area do not readily lend themselves
to the creation of a treaty force, in being and in
I^lace. Primary reliance is placed on the agree-
ment of the eight signatories to treat any armed
aggression in the treaty area as a common danger
to each party, calling for action on its part. That
pledge will, we believe, work powerfully to deter
aggression.

China

In the China area the situation is somewhat
less ominous than it was. We hope that the Chi-
nese People's Republic will respond to the mani-
fest will of the world community that armed
force should not be used to achieve national
objectives.

The record of this Communist regime has been
an evil one. It fought the United Nations in
Korea, for which it stands here branded as an
aggressor. It took over Tibet by armed force.
It became allied with the Connnunist Viet Minh
in their effort to take over Indochina by armed
force. Then, following the Indochina armistice,
it turned its military attention to the Taiwan
(Formosa) area. It intended to take this area
by force and began active military assaults on its
approaches, which assaults, it claimed, were a
first step in its new program of military conquest.

This constituted a major challenge to principles
to which the United States is committed by our
charter. It was also a direct and special challenge
to the United States itself. We have a distinctive
relationship to these islands, a relationsliip which
is reinforced by a mutual defense treaty with the
Republic of China covering Taiwan and Penghu
[the Pescadores].

At this point, on January 24, 1955, President
Eisenhower asked the Congress of the United
States for authority to use the armed forces of the

526

Department of State BuUetin

United States in the defense of Taiwan and
Penghu and related areas which the President
might judge as appropriate to that defense. After
full hearings in the House and the Senate of the
United States, the requested authority was granted.
In the House the vote was 409 to 3, and in the
Senate the vote was 85 to 3. The authority ter-
minates whenever peace and secuiity of the area
are reasonably assured by international conditions
created by action of the United Nations or other-
wise.

I am convinced that this timely warning, given
with solid, virtually unanimous, national concur-
rence, served to prevent what could have been a
dangerous miscalculation on the part of the Chi-
nese Communists.

Thereafter the Bandung conference was held.
There again the peace-loving nations — many of
them members of the United Nations — made clear
to the Chinese Communists their adherence to our
charter principle that states should refrain in
their international relations from tlie threat of
force.

From the site of the Bandinig conference, Mr.
Chou En-lai proposed direct discussions with the
United States, a proposal which I promptly indi-
cated was acceptable to the United States so long
as we dealt only with matters of concern to the
two of us, not involving the rights of third parties.
That reservation applies particularly, so far as the
United States is concerned, to the Republic of
China, to which we are loyal as to a long-time
friend and ally.

Shortly thereafter the Chinese Communists re-
leased 4 and, later, the other 11 of the United
States fliers of the United Nations Command
whom it had been liolding in violation of the
Korean Armistice Agreement. This release had
been sought by resolution of this General Assem-
bly adopted last December. The outcome justified
the confidence which the United States had placed
in the United Nations and our restraint in the
use or threat of our own national power.

Some 15 months ago the United States had
started talks with the Chinese People's Republic
at Geneva with regard to getting our civilians
home. As a result of the Bandung statement made
by Mr. Chou En-lai and my reply, these talks were
resumed last August, to deal first with the topic
of freeing civilians for return and then with other
practical matters of direct concern to the two of us.

All Chinese in the United States who desire to

return to their homeland are free to do so. They
have always been free to do so except for a few
who were temporarily prevented by restrictions
arising out of the Korean war. The Chinese
People's Republic has now declared that all Amer-
icans on the China mainland have the right to
return and will be enabled expeditiously to exer-
cise that right.

For the favorable trend of events to which I
refer, thanks are due to many. Our Secretary-
General worked assiduouslj' to bring about the re-
lease of United States fliers of the United Nations
Command.' Other governments and individuals
were helpful in this and other matters. The will
of the world community may have operated to
avert another war, the scope of which could not
surely be limited.

Atoms for Peace

Last year I spoke of the peaceful uses of atomic
energy. We had gone through a period of dis-
appointing negotiations to secure the participa-
tion of the Soviet Union in the program presented
to you by President Eisenhower on December 8,
1953. In the face of a negative Soviet attitude,
we had resolved nevertheless to go ahead.

Last September I mentioned four activities
which we promised to commence immediately.
Since that time, we have made good progress in
each of these fields.

The negotiations for establishment of an Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency have led to the
preparation of a draft statute establishing such
an agency.

An International Conference on the Peaceful
Uses of Atomic Energy was held with outstanding
success last month at Geneva. This conference
was so successful that the United States will again
propose a similar conference to be held in 3 years
or earlier if the increasing development of the
peaceful uses of atomic energy will so wan-ant.

The first reactor training course at our Ar-
gonne National Laboratory is nearing completion,
and an enlarged course is about to begin.

Distinguished doctors and surgeons from other
countries are visiting our hospitals and research
establishments where atomic energy is used for
the cure of cancer and other diseases.

Tlie Soviet Union is now taking a more coopera-

' For text of a report by the Secretary-General, see
ibid., Sept. 26, 1955, p. 512.

Ocfober 3, 7955

527

tive attitude, and we gladly note the recent offer
of Premier Bulganin to set aside fissionable mate-
rial for the work of the proposed International
Agency when it comes into existence.

Much has happened, we see, to give reality to the
vista of hope which President Eisenhower por-
trayed when he spoke to our Eighth Session.

Radiation Study

The United States also plans at this session to
propose the establishment of an international tech-
nical body on the effects of atomic radiation upon

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the United Nations

U.S./D.N. press release 2204 dated September 18

If the United Nations Assembly, which opens next
Tuesday [September 20], agrees to President Eisen-
hower's "open sky" plan for mutual aerial inspec-
tion and exchange of blueprints of the nations' mili-
tary installations, it will be unique and historic.
This plan would end the specter of a massive sur-
prise assault which has haunted the world since the
end of World War II and which has been one of the
greatest causes of world tension. This would lead
the way to the utmost limits of mutual disarmament
for which the free world yearns.

human health. It would be composed of qualified
scientists who would collate and give wide distri-
bution to radiological information furnished by
states members of the United Nations, or special-
ized agencies.

The United States is itself giving much study
to this matter. We believe that properly safe-
guarded nuclear testing and the development of
peaceful uses of atomic energy do not threaten
human health or life. But this is a subject of such
transcendent concern that we believe that all avail-
able data should be sought out and pooled under
United Nations auspices.

Limitation of Armament

On July 21st of this year, at Geneva, the Presi-
dent of the United States took still another major
initiative. Dealing with disarmament, and ad-
dressing himself for the moment principally to the
delegates from the Soviet Union, he proposed that,
as a beginning, each of our two nations should
provide the other with information as to its mili-

tary establishments and with facilities for un-
restricted aerial reconnaissance of the other.

The logic of this proposal is simple and clear.
Major aggression is unlikely unless the aggressor
can have the advantage of sui-prise and can hope to
strike a blow which will be devastating because
unexpected. But the preparation of an attack of
such magnitude could hardly be concealed from
aerial inspection. Aerial inspection would not, of
course, detect everything. We do not think of it
as itself a final comprehensive system of inspection.
But aerial inspection would detect enough to ex-
clude the greatest risk. Because it would do that,
it would open the way to further steps toward
inspection and disarmament which we all, and I
emphatically include the United States, want to
se« taken.

Long experience makes it apparent that, when
there is a sense of insecurity, when there is an
ominous unknown, then arms seem needed and
limitation of armament becomes virtually im-
attainable. Reductions of armament occur when
fear is dissipated, when knowledge replaces ex-
aggerated speculation, and when in consequence
arms seem less needed.

It was, I believe, immediately sensed by all that,
if the United States were to j)ermit Soviet over-
liights of its territory and if the Soviet Union were
to permit the United States overflights of its terri-
tory, that would go far to show that neither had
aggressive intentions against the other. Then, as
President Eisenhower pointed out in his plea at
Geneva, it would be easier to move on to a compre-
hensive, scientific system of inspection and dis-
armament. The essence of the President's pro-
posal was that it would, as a beginning, do what is
required of a beginning; namely, make it more
possible to take subsequent steps.

I hope that the sentiment of this General Assem-
bly will make clear that this beginning should be
made as simply as may be and as quickly as may
be. From such a beginning can come, and I be-
lieve will come, solid advance toward our charter
goal of reducing the "diversion for armaments of
the world's human and economic resources."
Then we can realistically look forward to fulfill-
ing the desire close to the hearts of all our people —
a desire voiced by President Eisenhower at our
recent meeting in San Francisco — that more of
this earth's resources should be used for truly con-
structive purposes, which would particularly
benefit the underdeveloped areas of the world.

528

Department of State Bulletin

A Decade for Peaceful Change

It was 10 years ago last inoiith that the fighting
stopped in World War II. We have lived through
the subsequent decade without another world war.
That is something for which to be j^rofoundly
thankful. But true peace has not been enjoyed.
There have been limited wars; free nations have
been subverted and taken over ; there has been the
piling up of armament, and the rigidities of posi-
tion which are imposed upon those who regard
each other as potential fighting enemies.

That phase may now be ending. I believe that
all four of the Heads of Government, who were at
Geneva, wanted that result and that each contrib-
uted to it. In consequence, a new spirit does in-
deed prevail, with greater flexibility and less
brittleness in international relations.

Some find it interesting to speculate as to which
nations gained and which lost from this develop-
ment. I would say that if the "spirit of Geneva"
is to be permanent, then all the world must be the
gainer. The "smnmit" meeting, if it is to be his-
toric rather than episodic, must usher in an era of
peaceful change.

It will not be an era of placidity and stagnancy,
in the sense that the status quo, with its manifold
injustices, is accepted as permanent. It will be an
era of change, and it will have its strains and its
stresses. But peoples and governments will re-
nounce the use of war and of subversion to achieve
their goals. They will accept orderly evolution
toward the realization of legitimate national as-
pirations. They will develop wider economic in-
tercourse among themselves. They will increas-
ingly respect human rights and fundamental
freedoms. And human effort will be dedicated to
what is creative and benign.

The United Nations, too, will change. Given
good will and mutual confidence, many provisions
of the charter will gain new meaning and new
vitality.

Let us together strive that the next decade shall
be known as the healing decade of true peace.

William H. Jackson Appointed
Special Assistant to Secretary

Press release 55-4 dated September 19

William H. Jackson of New York has been
appointed, effective September 19, 1955, as a
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State to co-
ordinate within the U.S. Government the develop-
ment of U.S. positions for phases of the Foreign
Ministers meeting at Geneva pertaining to East-
West contacts and exchanges.

Eighth Anniversary of Death
of Bulgarian Patriot

Statement hy Hinder Secretary Hoover ^

Eight years ago tomorrow Nikola Petkov, a
gi'eat Bulgarian patriot, was hanged in Bulgaria.
After a trial which made a mockery of justice, he
was judicially murdered on September 23, 1947,
in order that conununism in his country might
triumph.

Nikola Petkov was a courageous liberal and a
valiant defender of democracy in his country.
His countrymen will never forget the boldness
and selflessness with which he and his colleagues
fought Commimist injustice even after their cause
seemed lost. That the Communist press in Bul-
garia should finally have described his death as
an "imperative state necessity" is striking evi-
dence of the vigor of his struggle.

Although Nikola Petkov's voice and pen have
been silenced, his spirit still lives. His devotion
to the cause of justice and democracy will ever
serve as inspiration to his countrymen and to all
liberty-loving people who look forward to the
day when the captive peoples can once again live
in freedom under governments of their own
choosing.

' Made on the eighth anniversary of the death of Nikola
Petkov (press release 559 dated Sept. 22).

October 3, 7955

529

The U.S. Position on Disarmament

iy James J. Wadsworth

Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^

At Geneva, 2 months ago, the Heads of State of
France, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union,
and the United States met for the fii-st time in 10
years. That meeting was marked by the emer-
gence of a new climate in international affairs
which has become known as the spirit of Geneva.

This spirit depends largely upon the intentions
proclaimed by the Soviet Union, together with
the rest of us, to seek new ways to ease interna-
tional tensions and lift the fear of war.

The spirit of Geneva could amount to no more
than a cruel illusion unless it is translated into
deeds. In a still agonized world, there is no lack
of troubles in which it can be put to the test. In
Eastern Europe, nations with a proud history of
freedom are not free; subversion and conspiracy
are still active throughout the world ; ancient states
remain divided.

The birth and growth of a sovereign and dem-
ocratic Germany, its contribution to collective se-
curity, and its progi-ess under Dr. Adenauer to its
rightful place in the comity of nations, recognized
by other states, including the Soviet Union, can
only strengthen the spirit of Geneva. But so long
as all Germans are unable to voice the national
will in free elections and while Germany remains
partitioned, the spirit of Geneva cannot find full
expression.

In the United Nations the spirit of Geneva will
find still other testing grounds. In the firgt Gen-
eral Assembly since the Geneva meeting, the peo-
ples of the world are preparing to observe its
workings in a broad range of issues.

Already the meetings of France, Canada, the
United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and the

' Address made before the Foreign Policy Association,
New Yorlf, N. Y., on Sept. 16 (U.S./U.N. press release
2203).

530

United States in the subcommittee of the United
Nations Disarmament Conmiission are providing
a first and a most important test.

I propose to speak today about these discussions
and particularly about the new U.S. position in
the subcommittee meetings.

As you are all aware, President Eisenhower at
Geneva on July 21 presented a new and historic
American proposal.^ That proposal called for the
exchange of blueprints of military information
between the United States and the Soviet Union,
to be verified by mutual aerial reconnaissance.
These blueprints would include : first, the identifi-
cation, strength, command structure, and disposi-
tion of personnel, units, and equipment of all
major land, sea, and air forces, including organ-
ized reserve and para-military; second, a complete
list of military plants, facilities, and installations
with their locations.

Later, in the subcommittee, Harold E. Stassen,
the President's Special Assistant for Disarma-
ment, presented a U.S. Government outline plan
for putting the President's proposal into imme-
diate efl'ect. This plan makes provision, among
other things, for unrestricted but monitored aerial
reconnaissance by visual, photographic, and elec-
tronic means; for freedom of communications ; for
the presence aboard inspecting aircraft of per-
sonnel of the country being inspected ; for simul-
taneous delivery of similar types of information
by each participating government; and for many
other essentials.

One noteworthy provision is for the presence
of ground observers in each country to assist in
verifying the exchange of military information.
Now the proposals of the Soviet Union for arms

' Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173.

Department of State BuUetin

control as put forward on May 10 of this year'
included something similar in calling for observers
at large ports, airdromes, railway junctions, and
highways. These proposals do not clearly estab-
lish tlie right of the inspectors to move about
freely and to see the things they must see. They
are vague in identifying the things which are to
be inspected. And most important, they do not
yet contemplate or permit aerial reconnaissance.
Without aerial reconnaissance the United States
believes that reasonable security against surprise
attack or aggression is impossible.

Prevention of Surprise Attack

The great boon of the President's plan is pre-
cisely that it provides against the possibility of
great surprise attack. While it is in operation
no state which participates in it could hope to
launch a successful attack upon another state with
nuclear or any other weapons. If we can exorcise
the specter of such a surprise attack by any major
nation or involving any major nation, we may be
able to prevent war itself.

We may be able to convert the arms burden
the world now bears into higher living standards
for humanity, and we may devote the peaceful
benefits of atomic energy to the advancement of
all peoples.

Not only is it desirable to shackle surprise at-
tack; it is also, as soldiers and scientists in many
countries now agree, probably the only way now
open to us to achieve the kind of international
control of arms and armed forces on which peoples
could rely.

I shall explain why this is so.

At the present time there is no known method
through which an inspection and control system
could account for the complete elimination of
nuclear weapons. At any given time some current
or nuclear production and much past production
can be hidden away beyond the range of detection,
even by the most modern devices. This secret
store could be used for illicit fabrication of atomic
weapons, and these weapons could be used for
sudden assault on unsusjaecting nations.

So far as the United States knows, no other
government and no other scientists have been yet
able to discover a means to inspect and keep track
of all fissionable material within an acceptable
margin of error. The Soviet Government itself,

= Ibid., May 30, 1955, p. 90O.

in its May 10 proposals and at Geneva and in the
current meetings of the subcommittee, has recog-
nized the limitations on the effectiveness of control
over nuclear weapons material.

I am able to tell you here today that some of
our most eminent scientists are now engaged in a
new stepped-up effort to achieve a breakthrough
to some new measure to control nuclear matter
more effectively. But while that search continues,
the problem grows yearly more difficult and more
awesome as stocks pile up and the means for deliv-
ering an attack are multiplied.

The United States is striving to find an answer
before the arms race reaches a point of no return.
The massive reconnaissance urged by President
Eisenhower could halt this ominous drift. It will
also enable us to make progress in the vital field
of inspection.

In any system of international control of arma-
ments the role of inspection is paramount. With-
out reliable inspection it is impossible to construct
a system in which nations can put their trust.
Without it no nation could be expected to reduce
its strength in accordance with an international
agreement. Even Marshal Bulganin has said
that disarmament really "boils down to inspec-
tion."

The new situation with respect to nuclear ma-
terials has transformed the problem of inspection
and with it many of the fundamentals of arms
control.

Need for Reappraisal

The United States therefore believes it to be the
course of realism — and an honest course — to place
a reservation upon the positions so far reached in
the United Nations deliberations. In asserting
this reservation in the subcommittee, Mr. Stassen
has stressed that we do not reject or disavow our
past policies, nor do we reaffirm them in blanket
fashion. We do believe they must be reappraised.

We are firmly convinced — and in this all of the
Western nations in the subcommittee seem
agreed — that, before the project for arms reduc-
tions worked out earlier in the United Nations or
any other schedule of arms reduction is applied,
there must be agreement upon an effective system
of control and inspection.

The United States wishes, in concert with other
nations and in the new atmosphere since Geneva,
to explore and develop means of inspection appro-

Oc/ober 3, 1955

531

priate to the new situation. The adoption of the
President's plan would go very far toward re-
building international confidence, without which
the installation of a reciprocal, pennanent inspec-
tion system is almost impossible. For upon the
day that the two major nuclear powers decided to
open up to each other, upon that day the security
of the world would be increased. In the general
environment of suspicion countries have not
agreed to give inspection a fair trial, except upon
a series of conditions which none has yet been able
to grant. President Eisenliower's proposal could,
at one stroke, rescue arms control from this vicious
cycle.

Despite the bold sweep of the President's plan
and the seal it would set against war, it is not in-
tended to be the whole answer to the quest for dis-
armament. The President hunself declared,
when he launched his prodigious idea, that "what
I propose is, I assure you, but a beginning."

Our concentration upon the President's concept
and our determination to make a new start in the
subcommittee in the spirit of Geneva should not
for a moment cause us to lose sight of the objective.
Let me say categorically and emphatically just
what this is.

The United States is pledged to work for,
earnestly desires, and energetically seeks a com-
prehensive, progressive, enforceable international
agreement for the reduction of arms, annaments,
and armed forces. This program would incorpo-
rate the results of the latest studies in this country
and abroad.

The President's plan is a first step — a crucial
one, but only a first step toward such a program.
It is, as Governor Stassen has told the subcom-
mittee again and again, a "gateway to disarma-
ment." It is not intended to be a substitute for
an overall arms plan. It is intended to make one
possible.

It is not an exclusive step. Our colleagues in
the United Nations, Britain and France, have put
forward suggestions of merit. These, too, will
aid in the eflFort to lift the arms burden and to
secure peace.

This then is the philosophy back of the U.S.
position. Suspicion has blocked acceptance of
and cooperation in an all-out disarmament and
inspection plan of the type one could consider
truly secure. We want to provide relief from that
suspicion by offering a simple means of mutual
disclosure and verification to the Soviet Union to

prove to them and to the world that we are ready to
lay bare our military potential for the common
cause of peace if they will do the same.

This is the prelude which should precede the
main body of limitations and reductions of arma-
ments. If the Soviets should reject this offer the
insincerity of their professions in favor of dis-
armament will be exposed.

Wliere does this leave the United States ? Are
we euchred into a position of accepting unrealistic
and unsound proposals ? Are we caught in a web
of halfway beliefs and promises? Far from it.
"VVe are in a position to say to the Soviets, in con-
cert with our friends : "Here is the test of sincerity.
If you want real reduction of annaments, then you
will accept the principle of doing these things in
plain sight of one another. If we have notliing
to hide, you should have nothing to hide."

I cannot predict the future of this plan and of
this great opportunity for mankind. We hope
that the General Assembly of the United Nations
on behalf of the anxious multitudes it represents
will record its approval of the President's plan
during its current session.

Two Alternatives

Two alternatives loom on the troubled horizon
of international cooperation :

First: The Soviets accept the principle of the
Eisenhower plan. This will lead through many a
hard month of guiding negotiation as to details,
but it will mean the final breakthrough of peace-
loving man toward the ideal of tranquillity for
the world.

Second: The Soviets reject the principle of the
Eisenhower plan, thereby plunging the world into
still another round of the Ballet Russe, but while
doing that, demonstrating in awful clarity the
utter bankruptcy of their position and the falsity
of the attitude which has led to this so-called
Geneva spirit.

Let me close by recalling both the fallibility and
the indestructibility of human beings. In spite
of all the disappointments, all the frustrations, all
the times we have fallen on our faces, we always
get up and keep on plugging. Sometimes our ef-
forts have earned little more than a sneer ; some-
times the god Mars has blasted our hopes and am-
bitions. But everlastingly mankind is pushing on
toward the abandonment of war as an instnunent

532

Department of State Bulletin

of national policy. Doggedly, stubbornly, some-
times stupidly, we grope toward the ultimate solu-
tion. But we will get there. Mark my words, we
will get there !

I do not know what the Soviet Union will do.
I have spent many months this year and last de-
bating disarmament issues with Mr. Gromyko and
Mr. Malik in the closed sessions of the United Na-
tions Disarmament Subcommittee. I have fol-
lowed the record of the current meetings in which
Harold Stassen so ably represents the United
States.

I can only say that I think that the spirit of
Geneva is perceptibly influencing the Soviet ap-
proach if it has not yet materially altered their
proposals. I do believe that the Soviet Union still
has the President's plan under close and serious
study.

All of us should be aware that the execution
of the Eisenhower plan will confront the Soviet
people as well as ourselves with undertakings of
delicate and far-reaching character. Yet I know
of no other plan which could create so much real
security against surprise attack or give so gi-eat
an easement of fear. We believe that we cannot
do less.

The Soviet Union could give us the real measure
of its willingness to lift the fear of war by doing
as much. We are prepared to meet them halfway.

U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes
Established by 1949 Agreement

Announcement of Meeting

Press release 553 dated September 19

The Department of State and the Civil Aero-
nautics Board announced on September 19 that
they would convene in Washington that after-
noon a meeting between the aeronautical authori-
ties of the United States and Canada pursuant to
a request of the Government of Canada for con-
sultation to review the route pattern established
by the 1949 Air Transport Agreement between
the two Governments.^ It is understood that the
Canadian officials may also desire to discuss col-
lateral matters not within the scope of the air
agreement.

According to Eoss Eizley, Chairman of the

' For an announcement of the signing of the 1949 agree-
ment, see Bulletin of June 12, 1949, p. 766. For text,
see Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1934.

Civil Aeronautics Board and Chief of the U.S.
delegation for these meetings, the Civil Aeronau-
tics Board welcomes this opportunity to renew
acquaintance with the Canadian Air Transport
Board and to discuss problems of mutual inter-
est. Joseph P. Adams, Vice Chairman of the
Civil Aeronautics Board, will be Alternate Chief
of the U.S. delegation. Other U.S. representa-
tives will include Joseph C. Watson and Dorothy
E. Thomas of the Civil Aeronautics Board;
Henry Snowden, C. J. Kolinski, George Vest, of
the Department of State; and Philip S. Bogart,
U.S. Transport and Communications Attache at
the Embassy in Ottawa.

The Canadian delegation will consist of W. J.
Matthews, Chairman of the Air Transport Board ;
A. D. McLean and J. L. G. Morisset, Board mem-
bers ; A. S. McDonald, Executive Director of the
Air Transport Board ; and James Brandy of the
Department of External Affairs.

Exchange of Views

Press release 561 dated September 22

The meeting between Canadian and U.S. civil
aviation authorities which began on September 19
concluded on September 22. William J. Mat-
thews, Chairman of the Air Transport Board,
headed the Canadian delegation, while Joseph P.
Adams, Vice Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics
Board, headed the U.S. delegation.

A beneficial exchange of views took place on the
developments in air transportation between the
two countries. The existing route pattern estab-
lished under the 1949 bilateral air transport agree-
ment was reviewed. Suggestions for additional
services between the western region of Canada and
the United States are to be given further study.

An arrangement will be made so that, until the
airport at Sault Ste. Marie, Ont., is completed,
Canadian airlines will be free to make use of the
airport facilities at Sault Ste. Marie, Mich., for
any of their domestic Canadian services. During
this period the Canadian airlines will also provide
service to U.S. passengers at Sault Ste. Marie,
Mich.

It was agreed that more frequent meetings be-
tween the civil aviation authorities of the two
countries should take place in the future. The
Canadian Chairman expressed the hope that the
next such meeting might take place at Ottawa in
1956.

Ocfober 3, 1955

533

In a special meeting between the Air Transport
Board and the Civil Aeronautics Board, there was
a useful discussion of a number of collateral mat-
ters outside the scope of the air agreement. It was
the first time that all five members of the Civil
Aeronautics Board have met with all members of
an aviation board of another country.

Meeting of ANZUS Council

Press release 565 dated September 24

The Anztjs Comicil, established by the Security
Treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and the
United States, met at Washington on September
24. Richard G. Casey, Minister for External Af-
fairs, represented Australia; Thomas L. Mac-
donald, Minister of External Afl'airs, represented
New Zealand; and Secretary Dulles represented
the United States.

In addition to the Ministers the delegations in-
cluded : for Australia, Sir Percy C. Spender, Am-
bassador to the United States; John Quinn, of the
Department of External Affairs; and Lt. Gen.
Henry Wells, Chief of the General Staff; for New
Zealand, Sir Leslie K. Munro, Ambassador to the
United States; and Alistair D. Mcintosh, Secre-
tary of External Affairs; and for the United
States, Under Secretai-y Hoover; Livingston T.
Merchant, Assistant Secretary for European Af-
fairs; Walter S. Robertson, Assistant Secretary
for Far Eastern Afl'airs-; Douglas MacArthur, II,
Counselor ; and Adm. Felix B. Stmnp, Commander
in Chief, Pacific and United States Pacific Fleet.

At the conclusion of the meeting the Council
issued the following statement:

The Anzus Council affords the Foreign Ministers of
the tliree Governments the opportunity of regular, peri-
odic consultation in regard to international and defense
matters of mutual interest and concern. The over-riding
objective of the Anzits partners is to strengthen the re-
lationships between their Governments and to seeli ef-
fective means of providing for their mutual security.

At this meeting the representatives of the three Govern-
ments were glad to note that since their last meeting in

1954, at which tliey had agreed on the need for the early
establishment of collective defense in Southeast Asia,*
the Manila Pact has been concluded. They unanimously
agreed that the Manila Pact, which is history's first multi-
lateral collective defense organization with East Asian
participation, represents a further highly significant de-
velopment toward sustaining and strengthening peace and
security in an area of vital concern to the free world. In
addition to mutual membership in Anzus and the Manila
Pact, the Ministers noted that their countries have other
relationships which contribute to the development of
strength and stability in the area.

The Ministers discussed at some length the develop-
ments in the world situation occurring since the last meet-
ing of the Anzus Council. They noted with satisfaction
the efforts made at the Geneva meeting of heads of gov-
ernment toward reducing the causes of world tension.
They expressed the hope that these preliminary steps
would be followed by positive action. They were in firm
agreement that world developments do not so far justify
any relaxation of the efforts of the free world to maintain
a posture of defensive strength.

U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence
to ''Northern Tier" Pact

Press release 560 dated September 24

Pakistan has announced its formal adlierence to
the Pact of Mutual Cooi:)eration signed by Iraq
and Turkey on February 24, 1955, and adhered to
by the United Kingdom on April 5, 1955.

The United States has continually been in sym-
pathy witli the desire of these nations to provide
for their legitimate self-defense through a collec-
tive arrangement within the framework of the
United Nations. In the view of the United States
such an arrangement, particularly between the
"Northern Tier" nations of the Middle East, con-
tains the elements needed for an effective area de-
fense structure.

The United States welcomes Pakistan's adher-
ence to the pact which will facilitate the coopera-
tion of these nations for tlieir mutual benefit and
common defense.

" Bulletin of July 12, 1954, p. 50.

534

Department of Stale Bulletin

Youth and the Free World

hy Harold E. Stassen

Special Assistant to the President ^

In responding to your invitation to discuss with
you on this occasion "Youth and the Free World,''
may I first note that we meet here in Ann Arbor
on Labor Day. The great productive processes
of a free people under a system of individual en-
terprise have made this Nation a great power.
In 1955, free labor has confidently and abundantly
turned out full production for peace.

Let us never forget those dark days of war when
American industry was called on to perform her-
culean feats of production for the defense of this
Nation. Now as we work to build a secure peace,
American labor has given ringing testimony to the
Tightness of our free economic system. Never
before have more than 65 million people been
gainfully employed in these United States.

We have entered an era of unprecedented peace-
time prosperity. Personal income has climbed to
new peaks; more people are finding better jobs;
take-home pay is at record heights; and America
is having its best economic year in history.

Our age has revealed a striking and often
stormy tempo of change. With a stepped-up pace,
events that once spanned centuries have been
crammed into generations. This offers a great
opportunity for genuine progress, but it also pre-
sents a sterner challenge than ever before. Will
the youth of our Nation and of other free countries
be equipped, physically and spiritually, to meet
the challenge and grasp the ojDportunity ?

It is my feeling that a free world of people
living together in harmony and assured peace will
be achieved only to the extent our youth can suc-

' Address made before the National Training Confer-
ence for Boy Scout Executives at the University of Michi-
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich., on Sept. 5 (White House press
release).

cessfully meet this challenge of change. Today,
and still more in the years ahead, America and
the entire world will look to leaders who are able
to think courageously, act with judgment and
speed, with imagination and enterprise, and yet
with patience and restraint.

The knowledge through experience available to
nearly 3 million Scouts is helping effectively to
prepare future citizens for a constructive role in
the worldwide effort for a lasting peace with
justice.

If the younger generation is to successfully live
in, and lead in, the turbulent world of reality in
the decades ahead, they must know what is hap-
pening around them. To state it another way,
a climate must be developed which will encourage
our youth to be part of the world rather than
apart from the world.

Just a few weeks ago the eighth World Boy
Scout Jamboree was held. Youngsters from 64:
nations, i-epresenting all races and faiths, gathered
together for this important assembly.

I commend you warmly, not only because of the
excellent work you are iierforming here in the
United States but also for the exceptionally sig-
nificant programs you have carried on with scout-
ing groujjs from other nations in the interest of
brotherhood and stronger ties among all peoples.

Just before I closed out my work as Director
of the Foreigii Operations Administration, a pro-
gram was evolving at the request of the Guate-
malan Government with a view of furnishing use-
ful leisure-time activities for urban youth in
that country. Before launching these activities
my Washington staff consulted extensively with
the Boy Scouts of America, after which a con-
tract was negotiated for the Boy Scouts of Guate-

Ocfober 3, 1955

535

mala. I understand that a nucleus for a volun-
teer staff has been assembled and a youth center
is now being organized.

This is the kind of cooj>erative approach that is
taking hold increasingly throughout the free
world. For us, it is the practice of a great Nation
to help other free peoples to help themselves in
the common quest for a more satisfying, more
fruitful, and more prosperous life.

It is also a relatively new element in our for-
eign relations. Less than a quarter of a century
ago most people drew the line of cooperation
pretty well at our national borders, or at most
within the limits of the continent.

But two World Wars and a near-disastrous de-
pression have taught some grim lessons. Now we
are at a stage in history when even the most pow-
erful nations must know they can no longer heed-
lessly risk the devastation of war.

Can you see why I am moved to express my
belief that the youth of today will face a challenge
of unprecedented proportions?

Last October the President said, "Since the ad-
vent of nuclear weapons, it seems clear that there
is no longer any alternative to peace. . . . The
soldier can no longer regain a peace that is usable
to the world."

War is not inevitable. History strengthens my
conviction that Providence has directed man's
genius to release the energy of the atom for a
good purpose.

Not long ago I listened to a man talking to a
scientist about the threat of the atom bomb.
"While he believed unswervingly in God, he could
not understand why the Divine Power had per-
mitted man to devise such an instrument. The
scientist, who doubtlessly had wrestled with the
same question, answered that in a few centuries
our supplies of conventional fuel would be ex-
hausted. Having to rely solely upon our hands
and our body, we would be faced with the bleak
prospect of receding to the primitive stages from
which we developed.

The discovery of nuclear energy, said the sci-
entist, has changed all this by opening up entirely
new avenues to virtually inexhaustible supplies of
power, thus assuring man's future progress.

It is a plain fact that the materials which give
the atom bomb its awful power can be used to
create amazing plenty for mankind.

This was confirmed by the daily headlines grow-
ing out of the recently completed International

Conference on the Peaceful Usesi of Atomic En-
ergy. Here the prospects of nuclear energy as a
powerful force for the benefit of mankind were
most dramatically revealed.

But if atom power is to be man's ultimate bene-
factor, I do not believe we can arrive at that goal
through inaction. We can be neither smug nor
complacent, nor can we resign ourselves to head-
in-the-sand hopelessness.

The dogged, patient insistence on making prog-
ress must be an essential part of America's future
as it has been a vital part of our past.

It is ever present in the inspiring leadership of
President Eisenhower. It must be ever present
in our youth upon whom the legacy of leadership
will fall.

The origin of peace is in the hearts and minds
of men.

Let us see to it that our youth have strong faith
in themselves, in their individual chance for great-
ness, in their country's moral and spiritual values,
and in the future.

U.S. Airlift Drops Rice
to Famine Victims in Laos

The International Cooperation Administration
announced on September 13 that the largest peace-
time air drop in Southeast Asia's history began
that day in the Kingdom of Laos as the first of
1,000 tons of rice, a gift from the people of the
United States, was parachuted to the famine-
stricken villagers of a rugged, mountainous area
too remote to be supplied by road. The first vil-
lage to be supplied in the emergency operation is
Bonn Neua, located in Phong Saly j^rovince, which
borders on Eed China's southern province of
Yunnan.

Rice, which comprises 90 percent of the diet of
the Laotians, is also being airdropped to 24 other
points in the northern section of the country where
famine is widespread and where, because of the
rainy season, roads and rivers are impassable and
much needed relief can come only from the air.

In addition to the 1,000 tons being airdropped,
another 4,000 tons of rice are being distributed
throughout the kingdom by truck and river barge.
The entire relief operation, as well as the rice it-
self, is being financed by the United States through
the International Cooperation Administration

536

Deaarfment of Slate BuUefin

and is being carried out by the Royal Government
of Laos. Thailand, Laos' friendly neighbor to the
west, contributed another 500 tons of the food
staple.

The famine in Laos — which until last year was
one of the Associated States of Indochina — is an
aftermath of the Communist Viet Minh invasion.
When Ho Chi Minh's troops from Communist
North Viet-Nam withdrew from Laos last Novem-
ber, they left wholesale destruction behind. Tliis
devastation, coupled with severe droughts in Laos
over the past two seasons, led to the present serious
food shortages.

Department Reply to Protest on
"Blackboard Jungle" Incident

Press release 557 dated September 21

Following is the text of a letter from Acting
Assistant Secretary Robinson Mcllvaine, which is
in reply to a letter from Mr. Arthur M. Loew of
Augiist 29:

September 19, 1955

Dear Mr. Loew: The Secretary of State has
asked me to reply to your letter of August 29,
1955, protesting the reported action by the Amer-
ican Ambassador to Italy in regard to the pres-
entation of the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer picture
"Blackboard Jungle", at the Venice Film Festival.

Let me first of all assure you that neither the
Department of State nor the Chiefs of Mission
abroad would ever attempt in any way to curb
the free dissemination of views and opinions or
to pre-judge any artistic presentation. By the
same token, neither the Department nor our rep-
resentatives abroad are required officially to en-
dorse any given presentation.

In going over the facts, I cannot find that
there was any attempt at censorship, but rather
that Ambassador Luce was carrying out her own
responsibilities in not wishing to attend the per-
formance of a film which — whatever its artistic
merits — she did not consider truly representative
of America.

I believe a review of the developments in this
matter will fully reinforce this conclusion.

Ambassador Luce discovered on her arrival at
Venice, August 25, that "Blackboard Jungle" had
been substituted for another film in the list of
American entries. The Ambassador then met

with the Director of the Festival. She made it
quite clear that she assumed no authority over the
selection of American entries nor any official power
to request their withdrawal. She also stressed
strongly to the Festival Director that, in keeping
with the principles of free enterprise and non-
interference by Government with private indus-
try, Ajnerican motion picture producers were free
to enter and submit any film they wished in such
festivals. She did, however, state to the Director
that she did not believe she should give official
endorsement to "Blackboard Jungle" by her pres-
ence at the Festival when she believed that the
film would create a seriously distorted impression
of American youth and American public schools
and, thus, abet the anti-U. S. propaganda of the
Communists in Italy. The Festival authorities
remained free to retain the entry.

Prior to his conversation with the Ambassador,
the Festival Director had queried the Rome Mpaa
rejjresentative on this entry. He in turn contacted
the Mpaa in New York and reportetl back to the
Director that the Mgm original entry, "Interrupted
Melody", should be substituted for "Blackboard
Jungle".

The Director of the Venice Film Festival has
already publicly corroborated that the American
Ambassador neither imposed censorship nor mis-
used the prestige of her office.

It is interesting to note that, according to the
Director, the United States is the only participat-
ing country in which private industry and the Gov-
ernment do not coordinate their entries. In keep-
ing with our tradition, the Department believes it
fitting that we continue in that maimer, confident
that there is no conflict of interests that may not be
resolved by the enlightened and mutual under-
standing of Amencan Government officials and
leaders of private business.

I regret, therefore, tliat anyone should consider
the Ambassador's decision not to lend positive en-
dorsement to this film as an effort to pre-censor or
curb the free dissemination of views or opinions.
Sincerely youi-s,

Robinson McIlvaine

Acting Assistant Secretary

for Public Affairs

Mr. Arthur M. Loew, President,
Loew^s International Corporation,
Loew Building - 15/^0 Broadway,
New York 36, New York.

Oc/ober 3, 1955

537

Relation of Antitrust Policies to Foreign Trade and Investment

Statement hy TJwrsten V. Kalijarvi ^

I am Thorsten V. Kalijarvi, Acting Deputy
Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs,
and am appearing here in response to the com-
mittee's request for the Department of State to
present its views concerning the relationshii? of
antitnist policies to foreign trade and investment.

One of the major objectives of our foreign eco-
nomic policy is to promote an expanding world
economy. It is our belief that an expanding
world economy produces a stronger economy at
home and, at the same time, helps to achieve the
desires of peoples abroad to shai'e more broadly
in the advantages of modern industrial techniques
and progress. The greater economic strength
thus achieved contributes to the security of the
free world in general. Thus an expanding world
economy is directly related both to our economic
well-being and to our national security.

It is to this basic objective that three programs
in which the committee is interested are addressed,
namely, the promotion of world trade, the foster-
ing of private investment abroad, and our
espousal of competition as an alternative to car-
telism and socialism. We are convinced that all
of these are important steps toward realization
of an expanding world economy.

The Congress has recognized this in the laws
which it has enacted. Thus, in the Thye amend-
ment [sec. 413] to the Mutual Security Act of
1954,^ the Congress has declared it to be the policy
of the United States "to encourage the efforts of

' Made before the Antitrust and Monopoly Subcom-
mittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee on Sept. 15
(press release 545). For a statement by Mr. Kalijarvi
on May 24 before the Antitrust Subcommittee of the
House Judiciary Committee, see BtrLLETiN of June 13,
1955, p. 974.

' Public Law 665, S3d Cong.

other free nations ... to foster private initiative
and competition" and ''to discourage monopolistic
practices." The essential principle of this policy
is to carry abroad the conviction, developed out
of our own experience, that competitive free enter-
prise provides the dynamic force for economic
progress. The policy set forth in the Thye
amendment recognizes that an economy weighted
down with private restraints is like a ship drag-
ging anchor. Private agreements to limit pro-
duction, to hold up prices, to discriminate against
firms that show independent initiative, to hold
back technological progress, to keep inefficient
producers in business, wherever they occur in the
free world, retard progress and work against our
own interests.

The Department, and the other executive agen-
cies concerned, following this congressional policy,
seek to explain abroad how our competitive econ-
omy works. We encourage foreign officials and
nationals to come to this country to study our
economic system and antitnist laws. We pro-
vide assistance to other countries in the develop-
ment of anticartel laws and enforcement pro-
cedures. In our economic relations, we point out
the existence of restrictive business practices that
impair the ability of other countries to export to
the United States or achieve other economic ob-
jectives. We practice competitive bidding,
wherever possible, in our procurement abroad.
We encourage other countries and international
agencies to utilize competitive bidding. Through
technical aid programs we emphasize the need,
in achieving higher levels of productivity, to elim-
inate restraints on production and trade. We en-
courage American businessmen, labor leaders, and
other citizens to help in pointing out the advan-
tages of a competitive economy.

538

Department of State Bulletin

Progress Since World War II

The results which have been achieved in the
years since AV^orld War II have not been insignifi-
cant. Before the war support of cartels by gov-
ernments abroad was widespread; as a matter of
fact, frequently foreign law required membership
in cartels. This past spring, however, the U.N.
Economic and Social Council noted with satis-
faction that "a number of Governments have
undertaken new measures, or strengthened exist-
ing measures, to prevent or control restrictive bus-
iness practices or their harmful effects" and that
there is a growing awareness that "these practices
may have harmful effects upon economic develop-
ment, employment and international trade." ^ In
support of this view, it might be pointed out that
there is now legislation in most counti-ies of West-
ern Europe designed to control restrictive business
practices, and, what is more important, active
enforcement of such legislation is proceeding in
most cases. 'N^Hiiile this legislation is not as com-
prehensive as our own antitrust laws, there is a
constant trend toward making it more effective.
Perhaps the most dramatic development has been
the inclusion in the Schuman Plan Treaty estab-
lishing the European Coal and Steel Community
of strong anticartel and antimonopoly pro-
visions, closely akin to United States antitrust
principles, rather than to the traditional Euro-
pean concepts of cartel regulation. There is every
reason to believe that effective enforcement of
these provisions will take jilace and that such en-
forcement will have a profound and beneficial im-
pact upon the economies of all the Western Euro-
pean countries.

Another significant change in recent years
which should be called to the committee's atten-
tion has been a marked shift in official attitudes in
Europe in favor of more competitive economies.
For example, in the United Kingdom, the Mon-
opolies Commission has recently issued a report
recommending the outlawing by statute of a num-
ber of restrictive practices most prevalent in Brit-
ish industry. In commenting on this report in
parliamentary debate, Mr. Thorneycroft, presi-
dent of the U.K. Board of Trade, made the follow-
ing statement reflecting the point of view of the
Conservative Party :

It is for these reasons that we have pursued the aims
we have, to remove the obstacles to trade abroad, to rid

' U.N. doc. K./Res. (XIX)/14 dated May 26, 1055.
Ocfober 3, 1955

ourselves of the network of manufacturing controls at
home and to eradicate abuses in the field of monopoly or
restriction. We are, and remain, the party of free enter-
prise and competition, in an age when both are needed
to the full.

xlnother manifestation of the shift of attitude
which has taken place is increased public interest
in the problem. Widespread attention is being
given to the subject in the press. There is broad
public support for the concept of increased pro-
ductivity. Public concern has been expressed over
restrictive practices as revealed by official inves-
tigations. I shall confine myself to one example.
A public opinion poll taken in West Germany in
1951 showed only 37 percent of the people in favor
of free prices and 47 percent for fixed prices. In
contrast, a poll on the same subject in the same
area more than 2 years later showed 54 percent
for a free economy and only 31 percent against. In
the light of this and other information that comes
to us from time to time, it is our belief that the
philosophy of competitive enterprise is making
significant headway in other areas of the world.

Importance to Foreign Relations

At this point, I think it would be useful to the
committee to state four major reasons why the
Department believes that our policy of free com-
petition is important to our foreign relations.

First, the Dejjartment believes this policy has
been a factor in frustrating international cartels.
Such cartels, accompanied by fixed higher prices,
discouragement of new investment, and a static
rather than an expanding economy, have a restric-
tive effect on the world economy. The United
States is not merely one of a number of producing
nations of the world — it alone produces as great a
volume of manufactures as the rest of the world
combined. Without the participation of Amer-
ica's industrial strength, effective cartelization in
field after field of world trade is unrealizable. It
needs little argument to discern how different
would be the course of world trade if the United
States had embraced international cartelism.
American free competition has therefore been one
of the healthiest influences in contributing to effi-
cient, expanding world trade.

Second, our policy of free competition is a major
factor in encouraging other countries to strengthen
competition in their own economies. As I men-
tioned before, there are many activities of this
Government designed to encourage other coun-

539

tries to strengthen the forces of competition in
their economic life. But there is no better form
of encouragement than to practice what we preach.
If, for example, our policy had been to exclude
the field of foreign commerce from the coverage
of our antitrust laws, our advocacy of competitive
enterprise could have had but little meaning to
countries whose economic lifeblood depends upon
their foreign trade.

Third, our policy of free competition enables
us to protect and promote our industry and com-
merce abroad, for it arms us with a basic phil-
osophy on which to rest representations to foreign
governments concerning restrictive practices that
are injurious to American interests. It is true
that the United States may not always be suc-
cessful in such approaches. But we have a much
stronger basis for opposing restrictive practices
aimed at our trade and commerce abroad when
we do not practice them against others.

Fourth, the Department believes that our policy
of free competition contributes to the respect with
which American industry is held in the world.
Our antitrust laws and policy are evidence to other
countries that our aim is not to exploit but to com-
pete, openly and fairly, to bring more and better
goods and services to others at more reasonable
prices. It is in this spirit that we reach out to the
market places of the world. Of course there will
always be those who will slander our country and
our industry with charges of "colonial exploita-
tion," "economic imperialism," and the usual string
of expletives, but our policy of free competition is
one of the most effective answers we have to such
charges.

Effect on U.S. Investments Abroad

Let us now turn to some of the problems we
encounter in the field of antitrust enforcement as
it relates to foreign policy. The first of these is
the effect of our antitrust laws on the making of
United States investments abroad. As already
stated, the State Department is strongly in favor
of maximizing productive U.S. investment abroad
because of the important contribution which it
makes to the economic strength of other free coun-
tries. Much has been written and said about
alleged deterrent effects of the antitrust laws or
their administration on such investments. It has
been said, first, that there is uncertainty concerning
the status of various forms of foreign investment

540

under the antitrust laws and second that, to the
extent they are covered by the laws, the making of
foreign investment is adversely affected. On the
first point, the Department, in submitting its views
to the Attorney General's National Committee To
Study the Antitrust Laws, conunented that "a
clarifying statement concerning the application
of antitrust policy to foreign investment would
be a constructive means of removing existing un-
certainties in the minds of potential investors."
The Department believes that the analysis of the
law contained in the foreign trade chapter of the
committee's report ^ constitutes a valuable contri-
bution to this needed clarification.

Wliile the Department is not in a position to
give any definitive position with respect to the sec-
ond point, permit me to state those factors which
we believe it is necessary to consider in any effort
to arrive at a balanced analysis in the overall
public interest.

First, the Department has observed many cases
in which the antitrust laws have altered the man-
ner in which American firms have invested abroad.
It is, however, hard to point to any specific case
and say that the antitrust laws prevented this in-
vestment from being made. The reason is that
any important foreign investment proposal is gen-
erally based on more than one consideration.
There are such factors to be taken into account,
for examj^le, as the receptivity of a foreign govern-
ment toward the investment ; the evaluation by the
investor of his ability to operate effectively in a
distant and unfamiliar enviromnent; the com-
peting investment opportunities in the United
States; the safety of an investment and the con-
vertibility of earnings; the ability of the investor
to make satisfactory arrangements abroad to per-
mit investment on promising terms; and tax in-
ducements or deterrents. Therefore, it is ex-
tremely difficiUt if not impossible to determine in
most cases if a proposed investment fell through
because of antitrust policy or law.

Second, the question has to be decided whether,
in terms of our basic objective (of promoting an
expanding free world economy), foreign invest-
ments made with restrictions now prohibited by
the antitrust laws should be fostered by the United
States Government. Suppose an American firm

'Report of the Attorney General's National Committee
To Study the Antitrust Laws, March SI, 1955, for sale by
the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, $1 a copy.

Department of State Bulletin

were willing to invest in a going concern in another
country, but only subject to the condition that the
recipient firm would limit its sales to its home
territory. The question arises whether the disad-
vantages resulting from this impediment to the
foreign trade of the other country and that of the
United States outweigh, or are outweighed by, the
contribution which the investment may make to
the domestic economy of the foreign country.

Third, it is important to consider what the effect
abroad would be if the antitrust laws were changed
so as to permit investors to engage in practices
now banned by the antitinist laws. We should not
forget in this context the contribution which our
policy of free competition makes to tiie respect
with which American industry is regarded abroad.
The general investment climate in foreign coun-
tries can be directly affected by any changes in our
policy of free competition. Also, foreign cartel
and monopoly practices are one of the significant
barriers to investment in some countries. In this
connection, the President has asked the Secretary
of State, in accordance with the recommendation
of the Commission on Foreign Economic Policy,
to "make clear to other nations that laws or estab-
lished business practices in their countries which
encourage restrictive price, production or market-
ing arrangements will limit the willingness of
U.S. businessmen to invest abroad and will reduce
the benefits of such investment to other nations.''
There is little doubt that our legalizing practices
now illegal would make more difficult the position
of advocates of free enterprise abroad and our
ability to carry out the President's directive.

These considerations, in our judgment, must be
weighed when assessing the effect of the antitrust
laws on United States investment abroad. Ob-
viously any specific proposals for dealing with
this problem which may be advanced would need to
be considered in the light of other factors as well
as those which have been outlined. The Depart-
ment would be glad to comment from the stand-
point of foreign policy on any specific proposals
that may subsequently be developed, should the
committee so desire.

Ivet us next turn to a second problem area in tlie
field of antitrust enforcement. This consists of
specific antitrust cases which present "conflicts of
jurisdiction" with foreign countries or difficulties
in our relations with other governments. Con-
flicts of jurisdiction may arise when the laws or
decrees of other countries prohibit companies from
taking in those countries action which the laws of

the United States require them to take. Such
would be the case, for example, if a foreign country
prohibited one of its companies from producing
records before a United States court. These
cases, wliich are relatively infrequent, do not fall
into any set pattern and do not readily lend them-
selves to a general formula for treatment. As a
practical matter the Departments of State and
Justice work closely together to develop adequate
solutions in specific cases.

Wliere the problem is one of a potential strain
on our relations with other governments, the De-
partment of Justice has been helpful in working
out the timing and method of handling the case
so as to keep the strain to a minimum.

International Efforts To Curb Restrictive Practices

Finally, for the sake of completeness, we should
not neglect to mention the efforts which have been
made to achieve international cooperation to curb
restrictive business practices. This is a part of the
overall interest of the committee. Accordingly,
let me briefly sketch the considerations which have
been involved. The advantages of such coopera-
tion, where feasible, are apparent — in theory, at
least, it would minimize areas of conflict between
countries resulting from the pursuit of unilateral
policies, and it would I'esult in a more effective
elimination of undesirable restraints on interna-
tional trade. A proposal for an international
agreement on this subject was considered this past
spring at the 19th session of the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations. This
agreement would have established an international
agency to study specific restrictive practices in
international trade and, where appropriate, to rec-
onmiend action to member governments to sup-
press them or eliminate their harmful effects.
The member governments would then be expected
to take action in accordance with their national
laws.

The United States opposed this agreement on
the grounds that the substantial differences in
national policies and practices which still exist
in this field would make the agreement ineffective
in accomplishing its purpose of eliminating re-
strictive business practices which interfere with
international trade.^ "Wliile encouraging progress

'For the test of a note transmitted to the Secretary-
General of the United Nations by the U. S. representative
to the U. N. on Mar. 28, see Bulletin of Apr. 18, 1955,
p. 665.

October 3, J 955

541

has been made in tlie adoption of foreign laws on
the subject, these developments have not reached
the stage at which the recommendations of the
proposed international body could be carried out
effectively at the national level. This Government
recommended to the Council that present empha-
sis be placed on further development of national
programs.

Thus, while the plan for international cooper-
ation proposed by the Economic and Social Coun-
cil is not feasible, the Department continues to
believe in the importance of developing greater
cooperation among governments in other less for-
mal ways in handling common problems in this
area. We are encouraged in this respect by many
evidences of similar interest on the part of many
foreign governments. But we believe that prog-
ress, to be healthy, must follow a normal pattern
of growth. This, we believe, is provided by the
resolution adopted by the Economic and Social
Council in the spring. This resolution urges
countries to examine the problem of restrictive
business practices and to develop means of deal-
ing with them. It provides also for a sharing
of experience among countries. We believe these
are first steps that cannot be bypassed and that
can eventually lead to a common acceptance of
the competitive system. As President Eisenhower
stated in his Economic Report to the Congress
last January :

Our own interest clearly calls for a policy that will
in time extend into the international field those principles
of competitive enterprise which have brought our people
great prosperity with freedom.

In closing, I am sure it is not necessary to em-
phasize that the Department of State is concerned
mainly with the foreign policy aspects of restric-
tive business practices and that it is not the de-
partment most prominently concerned with anti-
trust enforcement. The technical aspects of the
antitrust laws and their enforcement are subjects
on which other departments or agencies are more
competent to sj^eak.

Calendar of Meetings

The Calendar of Meetings, usually published in
the first issue of the month, will appear instead
in the October 10 issue of the Bulletin.

Portugal Frees Certain Imports
From Dollar Area

Tress rele.ise 563 dated September 23

The foUowing joint statement of the Depart-
ments of State and Convmerce v)as released on
September 23:

Tlie U.S. Government welcomes the recent ac-
tion of the Portuguese Government under which
licenses will automatically be issued for the im-
portation of an extensive list of commodities into
Portugal from the dollar area. This marks the
first step by Portugal to free imports from the
dollar area.

Tlie list of goods freed constitutes 53 percent of
the value of dollar imports in 1953. The com-
modities included in the liberalization list, to-
gether with their corresponding paragraph num-
bers from the Portuguese import tariff", are as
follows :

Live animals (13); animal hairs and bristles
(15) ; animal products, not otherwise specified
(IG) ; crude rubber (62); hops (81); vegetable
ivory (91) ; resins (105) ; tobacco (110 and 111) ;
petroleum pitch (117); asbestos (118); sulphur,
not otherwise specified (128) ; gypsum plaster
(134) ; coal (135-B) ; petroleum, noninflammable
at ordinary temperatures (142-A) ; petroleum es-
sences, not otherwise specified (144) ; bitmninous
preparations for paving (145-A) ; infusorial earth
(146); aluminum and alloys (150); cast lead
(152); scrap lead (152-A) ; copper ingots and
alloys (156) ; steel scrap (162) ; galvanized steel
sheets (163); galvanized wire (165); tin plate
(165-A); enamelled steel sheets (166); organic
accelerators for vulcanizing rubber (186-A) ; ace-
tone (191); boric acid (198); alcohol (216 and
218) ; aromatic amines (223-A) ; antioxidants for
the rubber industry (229-D) ; anthraquinone
(230-A) ; sodium borate (245) ; calcium carbonate
(254) ; medicinal extracts, not otherwise specified
(292) ; tri-sodium phosphate (294r-A) ; calcium
phosphate (296) ; furfural (298-A) ; gases, not
otherwise specified (299) ; naphthols (313-A) ;
iron oxides (323) ; paraffin (326) ; peptones (327) ;
medicinal plants (330) ; photographic developers
and fixers for retail sale (337) ; diazonium salts
(339-A) ; subnitrate bismuth (351) ; sulfanila-
mides (352-A) ; sodium sulfites (364) ; vaselines
(379) ; potassium or sodium xanthates (379-C) ;

542

Deparfment of State Bulletin

aluminum in paste (381-A) ; carbons, not othei'-
wise specified (381-B) ; carbon black (390).

Metallic cloths (539) ; canvas for painting
(558) ; alcoholic beverages, not otherwise speci-
fied (563) ; wheat (592) ; fish (615) ; preserved
foods, not otherwise specified (616) ; electric bat-
teries and parts (648) ; aerometers (661) ; carbons
for electrical use (671) ; sensitized plates for pho-
togi-aphy (673) ; compressors and pumps, up to
200 kilos (676-B) ; electric condensers (676-C) ;
collections of works of ai't, not otherwise specified
(705) ; parts for gas, electric, and liquid meters,
not otherwise specified (707-B) ; electric energy
control, distribution, and observation panels
(718) ; ball and roller bearings (718-C).

Aircraft (725-A) ; automobile chassis (728 and
730) ; automobile brakelining and clutch disks
(748-A) ; watercraft for sport acquired by mem-
bers of [stipulated organizations] (751) ; parts for
railway rolling stock (757 and 761) ; springs for
vehicles (762) ; parts for vehicles (764-C, 764-D,
764-F).

Laboratory glassware (847) ; specified other
glassware (849) ; dictionaries (911) ; books (915,
916, 917, 918, 919) ; manuscripts and typescripts
(922) ; carbines and shot guns (945, 950, and 951) ;
artificial teeth (999) ; phonograph records and
sound tapes (1001) ; card-punch business machines
(1009) ; motion picture films (1013, 1013-C, 1013-
D, 1014) ; photoengi-aving plates (1020) ; medici-
nal capsules (1023) ; electronic organs (1026-A) ;
electric lamps for heating (1030) ; serums and
vaccines (1048) ; dental preparations for prothesis
(1062) ; resistance coils for electrical heating ap-
paratus (1076-A) ; smoking tobacco (1083) ; elec-
tronic tubes (1089-A).

This voluntary action by the Portuguese Gov-
ernment is commendable evidence of the desire of
the countries in the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation (Oeec) to move in the
direction of freer trade with the dollar area.

Import Quotas on Oats and Barley

White House Office (Denver) press release dated September 9

The President announced on September 9 that
he would not request the U.S. Tariff Commission
to investigate, pursuant to Section 22 of the Agri-
cultural Adjustment Act, as amended, the advisa-
bility of imposing import quotas on oats and barley
beyond September 30, 1955, the date on which

the quotas presently in efl'ect will expire.

The quotas on oats and barley for the current
crop year, October 1, 1954 through September 30,
1955, are presently only 45 to 50 percent filled
despite ample supplies in Canada, the chief ex-
porter of these commodities to the United States.
The relationships between U.S. and Canadian
prices during recent months have not been con-
ducive to the importation of these grains into the
United States. Unless there is considerable
change in present conditions, therefore, it appears
unlikely that oats and barley would be imported
in such quantities as to interfere materially with
domestic price support progi'ams for these grains.
The Department of Agriculture has assured the
President, however, that it will continue to main-
tain a close review of the situation and that if
conditions should change to such an extent as to
make it necessary, the Department will recom-
mend new investigations under Section 22.

The President's action was based on recom-
mendations contained in letters from the Acting
Secretary of Agriculture, Earl L. Butz, to the
President. Texts of the Acting Secretary's letters
follow.

Letter Concerning Oats

Dear Mr. President : This is concerning import
quotas for oats after September 30, 1955. Presi-
dential Proclamation No. 3070,^ authorized under
Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act,
as amended, limited imports of oats from all
sources during the period October 1, 1954 to Sep-
tember 30, 1955. Imports under the present quota
were approximately 581/2 percent unfilled as of
August 17 of this year.

Based on preliminary information now avail-
able to the Department it appears unlikely that
oats will be imported in sufficient quantities dur-
ing the coming year to interfere materially with
the operation of our price support program. This
is based primarily upon the present and indicated
future relationship between United States and
Canadian prices.

Accordingly, we are not recommending that
action be taken at this time to extend import con-
trols on oats after the expiration of the present
controls. We shall, however, continue to main-
tain a close review of the situation and if condi-
tions should change to such an extent that import

' Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954, i>. 057.

Ocfober 3, 1955

543

controls appear to be necessary we shall inform
you as promptly as possible.
Sincerely yours,

Earl L. Btjtz

Acting Secretary

Letter Concerning Barley

Dear Mr. President: This is concerning im-
port quotas for barley after September 30, 1955.
Presidential Proclamation No. 3075,^ authorized
under Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment
Act, as amended, limited imports of barley from
all sources during the period October 1, 1954 to
September 30, 1955. Imports under the present
quota were approximately 40 percent unfilled as
of August 17 of this year.

' Ibid., Nov. 29, 1954, p. 818.

Based on preliminary information now avail-
able to the Department, it appears unlikely that
barley will be imported in sufficient quantities dur-
ing the coming year to interfere materially with
the operation of our price support progi-am. This
is based primarily upon the present and indicated
future I'elationship between United States and
Canadian prices.

Accordingly, we are not recommending that ac-
tion be taken at this time to extend import con-
trols on barley after the expiration of the present
controls. We shall, however, continue to main-
tain a close review of the situation and if condi-
tions should change to such an extent that import
controls appear to be necessary we shall inform
you as promptly as possible.
Sincerely yours.

Earl L. Butz
Acting Secretary

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Chinese Representation
in tiie United Nations

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

Mr. President,^

Permit me first to congratulate you on the mes-
sage of hope with which you greeted us today.

For reasons which are well known, the United
States will not engage in a discussion of the sub-
stance of tlie question that has been raised by the
Kepresentative of the Soviet Union [Vyacheslav
M. Molotov]. Instead, we make the following
motion : ^

The (ieneral Assembly

Decides not to consider, at its tenth regular session
during the current year, any proposals to exclude the
representatives of the Government of the Republic of
China or to seat representatives of the Central People's
Government of the People's Republic of China.

' Made in the opening plenary session of the Tenth
General Assembly on Sept. 20 (U.S. delegation press re-
lease 2205).

' Jos6 Maza of Chile.

' U.N. doc. A/L. 195.

Logically, this motion takes precedence over
the Soviet Union proposal * and therefore I ask
that rule 93 of the Rules of Procedure be invoked.
This rule reads as follows :

If two or more proposals relate to the same question,
the General Assembly shall, unless it decides otherwise,
vote on the proposals in the order in which they have
been submitted. The General Assembly may, after each
vote on a proposal, decide whether to vote on the next
proposal.

Now, Mr. President, that rule, you will observe,
gives the Assembly the power to decide questions
of precedence, and I accordingly ask the Assembly
to decide to put my motion to the vote first and
then I will ask for a vote on the motion itself.

I, therefore, ask the President to put the follow-
ing proposal to the Assembly :

The General Assembly decides to consider first the

* U.N. doc. A/L. 194. The Soviet draft resolution called
on the General Assembly to decide "that the representa-
tives of China in the General Assembly and in the other
organs of the United Nations are the representatives
appointed by the Central People's Government of the
Chinese People's Republic."

544

Department of Sfafe BuHetin

motion Just offered by the Representative of the United
States."

Then, Mr. President, after that motion has been
voted on, I shall move that the Assembly vote on
the substantive proposal which I have made."

Proposed Inscription of Cyprus
Item on Assembly Agenda

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.''

The United States will not address itself to the
arguments on the substance of this question which
have been made here today either by the distin-
guished representative of Greece [George V.
Melas], or the distinguished representative of
Turkey [Selim Sarper], or the distinguished rep-
resentative of the United Kingdom [Anthony
Nutting]. The United States generally believes
that matters of international concern should go
onto the agenda of the General Assembly when-
ever there is reason to think that discussion will
promote the purposes of the charter.

Debate in the United Nations is, of course, not
an end in itself. It is a means to an end. Public
debate is curative in many cases. But it cannot
cure all problems any more than a certain medicine
will cure all diseases. The General Assembly
should not allow itself to be used to defeat its own
purposes.

It is to be observed that the charter itself pro-
vides that in certain cases the parties to an inter-
national dispute should "first of all" seek a solu-
tion by negotiation and other such means.^

The United States has given very careful con-
sideration to the proposed inscription again of the
Cyprus matter on the United Nations General As-
sembly agenda at this time.

Last year the United States was dubious about
inscription because we doubted that, as a practical
matter, jjositive results could be achieved here.

'The vote on giving priority to the U.S. proposal was
41-10 ( Soviet bloc, Burma, India, Indonesia, Norway,
Sweden) ; Afghanistan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Syria,
Yemen, and Yugoslavia abstained.

" The U.S. proposal was adopted by a vote of 42-12
(Soviet bloc, Burma, Denmark, India, Indonesia, Norway,
Sweden, Yugoslavia) ; Afghanistan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi
Arabia, Syria, and Yemen abstained.

' Made in the General Committee on Sept. 21 (U.S. dele-
gation press release 2206).

* Article 3.3.

Therefore, we abstained on the question of inscrip-
tion. However, the General Assembly decided to
proceed with the matter. But after the debate
had taken place, the General Assembly, last De-
cember, concluded that it was not apj)ropriate to
adopt any resolution on the matter of Cyprus and
that it should not consider the item further."

The debate at that time was conducted in a spirit
of relative moderation. Since then the situation
has become more inflamed. It seems to us that the
considerations which actuated the General Assem-
bly last December apply even more strongly now.

A decision at this time not to accept the matter
of Cyprus for General Assembly debate would not
mean that nothing will happen. Eather it means
that the matter can and will be dealt with under
different and more auspicious conditions. There
are occasions when quiet diplomacy is far more
effective than public debate, and this seems to be
one of those occasions.

The representatives of the United Kingdom
have given assurances that they will actively pur-
sue a program which will afford the Cypriots a
greater opportunity to attain their legitimate
aspirations. The United States pledges itself to
continue an active interest in the Cyprus situation.
We believe that developments in the general inter-
est are more likely to occur if the General Assem-
bly does not now take jurisdiction of the matter.

We have come to this decision only after grave
thought, because the matter is one of great impor-
tance. It particularly concerns, in varying ways,
three nations, the United Kingdom, Greece, and
Turkey, with each of which we have the closest
ties. To make a decision which may be contrary
to the desires of our Greek friends to whom we
feel so close is particularly painful for us, follow-
ing the tragic events which have recently occurred
in Turkey.

We feel, however, that we are taking the course
of true friendship in seeking to avoid what we
believe would in reality be a disservice to our
charter goals, both those relating to non-self-
governing territories and those relating to the
development of friendly relations among nations.

For this reason we shall now vote against in-
scription of the Cyprus matter. This is, of course,
without prejudice to our right to support inscrip-
tion later if we think it would advance the pur-
poses and principles of the charter. However, as

° Bulletin of Jan. 3, 1955, p. 31.

Ocfofaer 3, J 955

545

matters are, we believe it best now to follow the
decision of the General Assembly itself of last
December, namely that the General Assembly
should not now consider the item further.

The primary purpose of the United Nations is
to encourage in every possible way the peaceful
settlement of international disputes. We do not
believe that the inscription of the Cyprus item on
the agenda of the General Assembly at this time
will contribute toward that end.^°

Question of Inscribing Algerian Item
on Assembly Agenda

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}^

We believe the Assembly should bear in mind
certain relevant factors as it decides whether to
inscribe on its agenda the item entitled "The Ques-
tion of Algeria."

Remembering that a vote on the inscription of
an item is without prejudice to the ultimate ques-
tion of the Assembly's comi^etence, we must in this
particular case take into account the following :

Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, which are French
protectorates, Algeria under French law is admin-
istratively an integral part of the French Eepublic.
We have noted in the explanatory memorandum
(document A/2924:) wliich has been submitted by
the members that have proposed the item respect-
ing Algeria that it is stated that "there is an imper-
ative need for negotiations between the Govern-
ment of France and the true representatives of the
Algerian people" and that consideration of the
Algerian question by the General Assembly would
facilitate a solution by making the need for nego-
tiation evident. We have noted further that ref-
erence is made to the right of the people of Algeria
to independence as well as to the concern of the
international community in a prompt solution of
the Algerian problem, a concern to which the
French Government is claimed to have failed to
respond. This memorandum indicates clearly

" The General Committee's vote on inscription was 4
(Egypt, Mexico, Poland, U.S.S.R.)-7 (Chile, France,
Luxembourg, New Zealand, Norway, U.S., U.K.)— 4 (China,
Ethiopia, Haiti. Thailand). On Sept. 23 the Assembly
voted 28-22-10 to uphold the General Committee's recom-
mendation against inscription.

" Made in the General Committee on Sei)t. 22 (U.S. dele-
gation press release 2208).

that what is .sought by the sponsors of the item is
the sanction of the General Assembly to a course of
action intended to bring about fundamental
changes in the composition of the French Republic.
It is the considered conclusion of the U.S. Govern-
ment that the proposed item, viewed in the context
of the action proposed to be sought in the General
Assembly, falls within the provisions of article 2,
paragraph 7 of the United Xations Charter.

For these reasons, the United States will vote
against including this item in the Assembly's
agenda.^

Action Under Rio Treaty in

Costa Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated

Following is the text of a resolution approved
on September 8 by the Council of the Organization
of A7nerican States, acting provisionally as Organ
of Consultation under the Rio Treaty, together
vnth the text of a report submitted to the Cov/ncil
by a special coimnittee established hy the Council
to assist Costa Rica and Nicaragua in settling
problems of concern to the two Governments}

OAS doc. C-i-284 Rev. 1

GAS COUNCIL RESOLUTION OF SEPTEMBER 8

The Council of the Organiz.\tiox of American
States, Acting Provisionally as Organ of

CoNStTLTATION,

H.\^^NG SEEN the report of the Special Commit-
tee of the Council, Acting Provisionally as Organ
of Consultation, presented today.

Resolves :

1. To cancel the call for a Meeting of Consulta-
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs that was
made, in accordance with the Inter-American
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, in the January
11, 1955 resolution of the Council of the Organiza-
tion, and, consequently, to terminate the provi-
sional activities of the Council as Organ of Consul-
tation.

2. To retain the Special Committee while the

'" The vote on inscription was .5 (Egypt, Mexico, Poland,
Thailand, U.S.S.R.)-S (France, Haiti, Luxembourg, New
Zealand, Norway, U.K., U.S., Assembly President )-2
(China, Ethiopia).

' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 31, 1955, p. 178.
The resolution and report were transmitted to the U.N.
Secretary-General and circulated as U.N. doc. S/3438
dated Sept. 14.

546

Deparimeni of Sfate Bulletin

negotiations for the signing of the bilateral agree-
ment provided for in the present Pact of Amity
and in Resolution II approved by this Council on
February 24, 1955, are in course, so as to enable it
to continue to cooperate with the Representatives
of Costa Rica and Nicaragua whenever they re-
quire such cooperation. The Special Conunittee
shall duly I'eport on this matter to the govern-
ments, through the Council of the Organization.
3. To state that it is pleased that the Commis-
sion on Investigation and Conciliation has been
established by Costa Rica and Nicaragua and to
repeat that it is confident the two Parties will
utilize the services of the aforesaid Commission, in
accordance with the treaties in force between
them.

SPECIAL COMMITTEE'S REPORT OF AUGUST 26

Resolution III, approved on February 24, 1955,
by the Council of the Organization, Acting Pro-
visionally as Organ of Consultation, established
this Special Committee for the purpose of offering
its cooperation to the Representatives of the Gov-
ernments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua in carrying
out the pertinent provisions of Resolution II ap-
proved on that date, especially with regard to the
preparation of the bilateral agreement called for
by the Pact of Amity between these two Republics
and the establishment of the Commission of Inves-
tigation and Conciliation contemplated in the
American Treaty on Pacific Settlement.

This Special Committee was composed of the
Representative of Uruguay who was elected Chair-
man of the Committee, and the Representatives of
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador,
Mexico, Paraguay, and the United States. The
Committee, installed on February 28 last, has been
meeting regularly since then in order to fulfill the
iiigh purposes of the responsibility entrusted to it.
Immediately after the resolutions of February 24
had been approved by the Council, the Presidents
of Costa Rica and Nicaragua each sent a message
to the Chairman of the Council in which they
acknowledged the effectiveness of the action taken
by the Council of the Organization of American
States, and reaffirmed their determination to settle
their differences in a friendly manner. At the
same time, the attitude of Ambassadors Fernando
Fournier and Guillermo Sevilla Sacasa, the Rep-
resentatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, respec-
tively, their encouraging statements, and the spirit

of cordiality demonstrated whenever the Commit-
tee met with them, showed a splendid desire to
reach the best understanding possible, in accord-
ance with the recommendations of the Council act-
ing provisionally as Organ of Consultation. The
Committee has noted with pleasure the cordial
meeting of May 7, 1955, between the Foreign Min-
isters of Costa Rica and Nicaragua held at their
common border on the occasion of the opening of
the section of the Pan American Highway that
unites these two Republics.

The Commission on Investigation and Concilia-
tion referred to in Resolutions II and III of
February 24, has been established, thanks to the
diligent efforts of both governments. This Com-
mission is composed of Mr. John C. Dreier, Chair-
man, and Messrs. Alberto Dominguez Campora,
Mario A. Esquivel, Mario de Pimentel Brandao,
and Oscar Sevilla Sacasa. Also, at meetings of the
Special Committee the Costa Rican and Nica-
raguan RejDresentatives stated that several other
problems of concern to both governments either
had been, or were being, satisfactorily settled. In-
sofar as concerns the bilateral agreement men-
tioned in the Pact of Amity entered into by Costa
Rica and Nicaragua on September 21, 1949, for
the signing of which a cordial appeal was made in
Resolution II approved by the Council, Acting
Provisionally as Organ of Consultation, the Chair-
man of this Special Committee had occasion, at
the meeting of August 4, to report to the aforesaid
Organ that the two preliminary steps in the nego-
tiations for the signing of this important docu-
ment had been taken. These were: (1) the pre-
sentation on May 27 to the Government of Nica-
ragua by the Government of Costa Rica of a draft
containing the basic provisions for the agreement;
and (2) tlie transmittal on August 2 by the Gov-
ernment of Nicaragua to the Government of Costa
Rica of its observations on this draft. In the oral
report that by decision of the Sj^ecial Conunittee,
its Chairman presented to the Council, Acting Pro-
visionally as Organ of Consultation, at the meet-
ing of August 4, the Committee expressed its sat-
isfaction with all these evidences of f riendshijD and
good will and the concrete measures that had been
taken by both governments. At the same meeting
and in the afternoon meeting held on that day, the
Representatives of both parties provided addi-
tional information concerning the most important
aspects of the draft. After taking into considera-
tion the additional information provided by the

October 3, 1955

547

Representatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua and
the views expressed by other Members of the Coun-
cil, it was decided :

1. Tliat the Special Committee shall meet, as
soon as its Chairman deems it convenient, to draft
a report covering the course of the bilateral nego-
tiations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua for the
purpose of preparing the bilateral agi-eement pro-
vided for in Resolutions II and III of February
24, 1955.

2. That the Special Committee, in the light of
the views expressed at today's meetings, submit an
opinion as to the advisability of canceling arrange-
ments for the consultation.

Insofar as the first point of the above-cited deci-
sion of the Council is concerned, the additional in-
formation indicated the progress made up to Au-
gust 4 in the direct negotiations that were being
carried out between Costa Rica and Nicaragua for
the purpose of preparing the bilateral agreement.
The negotiations have continued to be carried out
most diligently since then, and even now. Ambas-
sadors Fernando Fournier and Guillermo Sevilla
Sacasa, the Representatives of Costa Rica and
Nicaragua respectively, are, in a spirit of true co-
operation, doing everything within their power to
expedite the signing of the agreement.

With regard to the advisability of canceling the
Meeting of Consultation, the Committee has kept
upjDermost in its mind the views expressed at the
meetings of August 4, Resolution II (6) of Febru-
ary 24, and the understanding on the basis of
which Resolution II (6) was drafted and ap-
proved. These facts show that the Council is duly
qualified to decide whenever it so desires, to cancel
the Meeting of Consultation in the light of the
development of the situation, within a reasonable
length of time. In view of the decision taken by
the Council on August 4, and taking as a basis the
afore-mentioned facts, this Special Conmiittee has
come to the conclusion that the Meeting of Con-
sultation referred to in the resolution approved by
the Council of the Organization on January 11
should now be canceled.

To fulfill the higli purposes of the February 24
resolutions, and in view of the opinions expressed
at meetings of botli the Council and the Special
Committee, a final measure that could be adopted
at the same time that the Meeting of Consultation
is canceled would be to authorize the Committee
to continue to oli'er both Parties all the coopera-

tion they desire until the negotiations now being
carried on are concluded. Tliis Committee would
subsequently report to the governments, through
the Council of the Organization, with respect to
the results of its work.

In view of these considerations, this Special
Committee has the honor to submit the following
draft resolution :

The Council of the Organization of American States
Acting Pkovisionally as Okgan of Consultation

Having seen the report of the Special Committee of
the Council Acting Provisionally as Organ of Consultation,
presented today,

Resolves :

1. To cancel the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers
of Foreign Affairs that was convoked, in accordance with
the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, by
the January 11, 1955 resolution of the Council of the
Organization.

2. To terminate the provisional activities of the Council
as Organ of Consultation.

3. To retain the Special Committee while the negotia-
tions for the signing of the bilateral agreement provided
for in the present Pact of Amity and in Resolution II
approved by this Council on February 24, 1955, are in
course, so as to enable it to continue to cooperate with the
Representatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua whenever
they require such cooperation. The Special Committee
shall duly report on this matter to the governments,
through the Council of the Organization.

4. To state that it is pleased that the Commission on
Investigation and Conciliation has been established by
Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and to repeat that it is con-
fident the two Parties will utilize the services of the
aforesaid Commission, in accordance with the treaties In
force between them.

August £6, 1955.

Josfe A. Moea

Ambassador of Uruguay

Chairman of the Committee

HECTOR David Castro

Ambassador,

Representative of

El Salvador

d'ost R. Chiriboga V.

Ambassador,

Representative of Ecuador

Guillermo Enciso Velloso

Ambassador,
Representative of Paraguay

Jorge Ibmael Saravia

Ambassador,

Representative of Argentina

John C. Dreieb

Ambassador,

Representative of the United

States

Fernando IjObo

Ambassador,

Representative of Brazil

ALBEHiTO SEpCLVEDA

Contreras

Ambassador,

Representative of Chile

Andr:6s Fenochio
Representative of Mexico

548

Department of State Bulletin

Designations

William Barnes as Chief, Foreign Reporting Staff, effec-
tive July 31.

THE FOREIGN SERVICE

Regulations on Post Differentials
and Cost-of-Living Allowances

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10636'

Amendment of Executive Oedee No. 10000 or Septembeb
16, 1948, Pbescbibing Regulations Goveenino Additionai,
Compensation and Credit Geanted Certain Employees
OF the Federal Government Serving Outside the United
States

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 207
of the Independent Offices Appropriation Act, 1949, as
amended by section 104 of the Supplemental Independent
Offices Appropriation Act, 1949 (62 Stat. 1205), and by
section 301 of title 3 of the United States Code, and as
President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as
follows :

1. Subsection (a) of section 106 of Executive Order No.
10000 of September 16, 1948,' prescribing regulations gov-
erning additional compensation and credit granted cer-
tain employees of the Federal Government serving outside
the United States, is amended to read as follovFS :

"(a) The following regulations shall govern the pay-
ment of foreign post differentials under this Part :

( 1 ) Payments shall begin as of the date of arrival at the
post on assignment or transfer and shall end as of the date
of departure from the post for separation or transfer, ex-
cept that In case of local recruitment such payments shall
begin and end as of the beginning and the end of employ-
ment, respectively.

(2) Payments for periods of leave and of detail shall
begin and end as determined in regulations prescribed
under section 102 (c) hereof.

(3) Payments to persons serving on a part-time basis
shall be pro-rated to cover only those periods of time for
which such persons receive basic compensation.

(4) Payment shall not be made for any time for which
an employee does not receive basic compensation."

2. Subsection (a) of section 208 of the said Executive
Order No. 10000 is amended to read as follows :

"(a) The following regulations shall govern the pay-
ment of Territorial post differentials and Territorial cost-
of-living allowances under this Part :

(1) Payments shall begin as of the date of arrival at
the post on assignment or transfer and shall end as of the
date of departure from the post for separation or transfer,
except that in case of local recruitment such payments
shall begin and end as of the beginning and end of employ-
ment, respectively.

(2) Payments for periods of leave and of detail shall
begin and end as determined in regulations prescribed
under section 202 (c) hereof.

(3) Payments to persons serving on a part-time basis
shall be pro-rated to cover only those periods of time for
which such persons receive basic compensation.

(4) Payment shall not be made for any time for which
an employee does not receive basic compensation."

3. Regulations prescribed by the Secretary of State
pursuant to section 106 (a) (2) and by the Civil Service
Commission pursuant to section 208 (a) (2) shall, so far
as practicable, be of uniform application.

This order shall be effective as to each officer or em-
ployee affected thereby upon the beginning of his first pay
period commencing after November 1, 1955.

/C-/ (.JiS-y L'CXU (.J-t:.u.^ Xyio-^^

The White House
September 16, 1955.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

' 20 Fed. Reg. 7025.
' 13 Fed. Reg. 5453.

Convention for unification of certain rules relating to
international transportation by air, and additional pro-
tocol. Concluded at Warsaw October 12, 1929. Entered
into force February 13, 1933 (49 Stat. 3000.)
Adherence deposited: Venezuela, June 15, 1955.

Commerce

International convention to facilitate the importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
at Geneva November 7, 1952.'

' Not in force.

Ocfofaer 3, 1955

549

Ratification deposited (with reservation) : Germany,
September 2, 1955.

Nationality

Couvention on the nationality of women. Signed at Mon-
tevideo December 2C, 193.3. Entered into force August
29, 1934.
Ratification deposited: Nicaragua, August 81, 1955.

BILATERAL

Belgium

Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense as-
sistance agreement of January 27, 1950, as amended
(TIAS 2010, 2878, 3223) . Effected by exchange of notes
at Brussels August 24 and Sejitember 3, 1955. Entered
into force September 3, 1955.

Bolivia

Agreement extending the Army mission agreement of
August 11, 1942 (56 Stat. 1583), as extended. Effected
by exchange of notes at La Paz August 9 and September
9, 1955. Entered into force September 9, 1955.

Haiti

Military assistance agreement. Signed at Washington
January 28, 1955.

Entered into force: September 12, 1955 (upon receipt by
the United States of notification of ratification bv
Haiti).

Korea

Agreement relating to the loan of IS additional naval ves-
sels to Korea. Effected by exchange of notes at Seoul
August 29, 1955. Entered into force August 29, 1955.

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents,
except in the case of free puMications, which may 6e
obtained from the Department of State.

The Department of State, 1930-1955: Expanding Func-
tions and Responsibilities. Pub. 5852. Department and
Foreign Service Series 44. tiO pp. 400.

A pamphlet on the growth in the Department's functions
and responsibilities in the past quarter century.

Participation of the United States Government in Inter-
national Conferences, July 1, 1953— June 30, 1954. Pub.
5776. International Organization aud Conference Series
I, 28. X, 234 pp. 700.

A record of the ofBcial ijarticipation of the United States
Government in multilateral international conferences and
meetings of international organizations dui-ing the period
July 1, 1953— June 30, 1954.

United States Participation in the United Nations, Re-
port by the President to the Congress for the year 1954.

Pub. 5769. International Organization and Conference
Series III, 104. xiii, 277 pp. 700.

A comprehensive reijort by the President to the Congress

for the year 1954 and a review of the ninth year of the
United Nations.

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, First Protocol
of Rectifications and Modifications to the Geneva, An-
necy, and Torquay Schedules. TIAS 2885. Pub. 5414.
443 pp. $1.25.

Agreement between the United States and Other Govern-
ments— Signed at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered into
force October 21, 1953.

Visits of Naval Vessels. TIAS 2965. Pub. 5513. 19 pp.
15^.

Arrangement between the United States and Cuba. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Habana February 11 and 21.
1949. Entered into force February 21, 1949. And exten-
sions and amendment.

Defense, Facilities Assistance Program. TIAS 2973.
Pub. 5.527. 5 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Norway. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Oslo May 7, 1954. Entered
into force May 7, 19.54.

Passport Visa Fees. TIAS 2977. Pub. 5.532. 10 pp. 100.

Agreement between the United States and El Salvador.
Exchange of note.s — Signed at San Salvador December 7
and 15, 1953. Entered into force December 15, 1953.

Mutual Defense Assistance, Special Program of Facilities
Assistance. TIAS 2998. Pub. 5.566. 4 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and the United
Kingdom. Exchange of notes — Signed at London June 8
and 15, 1954. Entered into force June 15, 1954.

Civil Aviation Mission to Honduras. TIAS 3005. Pub.
5587. 0 pp. 100.

Agreement between the United States and Honduras. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington March 7, 1952.
Entered into force February 15, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Project in Developmental Engi-
neering. TIAS 3(107. Pub. 55S9. 9 pp. 100.

Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex-
change iif notes — Dated at Mexico April 6, 1954- Entered
into force April 6, 1954.

Special Economic Assistance. TIAS 3009. Pub. 5591.
8 pp. 100.

Agreement between the United States and Lebanon. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Beirut June 11 and 18, 1954.
Entered into force June 18, 1954.

Technical Cooperation. TIAS 3010. Pub. 5.592. 2 pp.

50.

Agreement between the United States and Israel — amend-
ing agreement of February 26, 1951. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Tel Aviv June 21, 1954. Entered into force June
21, 1954.

American Dead in World War II, Military Cemetery at
Madingley. TIAS 3011. Pub. 5593. 3 pp. and map. 150.

Agreement between the United States and the United King-
dom. Exchange of notes — Signed at London June 21, 1954.
Entered into force June 21, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Application to Eritrea. TI.\S

3026. i'ub. 5620. 6 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa May 18 and June
12, 19.54. Entered into force June 12, 1954.

550

Department of State Bulletin

October 3, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 849

Africa. Question of Inscribing Algerian Item on

Assembly Agenda (Lodge) 546

American Principles. Youth and the Free World

(Stassen) 535

American Republics. Action Under Rio Treaty in
Costa Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text
of resolution and report) 546

Australia. Meeting of ANZUS Council 534

Bulgaria. Eighth Anniversary of Death of Bul-
garian Patriot (Hoover) 529

Canada

Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 543

U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes Established by

1949 Agreement 533

China. Chinese Representation in the United Na-
tions (Lodge) 544

Congress, The. Relation of Antitrust Policies to

Foreign Trade and InAestmeut (Kalijarvi) . . 538

Costa Rica. Action Under Rio Treaty in Costa
Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text of reso-
lution and report) 546

Disarmament

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Repre-
sentative to the United Nations 528

The U.S. Position on Disarmament (Wadsworth) . 530

Economic Affairs

Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 543

Portugal Frees Certain Imports From Dollar Area . 542
Relation of Antitrust Policies to Foreign Trade and

Investment (Kalijarvi) 538

U.S. Airlift Drops Rice to Famine Victims in Laos . 536
U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes Established by

1949 Agreement 533

Foreign Service. Regulations on Post Differentials
and Cost-of-Living Allowances (text of Execu-
tive order) 549

International Information

Department Reply to Protest on "Blackboard

Jungle" Incident (Mcllvaine) 537

William H. Jackson Appointed Special Assistant to

Secretary 529

Italy. Department Reply to Protest on "Black-
board Jungle" Incident (Mcllvaine) .... 537

Laos. U.S. Airlift Drops Rice to Famine Victims

iu Laos 536

Mutual Security. Meeting of ANZUS Council . . 534

Near East

Proposed Inscription of Cyprus Item on Assembly

Agenda (Lodge) 545

U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence to "Northern

Tier" Pact 534

New Zealand. Meeting of ANZUS Council ... 534

Nicaragua. Action Under Rio Treaty in Costa
Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text of reso-
lution and report) 546

Pakistan. U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence to

"Northern Tier" Pact .534

Portugal. Portugal Frees Certain Imports From

Dollar Area 542

Presidential Documents. Regulations on Post Dif-
ferentials and Cost-of-Living Allowances (text

of Executive order) 549

Publications. Recent Releases 550

State, Department of. Designations 549

Treaty Information. Current Actions 549

United Nations

Chinese Representation in the United Nations

(Lodge) 544

Entering the Second Decade (Dulles) 523

Proposed Inscription of Cyprus Item on Assembly

Agenda (Lodge) 545

Question of Inscribing Algerian Item on Assembly

Agenda (Lodge) 546

The U.S. Position on Disarmament (Wadsworth) . 530

Name Index

Barnes, William 549

Butz, Earl L 543

Dulles, Secretary 523

Ei.senhower, President 543, .549

Hoover, Herbert, Jr ' 529

Jackson, William H 529

Kalijarvi, Thorsten V 538

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 528, 544, 545, 546

Mcllvaine, Robinson 537

Stassen, Harold E ] 535

Wad-sworth, James J 539

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 19-25

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

Press release issued prior to September 19 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 545 of
September 15.

No. Date Subject

.5.53 9/19 U.S.-Canadian civil aviation meeting.

5.^4 9/19 W. H. Jackson appointment.

555 9/20 Trade agreement negotiations (see

BlTLLETIN of 9/26).
*556 9/20 Educational exchange.
.557 9/21 Mcllvaine letter on "Blackboard

Jungle."
558 9/22 Dulles : "Entering the Second Decade."
5.59 9/22 Hoover : anniversary of Petkov death.
*o60 9/22 Visit of Foreign Minister Breutano.
561 9/22 U.S.-Canadian civil aviation meeting.
*.562 9/23 Revi.sed Hoover-Hullister itinerary.
563 9/23 Freeing of iujports into Portugal'from

dollar area.
t564 9/23 Morton : "U.S. Program for Refugee

Aid."
565 9/24 Anzus Council Meeting.
.566 9/24 Pakistan adherence to Northern Tier

pact.

■"Not jirinted.

tHehl for a later issue of the Bulletin.

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Vol. XXXIII, No. 850

October 10, 1955

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PEACEFUL

USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY • by Lewis L. Strauss . 555

THE U.S. PROGRAM FOR REFUGEE RELIEF • by

Assistant Secretary Morton 561

AMERICAN POLITICAL DEMOCRACY AND THE
PROBLEM OF PERSONNEL SECURITY • by

R. W. Scott McLeod 568

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS BY WOMEN

OF THE AMERICAS • by Mrs. Frances M. Lee . . . 584

For index see inside back cover

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OOjoher 10, 1955

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been approved by the Director of the
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Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department oj State BULLETIN,
a iceekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
reUitions and on the tcork of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
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special articles on variotis phases of
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and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.

International Conference on the Peaceful Uses
of Atomic Energy

hy Lewis L. Strauss

Chairman, U.S. Atomic Energy Commission ^

The posture of a nation is a composite of the
words of its leaders and the deeds of its people.
The Atomic Energy Conference had its origin in
President Eisenhower's unforgettable words to the
United Nations in December of 1953 when he told
of the great promise in store for peoples every-
where if the world's scientists and engineers could
be free to devote themselves fully to the benign
uses of the atom.

Four months later we moved to translate the
President's vision into deeds. We proposed a
world conference to compare notes on the peaceful
atom, for we were convinced that such a confer-
ence would give to the peoples of the world a
clearer understanding of the paramount problem
of this age — a realization of the blessings denied to
all of us by reason of the fact that atomic arma-
ment must have first call upon the resources, in-
tellectual and material, of a world precariously at
peace.

The problem is not a new one. As children, we
all grew up with the Arabian Nights story of the
fisherman who found a bottle in Ms nets, un-
corked it, and released a great cloud which rapidly
transformed itself into the monstrous and threat-
ening Djinn. The story ended happily, as you re-
call, by the fisherman's artifice in inducing that un-
welcome apparition to return to the bottle and be-
come captive once more.

This fable, even to the illustrations of the great
mushroom cloud from which the Djinn material-
ized, is like the situation we face today — how to
render atomic energy harmless, how to get it back

'Address made before the Atomic Industrial Forum
and the American Nuclear Society at Washington, D.C.,
on Sept. 28 (Atomic Energy Commission press release).

into its bottle, under control, so we may make it
fulfill our wishes for good purposes only.

The Geneva conference was a step toward that
goal, but only a step. The press of the world,
which sent some 800 reporters to Geneva, was en-
thusiastic and generous in its appraisal of the
proceedings. They were described as a resound-
ing triumph of "atoms for peace." But this
should not conceal for us the fact that the con-
ference was only a preliminary move in a right
direction and that succeeding steps will have to
be taken if any permanent good is to result.

Participation of 72 Nations

But it was a truly gratifying beginning. The
enthusiasm and cooperation which it inspired
among the nations, great and small, surpassed
the expectations of those whose task it was to set
up the conference machinery. They had antici-
pated that the conference might attract some 400
scientists and that perhaps 300 papers would be
submitted. Actually we found that 72 nations
were eager to participate and that, not 400 scien-
tists and engineers, but 1,400 would attend. The
number of reports and papers submitted was not
300, but nearly four times as many — so many in
fact that only a fraction could be presented orally.
But most of them, brilliant works, will be pub-
lished.

The day is not yet here for a precise evaluation
of these more than 1,100 papers and discussion
sessions. However, enough time has perhaps
elapsed for a reminiscent look at the conference,
to appraise its more obvious and immediate ef-
fects and some of the initial benefits gained from

October 10, 7955

555

it. Within those limits I would like to give you
my impressions, admittedly from the viewpoint
of a prejudiced observer.

First, I might say something about our own
participation. Our United States delegation
was selected with great care and nmnbered 384
persons, of whom 239 were scientists and engi-
neers, the remainder being the necessary staflP to
operate the exhibits, the reactor, and other
services.^

Of the 1,110 papers presented to the conference
by all the participating countries, either orally
or for inclusion in the published proceedings, ap-
proximately one-half — to be precise, 48.2 percent —
were submitted by the United States. All our
papers had been prepared months in advance and
carefully reviewed to make certain that no mat-
ters of military significance were compromised.

"The Tennessee Chalet"

The nations having atomic energy programs of
any magnitude had imjjressive technical exhibits
at the conference, but incontestably the star at-
traction was our operating research reactor, built
at our Oak Ridge Laboratory, flown to Geneva,
and erected on the grounds of the Palace of Na-
tions. The attractive redwood structure we put up
to house the reactor quickly acquired the nickname
of "The Tennessee Chalet," and it was visited by
more than 63,000 persons during the 2 weeks of the
conference. Incidentally, for most of the dele-
gates from other countries, including scientists and
engineers come to deliver learned papers on atomic
energj', it was their first opportunity to see an ac-
tual atomic reactor of any kind, much less to op-
erate its controls as very many of them did. We
also had in our main exhibit an outstanding dem-
onstration of what Americans are doing in pure
science, industry, medicine, and biology, and more
about power development. Many of you here
tonight contributed to this exhibit and are familiar
with it. Some of those exhibits, brought from
Geneva, are included in the Trade Fair on exhi-
bition here.

At a trade exposition in another section of Ge-
neva, industrial firms of several countries — the
Soviets excepted — showed their products to good
effect, but we made it clear that we had not come
to Geneva to boast of our scientific prowess or, in

' For a list of the U.S. delegation, see Bulletin of Aug.
8, 1955, p. 243.

other words, that we had not entered with the
spirit of carrying off all the laurels in a sort of
atomic Olympic Games.

Soviet Exhibit

The Soviet had a large technical exhibit which
was chiefly remarkable, from my point of view,
for the fact that it was there at all. We have had
"atoms for peace" exhibits circulating around the
world for more than a year. But, until this con-
ference, we had seen nothing of Russian progress
in this field. Therefore, great interest and con-
jecture attached itself to anything they proposed
to show. Because the rest of the world knew so
little of what the Russians were doing with the
peaceful atom, it was clear that whatever they ex-
hibited, or even reported, would be in the nature
of a revelation.

Let me at this point say that they did come up
with a great deal. There was no evidence, how-
ever— photograf)hic or otherwise — to support the
statement made by Soviet official spokesmen a few
years back to the effect that, whereas the United
States was engrossed with atomic energy to make
bombs, they, the Soviets, were using atomic energy
to change the courses of rivers and to remove
mountains. On the other hand, their exhibits in
areas of biology, in certain industrial applications,
and in general instrumentation were not unim-
pressive and occasionally not greatly dissimilar
from our own.

However, it was electrical power generation
from atomic energy that attracted particular in-
terest in the Soviet exhibit. They demonstrated
a scale model of their 5,000-kilowatt reactor and a
motion picture of the reactor itself, well photo-
graphed and accompanied by a narration in Eng-
lish. They also indicated that larger power re-
actors of a different design were planned. We, of
course, have had units substantially larger than
the Soviet plant operating for a considerable time,
and far larger ones are building.

Soviet written reports to the conference showed
careful preparation and a considerable amount of
detail. But it became apparent early in the pro-
ceedings that, in answering the questions of dele-
gates, they were not prepared to engage in the
same degree of frankness as other delegations.

The Russian delegation, of whom some 79 were
technicians, impressed our people as generally
competent and, in some instances, as exceptional

556

Department of State Bulletin

men. We have no way of knowing whether it was
their first team, but as one of our people said,
"They were good enough to be a first team."

It is the general impression among the members
of our delegation that, on the basis of Geneva, we
are well ahead of other nations — all other na-
tions— in both the scope and the state of our tech-
nology in using atomic energy for peaceful pur-
poses. This, however, was to be expected since
we appear to have a considerably larger program
than any other country and we have been engaged
upon it for a longer time.

In this connection it is interesting to note, how-
ever, that at least one of the Russian papers pre-
sented at the conference bore the date of 1943,
indicating that they had been seriously concerned
with the subject for a longer time than many of
us realize.

"WHiile what the Russians revealed at Geneva did
not contain anything new or startling, it did give
some insight into their working methods and into
the caliber of their research. On the basis of their
role at Geneva, they appeared stronger in basic
research than in its practical applications.

No Justification for Complacency

The fact that we appear to be ahead in the
peaceful applications of atomic energy — perhaps
by a scant few years — certainly offers no justifica-
tion for complacency. To the contrary, the situ-
ation must be regarded as a serious challenge. The
Soviets have not outstripped nor equaled us in any
peaceful application, but at the same time — and
this is important — we did not show anything at
Geneva which they camiot have in a few years,
given the talent and zeal which we believe them
to possess.

Too many of us have been thinking of the Rus-
sians, either by education or temperament, as not
quite equal to us in the technological sense. De-
spite the many things wrong with their political
system from our point of view, let us not fall into
the easy attitude of assuming that they cannot
compete with us in mastering atomic energy. The
early date at which they produced nuclear weapons
should be a constant reminder of the fallacy and
danger of such an attitude on our part. We can
never let down our research without letting down
our guard at the same moment.

Also, the belief that science cannot thrive under
conditions designed solely to protect the security

of data already in hand and deemed important
to national defense would seem to be brought into
question by the degree of Soviet progress. This
progress was achieved under security provisions
which are part of a complete tyranny where com-
munication is rigidly controlled and the individual
has no rights. Since lue proceed under the policy
of removing information from classification as
rapidly as possible, the Soviet results present
something of a paradox.

Power From Atomic Energy

With respect to power from atomic energy, the
Geneva conference made it evident that, while
others are engaged in extensive undertakings, our
program is presently substantially ahead in ex-
tent and in the versatility of its approach. As
you know, we are relatively close in the United
States to the production of economic, electrical
energy. Even today, the kilowatts we are pro-
ducing in our reactors would be economic in some
parts of the world.

But different countries are taking different
paths to power development, depending upon
varying economic factors. England, for example,
foresees the end of her increasingly expensive
coal. For England, therefore, time is of the es-
sence ; she cannot afford to wait for development
of the ultimate reactor of maximum efficiency.

Soviet Russia has no private industry interested
in developing the peacetime uses of atomic energy
and no spirit of competitive free enterprise. In
Russia the whole show is a government monopoly.
It will be interesting to see how this will affect the
search for a more economic and efficient power
system than the one they exhibited.

We, in the United States, are fortunate in that
we face no urgent shortage of conventional fuels.
We have time and the opportunity to attack the
problem from every side and to experiment simul-
taneously with a whole variety of atomic power
systems. That is exactly what we are doing.
Last week the Commission took another step for-
ward and invited proposals from industry and
other groups for the design and construction of
small atomic power plants. This marks the sec-
ond round of a partnership program designed to
speed the development of efficient, economic nu-
clear power. Our first power demonstration
reactor progi-am began, as you know, earlier this
year and produced proposals for large plants.

Ocfofaer 70, 1955

557

American industry is dedicating risk capital in a
conservative race to produce the best and most
efficient means of atomic power — knowing full
well that the first plants will not be economic.

To sum up, we did not go to this conference in
an effort to carry away all the honors. If there
was some semblance of a contest, in the technical
exhibits and in the papers presented, no one lost
in this competition. All the nations gained, and
the winner was mankind.

New Understanding of U.S. Desire for Peace

From the viewpoint of our national self-inter-
est, however, the conference was certainly a victory
for fundamental American policy. We achieved
new understanding abroad of our earnest effort
to promote a decent and enduring peace.

As a people, knowing full well the sincerity
of our own desire for peace, we have not always
appreciated how the rest of the world regarded
us. Sometimes even nations whose safety from
aggression has depended upon our possession of
nuclear weapons have shown a tendency to view
us with suspicion. Too often, in the past, Com-
munist propaganda has had some success in de-
picting us as warmongers interested in the atom
only to make bombs and ready to use them to gain
our supposed imperialist aims. This myth was
effectively demolished at Geneva and without our
having to brand it as a myth. Our scientists and
engineers who went to Geneva and who unfolded
there a factual account of our purpose and efforts
to use the atom for man's benefit were ambassa-
dors of peace, plenipotentiary and extraordinary.

The conference was convened without any po-
litical objective. Nor did it, in its 162 hours of
sessions, encounter any political complications.
Under its "ground rules" any discussion of politi-
cal topics or of atomic weapons was out of bounds
by common consent, in advance. The fact that
no violations of either the letter or the spirit of
the conference occurred is one of the principal
explanations for its success. But notwithstand-
ing the absence of politics from the conference, it
is bound to have a profound international politi-
cal impact.

Chief Results of Conference

What were its chief results? It would appear
that there were several, both immediate and for
the not-distant future :

First, the free world — perhaps even the Soviet —
has a new understanding of the absolute sincerity
of our desire to strip the atom of its "military
casing" and "adapt it to the arts of peace." The
conference substantially advanced the President's
program of "atoms for peace." Any suspicion
of our motives, imported to the conference, could
not have survived the 2 weeks of Geneva, and
many delegates volunteered that statement to me
in similar words.

Second, commmiication was reestablished be-
tween men of science who for many years had ex-
perienced the isolation of finding those lines down.
As a result, much cross-fertilization of ideas will
occur and that, inevitably, will stimulate new in-
ventions in many phases of the atomic art during
the next year or two.

Third, there can no longer be any talk of na-
tions which, from the point of view of possessing
information for the peaceful applications of
atomic energy, are "have not" nations. The
smaller nations were impressed by the fact that
the development of atomic power is a very complex
and expensive undertaking — an undertaking
which requires, first of all, a grounding in the
basic technology and then a substantial body of
trained scientists and engineers. The notion that
all they have to do is place an order for a reactor
out of a catalog and be immediately in business
to provide electrical energy from atomic power —
if such a notion existed — was, or should have
been, dispelled at Geneva.

Fourth, we gained much information of value
to ourselves from the conference. One byproduct,
I believe, was a rebirth of humility. We learned
not to underrate the competence of others and to
cease to think of ourselves — those of us, that is,
who were so inclined — as especially and exclusively
gifted with imagination and ability in exploring
the possibilities of the new worlds that lie ahead.
This realization could save us in the future from
some grievous error of judgment.

Fifth, all of us were impressed by the disturbing
fact that Russia appears to be training scientists
and engineers at a faster rate than we are. Mr.
Allen Dulles, the distinguished Director of our
Central Intelligence Agency, has publicly stated
that, between 1950 and 1960, Soviet Russia will
have graduated 1,200,000 scientists and engineers,
compared with about 900,000 in the United States
in our present program. Those figures would not

558

Department of State Bulletin

be so important did we not know tliat our own col-
leges and universities are turning out only about
half the number of engineers we require today.
Unless corrected, this situation, a generation
hence, will become a national calamity, imperiling
our security and freedom in an age of expanding
dependence upon science and technology. This is
a most serious subject and demands prompt con-
sideration and more emphasis than I can give it
in this general report.

Sixth and finally, in this listing of the results
of the world's first Conference on the Peaceful
Uses of Atomic Energy, I come to the brightest,
most appealing of all its accomplishments. As
our story of the peaceful atom was printed widely
overseas, the result was that for millions of people
all over the world Geneva cast off the mesmerism
of the bomb. No other event that has occurred
has done so much toward taking the horror — the
terror — out of the atom.

The first decade of man's mastery of the atom,
in its actual application, began on an early morn-
ing in July of 1945 in a blinding flash over the
sands of Alamogordo. The monstrous Djinn had
been released from the bottle. The second decade
of the atom may be said to have begun in Geneva,
10 years later, but this time it emerged, not as a
terrifying monster, but as tlie powerful, obedient
servant of man. Wider horizons of grander view
were opened. To many, it must have seemed that,
overnight, the atom had been transformed from a
thing of fear and terror to a promise of great
blessing.

Histoi'y may record that in Geneva, at the open-
ing of this second decade of the atom, mankind's
stake in peace was lifted out of the paralysis of
fear to a vision so compelling as to render un-
thinkable the very notion of another major war.
If the conference produced such a vision, it made
a good and auspicious beginning. "We must not
allow that vision to fade — either for us or for
other men.

Foreign Ministers Discuss
Coming Geneva Conference

Press release 574 dated September 29

Following is the text of the coimnimique issued
at New York on September 28 at the conclusion
of the meeting held there September 27 and

28 hy the Foreign Ministers of France^ the United
Kingdom, and the United States.

The Foreign Ministers of France, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America met
in New York on September 27 and September 28
to continue preparations for the forthcoming Ge-
neva Conference.

In reviewing progress already made in this re-
spect, they found themselves in complete accord.
In particular they agreed that priority should be
given to the reunification of German}', within the
framework of a plan for European security.

They also made provisions for further consulta-
tion with their Nato partners, and expect to meet
in Paris with the other members of the North At-
lantic Council prior to the Geneva Conference.

On September 28, they were joined by the For-
eign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany
and continued their discussion of matters of com-
mon concern.

The three Foreign Ministers also met with the
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union
and had a useful discussion of the arrangements
for the Geneva Conference.

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany

Press release 573 dated September 29

The following statement was issued at New York
on September 28 hy the Foreign Ministers of the
United States, the United Kingdom, and France.

The Foreign Ministers of the United States, the
United Kingdom, and France wish to make known
their view on certain points in connection with the
agi'eements of September 20, 195.5, as reported in
the press, between the Soviet Union and the regime
in the Soviet zone of Germany.

They wish in the first place to emphasize that
these agreements cannot affect the obligations or
responsibilities of the Soviet Union under agree-
ments and arrangements between the Three
Powers and the Soviet Union on the subject of
Germany and Berlin. The Soviet Union remains
responsible for the carrying out of these obliga-
tions.

Secondly, the three Foreign Ministers reaffirm
that the Federal Republic of Germany is the only
German Government freely and legitimately con-
stituted and therefore entitled to speak for Ger-
many as the representative of the German people

Oc/ober ?0, J 955

559

in international affairs. These three governments
do not recognize the East German regime nor the
existence of a state in the Soviet zone.

Finally, as regards a statement which has re-
cently appeared in the Soviet press on the frontiers
of Germany, the three Foreign Ministers reaffirm
the repeatedly expressed position of their Gov-
ernments that the final determination of the fron-
tiers of Germany must await a peace settlement
for the whole of Germany.

Policy on Supplying Arms
to Countries of Middle East

The conversation was informal and of a general
nature, since there had already been a full ex-
change of views on matters of common concern
when Dr. von Brentano and Secretary Dulles re-
cently met in New York with the Foreign Min-
isters of the United Kingdom and France.

Among subjects covered here was the situation
of Berlin in the light of recent developments.
They also touched on the matter of European
integration. The Secretary indicated the impor-
tance which the United States attaches to this
development.

The meeting served to underline the close and
friendly relations between the Federal Republic
and the United States.

Joint U.S.-British Statement '

The United States Secretary of State and Brit-
ish Foreign Secretary discussed together reports
relating to their arms supply policies in the Mid-
dle East.

They wish to state that the United States and
British Governments have for some time been in
close consultation with each other as well as with
other governments in relation to this matter and
that there has been, and continues to be, complete
harmony of views between their two governments.

Both governments base their policies on the de-
sire, on the one hand, to enable the various coun-
tries to provide for internal security and for their
defense, and on the other, to avoid an arms race
which would inevitably increase the tensions in
the area. They will continue, and hope other
governments will continue, to be guided by these
principles.

Talks Between Secretary Dulles
and German Foreign Minister

Press release 579 dated September 30

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal
Republic of Germany, Dr. von Brentano, with his
advisers, met on September 30 with the Secretary
of State and officials of the State and Defense De-
partments. After first meeting at the Department
of State, they continued their talks during
luncheon at Blair House.

^ Issued at New Tork City on Sept. 27 by Secretary
Dulles and Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan.

U.S. Friendship for Greece

Following is the text of a letter froin President
Eisenhower to King Paul of Greece, delivered m
Athens on- SeptemJ)er 29.

In the present difficult situation, I desire to as-
sure Your Majesty that I remain deeply convinced
of the paramount importance of the ties of strong
friendship which unite Greece and the United
States. Even if there are differences of opinion
over how the Cyprus question should be handled,
we shall not let this one issue trouble our deep
friendship and sympathy for Greece.

With kindest personal assurances,

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower

Recognition of New Government
of Argentina

White House Office (Denrer) press release dated September 25

The Ambassador of the United States of Amer-
ica at Buenos Aires, Albert F. Nufer, informed
the Argentine Foreign Office at 9 a. m., e. s. t. (11
a. m., Argentine time) on September 25 that the
Government of the United States recognizes the
new government headed by Maj. Gen. Eduardo
I^nardi as the Government of the Republic of
Argentina.

In taking this action, the United States Gov-
ernment looks forward to the continuance of the
friendly relations which have existed between the
United States and Argentina.

560

Department of State Bulletin

The U.S. Program for Refugee Relief

hy Thruston B. Morton

Assistant Secretai'y for Congressional Relations^

United States citizenship is a proud and honor-
able claim. Those of us who hold it through an
accident of birth do not always appreciate just
how much it means. Only through meeting and
talking to those who have sweated and struggled
to win American citizenship can we gain a full
appreciation of what this privilege means to those
less fortunate than ourselves.

"We natives sometimes lose sight of the strength
and protection offered by our Constitution and by
our historic Bill of Eights — which, incidentally,
was proposed to the Congress just 166 years ago
today. To thousands of new Americans who have
for a decade or more lived in the shadow of fear
and oppression and the secret police, however, this
great document and its amendments truly offer a
new lease on life and new hope.

All of you are familiar with the famous words of
Emma Lazarus :

Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me :
I lift my lamp beside the golden door.

These words are as vital today as they were
when tliey were written. The lamp is still burn-
ing brightly; the golden door has not been shut.

All of us here are descendants, no matter how
far lemoved, of immigrants. Our forebears saw
in America a land of promise. They came here
seeking fulfillment of that jaromise.

Today more men, women, and children are com-
ing to our shores. These new immigrants and fu-
ture citizens will one day stand as equals before
the law with descendants of the Mayflower's pas-

'- Address made at the Citizenship Day Festival of the
Americanization League of America at Milwaukee, Wis.,
on Sept. 25 (press release 564 dated Sept. 23).

sengers. The Constitution, as Wendell Willkie
aptly phrased it, does not provide for first- and
second-class citizens.

Much of America's strength has been drawn
from the energy and imagination of our new
citizens. In Israel Zangwill's words, "America
is God's Crucible, the great Melting-Pot where
all the races of Europe are melting and reform-
ing. . . ." Each group of new Americans
brings to this country a new wealth of spirit, a
new stoi-e of promise and of hope. "Homeless,
tempest-tossed," they are the same material upon
which this nation of ours was built.

Many who come to our shores today are refu-
gees who have risked life itself to escape from
totalitarian oppression. These people have a
spirit which refuses to submit to chains. And
they had the will and strength to break out of
the chains that bound them.

In many parts of the world men are still in
chains. This is particularly true of the eastern
part of Germany and the formerly independent
nations of Eastern Europe and the Baltic area.

U.S. Position at Geneva

Since the "summit" conference at Geneva there
has been some feeling that what is called the
"spirit of Geneva" will cause us to forget the
captive peoples of Eastern Europe.

Let me assure you that this will not happen.

We went to Geneva because of the American
people's belief in peace. At Geneva we fully sup-
ported the principles upon which Americans be-
lieve an enduring peace must be based. There
was no compromise with these principles as a
result of the conference.

A cardinal principle among these beliefs is the
right of every nation to independence and a free

Ocfofaer 10, J 955

561

choice of its institutions. This concept lies at the
very foundation of American political traditions.
No administration in this coxmtry could ever fail
to make it a basic principle in American foreign
policy.

Americans naturally believe this principle ap-
plies to Eastern and Central Europe, where kin-
ship and common culture strengthen their ties
with the people. Woodrow Wilson's well-known
advocacy of self-determination for the peoples of
this area was one of the clearest expressions of
that unchanging desire of Americans to see the
Eastern European nations enjoy freedom and
independence. More recently, President Eisen-
hower's memorable address of April 16, 1953,-
reemphasized this principle.

The United States remained faithful to this
principle at Geneva. The question of self-govern-
ment in Eastern Europe was raised as a funda-
mental issue by President Eisenhower ^ when he
said:

On a broader plane, there is the problem of respecting
the right of peoples to choose the form of government
under which they will live; and of restoring sovereign
rights and self-government to those who have been de-
prived of them. The American people feel strongly that
certain peoples of Eastern Europe, many with a long
and proud record of national existence, have not yet
been given the benefit of this pledge of our United Nations
wartime declaration, reinforced by other wartime agree-
ments.

That is the unswerving position of the United
States in this matter. President Eisenhower made
clear the attitude of the American people on the
need to restore sovereign rights and self-govern-
ment to the peoples of Eastern Europe.

"We sought at the Geneva conference to lay a bet-
ter basis for peace. And, at the same time, we
sought to work in a positive and practicable way
through diplomatic means toward steps which
would assist the eventual winning of freedom by
the captive peoples.

One definite goal was to bring about an im-
proved international situation based on coopera-
tion that might induce the Soviet Union to recog-
nize that there can and must be freedom for the
Central and Eastern European peoples without
jeopardy to its own security. Freedom for these
nations is indeed an essential component of se-
curity for all European nations.

The American people welcome, as a step in the
right direction, the changed attitude of the Soviet
leaders and the apparent agreement at Geneva that
the Soviet Union and the West will in the future
attempt to resolve the issues between them through
peaceful negotiations in a more favorable inter-
national atmosphere.

We must have deeds in addition to words, how-
ever. For the American people, Geneva will re-
main a gesture without substance unless it leads
to concrete actions on the part of the present Com-
munist governments in the form of benefits to the
cajative peoples, an alleviation of their burdens,
and the restoration of their freedom.

In the meantime we will continue to work con-
structively for the creation of a secure peace. We
continue to believe that the question of the status
of the captive peoples must be settled satisfactorily
in obtaining a secure peace. We are determined to
do all we can to find positive means to open the
door to the emancipation of these people. We are
certain that this purpose expresses the unalterable
conviction of the American people.

But while the present situation exists in the
satellite countries, the flow of refugees continues.
And as long as these refugees pour out from behind
the Iron Curtain, we have a moral responsibility
to do what we can to help them readjust and re-
settle in the free world.

Administration of Refugee Relief Program

One of the princii^al ways in which we are doing
this is through the Refugee Relief Program. All
of you here, I am sure, are familiar to some extent
with this program. Some of you may actually
have come to this country under the program's
auspices. If any of you have, may I add my own
expression of welcome to our country and the hope
that your life here will compensate for the un-
pleasant experiences of the past.

The Refugee Relief Act was put into effect on
August 7, 1953.* Under the terms of the act a
maximum of 214,000 victims of war's aftermath,
natural disaster, oppression, persecution, and ad-
verse economic conditions in their native lands may
become permanent residents of the United States
and eventually American citizens.

This program came about because of President
Eisenliower's deep concern over the increasing

' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599.
'/Md., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 172.

* For articles on the Refugee Relief Act, see ihid., Aug.
24, 1953, p. 231, and Sept. 27, 1954, p. 452.

562

Department of State Bulletin

numbers of refugees, particularly those coming
from behind the Iron Curtain. Wlien he recom-
mended the emergency legislation known as the
Eef ugee Relief Act of 1953,^ he said :

These refugees, escapees, and distressed peoples now
constitute an economic and political threat of constantly
growing magnitude. They look to traditional American
humanitarian concern for the oppressed. International
political considerations are also factors which are in-
volved. We should take reasonable steps to help these
people to the extent that we share the obligation of the
free world.

Both Houses of Congress took action in trans-
lating the President's request into legislation and
agreed on a compromise figure of 214,000 people
to be admissible under the act.

Let me clear up one minor point of confusion
at this juncture. A figure of 209,000 is often used
in connection with this program rather than the
total of 214,000. That lower figure is the total
nmnber of visas permissible under the act, because
5,000 of the overall total are nonimmigrants al-
ready in the United States.

The various Govenmiental units which work
together in administering this act are the State
Department's refugee relief administration; the
Immigration and Naturalization Service of the
Justice Department; Labor's Bureau of Employ-
ment Security and the U.S. Employment Service;
the U.S. Public Health Service of the Department
of Health, Education and Welfare; the Army's
Counterintelligence Corps; and the Treasury
Department.

In addition help is provided by the Intergov-
ernmental Comniittee on European Migration
(Icem), 30 voluntary agencies, and 37 Governor's
Committees throughout the United States.

The Icem is composed of 26 members, of which
the United States is one. We contribute slightly
more than one-third of the Committee's operating
budget and work very closely with it in helping
people get not only to this country but to other
places in the Western Hemisphere.

The voluntary agencies, which include such
groups as the Lutheran Refugee Service, the Na-
tional Catholic Welfare Conference, Church
World Service, and the United Hl\s Service, have
been of great value in helping to arrange travel
and transportation in cooperation with Icem.

The Governor's Committees came about as a

result of a personal plea from President Eisen-
hower on August 7, 1954.^ He called the Gover-
nors' attention to the urgent need to stimulate the
flow of assurances through the establishment of
local refugee committees. New York at that time
had already set up such a committee, and 36 other
States have since followed its lead. There is still
time for the remaining States to take action, how-
ever, and such a move would be more than wel-
comed by those most concerned with the progi-am.
The more interest and participation that can be
obtained at the gi'ass roots, the greater the chances
will be for a completely successful progi-am.

The Refugee Relief Act is an extremely intri-
cate and complicated piece of legislation. It
requires a complex organizational setup to ad-
minister its technical requirements. That organi-
zation is now established and fully operative, and
it is working out quite well. The present staff
can easily meet the current workload and more,
and reserves are available to handle any increase
in volume.

Changes in the program's administration and
amendments made to the regulations in order to
speed up the steps necessary to process a refugee
have greatly simplified the situation that existed
in the program's early stages. Practices and pro-
cedures are being scanned constantly to assui'e
maximmn efficiency and simplicity of operations.

The two things most necessary now to further
expedite the fulfillment of the aims of the act are
an increased flow of assurances and congi'essional
approval of the amendments to the act proposed
by President Eisenhower.

More Assurances Needed

The act provides that a refugee must have an
assurance of a job, housing, and against becoming
a public charge. This assurance must be signed
by a U.S. citizen and verified by the Administrator.

In the early days of the program many of the
assurances went for overseas relatives known to the
assurer. Today the relative category has been
pretty well used up and we need assurers who will
sign for people they don't know. This is, of
course, a much more difficult job.

This is where the voluntary agencies and the
Governor's Committees are needed the most. And
it is where such groups as yours can be of great

^Ibid., May 4, 1953, p. 639.
October 10, 1955

'Ibid., Aug. 16, 1954, p. 239.

563

assistance in spreading the word of the urgent
need for assurances.

Perhaps some facts and figures on where we
stand now will help explain the need for assur-
ances.

Visa issuance in the Refuge Relief Program, I
am happy to report, has now exceeded the 50,000
mark.

Total of visas issued by September 16 was
52,068. This is an increase of 35,018 visas since
last January 1 — and the increase each week now
is near 1,500 visas.

There is another impressive gain in the number
of cases entering the program's so-called "pipe-
line." This figure is the cumulative total of all
persons who have been notified of documents re-
quired to process their cases. The total of all ap-
plicants is now 169,229, a gain of 106,376 since
January 1.

It is of interest to note that from the beginning
of the program in August 1953 until December 31,
1954 — a period of nearly 17 months — 17,053 visas
were issued. On the other hand, between January
1 of this year and September 16 — a period of not
quite 9 months — 35,018 visas were issued, more
than twice the total on record the first of this year.
This graphically demonstrates the extent of the
increase in the rate of visa issuances in 1955.

During the same period of 1955, however, veri-
fied assurances from U.S. citizen sponsors were
only 73 percent greater than the number of verified
assurances received during the preceding 17
months.

I think those figures point up the seriousness of
the lack of assurances. This situation camiot be
overemphasized. We are reaching the stage of
the program where time has become critical.

As many of you may know, the State Depart-
ment recently held a conference of chairmen of
Governor's Committees at Washington at which
the whole emphasis was on the procurement of
assurances. Secretary Dulles told this conference :

We are facing a situation now where tlie bottleneck is
. . . the problem of getting assurances .... The visas
are being issued at a rate which is going to catch up with
our present backlog and then the question is getting these
assurances.

I know Wisconsin ranks tenth in the Xation in
procuring assurances for refugees, however, and it
is a very fine record. But, to repeat myself, time
is running short and an increased flow of assur-

ances must be stimulated if we are to make the
deadline of December 31, 1956.

Pierce J. Gerety, the program's Deputy Admin-
istrator, emphasized this point when he told the
delegation at the conference :

The next 6 or 8 months are very critical in the role you
people can play, which is producing assurances back home.
We have to get the assurances in sufficient number back
home in order to give us time to process the applications
and issue the visas so people can come to the United
States.

The three major areas where assurances are most
needed are Germany, Austria, and the Nether-
lands. When we ask for assurances, we are ad-
dressing ourselves primarily to these areas because
we have enough assurances in Greece and Italy,
the two other major refugee centers.

Under the act 90,000 expellees and escapees are
admissible from Germany and Austria, and 17,000
refugees and relatives are admissible from the
Netherlands. To date we have only 437 verified
assurances in the Netherlands, only 14,079 in Ger-
many, and only 5,494 in Austria. That is what
makes these three areas more critical than any
other spots in the program.

Up imtil a short time ago, some social welfare
agencies, upon whom great reliance must be placed
for the procurement of assurances, argued that
assurances were slow in forthcoming because of
the small number of peojjle who had entered the
country under the terms of the act. Wliile this
may have been true in the act's early days, it is no
longer valid today. Steps leading to the issuance
of a visa have been simplified greatly and the
major concern now is getting enough assurances.

Amendments Recommended by President

In an eli'ort to exj^edite the flow of assurances
and make it possible for the program to fulfill its
aims, President Eisenhower on May 27 of this year
asked for 10 specific amendments to the act.'' He
pointed out that the purposes of the act are not
being achieved as swiftly as we had all hoped.
Although administrative imjDrovements have been
made, the President noted, such improvements by
themselves are not enough. For that reason Mr.
Eisenhower recommended amendments which em-
braced these changes :

1. A redefinition of the terms "refugee," "es-
capee," and "expellee," the effect of which will be

'Ibid., June 13, 1955, p. 951.

564

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

to relax somewhat the restrictions contained in the
definitions of those terms in the act, removal of
the limitation that all those who are foiind to be
"firmly resettled" are ineligible for visas, and
abandonment of the requirement that a "refugee"
must be "out of his usual place or abode" in order
to qualify.

2. Adoption of a provision enabling members of
a family who are separated from the principal ap-
plicant and who cannot accompany the principal
applicant at the time the visa is issued to follow
to join him in the United States.

3. Adoption of a provision to permit an alien
afflicted with tuberculosis to come to the United
States with his family if all are eligible, notwith-
standing the bar of the immigration laws against
a person so afflicted.

4. The reallotment of visas unused during the
life of the act to the use of orphans on a worldwide
basis and the raising of the maximum-age limita-
tions for eligible orphans from 10 years to 12 years.

5. Definition of the term "eligible orphan" and
the imposition of certain limitations upon the
adoption abroad of an orphan by a U.S. citizen and
spouse.

6. Eevision of the criteria for adjustment of
status of aliens in the United States to eliminate
the requirement that they must have entered this
coiuitry in lawful status as nonimmigi-ants in all
cases.

7. Adoption of a provision to permit voluntary
agencies, as well as individual citizens, to file as-
surances of employment, housing, and against be-
coming a public charge.

8. Elimination of the requirement that a valid
passport or similar document be produced in each
case as a prerequisite to the issuance of a visa.

9. Adoption of a provision to place exclusive
responsibility upon the consular officer for the de-
termination of eligibility of an applicant.

10. Elimination of the requirement that a 2-year
history covering the period prior to application for
visa must be available.

Of these 10 amendments suggested by the Presi-
dent, we feel that two are of primary importance
and are needed most urgently.

First is the so-called agency assurance, which is
in effect now by regidation but which would be
much simpler for everybody if it were in the act.

This situation has been helped by the Administra-
tor's instruction to consular officers of February
18, 1955, which permits the "preprocessing" of
cases. Preprocessing, in simple terms, means that
a case may be processed before the receipt of an
assurance if the sponsoring agency states that an
assurance to cover the case will be received. The
obvious advantage of this procedure is that in-
dividual cases may be processed and made ready
for completion upon the arrival of an assurance.

The second important amendment is the redefi-
nition of the term "refugee." We are working
with definitions first put forward in 1948, and the
many changes which have taken place in refugee
conditions throughout the world making a re-
definition necessary are readily apparent.

None of these amendments was adopted in the
first session of the 84th Congress. Not only would
they be of tremendous benefit in aiding the Ref-
ugee Relief Program, but they would contribute
toward the correction of deficiencies in our immi-
gration and naturalization policies.

The proposed amendments are relatively simple
and offer an immediate correction of some of the
existing deficiencies. The liberalization of immi-
gi-ation requirements which the amendments pro-
vide would facilitate the admission of many de-
serving persons to this country. This would
clearly and promptly indicate to the peoples of
friendly nations the intent of the President and
the Congress in this subject.

Secretary Dulles has strongly urged the adop-
tion of these amendments in the early days of the
coming session of the Congress. Favorable action
on these amendments will be highly beneficial to
our relations with friendly countries. Passage of
the amendments, I am confident, will also bring
forth the necessary assurances in greater numbers
than ever before both from voluntary agencies and
from individual citizens.

At this time of year, when we commemorate
Citizenship Day, it is appropriate that Americans
everywhere take note of these matters concerning
possible future citizens. If we in America live
up to our fijiest humanitarian tradition and act
with wisdom, many unfortunate people who today
live in refugee camps watching for a glimmer from
liberty's torch may in future years celebrate this
occasion with us.

October 10, 1955

565

U.S.-Yugoslav Talks Concluded

Following is the text of a joint communique
released at Belgrade on Octoler 1.

The visit of Deputy Under Secretary Robert
Murphy to Belgrade has provided opportunity
for frank and fruitful discussion of a wide range
of problems of mutual interest to Yugoslavia and
the United States. As a result, differences of
opinion have been ironed out and a clearer under-
standing of objectives reached. This has been
achieved in a very cordial atmosphere and should
establish a solid basis for the further cooperation
of the two countries. These meetings gave further
evidence of the confidence and mutual respect
which has been established between the two
countries in recent years.

During his visit Mr. Murphy, accompanied by
Ambassador [James W.] Riddleberger, had
luncheon and two conversations with President
Tito and several meetings with Under Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs Prica, Vice President
Vukmanovic-Tempo, and Defense Minister
Gosnjak. Mr. Murphy concluded his conversa-
tions with a luncheon on October 1 tendered at the
American Embassy in honor of Vice President
Kardelj and other high-ranking Yugoslav and
American officials.

President Eisenhower has been one of the great-
est advocates of a government of principles and
not a government of personalities. He has con-
stantly striven to hammer out governmental poli-
cies through Cabinet and National Security
Council discussions and decisions. These have
been shared by the Vice President, by the Cabinet
members, and by heads of governmental agencies.
Thus President Eisenhower has forged a team,
and the principles and policies under which that
team operates are well known to all of its mem-
bers.

Thus, there can be ample time for the President
to make a full recovery without any jeopardy to
the welfare of the Nation or to the steady prosecu-
tion of our national and international policies for
peace and human welfare.

I have been asked whether I shall go ahead with
plans for meeting with the other three Foreign
Ministers at Geneva the end of next month. The
answer is that, of course, I expect to be there.
Our national bipartisan attitude toward these
matters is well known, and nothing M'hich in any
event we intended to improvise.

Mr. Hoover and Mr. Hollister
Leave for Far East

Illness of President Eisenhower

Press release 575 dated September 29

In response to questions from the press, Secre-
tary Dulles made the following informal state-
ment just prior to departing for Ottawa, Canada,
September 25, 1955, to attend the meetings of the
Joint United States-Canadian Committee on
Trade and Economic Affairs.

President Eisenhower's illness is a cause for
sadness, which is felt throughout the nation and
throughout the world. But it is not a cause for
alarm.

I have no knowledge of a medical character
which is not known to everyone. But this infor-
mation, that we all have, seems to indicate that the
attack is similar to that which many people incur
without any permanent ill effects. That is what
all the world hopes.

In the meantime, our governmental processes,
both foreign and domestic, are going to go for-
ward in an orderly and uninterrupted manner.

Departure Statement by the Under Secretary

Press release 572 dated September 29

Mr. Hollister and I are making a visit to the
Far East to study at first hand the problems of
that area. I will leave Manila for Washington on
October 14. Mr. Hollister will go on to be head of
our delegation to the Colombo Plan conference at
Singapore and will visit some other countries in
that area on his way home.

By this personal visit we hope to add to our
understanding of the many countries through
which we will travel. We are looking forward
to the opportunity to talk with leaders and officials
of these countries. Through friendly discussions
we hope to arrive at a deeper knowledge of how
best to proceed with our common effort. Of course
we will also visit our own diplomatic and opera-
tions missions.

The Colombo Plan conference to which Mr. Hol-
lister will be our chief delegate is of considerable
importance. As you know, the Colombo Plan is
concerned with economic development as a means

566

Depatimeni of S/afe Bo//efin

of providing greater opportunity for the peoples
of Soutlieast Asia.

I am pleased that Mr. Herbert V. Prochnow
is also accomjjanying us. jNIr. Procluiow was
sworn in today as a special consultant and it is
Secretary Dulles' intention to recommend to the
President that Mr. Prochnow be appointed Deputy
Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs.^

Announcement Concerning Itinerary

Press release 580 dated September 30

The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 29 that Under Secretary Hoover would re-
turn to "Washington October 17 from his current
trip to the Far East to enable him to have a few
days in Washington before the Secretary of State
departs for Geneva. Herbert V. Prochnow, Con-
sultant to the Secretary of State, will return with
Mr. Hoover.^

At the same time it was announced that John
B. Hollister, Director of the International Coop-
eration Administration, would serve as U.S. Rep-
resentative at the Ministerial Meeting of the Con-
sultative Committee for Economic Development
in South and Southeast Asia which is to be held
at Singapore from October 17 to October 22, 1955.

The revised itinerary follows : ^

September 29 leave Washington

September 30 arrive HiclJham Field, Honolulu

October 1 leave Hickham Field, Honolulu

October 3 arrive Tokyo

October 5 leave Tokyo

October 5 arrive Seoul

October 8 leave Seoul

October 8 arrive Taipei

October 11 leave Taipei

October 11 arrive Manila

' The President signed Mr. Prochnow's commission as
Deputy Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs on
Oct. 4.

^ It was subsequently decided that Mr. Prochnow wiU
make the balance of the trip with Mr. Hollister and will
attend the Colombo Plan meeting at Singapore as adviser
to the U.S. delegation.

' For the original itinerary, see press release 549 dated
Sept. 16 (not printed here).

Mr. Hoover will leave Manila October 14 and
arrive in Washington on October 17.

Mr. Hollister and his associates will leave Ma-
nila on October 15. The balance of their itinerary
follows :

October 15 arrive Djakarta
October 16 leave Djakarta
October 16 arrive Singapore
October 21 leave Singapore
October 21 arrive Bangkok
October 24 leave Bangkok
October 24 arrive Vientiane
October 24 leave Vientiane
October 24 arrive Phnom Penh
October 25 leave Phnom Penh
October 25 arrive Saigon
October 27 leave Saigon
October 30 arrive Washington

Change in U.S. Delegation
to Colombo Plan Meeting

Press release 576 dated September 30

On September 16 the Department released the
names of the U.S. delegation to the Seventh Meet-
ing of the Consultative Committee for Economic
Development in South and Southeast Asia (com-
monly known as the Colombo Plan), which is to
be held at Singapore from September 29 to Octo-
ber 22, 1955.* At that time it was announced that
Acting Deputy Under Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs Thorsten V. Kalijarvi would
serve as U.S. Representative to the INIinisterial
Meeting which is to be held from October 17 to 22.

The Department announced on September 29
that John B. Hollister, Director of the Interna-
tional Cooperation Achninistration of the Depart-
ment of State, would serve as U.S. Representa-
tive at the Ministerial Meeting. With the revi-
sion of Mr. Hollister's itinerary of his current
Far Eastern trip permitting him to attend the
Colombo Plan meeting, it was felt essential that
Mr. Kalijarvi remain in Washington.

' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 513.

Ocfober JO, 1955

567

American Political Democracy and the Problem of Personnel Security

by R. W. Scott McLeod

Administrator^ Bwreau of Security and Consular Affairs ^

You will note that I have altered the subject
originally assigned for discussion by exchanging
the words "Personnel Security" for the words
"National Security." This seems to me a more
accurate statement of the matter within my compe-
tence. I do not believe that American political
democracy needs a new endorsement. I believe
we are all devoted to it as the best human system
of government yet devised. Over a period of 175
years of tremendous changes in society we have
found it to be flexible enough to endure. And it
is exactly because we so cherish it that some of us
have been given special duties to protect it.

As you know, there are three kinds of security
as we practice it in government today. There is
physical security, by which we mean tlie protection
which is afforded to documents. It embraces the
systems of codes and ciphers, the storage, the
transmission, and the handling of papers on which
the Government has recorded information which,
if in unfriendly hands, might have an adverse
effect on the national interest. There is also tech-
nical security, a vast field in this technological age,
wherein we attempt to protect primarily against
devices intended to obtain classified information
when it is spoken in conversations presumed to be
private.

Obviously the elaborate and sometimes costly
apparatus to lock the barn before the horse is
stolen is useless if the man who possesses the key
to the barn is not trustworthy. Thus, today I
will confine my discussion to the program which
seeks to assure personnel of integrity.

There have been security programs in our Gov-
ernment before those which are aimed at protect-
ing against the Communist conspiracy. During

the time I lived in New Hampshire I was told that
a loyalty oath was required of citizens of that area
during the period which preceded the Revolu-
tionary War. Although a loyalty oath is a use-
less device unless it is predicated on a purpose
to prosecute perjurers, I assume that this early
requirement in one of the colonies resulted from
a preoccupation with the matter of personnel
security.

At one time or another in our history Tories,
Indians, and Southern sympathizers were security
risks, and it seems a logical assumption that some
means were used to keep such individuals out of
the councils of government.

The earliest attention to the problem under dis-
cussion today appears to have been the hearings
conducted by the House Committee on Un-
American Activities in 1938 which disclosed the
connections of some Federal employees with Com-
munist front organizations.

No doubt as the result of. these hearings and be-
cause of the war clouds gathering in Europe, the
Congress in 1939 adopted section 9A of the Hatch
Act, which forbade an employee of the Govern-
ment to belong to any political party or organiza-
tion which advocates the overthrow of our consti-
tutional form of government.-

' Address made before the American Political Science
Association at Boulder, Colo., on Sept. 9.

'^ 5 U. S. C. 118j. Federal employees ; membership in
political parties ; i)enalties. (1) It shall be unlawful for
any person employed in any capacity by any agency of
the Federal Government, whose compensation, or any
part thereof, is paid from funds authorized or appro-
priated by any Act of Congress, to have membership in
any political party or organization which advocates the
overthrow of our constitutional form of government in
the United States. (2) Any person violating the pro-
visions of this section shall be immediately removed from
the position or office held by him, and thereafter no part
of the funds appropriated by any Act of Congress for
such position or office shall be used to pay the compensa-
tion of such persons.

568

Department of State Bulletin

Beginning in 1941 the Congress established a
practice which has since become standard, of in-
serting language in appropriation bills making it
unlawful to use the funds to pay the salary of
persons who advocate, or belong to organizations
which advocate, overthrow of the Government by
force and violence and making it a felony for such
persons to accept such salary.

And during the war years — in fact, up until
1950 — the military agencies were given broad
security authority.^

There were other gestures in the direction of
security, evidencing a rather vague awareness that
a problem, not too clearly stated, existed and
should be dealt with.^

During the war, of course, the public mind was
largely concerned with the Nazi-Fascist menace.
After the war a series of incidents made it rather
apparent that our wartime ally and the interna-
tional conspiracy it fostered was a continuing men-
ace to our national security. This was a bitter
disillusionment to those who looked forward so
eagerly to peace.

The Amerasia case, the report of the Canadian
Eoyal Commission, and the reports by Elizabeth
Bentley and Whittaker Chambers gave respon-
sible officials pause, and such of these matters as
reached public notice contributed to the necessity
to take effective measures for control.

Congressional reaction was expressed in July
1946 by the enactment of the so-called McCarran
Rider = to the State Department Appropriation

" 111 general, they were authorized to dismiss civilian
employees whenever such dismissal was "warranted by
the demands of national security" (P. L. 703 and 671,
76th Cong., and P. L. SOS, 77th Cong.).

* On Sept. 26, 1942, the Civil Service Commission revised
its regulations to provide for dismissal of civil employees
on grounds of "reasonable doubt as to loyalty" (Section
18 2(c)(7)(e)). Authority for this action was based
on the Lloyd-LaFollette Act of 1912 (5 U. S. C. 652) . Also,
in April 1942 the Attorney General set up an inter-
departmental advisory committee to advise agencies on
how to handle complaints from the Dies committee and
to develop uniform procedures for the use of Federal
Bureau of Investigation reports. And on Feb. 5, 1943,
Executive Order 9300 (S Fed. Reg. 1701) established a
President's Inter-Departmental Committee to perform
similar functions.

° "Notwithstanding the provisions of section 0 of the Act
of August 24, 1912 (37 Stat. 555), or the provisions of any
other law, the Secretary of State may, in his absolute
discretion during the current fiscal year, terminate the
employment of any officer or employee of the Department
of State or of the Foreign Service of the United States

Ocfober 10, 1955

359645—55 3

Bill. This proviso gave the Secretary of State the
right "in his absolute discretion" to dismiss em-
ployees when deemed "necessary or advisable in
the interests of the United States."

Evolution of Present Personnel Security Order

It seems clear that the present-day effort to ob-
tain integrity in the Federal work force is the
result of the success of the Communist conspira-
tors in penetrating and contaminating that force.
The postwar revelations that Communist agents
actually worked in the Government were shock-
ing to most Americans. Citizens had become ac-
customed to affording a considerable respect to
the officials of their Govermnent. The demonstra-
tion that some of these officials were unworthy
brought disillusionment and demands that meas-
ures be taken to cope with this matter.

On November 25, 1946, as a result of recom-
mendations from the Congress, President Truman
issued Executive Order 9806 '^ establishing a tem-
porary commission on employee loyalty. The
commission was directed to study existing security
measures. As a result of the commission's work.
Executive Order 9835 ' was issued on March 21,
1947.

Executive Order 9835 provided an entirely new
approach to the problem. For the first time the
Federal Government proposed to look at each of
its 2.5 million employees with the purpose of ex-
amining the loyalty of each.

The procedures devised for this break with the
past are of interest. The name of each employee,
together with his fingerprints, was furnished to
the Federal Bureau of Investigation for a name
check. If "derogatory information" was found in
the FBI records, a full field investigation was to
be made. The results were furnished the employ-
ing agency. The standard for dismissal under
Executive Order 9835 was "reasonable grounds
for belief" that the employee was "disloyal to the
Government of the United States."

As a result of experience with this order it was
amended on April 28, 1951,* so that the standard

whenever he shall deem such termination necessary or
advisable in the interests of the United States." The
rider was contained in each appropriation bill up to and
including that for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1953.

" 11 Fed. Reg. 13863.

' 12 Fed. Reg. 1935.

'Executive Order 10241, 16 Fed. Reg. 3690.

569

was "reasonable doubt as to the loyalty" of the
employee to the Government.

The element of security as apart from loyalty
entered the picture as a general program on
August 27, 1950,'' when the 81st Congress enacted
Public Law 733, the legal basis for the existing
program. This law provided for the suspension of
employees in 11 named agencies, including the De-
partment of State, and the termination of such
employees in the interests of national security, if
certain procedural safeguards as set forth in the
statute were afforded the employee.

The evolution of a security as distinguished
from a loyalty program is an important consid-
eration and represents again the fact that the re-
sponsible authorities were directing their efforts
against the Communist conspiracy. In dealing
with the problem as a practical matter it became
apparent that an employee who is loyal to our
Government can pose a threat to the national
interest.

This is a point which is still obscure in the pub-
lic mind. It has had an important bearing on
the public relations aspect of the problem, for,
while employees dismissed between the period of
1947 to 1950 were dismissed generally under a
loyalty standard (since only a few agencies had
security authority), those handled between 1950-
1953 in agencies covered by Public Law 733 could
either be disloyal or be security risks.

The Eisenhower security program, brought into
being by Executive Order 10450 on April 27, 1953,
is clearly a security program, with the issue of
loyalty only one of the standards.^"

Security Programs in the State Department

The State Department, together with the mili-
tary and intelligence services, must always expect
to be a primary target of an international con-
spiracy. There is ample evidence that the De-
partment has long been conscious of its position.
Prior to enactment of the McCarran Eider on July

" A few civilian ageucies and the military departments
previously had special security authority. The State De-
partment began security determinations after the Mc-
Carran Rider was enacted in 1046 and after Executive
Order 9835 in 1947 continued to make security deter-
minations collaterally with loyalty findings.

"Executive Order 10450 (IS Fed. Reg. 24S9) extended
P. L. 733 in accordance with section 3 of that law to all
departments and agencies, an extension upheld on July
28, 1955, by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia in the case of Cole v. Young.

5, 1946, there was a Personnel Security Commit-
tee in the Department, but its authority was lim-
ited to that provided by the Hatch Act and the
Civil Service Regulations.

After the McCarran Rider became effective, the
Department of State established the Advisory
Committee on Personnel Security, which operated
until July 1947, when the Personnel Security
Board was established. Regulations were adopted
by the Board to consider security cases under the
authority of the McCarran Rider. In December
1947 the Board was directed to consider cases aris-
ing under the loyalty program initiated by Execu-
tive Order 9835. In June 1948 the Board was re-
designated as the Loyalty Security Board and
detailed regulations were adopted to provide for
the processing of both loyalty and security cases.
The Department derived its loyalty authority
from Executive Order 9835 and its security au-
thority from the McCarran Rider. The enact-
ment of Public Law 733 in August 1950 provided
additional security authority. The Loyalty Se-
cui'ity Board continued until May 27, 1953, when
Executive Order 10450, issued 30 days earlier,
became effective and required new procedures.

Premises of Existing Security Program

As Administrator of the State Department's se-
curity program there are certain premises on
which the program is based of which I must be
cognizant.

1. There exists a clear and present danger to
our society. This danger is caused by the exist-
ence of a criminal conspiracy called communism,
which aims to overthrow our Government and
change our society by whatever means it may find
available, including force, violence, and sub-
version.

If this danger did not exist it would be difficult
to justify any security program, or at least one
as thorough as that which we have. That it does
exist has been established by law, by Executive
order, and by judicial interpretation. Congres-
sional mandates and Executive orders to combat
this danger have been cited previously .^^

" The most recent re-statement of this doctrine by the
Congress was the enactment of the Communist Control
Act of 19.54 (Section 841, Title 50, U.S.C.A.) wherein Con-
gress stated, "holding that doctrine, its role as the
agency of a hostile power renders its existence a clear,
present and continuing danger to the security of the
United States."

570

Department of State Bulletin

The courts have upheld this finding. In sen-
tencing the Communist leaders convicted under
the Smith Act in 1949," Judge Medina stated,

These defendants were not convicted merely for their
political beliefs or ideas or for belonging to the Com-
munist Party. I made it plain in my charge the jury
could not convict for anything like that but they had to
find there was specific intent to overthrow the Govern-
ment by force and violence and to use words as a rule of
action. . . .

2. That Federal employment is a privilege.
This premise is stated in the two "whereas" clauses
on whicli the President predicated Executive Or-
der 10450.

3. That maximum protection must be afforded
the employee of the Government against un-
founded accusations, rumor, gossip, and unrelia-
ble information. This premise is also stated in
the "whereas" clause of Executive Order 10450.
The two clauses embracing these two premises are
as follows:

WHEREAS the interests of the national security re-
quire that all persons privileged to be employed In the
departments and agencies of the Government shall be re-
liable, trustworthy, of good conduct and character, and of
complete and unswerving loyalty to the United States ;
and

WHEREAS the American tradition that all persons
.should receive fair, impartial, and equitable treatment
at the hands of the Government requires that all persons
seeking the privilege of employment or privileged to he
employed in the departments and agencies of the Govern-
ment be adjudged by mutually consistent and no less than
minimum standards and procedures among the depart-
ments and agencies governing the employment and reten-
tion in employment of persons in the Federal Service,
(emphasis supplied)

In recognition of these premises the State De-
partment issued regulations which, when they
were published on July 27, 1953, had the effect of
law. Our regulations were modeled in the De-
partment of Justice. They have been tested by
two years of use. Moreover, under the terms of
Executive Order 10450 the Civil Service Commis-
sion makes a "continuing study" of the implemen-
tation of the order and reports "deficiencies" and
"tendencies" to the head of the department and
the National Security Council.^^

'= Smith Act, Section 2.3S."., Title IS, U. S. Code. The
conviction was upheld by the Supreme Court on June
4, 1951 : Dennii et al. v. U.S., Ml U.S. 494.

'"Section 14, Executive Order 10450: "(a) The Civil
Service Commission, with the continuing advice and col-
laboration of representatives of such departments and
agencies as the National Security Council may designate,

Thus, unless the laws, the Executive orders, or
the regulations issued thereunder are changed by
the duly constituted authorities, they form the
frame of reference for a security administrator
and should not be presumed, at least by him, to
be illegal, unreasonable, or unjust.

In the absence of change, I conclude that the
security program is adequate to :

1. Prevent Communist penetration of our Gov-
ernment, and

2. Protect the inherent rights of government
employees.

Yet no one contends that this program is sacro-
sanct. In addition to the review provided in the
order itself we find that the program is under
constant scrutiny in tlie Congress, the courts, and
the press.

As a result of this scrutiny and review many
thoughtful persons have come to grips with the
question of what a security program does to the
rights of an individual American. It has been
stated that civil rights are infringed, that legal
rights are abated, that inlierent rights are
involved.

Every American, according to our tradition, is
entitled to a square deal from his Government.
I hope I can demonstrate, through discussion of
our procedures, that the Government is endeavor-
ing to insure this basic right.

It is difficult to argue that a security program,
like other governmental programs based on law,

shall make a continuing study of the manner in which this
order is being implemented by the departments and agen-
cies of the Government for the purpose of determining :
(1) Deficiencies in the deijartment and agency security
programs established under this order which are in-
consistent with the interests of, or directly or indirectly
weaken, the national security. (2) Tendencies in such
programs to deny to individual employees fair, Impartial,
and equitable treatment at the hands of the Government,
or rights under the Constitution and laws of the United
States or this order.

"Information affecting any department or agency de-
veloped or received during the course of such continuing
study shall be furnished immediately to the head of the
department or agency concerned. The Civil Service Com-
mission shall report to the National Security Council, at
least semi-annually, on the results of such study, and
shall recommend means to correct any such deficiencies
or tendencies.

"(b) All departments and agencies of the Government
are directed to cooperate with the Civil Service Commis-
sion to facilitate the accomplishment of the responsibili-
ties assigned to it by subsection (a) of this section."

October ?0, 1955

571

does not in some instances and to some degree af-
fect civil rights. It is evident, for example, that
investigation of an individual can be to some ex-
tent an intrusion on that individual's privacy.
Many of the rules of society translated into laws
necessarily constrain individual tendencies or
purposes which, except for the fact that people
must live in close proximity to each other, would
not be in themselves wrong.

Our laws and our courts have always taken cog-
nizance of the matters of intent and degree.
There is an obvious distinction between being
jostled by an unruly passerby and being pushed
to safety from in front of a speeding vehicle. The
first act is at least bad manners and possibly dis-
orderly conduct. The second is a normal human
reaction which can be heroic.

Our Constitution and traditions are delicately
balanced between the necessities of the basic re-
sponsibility of government to achieve the greatest
good for the greatest number and, at the same
time, to clearly observe and respect the sovereign
rights of the individual. It is this delicate posi-
tion, with its great potentials of dilemma, that
requires constant scrutiny, criticism, and evalua-
tion of our laws, procedures, and programs, in-
cluding this one under discussion today. There
are three questions which, among others, must be
asked. First, is the danger real and present?
Second, do the results justify the effort ? " Three,
do the benefits exceed the disadvantages?

No thoughtful American wants to achieve ab-
solute security in government at the cost of sacri-
ficing our traditions or by adopting the very forms
of totalitarian conduct which we seek to guard
against.

We should discuss briefly the theory of a se-
curity program. It seeks to frevent Communist
[penetration of the Government. It is not de-
signed to prosecute such penetration. It seeks to
protect the public interest before and not after
the commission of an overt act. Such, indeed, is
one of the definitions of security. ^°

This theory is an important consideration in
assessing this problem. If a person commits an

" The Atomic Energy Commission alone lias spent $100
million for personnel investigations, the Department of
Defense $29 million. (Cong. Rec. of June 27, 1955, p.
7878).

" "The condition of being protected or not exposed to
danger ; . . .", Webster's New International Dictionary,
Second Edition, Unabridged.

overt act of disloyalty he may be indicted, tried,
and convicted under our judicial procedures.
Under our theory of law he is innocent until proven
guilty. The burden of proof rests on the Gov-
ernment, and the jiu-y is instructed to resolve
reasonable doubts in favor of the accused. This
is a system developed through centuries to insure
fair play in establishing guilt.

A security system is not intended to establish
guilt, since no act against the public interest may
have occurred. If such has taken place the trans-
gressor could be prosecuted in court. The system
is intended to prevent such an act. There can be
no proof, since future events are not susceptible
of present proof. A security risk under our pro-
cedures is not necessarily guilty of any illegal act.
He is a person who has been adjudged unsuitable
for Federal employment.

Department's Personnel Security Procedures

How is the judgment as to an individual's se-
curity potential reached? The security judg-
ment must be based on some kind of data. Under
Executive Order 10450 the appropriate officials
are directed to make an investigation, varying in
degree in accordance with the sensitivity of the
position to be filled. In the State Department it
was determined administratively that all positions
are "sensitive". Thus, under the order, all incum-
bents and applicants undergo a "full field" inves-
tigation. The full field investigation means that
inquiries are made in the field, at the source, as
opposed to the seat of government, to substantiate
all information which the individual has furnished
to the Department. This begins with date and
place of birth and extends through education, em-
ployment, places of residence, etc., up to the pres-
ent time.

In most cases the investigation is purely routine.
Everything the individual says is substantiated
and no information relating to the criteria estab-
lished in the order is reported. The criteria, in-
formation concerning which the investigation is
designed to disclose, are: 1. behavior character-
istics indicating lack of integrity or a course of
conduct which leads to belief that the individual
may, if subjected to coercion or pressure, be sub-
ject to hostile influence ; 2. actual overt subversion ;
3. establishing or continuing sympathetic associa-
tion with subversives; 4. advocacy of overthrow
of the Government by unconstitutional means;

572

Department of State Bulletin

5. membership in subversive organizations; 6. en-
gaging in espionage; 7. serving the interest of a
foreign power in preference to the interest of the
United States."

If the investigator finds "derogatory informa-
tion" (i. e., related to the criteria) he is instructed
to attempt to ascertain the truth of the allegations
he has heard.^' This is a primary safeguard
against unfounded rumors, gossip, or statements
from overly suspicious or unfriendly individuals.

Having, in his judgment, completed his inquiry,
the investigating officer files a report with the De-
partment's Office of Security.

Here the report is reviewed to determine whether
in fact the investigators have covered all reason-
able leads. If more investigation is required, it
is directed from the Office of Security in the De-
partment.

The practice is followed of permitting the em-
ployee in all cases, and the applicant according
to circumstances, to furnish an oral explanation
of derogatory data. This interview with the in-
dividual frequently clears up such matters as mis-
taken identity or leads to sources which can resolve
questions which are clearly matters of opinion.

When it appears that the file is as complete as
practicable it is forwarded to a separate staff in
the Office of Security. This staff has as much
background and training as it is possible to pro-
vide in the special field of security evaluation.

From the recitation of the criteria it is clear that
the evaluator's problem is to make a calculated
judgment, on the basis of what the individual has
done, as to what he may reasonably be expected
to do in the future when entrusted with infor-
mation vital to the security of the United States
and if subjected to pressures from the Communists.

The evaluating official must make a decision "to
insure that the employment and retention in em-
ployment ... is clearly consistent with the inter-
ests of the national security." '^ If there is reason-
able doubt that the employment or retention is
clearly consistent with the interests of national
security, this doubt should be resolved in favor of
the Government."

'"Executive Order 10450, section 8 (a) as amended by
Executive Order 10491 (18 Fed. Keg. 6583).

" Investigators of tlie Department's Office of Security
malse full field investigations unless or until data relating
to the national security (subversive) is reported, at
which point the case is referred to the FBI.

" Executive Order 10450, section 2.

"Departmental Regulations, vol. I, section 392.32.

Fully 90 percent of all cases are resolved at this
level by furnishing a clearance, under the stand-
ards of the order by the Office of Security, to the
Office of Personnel. In those cases in which the
evaluator recommends further review and possible
action, the files are sent forward to the Director
of the Office of Security.

If the Director of the Office of Security, after
review of the file, decides that continued employ-
ment is not clearly consistent with the interests of
national security, he forwards the file to the office
of the Administrator of the Bureau of Security
and Consular Affairs. Here the matter is again
reviewed by his staff and then by the Acbninis-
trator personally. If he reaches the conclusion
that continued employment "is not clearly con-
sistent," he forwards the file with a recommenda-
tion for suspension to the Deputy Under Secretary
for Administration, to whom the Secretary of
State has delegated his power to suspend.

If the decision to suspend the employee is made
by the Deputy Under Secretary, he sends the file
to the Department's Security Counsel, who is as-
signed to his office. Here a lawyer abstracts from
the, file all information which may be furnished
the employee, and this data is the basis for the so-
called "letter of charges" which must be furnished
within 30 days of the notice of suspension.

The letter of charges is one of the most difficult
aspects of the administration of this program.
Although the employee has been given an oppor-
tunity earlier to explain orally such derogatory
information as the Department may furnish him,
it nnist be furnished again in writing.

This raises the issue of confrontation. It is a
most difficult issue. Having decided that employ-
ment is not clearly consistent, it seems imprudent
to furnish an individual classified information,
possibly furnished by another agency, to which he
is, if a security risk, surely not entitled. On the
other hand, in fairness, he must be given every
opportunity to explain. Like so many theoretical
dilemmas it seems to resolve itself in practice. I
cannot recall a single case in which the individual
has been adjudged on the basis of information of
which he has not the slightest inkling. In fact,
one of the oddities of this business is to find the
individual referring to an informant by name
when the informant's identity has been protected
from even the security officers.

If the employee desires to contest the Depart-
ment's action he is obliged to file a written answer.

Ocfober 10, ?955

573

He may furnish whatever supporting data he may
conckide is useful and may, of course, seek the
advice of counsel of his choice.

After the employee has made an answer, the
regulations provide that the Department's Ad-
ministrator and ,the Security Counsel shall review
the record and recommend either jointly or sever-
ally that the emjiloyee be reinstated in that his
answer is sufficient or separated in that his answer
is not sufficient.

The Deputy Under Secretary for Administra-
tion considers the recommendations. If he de-
termines the employee's answer is not sufficient,
the employee is entitled to a hearing as provided
by law.^°

Under the regulations a hearing board, com-
posed of a minimum of three employees of other
Federal departments or agencies, is empaneled
from a roster maintained by the Civil Service Com-
mission. As a matter of practice, board members
of equivalent rank and experience in Government
service are obtained. Panel members may not
serve if they are personally acquainted with the
employee who is being processed.

Under the hearing procedure the Department's
file is made available to the panel. The employee
and his attorney, if he so desires, appear before
the panel. The Security Counsel is present as a
representative of the Secretary of State and affords
legal assistance to the board.

The formal rules of evidence do not apply to this
procedure. Nor does the board or the employee
have subpoena power or funds to reimburse wit-
nesses who may be forced to travel to appear. The
board's function is to review the entire case in
order to advise the Secretary whether or not the
individual's continued employment is consistent
with the interests of national security. It ob-
viously is a further safeguard against unfair or
inadequately supported decisions.

At the conclusion of the hearing the board mem-
bers prepare jointly or severally a ^Memorandum
of Reasons. Their Memorandum of Reasons to-
gether with their advice to the Secretary is then
forwarded, with the file, directly to the Secretary
of State. Under the law he must personally re-
view or designate someone to personally review
the case before he renders a final decision, which

™ Under the provisions of P. L. 733 hearings are author-
ized only in the cases of employees who have a permanent
or indefinite appointment and have completed their pro-
bationary or trial period.

is not subject to review outside the Department."

As seems apparent from these procedures, the
role of the security administrator may be likened
to that of the grand jury in the judicial system.
He fuids, as it were, probable cause. His judg-
ment is subject to high-level review and hearing
before a final determination is made by still higher
authority.

There is one further item with respect to our
procedure which I should like to discuss. It has
to do with publicity regarding an individual's
case. It would be grossly unfair for the Depart-
ment of State to point its finger at an individual
and say publicly, "You, sir, are a security risk."
Yet, circumstances have forced the Department
to make public annoimcement as to the disposition
of a few cases, sometimes because the employee
himself publicized his case, sometimes because a
third person made an issue of the matter. In no
case, however, has the Department disclosed the
information, obtained in confidence, which makes
up its files.

The letter of suspension and all subsequent cor-
respondence in one of these cases is marked "Lim-
ited Official Use," and it is stated in the letter that
the Department regards the action as private
between itself and the employee.'^

There are, of course, many facets of the person-
nel security program which I have not explored in
the time allotted. Permit me to summarize this
statement briefly.

It is apparent that the final determination, even
after close adlierence to the law and the proce-
dures, is inevitably a matter of human judgment.

The best we can hope for in a security program
is that legally constituted authority will :

1. Recognize the danger, now primarily the
Communist conspiracy, which makes a program
necessary ;

2. Provide a system which will adequately de-
fend against that danger;

3. Establish fair procedures with reasonable
safeguards for the individual ; and

4. Place in the position of administrative re-

" These procedures are provided by Departmental Regu-
lations published on July 27, 1953 (vol. I, sub-chapter 390).

'" The form used in the State Department letters is as
follows : "This and subsequent communications will be
marked Limited Official Use in the light of the Depart-
ment's policy to regard these matters as personal between
itself and the employee. The policy is intended to pro-
tect the employee and is based upon a reciprocal regard of
the matter by the employee."

574

Department of Stale Bulletin

sponsibility those individuals who, to the best of
their ability, will render sound judgments without
fear or prejudice.

There is no human product which is not subject
to further perfection, and it will not be argued
that the security program is any exception. Im-
provements have been effected on the present pro-
gram during its short history of two and one-half
years. I am sure further ameliorations will come
to pass. They will evolve from the practical
knowledge and experience of those officially re-
sponsible for the carrying out of the program as
well as from the independent ideas of individuals
and groups especially interested, like your own.
All of us are in accord with the peculiarly Ameri-
can system of free criticism for cc«istructive ends.
As long as we know and understand the critical
danger which has required the existence of formal
security procedures in this country, and while we
keep ever before us the bright standard of liberty
which has led us throughout our history and which
makes us at once the envy of and the example to
other lands, we must continue to progress.

I feel that I could not better close my talk than
by repeating the most timely words of President
Eisenhower to the American Bar Association at
Philadelphia on August 24 this year."^ I think
his words state very lucidly the largest problem of
the world today — the problem from which the
necessity for security programs arises and from
which widespread and deep concern for the safety
and freedom of our people so justifiably stems.
These excerpts from the President's speech, with
which I will conclude, are very much in context.

"The central fact of today's life is the exist-
ence in the world of two great philosophies of
man and of government. They are in contest for
the friendship, loyalty, and support of the world's
peoples.

"On the one side, our Nation is ranged with
those who seek attainment of human goals through
a government of laws administered by men. Those
laws are rooted in moral law reflecting a religious
faith that man is created in the image of God
and that the energy of the free individual is the
most dynamic force in human affairs.

"On the other side are those who believe — and
many of tliem with evident sincerity — that luunan
goals can be most surely reached by a government
of men who rule by decree. Their decrees are

' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 375.

rooted in an ideology which ignores the faith that
man is a spiritual being, which establishes the all-
powerful state as the principal source of advance-
ment and progress.

"The spirit of Geneva, if it is to provide a
healthy atmosphere for the pursuit of peace, if
it is to be genuine and not spurious, must inspire
all to a correction of injustices, an observance of
human rights, and an end to subversion organized
on a worldwide scale."

Board of Foreign Scholarships

The President on September 24 appointed Mrs.
Bernice B. Cronkhite to be a member of the Board
of Foreign Scholarships for a term expiring Sep-
tember 22, 1957. On the same date he reappointed
the following for terms expiring September 22,
1958 : Samuel M. Browjiell, Koger Allan Moore,
Celestine Joseph Nuesse, and Philip H. Willkie.

Written Tests for Foreign Service
To Be Held in December

Press release 5159 dated September 29

The Department of State announced on Septem-
ber 29 that a 1-day written examination will be
given in 65 cities on December 9, 1955, for candi-
dates wishing to enter the career Foreign Service.
In support of the present program to publicize the
opportunities available in the Foreign Service,
25 Departmental and Foreign Service officers will
shortly visit nearly 200 colleges and universities
throughout the country to talk to young men and
women interested in a career in the Foreign Serv-
ice of the United States.

Requests to take the December examination
must be filed with the Board of Examiners, De-
partment of State, Washington, D. C, not later
than October 21. Informational material and
application forms may be obtained at college or
university placement offices or by writing to the
Department of State. Eligibility requirements
for candidates are :

1. The applicant must be at least 20 and under
31 years of age.

2. Must have been a citizen of the United States
for at least 10 years.

October 10, J 955

575

3. If married, must be married to an American
citizen.

Those successful in the 1-day written examina-
tion will be given a subsequent oral examination
before a traveling panel which will meet in re-
gional centers. Oral examinations will also be
given in Washington. Beginning salaries for
Foreign Service officers range from $4,400 to $5,-
500, depending on age and experience. Addi-
tional benefits include insurance, annual and sick
leave, and a generous retirement plan.

It is expected that approximately 300 officers
will be appointed during the coming year as a re-
sult of the vastly increased need for Foreign
Service officers. These appointments will be
made to fill positions both in the Department in
Washington and at over 250 posts in 77 countries
throughout the world.

Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee
on Trade and Economic Affairs

TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE i

1. The joint United States-Canadian Commit-
tee on Trade and Economic Affairs, which met in
Wasliington in March 1954," held its second meet-
ing in Ottawa today.

The United States was represented by :

Hon. John Foster Dulles.

Secretary of State
Hon. George M. Humplirey,

Secretary of the Treasury
Hon. Ezra Taft Benson,

Secretary of Agriculture
Hon. Sinclair Weeks,

Secretary of Commerce

Canada was represented by :

Rt. Hon. C. D. Howe, M.P.,

Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Defence Pro-
duction
Rt. Hon. J. G. Gardiner, M.P.,

Minister of Agriculture
Hon. L. B. Pearson, M.P.,

Secretary of State for External Affairs
Hon. W. E. Harris, M.P.,

Minister of Finance

' Issued at Ottawa on Sept. 26.
^ Bulletin of Apr. 5, 1954, p. 511.

2. In addition to the members of the Joint Com-
mittee, His Excellency Douglas Stuart, United
States Ambassador to Canada, and His Excel-
lency A. D. P. Heeney, Canadian Ambassador
to the United States, participated in the discus-
sions.

3. This Committee was established by the United
States and Canadian Governments to provide an
opportunity for Cabinet members of both coun-
tries concerned with economic and trade matters
to meet together periodically and review develop-
ments of common interest. Its existence sym-
bolizes the close and friendly relations existing
between the two countries and is evidence of the
interest which each country has in a great num-
ber and variety of economic questions affecting
the other. Its meetings supplement and rein-
force the daily exchanges which take place be-
tween official representatives and between private
citizens of the two countries.

4. At today's meeting the exchanges of views
dealt mainly with general commercial policies
and prospects, with progress being achieved in
dealing with broad international trade and pay-
ments problems, and with policies relating to trade
in agricultural products.

5. The Committee emphasized the importance of
encouraging a large and growing volume of mu-
tually beneficial trade between the United States
and Canada. They discussed the difficulties
which were experienced from time to time in this
connection. They shared the view that this trade
would develop most satisfactorily as part of a
wide-spread system of freer trade and payments.
Such a multilateral pattern of trade would also
best serve to sustain relations between the United
States and Canada, and between each of them and
the many countries with which they are associated
throughout the world, on a wholesome and dura-
ble basis. The Committee recognized that poli-
cies and practices which promoted these purposes
were important to the national well-being and
security of the two countries.

6. The Committee noted that, with the high
rates of employment and economic activity which
had prevailed in most parts of the world, the
level of international trade had generally been
well maintained during the past year. Wliile
some progress had been made in removing restric-
tions and reducing discrimination in many coun-
tries, there remained, however, a need for further
advances in this field.

576

Department of State Bulletin

7. It was realized that difficult, although, it is
hoped, temporary problems existed as a result of
the accumulation of large quantities of some agri-
cultural products in several countries. These
problems, if not handled carefully, could adversely
affect the trade in such products and might also
have damaging consequences for international
trade generally. The members of the Commit-
tee were able to acquaint one another with their
views on these matters. It was agreed that, in
dealing with these problems, there should be closer
consvdtation in an effort to avoid interference
with normal commercial marketings.

8. It was recalled that the initiative for the crea-
tion of this Committee had come from conversa-
tions between President Eisenhower and Prime
Minister St. Laurent in 1953,^ reflecting the keen
desire which both have always shown to improve
understanding and strengthen relations between
the two countries. At the meeting today the
Canadian members expressed their deep sym-
pathy with President Eisenhower in his illness
and their hopes that he would soon be restored to
full health.

Negotiations Concluded for Sale of
Agricultural Commodities to Japan

Press release 578 dated September 30

Representatives of the Government of Japan
and the United States concluded negotiation of
an agreement in Washington, D. C, on September
30, 1955, for the sale for yen to Japan of agricul-
tural commodities having a total value, including
certain transportation costs to be financed by the
United States, of $65,800,000. Under the agree-
ment Japan will purchase wheat, barley, cotton,
tobacco, corn, and other feedgrains. These com-
modities will be made available pursuant to title
I of the Agi'icultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act (Public Law 480, 83d Congress).

A major portion of the sales proceeds will be
used by the Japanese Government on a loan basis
for economic development purposes. The balance
of the proceeds will be used by the United States
for various purposes, including the purchase of
goods in Japan for other friendly countries, edu-

' Ihid., May 2.5, 1953, p. 752. For text of the agreement
establishing the Joint Committee, see ibid., Nov. 30, 1953,
p. 7.39.

cational exchange, agricultural market develop-
ment, and exi^enditures of the U.S. forces in
Japan.

The agreement was initialed on September 30 by
Thorsten Kalijarvi, Acting Deputy Under Secre-
tary of State for Economic Affairs, and Sadao
Iguchi, Ambassador of Japan. The agreement
will be formally signed in Tokyo within a few
weeks and will be submitted to the Japanese Diet
this fall for approval.

Trade Agreement With Guatemala
To Be Terminated

Press release 581 dated September 30

The U.S. Government notified the Guatemalan
Government on September 28, 1955, of its accept-
ance of the latter's proposal of August 2, 1955,
that the reciprocal trade agreement signed by both
countries in 1936 be terminated by mutual consent
on October 15, 1955.

This notification by the U.S. Government is the
product of discussions extending over a year be-
tween representatives of both Governments re-
garding Guatemala's difficulty in giving full effect
to the terms of the trade agreement. In making
its proposal, the Guatemalan Government stated
that its difficulty in applying the provisions of
the trade agreement was due to the antiquated
nature of its customs laws and tariffs. The
Guatemalan Government also stated that it
was considering the possibility of adhering to the
General Agreement on Tariff's and Trade and to
this end was making a detailed study which it
hoped to complete at an early date.

The action to terminate the trade agreement has
been taken in a spirit of full understanding and
good will between the two countries. By mutual
agreement the reciprocal trade agreement will
cease to have effect beginning with October 15,
1955. A proclamation terminating the proclama-
tion of May 16, 1936, which originally put the
trade agreement into force will be issued at a later
date by the U.S. Government.

Termination of tlie trade agreement will not
result in a change of duty on any product im-
ported into the United States from Guatemala.
All the items on which tariff concessions were given
to Guatemala in 1936 under the trade agreement
are either on the free list or, if dutiable, are now
bound in other trade agreements entered into by

Ocfober JO, 1955

577

the United States. The Guatemalan Government
has informed the U.S. Government that after ter-
mination of the trade agreement it intends to in-
crease duties on only a few products covered by
the trade agreement and only after thorough study
by the Guatemalan Tariff Commission.

Along with the acceptance of the Guatemalan
Government's proposal to terminate the trade
agreement, the U.S. Government expressed the
hope that the Guatemalan Government would find
it possible to negotiate for accession to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.

Following are the texts of the notes exchanged
between Domingo Goicolea Villacorta, Guate-
malan Minister of Foreign Affairs, and U.S. Am-
bassador Edward J. SjDarks.

Guatemala's Note to the United States

August 2, 1955

I have the honor to refer to the conversations between
representatives of the Government of Guatemala and of
the Government of the United States regarding termina-
tion, by mutual agreement, of the Trade Agreement of
April 24, 1936.

The Government of Guatemala has clearly made known
that its antiquated customs laws and tariffs and the con-
sequent need of revising them has rendered the applica-
tion of the provisions of the above-mentioned Trade
Agreement increasingly difficult. In view of this situation,
and in accordance with the above-mentioned conversa-
tions, I have the honor to propose to the Illustrious
Government of the United States that the Trade Agree-
ment between the Republic of Guatemala and the United
States of America, signed in this city the 24th of April
of 1936, cease to have effect beginning the 15th day of
October of 1955.

If the Government of the United States of America
agrees with the foregoing, this note and Your Excellency's
answer will constitute an arrangement between our two
Governments which will terminate the above-mentioned
Trade Agreement, and will become effective on the date
of Tour Excellency's note.

The Government of Guatemala is analyzing the possi-
bility of adhering to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade and, to this end, is making a detailed study
of this matter which it hopes to complete at an early date.

I take this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency
the testimony of my most high and distinguished con-
sideration.

Domingo Goicolea Villacorta

United States Reply to Guatemala's Note

September 28, 1955
I have the honor to refer to your Excellency's note
dated August 2, 1955 relating to the termination by
mutual consent of the trade agreement signed April 24,
1936.

I have the honor to inform you that your proposal to
terminate the trade agreement by mutual consent effec-
tive October 15, 1955 is acceptable to the United States
Government and that your note and this reply shall con-
stitute an agreement between our two governments which
shall enter into force today.

I am pleased to note that the Government of Guate-
mala is considering the possibility of adhering to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and to this end is
making a detailed study which it hopes to complete at
an early date. The United States Government hopes
that upon completion of this study the Government of
Guatemala will find it possible to undertake negotiations
with a view to its accession to the General Agreement.

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.

Edward J. Sparks

Renegotiation off Tariff Concessions
With Four Nations

The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 29 (press release 571) that, in accordance
with provisions of the General Agreement on
Tariff's and Trade and under procedures estab-
lished by the Contracting Parties, negotiations for
the modification of concessions previously made
under the agreement have been concluded between
the United States and Italy, Peru, Turkey, and
the Union of South Africa, respectively.^ The
four renegotiations have resulted in no changes in
U.S. duties.

"NMien the Contracting Parties to the general
agreement took action early this year to extend
the firm life of the tariff concessions in the agree-
ment from July 2, 1955, to December 31, 1957,
they agreed that prior to such extension a country
could renegotiate individual tariff concessions with
a view to their modification or withdrawal. Pro-
cedures for renegotiations were developed at the
eighth and ninth sessions of the Contracting Par-
ties. Under article XXVIII of the agreement a
country wishing to withdraw or modify a conces-
sion first must try to reach agreement with other
interested countries. The usual basis for agree-
ment is the granting of new concessions as com-
pensation for the withdrawn concession.

Italy negotiated with the United States for the
increase of the Italian concession rate on typeset-

^ For details of the negotiations, see General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade: Analysis of Renegotiation of Cer-
tain Tariff Concessions (Italy, Pern, Union of South Afri-
ca, and Turkey), Department of State publication 6001,
for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, 15 cents.

578

Departmenf of State Bulletin

ting and typefounding machines and parts. As
compensation to the United States for this in-
crease, Italy agreed to reduce its tariff rates on
punchcard machines for accounting and statistics
and on parts for these machines. In 1954, U.S.
exports of the items on which the rate was re-
duced are estimated to have been about $900,000,
while exports of the products on which the rate
was increased amounted to $554,000.

The Peruvian negotiations were more exten-
sive, resulting in the withdrawal of 59 concessions
and the modification upward of 2 others. As com-
pensation for these actions, Peru granted 90 new
concessions to the United States and other coun-
tries. These compensatory concessions cover im-
ports from the United States in 1954 of more
than $1-3 million. Imports from the U.S. of the
products affected by the modifications and with-
drawals were valued at about $7.6 million in 1954.

In 1954 the Contracting Parties to the general
agreement authorized Turkey to enter into nego-
tiations with interested countries with a view to
reaching agreement so that Turkey could make
effective its new tariff law which, among other
things, changed the basis of the tariff generally
from specific to ad valorem duties. As one of the
interested parties, the United States consulted
with representatives of Turkey. The United
States concluded that by and large the Turkish
proposals were reasonable in view of the generally
low level of the new tariff' and since, in the process
of converting from specific to ad valorem duties,
the apparent increases in the bound rates on some
items were largely offset by reductions on others.
In the course of the consultations, Turkey agreed,
at the request of the United States, to lower the ad
valorem rates on certain items of particular inter-
est to the United States.

The Union of South Africa has withdrawn gen-
eral agreement concessions on 15 tariff items and
increased the rate on 2 others. As compensation
for the withdrawals and modifications of rates,
South Africa has granted concessions on 17 items.
Of these compensatory concessions, 14 involved
removal or reduction of the duty, 2 involved bind-
ings at the current duty-free rate, and 1 a binding
of a ceiling rate. Only one of these compensatory
concessions was made directly to the United
States. The value of the U.S. trade benefited by
this direct concession — on transmission chains in
uncut lengths — is substantially greater than that
adversely affected by the withdrawal of the three

concessions negotiated directly with the United
States. In addition, U.S. trade in items on which
concessions were granted directly to other coun-
tries has been considerably greater than its trade
in items on which concessions were withdrawn or
modified.

Corrections to Published List
of Articles imported into U.S.

Press release 568 dated September 29

Notice was given on September 29 of several
corrections to the list of products to be considered
in the tariff negotiations announced in Depart-
ment of State publication 5993 of September 21,
1955. These are in addition to those noted in the
errata list which was contained in the booklet. A
notice of the changes required to correct the list
has been issued. The corrections which should
be made in the original list are shown below.

The original notice of the Committee for Eeci-
procity Information ^ also omitted reference to
the possibility of filing briefs in the event the per-
sons filing do not wish to be heard. As in the past,
however, the Committee stands ready to receive
such briefs, and they, like briefs of persons desir-
ing to be heard, should be submitted not later than
12 : 00 noon, October 17, 1955. An amended notice
to this effect has been issued.

Corrections To Be Made in the September 21 List

Par. 35: Delete the word "drugs".

Par. 217: Change the period at the end of the descrip-
tive language to a comma and add "and if holding less
than 1/4 pint".

Par. 218(e) (h) : After the word "filled" insert "with
toilet preparations,".

Par. 230(d): Delete the language "building blocks or
bricks, crystal color, and pressed and polished but un-
decorated".

Par. 339: Change the word "household" the second
time it appears to "hospital".

Par. 106: For the word "Offal", substitute "Edible
animal livers, kidneys, tongues, hearts, sweetbreads,
tripe, and brains, fresh, chilled, or frozen".

Par. 1003: Delete "20-pound but not finer in size than".

Par. 1021: Insert at the end of the descriptive language
"(except grass or rice straw floor coverings)".

Par. 1529(a) [27]; Delete the underscoring under the
last word "Other".

Par. 1531: Insert "straps and strops;" before "wearing
apparel, wholly or in chief value of reptile leather ;".

' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 510.

Ocfober 70, 7955

579

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of Meetings '

Adjourned during September 1955

9th Edinburgh Film Festival Edinburgh Aug. 21-Sept. 11

1st U. N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Geneva Aug. 22-Sept. 3

International Wool Textile Research Conference Sydney (Australia) Aug. 22-Sept. 9

16th International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art Venice Aug. 25-Sept. 10

International Astronomical Union: 9th General Assembly .... Dublin Aug. 29-Sept. 5

14th International Horticultural Congress Scheveningen (Netherlands) . . Aug. 29-Sept. 6

U. N. Economic Commission for Latin America: 6th Session . . . Bogotd Aug. 29-Sept. 17

IcAO 2d Air Navigation Conference Montreal Aug. 30-Sept. 27

International Association for Hydraulic Research: 6th Congress . . The Hague Aug. 31-Sept. 6

9th International Congress of Refrigeration Paris Aug. 31-Sept. 8

IcAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Chartering and Hiring of The Hague Sept. 1-6

Baltic and North Sea Radiotelephone Conference Goteborg (Sweden) Sept. 1-21

Damascus International Fair Damascus Sept. 2-30

20th Salonika International Trade Fair Salonika Sept. 4-25

International Commission for Criminal Police: 24th General Istanbul Sept. 5-9

Assembly.

International" Scientific Tobacco Congress Pans Sept. 6-10

IcAO Diplomatic Conference for the Purpose of Finalizing the The Hague Sept. 6-30

Protocol of Amendment of the Warsaw Convention.

U. N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri- New York Sept. 8-9

tories: Reconvened 6th Session.

Unicep Executive Board and Program Committee New York Sept. 8-17

International Rubber Studv Group: Management Committee . . London Sept. 9 (1 day)

Paso Directing Council: 8th Meeting; and Who Regional Com- Washington Sept. 9-21

mittee: 7th meeting.

19th Levant Fair Bari (Italy) Sept. 9-27

International Union of Public Transportation: 31st Congress. . . Naples Sept. 11-17

U. N. Refugee Fund: 1st Meeting of Standing Program Subcom- Geneva Sept. 12-16

mittee.

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and Inter- Istanbul Sept. 12-17

national Monetary Fund: 10th Annual Meeting of Boards of

Governors.

U. N. EcAFE Working Party of Experts on Hydrologic Termi- Bangkok Sept. 12-24

U. N. EcE Timber Committee: 13th Session Geneva Sept. 13-17

Who Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 6th Session .... Singapore Sept. 13-19

Gatt Working Party on Tariff Reductions Geneva Sept. 15-21

Fag International Chestnut Commission Rome Sept. 19-24

Joint Fao/Who Conference on Food Additives Geneva Sept. 19-24

Pan American Highway Congress: Technical Committee on High- Lima Sept. 19-24

way Organization and Planning.

9th Pan American Congress of Architects Caracas Sept. 19-28

International Sugar Council: 5th Session London Sept. 20-21

U. N. EcE Coal Committee Geneva Sept. 21-22

Anzus Council: 3d Meeting Washington Sept. 24 (1 day)

Fag Near East Forestry Commission: 1st Session Teheran Sept. 24-29

In Session as of September 30, 1955

U. N. Disarmament Commission: Subcommittee of Five New York Aug. 29-

Negotiation of a South Pacific Fisheries Conservation Convention . . Santiago Sept. 1 4-

U. N. General Assembly: 10th Session New York Sept. 20-

Gatt Intersessional Committee Geneva Sept. 22-

Ilo Textiles Committee: 5th Session Geneva Sept. 26-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 30, 1955. Asterisks Indicate tentative dates. Following is
a list of abbreviations : U.N.. United Nations ; Icao, International Civil Aviation Organization : Unicef, United Nations
Children's Fund ; Paso, Pan American Sanitary Organization ; Who, World Health Organization ; Ec.vfe, Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East; Ece, Economic Commission for Europe; Gatt, General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade ; Fao, Food and Agriculture Organization ; Anztjs, Australia-New Zealand-United States; Ilo, International
Labor Organization ; Icem, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration ; Inr, International Telecommunica-
tion Union; Unesco, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; Ecosoc, Economic and Social
Council ; Nato, North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

580 Department of %tate Bulletin

Calendar of Meetings — Continued

In Session as of September 30, 1955 — Continued

U. N. EcE Conference of European Statisticians: 3d Session . . . Geneva Sept. 26-

U. N. EcE Committee for the Development of Trade and East- West Geneva Sept. 26-

Trade Consultations.

International Conference on Regional Planning and Development . . London Sept. 28-

Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Singapore Sept. 2&-

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : Officials Meeting.

Fag Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council: 6th Meeting Tokyo Sept. 30-

Fao Meeting To Consider Report on Stabilization of the Interna- Bangkok Sept. 30-

tional Trade in Rice.

Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1955

U. N. Conference on Olive Oil Geneva Oct. 3-

Fao Latin American Forestry Commission: 5th Session Caracas Oct. 4-

IcEM Executive Committee: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 6-

IcAO Facilitation Division: 4th Session Manila Oct. 10-

Fao European Forestry Commission: 8th Session Rome Oct. 10-

Fao European Forestry Commission: Working Party on Afforesta- Rome Oct. 12-

tion and Reforestation

Postal Union of the Americas and Spain: 7th Congress Bogotd Oct. 12-

Fao Technical Meeting on Poultry Production in Asia and the Poona (India) Oct. 17-

Far East

Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Singapore Oct. 17-

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : Ministerial Meeting

Ilo Committee on Work on Plantations: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17-

IcEM Council: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17-

International Rubber Study Group: 12th Meeting Monrovia (Liberia) Oct. 17-
Itu International Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ccit): Study Geneva Oct. 17-

Group IX

UNESCO Conference on the Dissemination of Science Madrid Oct. 19-

Unesco International Advisory Committee on Marine Sciences and Tokyo Oct. 19-

Regional Symposium on Physical Oceanography

Fag Committee on Commodity Problems: 26th Session Rome Oct. 20-

Annual World Modern Pentathlon Championships Macolin (Switzerland) .... Oct. 21-

South Pacific Commission: 14th Session Noumea (New Caledonia) . . . Oct. 22-

Gatt Intersessional Committee Geneva Oct. 24-

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 43d Annual Copenhagen Oct. 24-

Meeting

U. N. EcAPE Inland Waterway Subcommittee: 3d Session .... Dacca (Pakistan) Oct. 24-

International Wheat Council: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 25*-

International Wheat Conference Geneva Oct. 26-

Itu International Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ccit): Study Geneva Oct. 26-

Group VIII

IcAO Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting Manila Oct. 27-

Meeting of Foreign Ministers of France, United Kingdom, Union of Geneva Oct. 27-

Soviet Socialist Republics, and United States

Gatt Contracting Parties: 10th Session Geneva Oct. 27-

Fao Council: 22d Session Rome Oct. 28-

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 3d Meeting . . Tokyo Oct. 31-

U. N. EcAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Plan- Bangkok Oct. 31-

ning: 1st Meeting.

International Exposition on "The Child in the World" Rome Nov. 1-

Fag Conference: 8th Session Rome Nov. 4-

Silver Jubilee Fair in Celebration of the 25th Anniversary of the Addis Ababa Nov. 5-

Coronation of the Emperor.

International Wool Study Group: 6th Meeting London Nov. 8-

Unesco Executive Board: 42d Meeting Paris Nov. 9-

U. N. Ecafe Working Party on Small-Scale Industries and Handi- Bangkok Nov. 14-

craft Marketing: 4th Meeting.

Ilo Governing Body: 130th Session Geneva Nov. 15-

U. N. Ecape Highway Subcommittee: 3d Session Bangkok or Manila Nov. 21-

1st International Congress on Documentation of Applied Chemistry . London Nov. 22-

2d International Fair and Exposition of Colombia Bogota Nov. 25-

Fao Council: 23d Session Rome Nov. 26-

North Pacific Fur Seal Conference Washington Nov. 28-

U. N. EcGsoc Commission on International Commodity Trade: Geneva Nov. 28-

Resumed 2d Session.

Ilo Asian Technical Conference on Vocational Training for Indus- Rangoon Nov. 28-

try.

1st European Civil Aviation Conference Strasbourg Nov. 29-

U. N. EcE Electric Power Committee Geneva Nov. 30-

U. N. Trusteeship Council: Special Session New York November

Unescg Conference on Cultural Relations and International Cooper- Paris Dec. 1-

ation.

Ocfober JO, 1955 581

Calendar of Meetings — Continued

Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1955 — Continued

UNESCO Conference of Experts on the Cultural Integration of

Immigrants.

Caribbean Commission: 21st Meeting

Fag International Rice Commission: 5th Meeting of Working Party

on Fertilizers and 6th Meeting of Working Party on Rice

Breeding.

U.N. Seminar on Population Problems in Latin America

U.N. EcAFE Railway Subcommittee: 4th Session

U.N. EcE Steel Committee

Ilo Inter-American Regional Technical Meeting on Cooperatives. .

Ciudad Trujillo International Fair

International Institute for the Protection of Childhood: Biannual

Meeting of Directing Council.

Conference of Geologists in British West Indian Territory

Nato: Ministerial Meeting of the Council

U.N. Economic and Social Council: Resumed 20th Session

Caracas Dec. 2-

Aruba (Netherlands Antilles) . . Dec. 5*-

Penang (Malaya) Dec. 5-

Rio de Janeiro Dec. 5-

New Delhi or Bombay Dec. 5-

Geneva Dec. 5-

Mexico, D.F Dec. 7-

Ciudad Trujillo Dec. 20-

Montevideo December*

Antigua (Leeward Islands) . . December

Paris December*

New York December

Danger to Future off U.N. Inherent
in Discussion of Algeria

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.

U.S. Bepresentative to the General Assembly ^

Mr. President, we believe the Assembly should
bear in mind certain relevant factors as it decides
whether to inscribe in its agenda the item entitled
"The Question of Algeria."

Remembering that a vote on the inscription of
an item is without prejudice to the ultimate ques-
tion of the Assembly's competence, we must never-
theless in this particular case take into account the
following :

Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, which are Fi-ench
protectorates, Algeria under French law is ad-
ministratively an integral part of the French
Republic.

We have noted in the explanatory memorandum
(Document A/2924) which has been submitted
by the members that have proposed the item re-

^Made in plenary session on Sept. 30 (U.S. delegation
press release 2213). At the same meeting the Assembly
rejected the General Committee's recommendation against
Inscription of the Algerian question (Bulletin of Oct. 3,
1955, p. 54G). The vote on the recommendation was 27
(Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia,
Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, France,
Haiti, Honduras, Israel, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New
Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Peru, Sweden, Tur-
key, Union of South Africa, U.K., U.S., Venezuela ) —28
(Afghanistan, Argentina, Bolivia, Burma, Byelorussia,
Costa Rica, Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Greece, Guatemala,
India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Liberia, Mexico,
Pakistan, Philippines, Poland, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Thai-
land, Ukraine, U.S.S.R., Uruguay, Yemen, Yugoslavia).
There were 5 abstentions (China, El Salvador, Ethiopia,
Iceland, Paraguay).

specting Algeria that it is stated that "there is an
imperative need for negotiations between the Gov-
ernment of France and the true representatives
of the Algerian people" and that consideration of
the Algerian question by the General Assembly
would facilitate a solution by making the need for
negotiation evident. We have noted further that
reference is made to the right of the people of Al-
geria to independence as well as to the concern of
the international community in a prompt solution
of the Algerian problem, a concern to which the
French Goverimient is claimed to have failed to
respond. Now, Mr. President, this memorandum
indicates clearly that what is sought by the spon-
sors of the item is the sanction of the General
Assembly to a course of action intended to bring
about fundamental changes in the composition of
one of the General Assembly's own members, that
is, the French Republic. If it doesn't mean that,
it doesn't mean anything.

The United States believes that the proposed
item, viewed in the context of this action proposed
to be sought in the General Assembly, falls within
the provisions of article 2, paragraph 7, of the
United Nations Charter.

Let me say this final word. There is grave
danger to the future of the United Nations in
taking up questions whose consideration would
conflict with the provisions of article 2, paragraph
7. We definitely think that this danger is inherent
in the pending question. Now, of course, this As-
sembly can vote as it wishes, but we should be com-
pletely clear in our own minds as to just exactly
what it is that we are doing.

For these reasons, the United States will vote to
support the recommendation of the General Com-
mittee that this item not be included in the agenda.

582

Department of S/afe Rulleiln

Question of Inscribing Soviet Item
on Relaxing International Tension

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}

Mr. President, the United States will vote to
inscribe the pending item on the agenda of the
Tenth Session of the General Assembly.

The draft resolution submitted under this item
makes reference to the recent Geneva meeting of
the four Heads of Government, to the Bandung
conference, and to the desirability of Governments
continuing their efforts to consolidate world peace
and improve international relations. These senti-
ments are, of course, unexceptionable. We hope
they portend early progress toward the just settle-
ment of international differences.

There are several questions which arise with re-
spect to the draft resolution, but today I refer only
to that portion of the resolution which says that
the General Assembly :

. . . attaches particular importance to the considera-
tion of proposals by States designed to put an end to the
armaments race and to settle outstanding International
problems through negotiations ; to consideration of the
proposals of the Soviet Government of 10 May and 21
July 1955 on the reduction of armaments, the prohibition
of atomic weapons and the removal of the threat of a
new war, the proposal of the United States of America
on a general plan lor the implementation of the disarma-
ment proposals made by the President of the United
States on 21 July 1955 at Geneva, and the proposals in-
troduced at Geneva by the United Kingdom and by France,
and of pertinent proposals by other States.

Mr. President, the United States had hoped that
by this time the Soviet Union would have re-
sponded affirmatively to President Eisenhower's
proposal for aerial inspection and the exchange of
information on military establishments. We re-

'Made before the General Committee on Sept. 29 (U.S.
delegation press release 2212) on the question of inscrib-
ing the Soviet resolution entitled "Measures for the Fur-
ther Relaxation of International Tension and Development
of International Cooperation" (U.N. doc. A/2981). The
General Committee decided without objection to recom-
mend inclusion of the item and its allocation to the First
Committee.

gret that this has not yet happened because the
United States continues to regard this proposal
as the most promising first step toward far-reach-
ing disarmament. This is the step we think which
could lead to real progress soon. We think, ac-
cordingly, that the Soviet language in this re-
spect is rather weak — I might say rather dilatory —
as far as substance is concerned. We shall none-
theless, as I have said, vote to inscribe this item.
We shall deal with the substance when the matter
comes up in committee.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

General Assembly

Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Tenth
Kegidar Session of the General Assembly : Items Pro-
posed by India, (a) Reports of the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission in Korea ; (b) Problem of Ex-
Prisoners of the Korean War. Letter dated 21 August
1955 addressed to the Secretary-General by the Perma-
nent Representative of India to the United Nations.
A/2941, August 22, 1955. 1 p. mimeo.

Information from Non-Self-Governiug Territories Trans-
mitted Under Article 73e of the Charter : Report of the
Secretary-General and of the Committee on Information
from Non-Self-Governing Territories. Offers of Study
and Training Facilities Under Resolution 845 (IX) of
22 November 1954. Report of the Secretary-General.
A/2937, August 26, 1955. 29 pp. mimeo.

Headquarters of the United Nations. Report of the Sec-
retary-General. A/2948, August 30, 1955. 3 pp. mimeo.

Request for the Inclusion of an Additional Item in the
Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session : Item Proposed
by India. Dissemination of Information on the Effects
of Atomic Radiation and on the Effects of Experimental
Explosions of Thermo-Nuclear Bombs. Letter dated 30
August 1955 addressed to the Secretary-General by the
Permanent Representative of India to the United Na-
tions. A/2949, August 31, 1955. 1 p. mimeo.

Economic and Social Council

Economic Commission for Latin America. Progress Re-
port on the Study on Social Conditions of Economic
Development. E/CN.12/374, July 15, 1955. 36 pp.
mimeo.

Economic Commission for Latin America. Analysis and
Prospects of Inter-Central-Americau Trade. E/CN.12/
367, July 20, 1955. 46 pp. mimeo.

Economic Commission for Latin America. Pulp and
Paper Prospects in Latin America. E/CN.12/370, July
20, 1955. 65 pp. mimeo.

World Social Situation. Report of the Social Committee.
E/2780, July 21, 1955. 13 pp. mimeo.

Ocfober ?0, 1955

583

Economic and Social Progress by Women of the Americas

TENTH ASSEMBLY OF THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION OF WOMEN, MAY 29-JUNE 16

by Mrs. Frances M. Lee

The Tenth Assembly of the Inter- American
Commission of Women, which met from May 29
to June 16, 1955, is of unusual interest because it
was held at San Juan, Puerto Rico, at the invita-
tion of the United States Govenunent, and also
because it considered major economic and edu-
cational problems facing women in this hemi-
sphere.

The Inter- American Commission of Women is
composed of delegates from each of the 21 Ameri-
can Republics, appointed by their respective gov-
ernments. It works for the extension of women's
rights and has headquarters in the Pan American
Union. Its assemblies have been held in a num-
ber of Latin American capitals. The Govern-
ment of Haiti had originally invited the Com-
mission to hold its Tenth Assembly at Port-au-
Prince in November 1954 but was forced to cancel
plans because of damage caused by the hurricane
which struck Haiti only a few weeks before the
Oldening date.

The United States invitation for the Tenth As-
sembly was extended at the instance of Governor
Luis Mufioz IMarin of Puerto Rico, and the Puerto
Rican Government provided all local facilities,
including the services of a secretariat. President
Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles sent greetings
which were read at the oj^ening session in the
Legislative Palace.^ As customary at meetings of
the Commission, Mrs. Eisenhower, as the wife of
the President of the host Government, was elected

honorary chairman of the assembly, and in recog-
nition of the hospitality accorded by the Gov-
ernment of Puerto Rico, Mrs. Muiioz Marin was
elected honorary vice chairman. Mrs. Muiioz
Marin was invited to address a plenary session
and expressed her profound interest, and that of
the people of the Commonwealth, in the meeting
and in the progress of American women.

Delegates were present from 15 of the Ameri-
can Republics — Argentina, Brazil, Colombia,
Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecua-
dor, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nic-
aragua, Panama, Paraguay, and the United States.
Official representatives came from the United
Nations to explain the work of the Commission
on the Status of Women, and from the Interna-
tional Labor Organization [IloJ. The United
States delegation included two alternate delegates :
Mrs. Gladys Dorris Barber, who has had wide
experience in women's and civic organizations in
this country and now resides at Bogota, where
her husband is Counselor of Embassy ; and Mrs.
Felisa Rincon de Gautier, the Mayor of San Juan,
who has served in official posts in Puerto Rico for
many years. The United States delegation also
had the assistance of two advisers from the Puerto
Rican Department of Education, Mrs. Margarita
Pont Marchand and Miss Maria Socorro Lacot.
Thirty-eight nongovernmental observers from the
United States were accredited, rejiresenting Gov-
ernment agencies, the faculty of the University

• Mrs. Lee., author of the above article., is U.S.
Representative on the Inter-American Commis-
sion of Women and served as U.S. delegate at its
Tenth Assemhly .

' Texts of the greetings are included in Mrs. Lee's open-
ing address, which, together with the speech of welcome
by Mrs. Rincon de Gautier, Mayor of San Juan, is an-
nexed to this report.

584

Department of State Bulletin

of Puerto Rico, and some 20 women's organiza-
tions, including the General Federation of "Wom-
en's Clubs, the Girl Scouts, the National Council
of Catholic Women, the Hadassah, the Y^VCA,
the Voluntary Services of the Red Cross, the
American Legion Auxiliary, and others with in-
ternational affiliations.

Progress since the Ninth Assemblj' of the Com-
mission in 1953 was reported by many delegates.
In this period, Colombia and Honduras had
achieved woman suffrage, and the women in Haiti
had exercised the franchise for the first time, in
local elections last January. Paraguay adopted
legislation last year provieling equality for women
in the general field of civil rights. The number of
women holding elective and appointive office in the
American Republics is increasing rapidly. The
chairman of the Commission, Mi-s. Maria Concep-
cion de Chaves of Paraguay, reported women in
the i^arliaments of ten of the twenty-one Republics,
two women as cabinet ministers, and three serving
as ambassadors or ministers to foreign countries.
In 1928, when the Inter- American Commission of
Women was first organized, the only member coun-
try in which women had suffrage rights was the
United States ; at this Assembly the record showed
women voting in all but two of the American Re-
publics, usually on equal terms with men.

In accordance with a plan adopted by the Com-
mission in 1953, the Assembly this year concen-
trated its attention in the social and economic field,
leaving consideration of civil and political ques-
tions until its next meeting. This alternation per-
mitted better use of documentation prepared in
advance by the Commission secretariat and more
thorough discussion of proposals.

EconomiG Matters Discussed

On the economic side, the Commission reaffirmed
its support of equal pay for equal work for women,
noting the standards already approved by the Ilo
and urging governments to implement the prin-
ciple in domestic legislation. One of the resolu-
tions adopted was based on a United States pro-
posal and provides for informational materials
which the delegates can use in their own countries
in the press, in regular publications of women's
organizations, and in other ways. Since the con-
stitutions of many of the Latin American Repub-
lics incorporate the principle of equal pay for
equal work, the problem is primarily one of prac-

tical implementation and enforcement of legal
provisions. The United States delegation contrib-
uted a brief analysis based on experience in this
country in the 16 States having equal-pay laws.
The United States has stressed the necessity of
equal opportunity to attain this goal.

The Commission made further plans for three
projects initiated in earlier assemblies. The first
of these is a study of the situation and economic
responsibilities of women workers in the Americas,
requested by the Ninth International Conference
of American States at Bogota in 1948. A technical
survey which might be the basis for this study was
completed late in 1953 and has since been reviewed
by the delegates and interested international agen-
cies. Because of the length of the report, the Com-
mission decided further referrals to governments
and official bodies should be in sunamary form. A
full report, to be submitted to the next Inter- Amer-
ican Conference in 1958, will include current in-
formation. While certain statements in the survey
were criticized by some of the delegates, there was
general agreement that the burdens for family sup-
port carried by working women were far greater
than is usually realized and that much needs to be
done, particularly to prepare girls and women to
earn adequately in relation to their responsibilities.

Among other measures advocated by the Com-
mission to improve economic opportunities for
women is a "continental campaign" of visits to
selected countries to stimulate local action, and a
conference of leaders in government agencies deal-
ing with women woi'kers. Since the Ilo conducted
a Conference on Women's Work at Lima, Peru,
last December, the Conmiission invited its assist-
ance in further projects.

Because of wide interest in the work of the
Women's Bureau in our Department of Labor, the
U.S. delegation provided an exliibit illustrating
its program and many of its publications. An
explanation of the exhibit, circulated in Spanish,
proved highly popular.

Need for Adequate Education

The field of education attracted major interest
in the Assembly because of an increasing realiza-
tion that, until more women are equipped through
schooling in their early years, they caiuiot make a
full contribution to the economic or to the political
life of their countries. Among the delegates wei-e
several who are currently professors or adminis-

OcfoJjer 70, 7955

585

trators in educational institutions and others who
are engaged in jsrofessions requiring long prep-
aration. Although few, if any, legal restrictions
on education for women exist in the American
Republics, in many areas it has not been customary
for girls to remain in school long enough to obtain
adequate training. The Commission had adopted
i-ecommendations on education in previous assem-
blies, but it had not accumulated statistics on the
comparative situation of boys and girls in the vari-
ous countries nor specific information which
might help to promote an appreciation of educa-
tional needs. The Assembly therefore concen-
trated on further work in tlie primary and elemen-
tary field. It also urged increased budgets for
education, and attention to the particular problems
of vocational education and adult illiteracy.

A proposal advanced by the United States and
adopted unanimously recognized that equal work
opportunities for women and equal pay are objec-
tives which require equal educational opportuni-
ties, and that such opportunities are likewise essen-
tial to equip women for their responsibilities in the
family and in community life. A resolution pro-
posed by the Haitian delegation pointed out that,
in these days of rapid conununication, mechaniza-
tion, and industrial development, the woman who
cannot read is not able to be a good worker and is
also seriously handicapped in utilizing technical
agriculture advice offered by the governments and
other sources. It adds, "Home life requires capac-
ity on the part of a mother to read and write."
The Commission also urged the creation of local
committees which might encourage parents to edu-
cate their daughters and help girls trying to
continue through high school or college.

The assemblies of the Inter-American Commis-
sion of Women provide an opportunity to inter-
est governments in the problems and capacities of
women in relation to national life. However, the
analysis and exchange of experience during the
assemblies go far beyond the agenda of the par-
ticular meeting, for many countries lack the abun-
dance of information we take for granted in the
United States, and the personal observations of
the delegates are an important part of their re-
ports. "V^liile there are great variations among
the American Republics, there are also great simi-
larities ; the deserts, the farms, and the cities of the
United States offer situations as diverse and as
full of human need as areas south of our border,
and this is true also of every other country. The

assemblies open the way for recognition of com-
mon problems and of mutual interest in their
solution.

I am greatly encouraged that so many of our
■women's organizations sent observers to the As-
sembly at San Juan, for I believe that the Inter-
American Commission of Women is one of the
instrmnents through which the people of the
Americas can gain greater confidence in each other
and in the constructive processes of government.
The Dominican Republic has invited the Commis-
sion to hold its next Assembly at Ciudad Trujillo.
This meeting will probably take place late in 1956,
and I hope that organizations in this counti-y will
begin now to formulate plans to send observers,
including the provision of necessary expenses. I
hope also that women throughout the Americas
will take full advantage of opportunities for ex-
change visits and study offered by governments
and private sources, so that we can increase our
knowledge of and acquaintance with each other.

ANNEX I— OPENING ADDRESS BY MRS. LEE

It is my privilege to welcome this Tenth As-
sembly of the Inter-American Commission of
Women on behalf of the Government of the
United States. It is a double privilege to welcome
this Assembly to San Juan, which is at once a
North American and a Latin American city. I
have here a message from the President of the
United States, which I shall read first in English
and then in Spanish translation. The President
says:

In welcoming this Tenth Assembly of the Inter-Ameri-
can Commission of Women to the United States, I feel
great satisfaction that our common purpose can be further
strensthened by the cooperation of the Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico. Here, the rich cultui'es of the Americas
are joined in mutual understanding.

Since this Commission was first organized, in 1928, the
capacity of women for public service and leadership has
been increasingly recognized. Today, American women
are Members of Congresses and Cabinets ; they are Dele-
gates to our great International Conferences, and they
are serving with great ability as Ambassadors of Govern-
ments. This progress is a tribute to the influence of the
Inter-American Commission of Women.

I have also a message from the Secretary of State,
John Foster Dulles. He says:

I am aslving Mrs. Lee to bring you my personal greeting
at the opening of the Tenth Assembly of the Inter-Ameri-
can Commission of Women in San Juan, where you are
meeting on an invitation extended by the United States

586

Department of State Bulletin

Goyernment at the cordial instance of the Governor of
the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.

I am sure that the United States, along with all other
Members of the Commission, will continue to gain by its
work on behalf of the women of America. Will you
please express to each of the Delegates my confidence in
the success of the Assembly.

We are all aware, I am sure, of the preparations
made by the Government of the Commonwealth
of Puerto Kico for this meeting. The women of
Puerto Eico have participated in previous meet-
ings of our Commission in various ways. The ex-
perience of the Government of Puerto Rico has
often had direct bearing on our work because the
legal system in this area goes back to the same
Spanish colonists who settled in Central and South
America.

Women throughout the United States have been
proud of the record women have made here in
Puerto Eico through their organizations and in
public office. As you know, San Juan has had a
lady mayor for the past 9 years, and other cities
here in Puerto Eico have also elected women
mayors. The first woman was elected to the
Puerto Eican legislature more than 20 years ago,
in 1932. This was in advance of many legislatures
in the continental United States and helped set a
standard for them. The present vice president of
the Puerto Eican House of Eepresentatives is a
woman who, besides long and distinguished service
in that body, has been successful also as a coffee
grower and a teacher.

I do not need to tell you, perhaps, that this early
recognition of women in Puerto Eico stems from
,in old tradition, the same Hispanic tradition that
holds a woman's name equal with that of her
husband in marriage. After all, it was from this
island of Puerto Eico that some of the first Carib-
bean leadership for women came, in the fields of
education and the arts as well as in the long and
ultimately successful campaign for full iJolitical
recognition of women citizens here. It is interest-
ing to recall that Puerto Eican men have been
actively interested in this jjrogress as well as
Puerto Eican women. In this connection we need
only remember the honored name of Eugenio
Maria de Hostos, who helped establish the splen-
did school system of the Eepublic of Chile and was
largely responsible for the admission of women to
the National University of that country — a privi-
lege granted in Chile sooner than in any other
country of the hemisphere.

Most of the laws which actually determine the

status of women itt the United States are within
the jurisdiction of our local governments, so that
the work of this Commission has its effect in the
United States chiefly when it is taken into account
by local governing bodies. Education, marriage,
guardianship, for example, are considered local
matters to be determined within the States. From
a practical point of view, there is great merit,
therefore, in our meeting here in San Juan where
local leaders can become familiar with our work.

We are meeting in the Western Hemisphere, the
largest area in the world in which people have the
right to determine their countries' development
under a system of cooperation which has been an
example to the world in its functioning and accom-
plishment. In this hemisphere governments and
peoples gather without fear of each other. No-
where else is there so great a hope. We can no
longer limit our task to the elimination of specific
discrimination against women and of legal barriers
to their education and employment. These dis-
criminations and barriers have to a great extent
disappeared, due in considerable degree to the
work of this Commission, which for 27 years has
been active in seeking equality for women.

Now that both civil and ijolitical rights liave
been given to women in practically all of the Amer-
ican Eepublics, we are entering on the much wider
and perliaps more difficult task of making full use
of these rights. Pointing out opportunities to
governments through which women may develop
their talent? and contribute fully to the life of the
family, the community, and the nation is a basic
responsibility of this Commission. Today, doors
are open to women, but it will depend largely on
our generation whether these opportunities are
used to the greatest advantage.

It is true that women who have had the chance to
learn and to imderstand their new responsibilities
have confidence in their ability and can change the
patterns of whole areas by working together. We
must be sure that all the women in our countries
are equipped by education to help their families
and their communities.

The delegates to the Inter-American Commis-
sion of Women are charged with a great responsi-
bility to advance the purpose of the Commission to
bring about a real change in the lives of millions
of women iit the countries they represent and to
insure the strength and continuity of freedom in
the Western Hemisphere.

In closing, let me say again that it is a great

Ocfofaer 10, 1955

587

privileji;e to welcome you on behalf of the Govern-
ment of the United States. Let us, as delegates of
our countries, build firm the foundation on which
women will stand in the service of their countries
and of the world.

ANNEX II— ADDRESS BY MRS. RINCON
DE GAUTIER

[Translation]

I am devoutly grateful for the realization today
of a dream which I have cherished for many yeare :
that of seeing in my own homeland a meeting such
as we have here of representatives of the most
distinguished women's organizations of the entire
American world. It is with the greatest pleasure
that I welcome you to the capital of the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico.

The city which rejoices to welcome you today is
one of the oldest in the history of America, and
also one of the most modern in spirit and social
development. Puerto Eico is proud of its past
history, its traditions, its music, dances, and lan-
guage. Puerto Rico, while profoundly aware of
its Spanish American roots, welcomes the progi-es-
sive spirit of the people of the United States with
whom the Puerto Rican people have established an
exemplary and fraternal political association.
Here in San Juan, my friends, there are no strang-
ers. We all feel the basic unity of the hemisphere
and recognize the magnificent opportunities af-
forded by the creative co-existence of the great
cultures of the New World.

As a Puerto Rican woman, I am all the happier
today to be able to state proudly that in this land
women have achieved their rights and have done a
magnificent job, without sacrificing their tradi-
tions, their devotion to their homes, nor their
femininity. Wherever j'ou may go in this Island,
you will find capable women holding responsible
positions in both public life and private enterprise,
helping to build a better Puerto Rico. In that
respect, I am bound to make public acknowledg-
ment of the extreme generosity toward women and
their aspirations on the part of Puerto Rican men,
who not only have never opposed our aspirations
to public service but indeed have helped us in
that direction, treating us always as equals yet
respecting us as women. In every aspect of our
public life there is today ample opportunity for
women. Everywhere women are needed and
everywhere are accepted as an indispensable ele-

ment in the day's work : in schools, factories, and
hospitals ; in the professions; in commerce ; in law
and in political fields.

I believe that all this has been possible in Puerto
Rico because of the devotion which the people of
the Commonwealth feel for the democratic way
of life. The tolerance of Puerto Ricans with re-
gard to the free expression of ideas, their faith
in the will of the people as expressed fully and
without coercion at the polls, the absence of racial
prejudice and caste economy; all these have been
made possible in great measure, I believe, by the
increasing participation by women in every field
of our social progress.

Puerto Rican women do not feel that it is enough
to render service to the people of Puerto Rico only.
We wish to serve all the peoples of America in
ever increasing degi-ee. In behalf of our people,
modest in temporal resources but generously en-
dowed by Heaven with strength, and most espe-
cially in behalf of the women of Puerto Rico, I
extend our most cordial greetings, desiring for
each and every one of you the happiest and most
fruitful visit possible to this capital city whose
Government at this time I represent ; and I pray
for guidance so that in our deliberations we may
be able to serve all peoples of the world.

U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences

ICAO Facilitation Division

The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 28 (press release 567) that Thomas B. Wil-
son, Deputy Under Secretary of Commerce for
Transportation, will head the U.S. delegation to
the fourth session of the Facilitation Division of
the International Civil Aviation Organization
(IcAo), which is scheduled to be held at Manila,
October 10-25, 1955. Mr. Wilson will be assisted
by Harry G. Tarrington, Planning Officer, Office
of Assistant Administrator, Civil Aeronautics Ad-
ministration, Department of Commerce, who will
serve as delegate and vice chairman, and by the
following advisers:

Ellis K. Allison, Aviation Division, Department of State
Horace S. Dean, Assistant Chief, Plant Quarantine

Branch, Agricultural Kesearch Service, Department

of Agriculture
Robert L. Fromaii, Assistant Director, Bureau of Safety

Regulation, Civil Aeronautics Board

588

Department of State Bulletin

Paul Iteiber, Assistant to General Connsel, Air Trans-
port Association

Knud Stownian, M. L>., International Health Representa-
tive, Division of P^oreign Quarantine, Public Health
Service, Department of Health, Eilucation, and Wel-
fare

Robert L. Suddath, Chief Special Projects Officer, Immi-
gration and Naturalization Service, Department of
Justice

Edward F. Thompson, Air Coordinator, Bureau of Customs,
Department of the Treasury

Orion J. Libert, Office of International Con-
ferences, Department of State, will serve as sec-
retary of the delegation.

Under the Chicago Convention of December 7,
194-i, the International Civil Aviation Organiza-
tion is charged with the responsibility of adopting
and amending standards and recommended prac-
tices dealing with entry and clearance require-
ments and procedures. At the Chicago meeting,
contracting states agreed to adopt special regula-
tions and practices to facilitate tlie movement of
aircraft, crews, passengers, and cargo, especially
in the administration of laws relating to immi-
gration, customs, public health, and agricultural
quarantine. To this end, on November 23, 1945,
a Division on Facilitation of International Air
Transport was set up under the Air Transport
Committee of the Provisional Civil Aviation Or-
ganization (PiCAo) in order to develop a set of
standards and recommended practices on facilita-
tion of international air transport.

The fourth session will review the activities of
the organization in the field of facilitation since
the third session of the Facilitation Division held
at Buenos Aires, November 21-December 7, 1951.
Consideration will be given to proposals relating
to documentation requirements for entry and de-
parture of aircraft, persons, and air cargo; tech-
niques and procedures for handling increased air
traffic resulting from nonconventional (helicopter)
and jet operations; and the question of improving
sanitation, public health, and agricultural quaran-
tine requirements.

TREATY INFORMATION

THE DEPARTMENT

Recess Appointments

Robert S. Folsom, Deputy Director of the Office of
Regional American Affairs, to be Alternate U.S. Repre-
sentative on the Council of the Organization of American
States, September 24.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Agriculture

International plant protection convention. Done at Rome
December 6, 19.51. Entered into force April 3, 1952.'
Ratification deposited: Italy, August 3, 1955.

Death, Causes of

World Health Organization Regulations No. 1 regarding
nomenclature with respect to diseases and causes of
death. Done at Geneva July 24, 1948. Entered into
force January 1, 1950.

Notiflcution by the Netherlands of extension to: Surinam
and the Netherlands Antilles, October 14, 1954.

Labor

Convention (No. 53) concerning the minimum require-
ment of professional capacity for Masters and Officers
on board merchant ships. Done at Geneva October 24,
1936. Entered into force March 29, 1939. 54 Stat. 1683.
'Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,

1955.
Convention (No. 54) concerning annual holidays with pay
for seamen. Done at Geneva October 24, 1936.^
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,

1955.
Convention (No. 55) concerning shipowners' liability in
case of sickness, injury, or death of seamen. Done
at Geneva October 24. 1936. Entered into force October
29, 1939. 54 Stat. 1693.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,

1955.
Convention (No. 58) fixing the minimum age for the ad-
mission of children to employment at sea. Done at
Geneva October 24, 1936. Entered into force April 11,
1939. 54 Stat. 1705.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,

1955.
Ratification deposited: Denmark, June 4, 1955.
Convention (No. 73) concerning the medical examination
of seafarers. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,

1955.
Entered into force: August 17, 1955.'
Convention (No. 74) concerning the certification of able
seamen. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946. Entered into
force July 14, 1951. TIAS 2949.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,

1955.

Organization of American States

Charter of the Organization of American States. Signed
at Bogota April 30, 1948. Entered into force December
13, 1951. TIAS 2361.
Ratification deposited: Uruguay, September 1, 1955.

' Not in force for the United States.
^ Not in force.

Ocfober 10, 1955

589

Slave Trade

Protocol amending slavery convention signed at Geneva
September 25, 1926 (46 Stat. 2183), and annex. Done
at New York December 7, 1953. Protocol entered into
force December 7, 1953 ; ' annex entered into force July
7, 1955.'
Acceptance deposited: Israel, September 12, 1955.

War, Prevention of

American treaty on pacific settlement (Pact of Bogotd).
Signed at Bogota April 30, 1948. Entered into force
May 6, 1949.'

Ratification deposited: Uruguay, September 1, 1955.
' Not in force for the United States.

BILATERAL

Australia

Agreement concerning reciprocal changes in immigration
regulations relating to nonimmigrant visas. EfEected
by exchanges of notes at Canberra July 29, August 9, 17,
and 20, 1955. Entered into force August 20, 1955 ; op-
erative September 1, 1955.

China

Agreement amending section B of the annex to the air
transport agreement of 1946, as amended (TIAS 1609,
2184), by providing an additional route from China to
Okinawa and points beyond. EfEected by exchange of
notes at Washington February 7 and April 15, 1955.
Entered into force April 15, 1955.

Cuba

Agreement providing for performance by members of
Army, Navy, and Air Force Missions of duties of Mili-
tary Assistance Advisory Group specified in article V
of military assistance agreement of March 7, 1952 (TIAS
2467). Effected by exchange of notes at Habana
June 24 and August 3, 1955. Entered into force August
10, 1955.

Thailand

Agreement for the sale and purchase of tin concentrates.

Signed at Bangkok September
force September 9, 1955.

9, 1955. Entered into

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Offlce, Washington 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, lohich may be obtained
from the Department of State.

TIAS 3022. Pub. 5608. 4 pp.

Air Transport Services.

54.

Agreement between the United States and Spain — amend-
ing agreement of December 2, 1944, as amended. Exchange
of note.? — Signed at Washington July 21, 1954. Entered
into force July 21, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Special Technical Services. TIAS
3023. Pub. 5617. 5 pp. 54.

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Addis Ababa April 21, 1954.
Entered into force April 21, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Water Resources Development
Program. TIAS 3025. Pub. 5619. 5 pp. 54.

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa April 27 and May
11, 1954. Entered into force May 11, 1954.

United States Educational Foundation in Greece.

3037. Pub. 5645. 2 pp. 54.

TIAS

Agreement between the United States and Greece — amend-
ing agreement of April 23, 1948. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Athens June 28, 1954. Entered into force June
28, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Housing Program. TIAS 3041.
Pub. 5649. 20 pp. 15^.

Agreement between the United States and Chile — Signed
at Santiago June 28, 1954. Entered into force June 28,
1954.

Mexican Agricultural Workers. TIAS 3043. Pub. 5654.
8 pp. 10^.

Agreement between the United States and Mexico —
amending agreement of August 11, 1951, as amended.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico July 16, 1954. En-
tered into force July 16, 1954.

' Not in force for the United States.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 26-October 2

Relea.ses may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Press release issued prior to September 26 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 564 of
September 23.

No. Date Subject

567 9/28 Delegation to Icao meeting

568 9/29 Corrections to tariff negotiations list

569 9/29 Foreign Service examinations
*570 9/29 Ambassador Thayer sworn in

571 9/29 Renegotiations under Gatt

572 9/29 Hoover's departure for Far East

573 9/29 Foreign Ministers' statement on Ger-

many

574 9/29 Foreign Ministers* communique

575 9/29 Dulles : President's illness

576 9/30 Change in Colombo Plan delegation
*577 9/30 Holland: U.S. foreign poUcy in Latin

America

578 9/30 Sale of agricultural commodities to

Japan

579 9/30 Dulles-Von Brentano discussions

580 9/30 Revised itinerary for Hoover-HoUister

trip

581 9/30 Termination of trade agreement with

Guatemala

''Not printed.

590

Department of State Bulletin

October 10, 1955

Agriculture. Nesotiations Concluded for Sale of
Agricultural Commodities to Japan ....

Algeria. Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in
Discu.s.sion of Algeria (Lodge)

American Republics. Economic and Social Prog-
ress by Women of the Americas (Lee) . . .

Argentina. Recognition of New Government of
Argentina

Asia. Mr. Hoover and Mr. Hollister Leave for
Far East

Atomic Energy. International Conference on
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Strauss) .

Canada. Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee on
Trade and Economic Affairs (text of com-
munique)

Economic Affairs

Corrections to Published List of Articles Imported
into U.S

Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs (text of communique) . . .

Negotiations Concluded for Sale of Agricultural
Commodities to Japan

Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With Four
Nations

Trade Agreement With Guatemala To Be Termi-
nated (texts of notes)

Educational Exchange. Board of Foreign Scholar-
ships

Foreign Service. Written Tests for Foreign Serv-
vice To Be Held in December

France

Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in Discussion
of Algeria (Lodge)

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany

Germany

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference

Talks Between Secretary Dulles and German For-
eign Minister

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 850

Greece. U.S. Friendship for Greece (Eisen-
hower)

Guatemala. Trade Agreement With Guatemala To
Be Terminated (texts of notes)

International Organizations and Meetings

Calendar of Meetings

Change iu U.S. Delegation to Colombo Plan meet-
ing

Economic and Social Progress by Women of the
Americas (Lee)

U.S. Delegation to ICAO Facilitation Division
Sessi<in

International Conference on Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy (Strauss)

577
582
584
560
566
555

576

579
576

577
578
577

575

575

582

559
559

559

560
559

560

577

580
567

584
588
555

Military Affairs. Policy on Supplying Arms to
Countries of Middle East (joint statement) .

Near East. Policy on Supplying Arms to Countries
of Middle East (joint statement) ....

Peru. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With
Four Nations

Presidential Documents. U.S. Friendship for
Greece

Publications

Current U.N. Documents

Recent Releases

U.S. Program

Refugees and Displaced Persons.

for Refugee Relief (Morton)

State, Department of

American Political Democracy and the Problem of
Personnel Security (McLeod)

Board of Foreign Scholarships

Recess Apixiintments (Folsom)

Written Tests for Foreign Service To Be Held in
December

Treaty Information. Current Actions ....

Turkey. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With
Four Nations

Union of South Africa. Renegotiation of Tariff
Concessions With Four Nations

U.S.S.R.

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference

Question of Inscribing Soviet Item on Relaxing
International Tension

United Kingdom

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference

Policy on Supplying Arms to Countries of Middle
E.-ist (joint statement)

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany

United Nations

Current U.N. Documents

Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in Discussion

of Algeria (Lodge)

Question of Inscribing Soviet Item on Relaxing

International Tension (Lodge)

Yugoslavia. U.S.-Tugoslav Talks Concluded (joint
communique)

560

560
578
560

583

590

561

568
575

589

575
589

578

578

559

583

559

560
559

583
582
583

566

Italy. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With

Four Nations 578

Japan. Negotiations Concluded for Sale of Agri-
cultural Commodities to Japan 577

Name Index

Brownell, Samuel M 575

Cronkhite, Bernice B 575

Dulles, Secretary 566

Eisenhower, President 560, 566

FoLsoni, Robert S 589

Giocolea Villacorta, Domingo 578

Hollister, John B 566

Hoover, Herbert, Jr 566

Lee, Frances M 584

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 582, 5S3

McLeod, R. W. Scott 568

Moore, Roger Allan 575

Morton, Thruston B 501

Nuesse, Celestine Joseph 575

Prochnow, Herbert V 566

Rineou de Gautier, Felisa 588

Sparks, Edward J 578

Strauss, Lewis L 555

Willkie, Philip H 575

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OFFICIAL BUSINESS

Recent releases in the popular Background series . . .

The Union of Burma

This 16-page illustrated pamphlet describes the land and the
people of Burma. Touching briefly on the past, this Background
also describes the government and the Pydiwatha program of
the new Burma. Concerning the position of Burma in world
affairs, the pamphlet states that . . . "the people of Burma
have long preferred to be left alone to develop their own re-
sources. Today Burma's leaders realize the impossibility of
such a position. As they view it the country is being forced
into greater involvement in world affairs, and they are seeking
ways in which Burma can strengthen the ties with its neighbors
and make its leadership felt regionally."

Publication 5913 10 cents

Jordan

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Western Asia is one
of the nine sovereign Arab States with which the United States
has direct relations. Geographically it occupies a central posi-
tion in that vast area from the Mediterranean to the Arabian
Sea known as the Middle East — the security of which is im-
portant to the interests of the free world and the United States.
West of the Jordan River, the Kingdom encompasses a signifi-
cant portion of the Holy Land. Here in this Background is a
brief survey of this land with its rich traditions which has for
centuries provided an important link in the trade between the
East and the West.

Publication 5907

10 cents

Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World

Although it sprawls across a vast area more than 3,000 miles
from east to west and more than 2,000 from north to south.
Southeast Asia has less than half the actual land mass of the
United States. Its population is about 10 million greater. The
land form is varied, the population more so; and the configu-
ration of the land has created bamers not only between coun-
tries but also between communities. This illustrated pamphlet
discusses briefly the individual countries of this regrion — Burma,
Thailand, Viet-Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Malaya, Indonesia, and
the Philippines — and the beginnings of a pattern of collective
security for the entire Pacific area.

Publication 5841 15 cents

These Background pamphlets may be purchased from the
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D.C.

Please send me
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till The Union of Burma

□ Jordan

n Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World

Name:

Street Address:

City, Zone, and State:

ORY

OUR GOVERNMENT'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE ECO-
NOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN AMERICA p

hy Assistant Secretary Holland 595

FREE WORLD DEFENSE AGAINST COMMUNIST

SUBVERSION • by Allen W. Dulles 600

THE DEFENSE OF EUROPE— A PROGRESS REPORT •

fry Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther 609

IMPORTANCE OF INTERNATIONAL TRAVEL TO THE
FOREIGN ^TRADE OF THE UNITED STATES •

by Somerset R. Waters 620

U.N. CONGRESS ON PREVENTION OF CRIME AND
TREATMENT OF OFFENDERS • by miUam P. Rogers . 62^t

U.S. VIEWS ON INTERNATIONAL BANK'S ANNUAL

REPORT • Statement by Samuel C. Waugh 626

REPORT OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REF-
UGEES • Statements by Jacob Blaustein 628

For index see inside back cover

Boston Public Library
Superin*'>n-»"nt of Documents

NOV 4- 1955

^ne ^€^vci'yl^me7i{^ o^ ^^le

bulletin

Vol. XXXIII, No. 851 • Publication 6037

Oaoher 17, 1955

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Oovemment Printing Office

Washington 26, D.C.

Price:

62 Issues, domestic t7.60, foreign $10.25

Single copy, 20 cents

The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).

Note; Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contahied herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State BtniEiiN as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various pfuises of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.

Our Government's Contribution to the
Economic Development of Latin America

hy Henry F. Holland

Assistant Secretary for Inter-A'rnencan Affairs ■

One of the fundamental facts of United States-
Latin American relations today is the determina-
tion of the governments and people of Latin
America to make even more rapid economic prog-
ress tlian they are now making and to improve
their standard of living. I want to talk to you
today about the opportunities that we as a govern-
ment have for helping them to realize this objective
and what we are doing to fulfill them.

Before proceeding to a discussion of the indi-
vidual opportunities which our Government has
for facilitating the economic development ob-
jectives of our sister Eepublics, there are two
points I wish to make by way of background, since
everything that our Government does in this field
must be considered in their context.

First, the measures which our Government can
take will not be the decisive factor in the economic
development of Latin America. There is nothing
that this Government can do to create a stable
economy or raise living standards in another
country unless the necessary factors are already
there. But if the internal conditions necessary
for economic development are there, then our Gov-
ernment can hurry the process somewhat by pur-
suing constructive policies.

Second, we have neither the right nor the desire
to prescribe to any other American Republic the
kind of economic system which it should adopt
or the programs it should follow to achieve its
economic aspirations. That is the exclusive do-
mestic responsibility of every sovereign state. On
the other hand, whatever help we give will be, as
it should, consistent with our own national philos-
ophy as to the role which a government should

' Address made before the World Affairs Council of
Seattle, Wash., on Oct. 0 (press release 582 dated Oct. 4).

play in the economic field and with the wishes of
the majority of our people. Likewise, it will be
given in support of those programs and policies
which our experience has led us to believe are best
designed to achieve real economic progress.

These are reasonable views. They do raise a
question, of course. What are our convictions as to
the role of government in the economic field?
What kinds of programs and policies do we believe
will produce strong economies? The answers are
probably apparent. The people of the United
States believe in the private enterprise system.
We are convinced that we ourselves can do more
than any goveriunent can to make business enter-
prises grow, to create new ones, to create more em-
ployment at acceptable wages, and to raise the
standards of living of our people. We believe that
our Goverimaent helps the national economy most
when it creates those conditions which give us, the
working men and women, the farmers, the busi-
nessmen of the country, the greatest opportunity
to carry on all those processes of private enter-
prise which have brought us to the point where we
now are.

This means that there ai'e certain things that
we expect our Government to do and some that we
expect it not to do. We rely on our Government
leaders to follow sound fiscal and taxing policies,
policies that will maintain a stable currency, poli-
cies that will combat the evil disease of inflation,
policies that will assure to investors a fair chance
to make a reasonable profit if they risk their
capital in industry or commerce. We expect our
Government to supply those public facilities and
services which are needed in a free enterprise
system but which are not in themselves attractive
to private investors. These include such things as

Ocfofaer 7 7, J 955

595

roads, schools, hospitals for the poor, irrigation
systems, port works, and things of that nature.

Of equal importance are the things that we ex
pect our Government not to do. We strongly be-
lieve that except in special situations our Govern-
ment should stay out of the field of business.
When govermnent enters a particular industry or
commercial activity, private enterprise generally
withdraws. This is because onerous regulations
are usually imposed on the private enterprise in
order to insure the survival of the less well organ-
ized and operated government enterprises which
cannot compete without special advantages. Our
experience has convinced us that as a nile govern-
ment-run enterprises are not as strong and do not
make as great a contribution to the national econ-
omy as do their counterparts operated by private
citizens. Therefore, we feel that government
should invade the field of industiy and commerce
only where essential and then, if jjossible, only on
a temporary basis.

Our Govermnent's chief emphasis will be on
those kinds of economic cooperation that contrib-
ute to the creative efforts of private individuals,
particularly nationals of the other countries. We
believe they are the greatest hope for progress in
the other American Republics. The most effective
contribution that our country could make to the
economic development of Latin America would be
to help private enterprise throughout the hemi-
sphere. It is responsible for our inter- American
trade which each year provides our neighbors with
about $3^ billion in cash and ci'edits. Our own
private investors have supplied some $6^ billion
of capital for the economic development of the
area. In addition, they are also providing tech-
nical knowledge, equipment, and marketing op-
portunities for Latin America's growing in-
dustries.

Contribution Through Trade

Our most important economic relation with the
other American Republics is our trade, which
amounts each year to almost $7 billion, divided
about equally between imports and exports. Latin
America relies on its exports to us for most of the
dollar exchange needed to purchase essential con-
sumer goods and the capital goods industrial estab-
lislmient requires. A relatively small number of
commodities such as coffee, sugar, copper, lead,
zinc, and petroleum provide most of the dollars

which these countries earn through trade. The
economic, and even political, stability of a num-
ber of Latin American States is greatly influenced
by the extent to which the United States continues
to keep its market open to these products.

It is our policy to continue negotiating with the
Latin American and other countries for the or-
derly, reciprocal reduction of tariffs and other
barriers to trade. This is done within the frame-
work of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade under authority granted by the Congress.
In this way our Government can make, and is
making, an important contribution to economic
development in Latin America.

Our Government can contribute helpfully to
the efforts of the Latin American countries to ob-
tain developmental capital. Investment oppor-
tunities in the area call for exceedingly large
amounts of investment. The quantities of private
U.S. capital available for this purpose are incom-
parably larger than any that our Government
could provide. Whether foreign private capital
should be admitted into a Latin American country
is a decision which lies exclusively within the ju-
risdiction of the government of the country. Cer-
tainly foreign investors will not enter unless condi-
tions in the country are attractive. The best
measure of the local investment climate is to
observe the activities of domestic investors. If
they are actively risking their capital in the estab-
lishment of new enteri>rises and the expansion of
old ones, then it is reasonable to hope that foreign
investors will be interested in the area, for private
investors usually apply the same standards the
world over. Our Government has often pointed
out it does not seek to create opportunities abroad
for United States investors. The demand for
capital here at home is strong, and our investors
will as a rule go abroad only where conditions are
attractive. Some governments are eager to attract
foreign investors who can help pi'ovide the devel-
opment capital their countries need. To cooperate
with those governments, our own has adopted a
number of measures which we hope will encourage
our investors to go to those foreign areas where
their participation in local development is wel-
come. We are prepared, for example, to enter into
arrangements witli foreign governments whereby
this Government will insure our investors against
certain nonbusiness risks, such as their inability
to convert their local currency earnings into dol-
lars and the failure to receive adequate compensa-

596

Department of Stafe Bulletin

tion in case of nationalization. Seven Latin
American countries have entered into such ar-
rangements to date.

Proposed Tax Reduction for Investors

The President has asked the Congress to re-
duce taxes on business income from foreign sub-
sidiaries or branches and to defer the tax on branch
income until it is withdrawn from the country
wherein earned.^ This measure would encourage
more of our investors to go abroad and, further-
more, would encourage them to reinvest their prof-
its there rather than returning them to the United
States. It is estimated that today United States
companies abroad are reinvesting about 60 percent
of their profits.

As an additional inducement to foreign invest-
ment the United States is now prepared — subject
to appropriate safeguards — to negotiate tax trea-
ties under which income taxes waived for an ini-
tial limited period by a foreign government as an
incentive to new business can be credited against
United States income tax just as though they had
actually been paid abroad. These are measures
designed, as the President has put it, to encourage
"investment by individuals rather than by govern-
ments."

The United States and most Latin American
countries are members of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development. Foreign
governments which are members and private bor-
rowers with their government's guarantee have
access to this bank as a primarj' instrument for
economic development financing. The Ibrd has
facilitated the investment of large amounts of cap-
ital in Latin America for productive purposes,
thereby promoting long-range growth of inter-
national trade and improvement in the standard
of living both by the use of its own capital and
by participation in loans and investments made by
private investors. Since making its firet loan in
May of 1947, the Ibrd has authorized credits
of more than $620 million in Latin America.
More than 30 percent of the loans made by the
Ibrd during the last fiscal year, some $123 mil-
lion, were made in that area. Along with this
financial assistance, the Ibrd has made available
to member countries in Latin America expert en-
gineering aid, economic counseling, and other pro-
fessional services.

' For a memorandum on this subject by the Secretary
of the Treasury, see Bxtlletin of Sept. 12, 1955, p. 433.

Our Government has also taken effective meas-
ures to give to foreign private enterprise and gov-
ernments alike greater access to official loans in
this country. There are many projects essential
to the development of a foreign country for which
it is very difficult to obtain private capital. Gov-
ernments and private interests engaged in such
ventures have access to several sources of official
credit in the United States. For projects, public
and private, which lie outside the normal scope of
the International Bank lending, borrowers have
access to the Export-Import Bank, an agency of
the United States Government.

Eximbank's Liberalized Policy

In the summer of last year, responding to the
increasing Latin American interest, we announced
the bank's new and liberalized credit policy to-
ward that area. We have told the other Ameri-
can Republics that the bank will do its utmost to
satisfy every application for a sound economic
development loan for which funds are not availa-
ble from private sources on reasonable terms or
from the International Bank. This offer is ex-
tended to private and official borrowers alike. It
means that the level of operations of the Export-
Import Bank will be largely determined by bor-
rowers in the other American Republics. It is
they who will control the nimiber and quality of
loan applications which the bank receives. The
uncommitted funds now on hand in the bank and
available for loans substantially exceed the aggi-e-
gate of applications which have been submitted.

Since this new policy was announced, it has been
vigorously applied by the bank. Its new Presi-
dent, Mr. Samuel C. Waugh, then Assistant Sec-
retary of State for Economic Affairs, participated
in the formulation of the policy and its presenta-
tion at the Rio economic conference last year. I
know that he can be counted upon to continue
pursuing this policy energetically.

Since its establishment in 1934, the Export-
Import Bank has authorized loans of more than
$2.5 billion in Latin America. During its last
fiscal year before the new policy was adopted, the
Export-Import Bank authorized loans in Latin
America amounting to $52.2 million, or 21 percent
of its total operations for the year. The fiscal year
just closed was the first in which the new policy
was applied. During that year the bank author-
ized loans in Latin America amounting to a total

October 17, 1955

597

of $284 million, or 58 percent of all its authoriza-
tions. The bank also inaugurated a new program
about a year ago under whicli exporter credits in
the amount of $169 million have been authorized.
Most of these will be used in Latin America. It
is noteworthy that the lai-gest single loan author-
ized in Latin America during the last fiscal year
was to a private enterprise group without any
governmental guaranty.

Another source of development capital will soon
be available when the International Finance Cor-
l^oration comes into operation. The Ire, an affili-
ate of the International Bank, will be capitalized
at $100 million, and its primary objective will be
to encourage the growth of private enterprise in
its member countries through financing without
goverimient guaranties and to help in bringing
together investment opportunities, private capital,
and experienced management. The U.S. Con-
gress, on request of the President, autliorized U.S.
membership in the Ifc, and its operation should
commence as soon as the requisite number of coun-
tries have subscribed to the capital stock and rati-
fied its charter.

Our Government has not undertaken a general
Ijrogram to supply developmental capital on a
grant basis in Latin America. The governments
of our sister Rej^ublics have stated affirmatively
that they oppose programs of grant aid. Consist-
ent with their proud tradition, they prefer to meet
their problems without this kind of assistance
from us or anyone else.

There are, however, situations in which we are
furnishing grant aid to meet temporary emer-
gency conditions. Bolivia, Guatemala, and Haiti,
as you know, have requested grant assistance from
us to help tliem through crises that they cannot
meet with other resources available to them. Con-
gress has authorized a total of $38 million for these
programs in the current fiscal year.

Inter-American Highway

We are participating in another program fall-
ing in the general category of grant assistance
which I believe we can all applaud. The Congress
adopted the President's proposal that we agree to
contribute two-thirds of the cost of completing the
Inter- American Highway within 3 years. Each
of the countries through which the highway runs
will supply the remaining third of the cost in its
territory. Mexico has already fuiished that half

of the highway which lies in her territory and has
done so without any financial assistance from us.
"Wlien completed, a modern paved highway will
run 3,200 miles from our border with Mexico to
the Panama Canal. The road will bring with it
social, economic, political, and strategic benefits to
people of the seven countries it links. Not only
will tourists and goods pass more readily from one
to anotlier, but whole new areas hitherto unacces-
sible will be opened up for development.^* I

Economic development is just as dependent on
technical knowledge and experience as it is on
capital. Our Government is keenly interested in
the technical assistance progi'ams in which we are
participating in the hemisphere. Our policy is to
intensify and diversify our cooperation with other
governments in this field. We have been active in
this field in Latin America since 1942, long before
the mutual security program was conceived. Each
local program is jointly plamied, financed, and
operated by the host government and ourselves.
Their objectives include such things as improve-
ment of agricultural and industrial production,
education, better housing, and the reduction of
disease. These programs constitute a vast attack
throughout the hemisphere on human misery and
poverty. In each successive year the host govern-
ments have contributed a larger share of the op-
erating budgets. Today they provide nearly 21/2
times the amount of our own contribution.

Time may demonstrate that no form of U. S. aid
is more important than that we are beginning to
extend under President Eisenhower's "atoms for
peace" plan. The United States has offered to
enter into agi-eements for cooperation in the field
of research in the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
Agreements have been signed with seven Latin
American countries — Argentina, Brazil, Chile,
Colombia, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. LTnder
them these countries are given access to informa-
tion on the design, construction, and operation of
research reactors. They also are able to lease from
the Atomic Energy Commission a quantity of fis-
sionable material. We hope that the result will be
that citizens of the other countries will acquire
valuable training and experience in nuclear science
and engineering.

Several Republics have been provided with gift
libraries on the industrial and scientific uses of

° For a map of the highwa.y, see Bulletin of Apr. 11,
195.5, p. 596.

598

Department of State Bulletin

atomic energy. These libraries contain some
15,000 nonclassified technical reports which have
been published in the United States.

Further, the Atomic Energy Commission is eon-
ducting a series of 7-month courses in reactor
theory and technology for foreign scientists and
engineers. The courses are held at the Argonne
National Laboratory in Illinois. So far scientists
from Argentina, Brazil, Guatemala, and Mexico
have participated. Specialists from these and
other Latin American countries have also attended
a course at Oak Kidge on radioactive isotopes and
techniques for their use.

Atomic Energy as Power Source

Our oft'er to share experience and technical
knowledge in this vast new field has been wel-
comed in Latin America. The economic develop-
ment of several parts of the area has been seri-
ously retarded by the inadequacy of existing
energy facilities. Atomic energy may hasten the
solution of this problem. In this connection, it is
quite noteworthy that United States private enter-
prise is at this time actively engaged in a program
looking to the construction of a number of power
reactor installations in Latin America.

One of the most gratifying contributions which
our Government is making to the development of
our sister Republics is one of which we hear very
little. That is the earnest, day-by-day effort of our
people in the various U.S. embassies abroad and in
our Government agencies in Washington. Work-
ing with our friends in the other governments, we
try to apply to problems throughout the hemi-
sphere the experience and judgment not only of the
officials of the govermnent directly afl'ected but
also of men in the other governments who have
wrestled with the same or similar problems in their
own work. Our purpose is not just to devise means
whereby the United States Government can help
those of Latin America. It is instead to determine
how every American state can, without neglecting
its domestic responsibilities, find some way to be
helpful to the others. Examples of this partner-
ship in operation are numerous. Bolivia and Peru
are cooperating in the construction of highways.
Brazil has extended assistance to its neighbors in
the construction of railways and highways. We
ourselves have just worked out with the Govern-
ment of Bolivia a comprehensive program which
will coordinate our efforts to combat inflation in

that countiy, to strengthen its industries and com-
merce, and to improve food supplies. The treaty
just executed between ourselves and Panama * re-
flects more than a year of the same kind of close
study of the problems of Panama. Not only does
tliat treaty dissipate a number of problems which
had existed between the two countries; it will, I
believe, contribute notably to strengthening and
stabilizing Panama's economy.

This sharing of problems, this willingness on
the part of every government to lend a hand wher-
ever in the hemisphere help is requested, is one of
the finest elements of our partnership relation —
a relationship which is a source of pride and satis-
faction to every citizen of our country.

Visit of Guatemalan President

The White House Office at Denver amiounced
on October 1 that President Carlos Castillo Armas
of Guatemala will arrive in Washington on a state
visit on October 31 as planned when he accepted
President Eisenhower's invitation earlier this
year. Because of the illness of the President, Vice
President Nixon will act as host to the visiting
Chief of State.

President Castillo Armas will be accompanied
by Mrs. Castillo Armas and a party of seven.

The President of Guatemala and his party will
leave Washington for New York on November 3
and remain there on an official visit to that city
until November 7. From New York, the visiting
President will go to Detroit and St. Louis for 1
day in each city, and on November 9 will arrive
in Houston. The party will proceed to New Or-
leans on November 11, departing from there for
Guatemala on November 13.

The members of the official party include, be-
sides President and Mrs. Castillo Armas, Domingo
Goicolea, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; Jorge Are-
nales. Minister of Economy and Labor ; Francisco
Linares, Chief of Protocol, and Mrs. Linares;
Jorge Skinner-Klee, First Secretary of the Con-
stituent Assembly ; Col. Miguel Mendoza, Deputy
Chief of the Presidential staff; and Dr. Graciela
Quan, secretary to Mrs. Castillo Armas.

The Ambassador of Guatemala to the United
States, Col. Jose Luis Cruz-Salazar, and Mi-s.
Cruz-Salazar will also accompany President Cas-
tillo Ai'mas throughout his visit.

' Ibid., Feb. 7, 1955, p. 237.

Ocfober 17, 7955

599

Free World Defense Against Communist Subversion

hy Allen W. Dulles

Director, Central Intelligence Agency *

If I were asked to point out the most obvious
difference between the free world and the Com-
munist-dominated areas, it would be this. The
free world provides for law enforcement that pro-
tects the right and liberties of the individual.
Here the police authority represents the very
essence of democracy in action. Law enforce-
ment in the Commvmist world looks first and fore-
most to safeguarding the ruling regime without
regard for individual rights. Here the police au-
thority becomes the sliield of entrenched auto-
cratic authority.

It is fortmiate that over the years steady prog-
ress has been made in improving our techniques
of law enforcement and in building up coopera-
tion between the various jurisdictions of police
authorities on both a national and international
scale. For since 1917, and increasingly during
the past decade, the problem of maintaining
domestic law and order has had to face a new and
unprecedented danger — worldwide Communist
activity.

What we often refer to as organized crime on
the domestic front certainly presents you with
plenty of problems. But there is a sharp differ-
ence between the resources and capabilities of the
private criminal, whether acting singly or in or-
ganized groups, and the international conspiracy
of conununism, with its headquarters in Moscow,
an affiliated organization in Peiping, and branch
offices in Warsaw, Prague, and many other centers.

Such a worldwide conspiracy as this fosters no
ordinary breed of criminal. It is engaged in no
ordinary type of law breaking. Its members are
carefully trained, operate with great skill and
with the backing of a farflung and efficient organ-
ization. Its work is often hard to detect, partly

' Address made before the International Association of
Chiefs of Police at Philadelphia, Pa., on Oct. 3.

because the motives which influence the ordinary
criminal are lacking. Here the real motive is
the weakening of the fabric of non-Communist
states in time of peace in order that it may be vul-
nerable to the long-range designs of the Commu-
nist movement. The success so far achieved, here
and in many other countries, in controlling this
conspiracy is a fine tribute to the efficiency of the
police organizations of the free world.

The Soviets keep as a closely guarded secret the
number of their own citizens and of foreign in-
digenous agents who are trained in the U. S. S. R.,
in China, and in the satellites for subversion and
espionage. Certainly there are many tens of
thousands. As the students graduate, they flow
into the Communist apparatus throughout the
world. You have undoubtedly met some of these
alumni and, if not, you cei'tainly will.

Some high members of the MVD have revolted
against the methods they have been taught to
practice and have come over voluntarily — "de-
fected"— to the free world. They have told us
much. Some of this has been published to the
world. The Petrov case in Australia is a good ex-
ample of this. In other cases, for security reasons,
it has seemed to be wiser to hold back on publicity
to help us to delve more deeply into the Commu-
nist organization and practices.

Soviet Expenditures on Subversion

We estimate that the Soviet expenditures in
training, support, and operation of its overall
subversive mechanism may approach 10 percent of
its expenditure on its overall armament program.
(3n a comparable basis, that is, assuming that we
spent a compax'able percentage of our defense
budget for defense against these activities, we
would be allocating to this work some 3 to 4 billion

600

Department of State Bulletin

dollars annually. I need hardly tell you that such
is not the case !

The importance of police and other internal
security forces in this work has become more and
more evident in many parts of the world. Our
conventional military forces are normally de-
signed to cope with open, external aggression.
■\Miere countries are subject to Communist sub-
versive tactics, the internal security forces must
generally be the first line of defense. It is up
to them to ferret out the agents of subversion,
stop the damage before it gets out of hand, and
thus maintain internal domestic peace and quiet
without the necessity for calling on the militar}'
forces to deal with open revolt. In some in-
stances— take Czechoslovakia in 1948 for exam-
ple— where the police force is infiltrated or comes
under ineffective leadership, the damage may be
done before the armed forces have an opportunity
to strike a single blow.

The need for effective police and internal se-
curity forces is particularly felt in those countries
which are on or near the borders of the Commu-
nist bloc. Here there is a vit-al need for pro-
tection against what has been called "internal
invasion." As Communist agents and trouble-
makers infiltrate into such countries and cause
disorders, the governments must have security
forces which can spot and arrest the leaders and
break up Communist-inspired riots and demon-
strations. This does not call for tanks and jet
aircraft; it calls for a trained and loyal police.

The various American programs for military
and technical assistance to critical and underde-
veloped areas can only bear fruit in a secure
environment. It is for this reason that a numbei'
of countries where such aid is extended have re-
quested that our programs should include help
in building up the technical competence of local
security forces to help to keep the peace internally
and root out and suppress subversion. The trained
police of this and other free countries where the
art of maintaining order is well develojjed will
no doubt be more and more called on to contribute
their skills and manpower to help in this im-
portant phase of anti-Communist activity.

Kremlin's New Trojan Horse

Wliile I am on the subject of Communist
techniques, I might mention a somewhat recent
development in their program of sowing inter-
national discord — the Kremlin's new Trojan

Horse — but one that will look quite attractive to
many countries which are under pressure to build
up their military establishments.

As is well known, the Soviet emerged from
"World War II with a substantial stockpile of
obsolescent and now fairly obsolete military
equipment. This included, in addition to small
arms, a good many thousands of medium and
heavy tanks. Immediately following the war's
end, the Soviet developed a whole new series of
types of tanks and aircraft including, in aircraft,
for example, the MIG-15 fighter plane, the TU-4
(B-29 type) long-range piston bomber, and more
recently the IL-28 light jet bomber.

It is now estimated that the Soviet has many
thousands of these types of war equipment, some
becoming obsolete, some surplus. All are likely to
be replaced over the next few years. New tanks
are in mass production, and new long- and
medium-range bombers are coming off the as-
sembly line. For example, the replacement of
obsolescent MIG-15*s with newer models has
created a reserve of some foiu' to six thousand
MIG-15's, of which a very substantial number
could be off-loaded as an adjunct to a general pro-
gram of causing trouble throughout the world.

Of course a good share of this equipment has
already gone to Communist China and to Indo-
china with results which are now clearly seen.
There remains ample for other parts of the world,
and we now hear of advanced negotiations with
several countries of the Middle East. I should
not be at all surprised if we soon heard that coun-
tries in this hemisphere were being approached.

A premature stai-t with this program was made
over a year ago. You will remember that it was
a shipload of obsolete arms, sent by Czechoslo-
vakia to Guatemala in the ill-famed freighter
AJfhem,^ which aroused the Guatemalan people to
a realization of the Communist plans for a take-
over of that country. Once again Czechoslovakia
looms up as the front for the delivery of Com-
nmnist arms — this time in the Middle East.

AVhile this type of activity may not enter di-
rectly into your day-by-day work, it bears closely
upon the overall international security problem.
We should keep a careful watch against the possi-
bility that some of these surplus arms, particularly
small arms, may find their way into the hands of
selected unscrupulous private vendors and be used

' IUlletin of June 7, 1954, p. 874.

Ocfober 17, 1955

601

indiscriminately to foment trouble. Further-
more, in certain areas of Southeast Asia there is
an unholy alliance between tlie traffickers in arms
and the opium smugglers. In such ways this
sui-plus arms problem may eventually create police
problems in the domestic areas of many countries.

Thus you in your task of law enforcement and
we who are working in tlie intelligence field may
find ourselves dealing with separate but related
phases of a common security problem.

You, as chiefs of police, have to deal with the
domestic consequences and the outcroppings of
many phases of an international movement which
we, as intelligence officers, must make a high
priority intelligence target.

World "War I shook our confidence in our in-
vulnerability to other people's wars. It took
World War II and the aftermath of December
7, 1941, to persuade us that we could not safely
disregard, or remain in ignorance of, hostile de-
velopments in any part of the world.

On that fateful day it was not just the garrison
at Pearl Harbor but all of us who were asleep.
We were then awakened to a new sort of world
in which we henceforth have to live. There could
be no thought of return to the prewar compla-
cency. In this situation it became increasingly
important to know what was going on in the
world outside of our boundaries. That required
a sound intelligence system.

Congress established the Central Intelligence
Agency under the National Security Act of 1947
which unified the Armed Services. There is, I
believe, some misunderstanding of the nature and
scope of the functions assigned to Cia, and I
should like veiy briefly to clarify this point, par-
ticularly as it relates to your own work.

Nature and Scope of CIA Functions

First of all, Congi-ess made a clear and wise dis-
tinction between the function of intelligence and
that of the law-enforcing agencies. It specifically
provided that the Central Intelligence Agency
should have no "police, subpoena, law enforcement
powers, or internal security functions." Hence
when I need help in these fields, I turn to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, and on the local
scene, to many of you for help and assistance,
largely in the field of protecting the security of
my own personnel and the base here in this
country from which our intelligence work is
conducted.

Of course, intelligence has long been a function
of our Government even though, prior t-o World
War II, on a scale far smaller than was customary
in the case of most of the major powers of the
world.

The Central Intelligence Agency was not de-
vised by Congress primarily as a means of setting
new intelligence activities into motion, although
it did contemplate that the collection of intelli-
gence should be stepped up. Rather, the new
Agency was conceived as an appropriate means
of coordinating the intelligence activities of the
Government and to make them function more
harmoniously and effectively toward the single
end of national seciirity. It did not supplant any
existing intelligence agencies, but it was given
certain duties in the intelligence field not then
being carried out by others.

The United States Government receives today
a vast amount of information from all parts of
the world. Some of it comes as a b3'product of
our nonnal work in the field of foreign relations,
^luch of it comes from overt sources — the press,
radio, and foreign publications. Some of it comes
through new scientific techniques. For science
today plays an increasing role in the gathering of
intelligence just as it does in law enforcement.

All of this information has to be studied, ana-
lyzed, and put into form for use by the policy-
makers. Intelligence of a counter-intelligence
nature or of direct interest to the law enforcement
agencies of our Government is passed to these
agencies and in particular to the Federal Bureau
of Investigation.

TMiile, as I mentioned, there is a clear division
of functions between the intelligence agencies and
the law-enforcing agencies in that the line be-
tween us is largely drawn at oiir frontiers, it is
impossible to divide the overall security problems
at our borders. Over the past years there have
been important instances where the traces of
espionage against vis were first picked up in dis-
tant capitals, although the operation was planned
to be carried out in the continental United States.
Agents trained for work here have in many cases
been first spotted abroad. The followup here
requires the closest coordination between our in-
telligence work abroad and the Federal Bureau
of Investigation.

In this and in other fields I can assure you that
the cooperation with the FBI is smooth and effec-
tive. It was a great pleasure for me to be present

602

Department of State Bulletin

the other day when our President conferred on
J. Edgar Hoover the National Security Medal,
the highest award the President could accord for
work in this field of national security.

In further developing the coordination of our
intelligence work there is held once a week, under
my chairmanship, a meeting of the heads of the
various intelligence agencies. This includes, in
addition to Cia, a representative of Army, Navy,
and the Air Force intelligence, of the State Depart-
ment intelligence, of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and
repi-esentatives of the Federal Bureau of Inves-
tigation and the Atomic Energy Commission.
Here we prepare together coordinated estimates
embodying all available intelligence on critical
foreign situations. We discuss current intelligence
problems ; we apjDortion as among the appropriate
agencies various tasks for the collection of
intelligence.

In this way and through appropriate standing
committees which have been set up, we have done
everything possible to insure that vital items of
intelligence available to the Government are
promptly placed before the appropriate policy-
making officers of the Government — the President,
the Secretaries of State and Defense, and other
members of the Cabinet or of the National Security
Council, as appropriate.

In developing our intelligence mechanism we
have constantly in mind the lessons of the past.
We propose to do all we can in our field to see that
we do not experience another Pearl Harbor.
Then there was adequate intelligence to have put
us on warning of the nature and location of the
danger. There was then no adequate machinery
for analyzing and disseminating that intelligence
in an efficient and timely manner. Now we have
corrected the mechanics. Only time can tell
whether we will have the wisdom to draw the
right conclusions from the intelligence we may
have.

Estimating Enemy Intentions

Here there are two major problems. Some-
times it is not too difficult to estimate, within cer-
tain margins of error, the strength of a potential
enemy. If the intelligence community only does
that, however, it has not really fulfilled its task.
It has a duty also to estimate, on the basis of
available intelligence, the probable or the possible
intentions of any foe, or at least to indicate the

alternative courses of action he may take. If one
looks back to intelligence failures of the past,
Pearl Harbor for example, we find that the error
has generally come not in a miscalculation of
enemy sti'ength but in a miscalculation of enemy
intentions. Of course the policymaker often has
to take a calculated risk where hostile intentions
are not clear, and this applies both in the military
and the political fields.

Today, of course, not only intelligence officers
but millions of men and women throughout the
world are trying to form their own intelligence
estimate of the real intentions of the Soviet in the
light of the recent Geneva conference. Together
with them, the intelligence agencies are scanning
the reports and analyzing the signs and trends as
well as the statements and actions of the Soviet
leaders themselves.

A few days ago at a banquet for the East Ger-
man Communists, Nikita Khrushchev, the head of
the Soviet Communist Party, made some interest-
ing statements. It was one of his informal and
likewise revealing speeches. He remarked, as re-
ported by the radio and press services, that if any-
one believes that our smiles involved abandon-
ment of the teaching of Marx, Engels, and Lenin
(the name of Stalin was added according to the
official East German broadcasts but does not ap-
pear in the Moscow reports), he deceives himself
poorly. Those who wait for that, he said, must
wait until a shrimp learns to whistle.

There is some debate among the experts
whether the word should be shrimp or crayfish,
for there is an old Russian proverb that says, "I
will do it when the crayfish whistles on the moun-
tain top." This, I understand, is a Russian way
of saying "Never" — although I learn on good au-
thority that in the deep reaches of the sea, as de-
tected by modern science, the crayfish or the
shrimp do make some gurgling noises.

There is no hard evidence as yet which we as
intelligence or law-enforcing officers can accept
that the dangers we face from the secret under-
ground subversive activities of communism have
ceased. Let us hope they do. I^t us hope that
Khrushchev hears the shrill call of the shrimp.

Meanwhile in all free countries we camiot relax
our vigilance in meeting the dual problem of pro-
tecting our national security from the lawless ele-
ments within and the lawless elements directed and
controlled from without. In these tasks we shall

October 17, 7 955

603

need sound intelligence as to the external and in-
ternal dangers to insure effective enforcement of
law witliin a framework which safeguards the
lights of the individual.

Transcript of Secretary Dulles'
News Conference

Press release 589 dated October 4

Dangers of Middle East Arms Race

Secretary Dulles : I think we might as well start
off with questions.

Q. Mr. Secretary. ca7\ you ffive us any informa-
tion you might have about Mr. AUen''s progress in
talks with Nasser in Cairo?

A. He has had a very good talk, indeed two
rather full talks, from which I think he has gained
an insight as to the Egyptian motives in this mat-
ter, and I think that Colonel Nasser has gained
an insight as to our attitude toward the matter.
There is better understanding than there was be-
fore. I think in substance that is the result of his
trip and that was the purpose of his trip.

Q. Mr. Secretary., can you fell us whether it is
your understanding that the Egyptians intend to
carry through with their arrangements to huy
arms from Czechoslovakia?

A. We have no reason to believe that thej* will
not carry the arrangement through, although when
you talk about the "arrangement" you are talking
about something that is a bit vague because we do
not have any details about the arrangement. We
do not know what is involved in this proposed
transaction.

Q. Mr. Secretary, further in that connection,
could you tell v^ whether our attitude toward the
proposed contract arrangement has changed any
since Mr. Allen completed his talks with Colonel

Nasser?

A. I had prepared a little statement which per-
haps I will read to you, because I anticipated ques-
tions on this topic'

At my press conference the last of August (Au-
gust 30) I was asked about possible Soviet-bloc
shipments of arms to Arab countries. I made two

observations. The first was that the Arab coun-
tries were independent governments and free to
do whatever they wished in the matter. My sec-
ond observation was that, from the standpoint of
U.S. relations with the Soviet Union, such deliv-
ery of arms would not contribute to relaxing
tensions.

Those two observations stand today. I might
add this :

It is difficult to be critical of coimtries which,
feeling themselves endangered, seek the arms
which they sincerely believe they need for defense.
On the other hand, I doubt very much that, under
the conditions which prevail in the area, it is pos-
sible for any country to get security through an
arms race. Also it is not easy or pleasant to
speculate on the probable motives of the Soviet-
bloc leaders.

In my talk about this matter of August 26,^ I
spolve of the fear which dominated the area and
said that I felt that it could be dissipated only by
collective measures designed t« deter aggression
by anyone. I proposed a security guaranty spon-
sored by the United Nations. That, I said, would
relieve the acute fears which both sides now
profess.

It is still my hope that such a solution may be
fomid.

Q. Mr. Secretary, if I may ask one other ques-
tion, there have been reports that the United States
inight provide arms to Israel to balance any arms
shipments from the Soviet bloc to Egypt. Can
you tell us whether this is a likely prospect or not?

A. No, I could not say whether it would be a
likely prospect or not. As I say, in the first place
we do not know what amount or character of arms
may be involved in the Egyptian-Soviet bloc deal
and to what extent, if any, it may seriously upset
the balance of power in the area. It has in the
main been the policy of the United States, as was
set out in the joint statement which the British
Foreign Secretary and I issued in New York last
week,^ to avoid participating in what might be-
come an arms race, and we still hope it will be
possible to avoid getting into that situation.

Q. Mr. Secretary, is it clear as to whether the
deal has been between Czechoslovakia and Egypt
or between the Soviet Union and Egypt, or both?

' The following five paragraphs were also released sepa-
rately as press release 58S dated Oct. 4.

' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.
'/6id., Oct. 10, 1955, p. .560.

604

Department of State Bulletin

A. Well, it is announced as a deal between E^pt
and Czechoslovakia, but I think that for this pur-
pose it is hard to draw much distinction between
the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia.

Q. Mr. Secretary, it our concern oiily loith armn
shipments from the Commu7ust countries or is it
a question here of the importing of technicians —
Soviet technicians?

A. That again is a matter as to which we have
no knowledge, as to whether or not this will in-
volve bringing in technicians.

Q. Mr. Secretaiy, the points on which you say
we have no information suggest that Mr. Allen
either has not inquired or has not succeeded in
obtaining factual information about this situation.

A. Well, we have not gotten information about
all these details, and the impression of Mr. Allen is
that some of them, in fact most of them you have
alluded to, have not yet been finally settled be-
tween the direct parties.

Q. Mr. Secretary, when you were in New York
and met, I believe at dinner, with Mr. Molotov, you
had occasion to talk about the Middle Eastern sit-
uation, the Egyptian problem, and so on. Co^ild
you tell us whether in fact you did discuss this
matter with Mr. Molotov, and what his attitude
appeared to be?

A. I can answer half your question. I can say
we did talk to Mr. Molotov. In fact, I talked to
him twice about it — when I first arrived in New
York, which was, I think, 2 weeks ago today, and
then again a week ago today when he and the
British and French Foreign Ministers had dinner
with me.

Q. Would you like to — would you feel free to
tell us what line you took with him, sir?

A. I took about the same line that is expressed
in this statement which I read in so far as it re-
lates to the Soviet Union. You will recall that I
said that ". . . from the standpoint of U.S. re-
lations with the Soviet Union, such delivery of
arms would not contribute to relaxing tensions."

Argentine-U.S. Relations

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you comment on recent
developments in Argentina and include something
about the actions and declarations of that Govern-

ment as they might affect Argentine-V .8. rela-
tions.^

A. Well, the United St-ates has recognized the
new Government of Argentina, and the head of
that Government and the Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs have both indicated a desire to have close
and friendly relations with the United Stat«s.
We believe that that is sincerely their desire, and
that is a desire which the United States recipro-
cates.

Trend in Indonesian Elections

Q. Mr. Secretai-y, I wonder if you would corn-
inent on the trends that seem, to be showing up in
the Indonesian elections?

A. No, I think I had better not comment on that,
because the elections are not over yet. While I
think the balloting has been finished in Java, the
balloting has not even begun yet in other parts of
Indonesia, and while an election is in process I
think it would probably be inappropriate for me
to comment on it.

Frencli Withdrawal From General Assembly

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been som,e more or
less public debate about whether it was a good idea
for the French delegation to walk out of the U.N.
General Asse7nbly. Would you say how you feel
about it?

A. I would not want to attempt to characterize
or comment on the wisdom of French action be-
cause this was a matter primarily of concern to
them. I do feel that the action will probably not
have either the effect of doing a damaging thing
in the long run to the United Nations or that it
will mean that France will not continue to play its
historic role as a leading nation in matters of for-
eign a flairs.

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you care to comment
then about the vote in the U.N. about the Algerian
question? Have you any cojnment to make about

it?

A. Well, the position of the United States on
that is well known. We voted against the in-
scription, and we spoke against the inscription,
and in speaking against the inscription the state-
ment made by Ambassador Lodge * made quite

' Ibid., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582.

Ocfober 17, 1955

605

clear, I think, the reasons why we were against. I
have I'eally nothing to add to what Ambassador

Lodge said.

U.S. -Red China Geneva Talks

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you say lohether any
progress is heing wade in the Geneva talhs with
Communist China on the second item on the
agenda? I notice they are claiming a slowdoion
on that.

A. There is no slowdown that I am aware of.
The whole operation is slow. It took ns, as you
know, 6 weeks to get agi-eement in relation to the
first item on the agenda, although that was a mat-
ter which Mr. Chou En-lai said would be easily
settled, and yet it took 6 weeks. Progress in these
matters is always slow and is seldom spectacular.

Q. Mr. Secretary, does there appear to he any
chance that Red China might now renege on its
agreement under item one?

A. Well, we are still holding to the belief that
the Chinese Communists will carry out their
agreement that all the Americans that are there are
entitled to return and will be allowed expeditiously
to exercise that right. You ask whether there is
a chance that they may renege on it ?

Q. Yes, sir.

A. I suppose that there is always such a chance,
but we sincerely hope that they will not, and I
would not say that there is any clear evidence
which leads us today to believe that they will

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you comment on Mr.
von. Brentano'' s remarks in which he implied that
the Geneva spirit could not contribute to the soft-
ening or removing of tensions until the true causes
of these tensions had been actually removed?

A. Well, I think that is a very sound observa-
tion, and that was pretty much the understanding
of the Geneva "summit" conference. You will re-
call that the invitation to that conference said
that we would approach these problems in two
stages. The first stage would be when the Heads
of Government would get together and try to de-
velop some new impulses for the solution of the

practical problems, and the second stage would
be when the Foreign Ministers would then meet
and actually tackle these problems. So, the Ge-
neva conference as the first stage was never in-
tended or expected itself to be decisive. Wliether
or not there would be a success would be dependent
upon whether in fact the spirit generated at
Geneva would bring about the solution of some of
these practical matters, such as the division of
Germany.

Q. Mr. Secretary , did you get any indication
from Mr. Molotov in New York of proposals
which he might make at Geneva or of the Soviefs
attitude?

A. No, we had no discussion with Mr. Molotov
about substantive matters that would come up at
Geneva. We discussed primarily the agenda for
Geneva, how we would go abovit it, and those prac-
tical problems which always come up in these
meetings as to when we start and who presides,
where we sit and how we translate, and such mat-
ters. We did not go into matters of substance.

Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you assess now the
prospects of some measure of success at the coming
Geneva conference?

A. I believe that we will make positive progress
toward the reunification of Germany. Now I
don't mean to say that we will conclude the matter
at the Geneva conference because it involves very
complicated matters, but I shall be greatly dis-
appointed if we do not make substantial progress
in that direction.

Q. Well, isn't that — just following that up if I
7nay, sir — isnH the fact of intervening complica-
tions since the ^^suinmif'' conference among the
Western powers — just to mention a couple, Cy-
prus v)ith the British and the Turks, and the
North African-French situation — isnH that going
to complicate our position even though those sub-
jects are not directly itvvolved in the conference?

A. No, I don't think so at all. We had meet-
ings in New York last week with the Foreign
Ministers of the United Kingdom, France, Ger-
many, and myself. We discussed all aspects of
this matter in great detail, and I have, I think,
never participated in a meeting of the Western
Foreign Ministers where there was such harmony
and a common viewpoint about matters which are
extremely complicated and which could very easily

606

Department of State Bulletin

give rise, to differences of opinion. It was an ex-
tremely satisfactory meeting, and I think we go
to Geneva with a greater unity not only of purpose
but of program than we have gone to any of these
conferences of Foreign Ministers in the past.

U.N. Membership Question

Q. Mr. Secretary, wouJd you care to explain the
American approval of the Spanish application for
membership in the United Nations in view of the
Assembly''s decision in the past on that?

A. I think that our position on all United Na-
tions memberships is substantially the same as it
has been in the past. We have never believed that
the Security Council should operate as an agency
for the vetoing of members. That is on the as-
sumption that we would all take the same position.
That, you may recall, was the provision in the
Vandenberg resolution which was overwhelmingly
adopted by the Senate in 1948.

"We believe that candidates should be considered
on their merits; they should not be arbitrarily
vetoed in the Security Council. We believe that
in that way we can carry out the spirit and intent
of the provision of the charter which says that
there should be eligible for membership all na-
tions which are peace-loving and which are judged
able and willing to carry out their obligations
under the charter.

There are some nations which, it seems to me,
have made clear that they are not either peace-
loving, or able or willing to carry out their obli-
gations under the charter, and we doubt that they
should be allowed to come into the United Nations
in violation of the charter, or merely in order to
get other eligible nations in. Indeed, that was
the interpretation of the charter which was placed
upon it by a decision of the International Court
of Justice. And we are trying to comply with
that, being ready, as I said, and as our past record
has indicated, not to exercise veto power but to
allow the voting to operate free of veto on these
matters, always, as I say, assuming that others
would do the same.

Q. I wnderstand that approaches have teen
made hy Russia regarding the sim,ulta'neous sub-
tnission of 16 or 17 members now. What do you
think the Spanish application might do on that?

A. It seems to me that the answer I have given
answers sufficiently, doesn't it?

Q. What I'm trying to get at is will the United
States take the view that each application must be
treated on its ments?

A. I think I have indicated that it is our belief
that each nation should be considered on its merits
and should be tested by the charter test of being
peace-loving and willing and able to carry out
such obligations as those that are contained in the
charter. We don't insist that we alone have an
arbitrary right to make that decision; that's the
reason why we are willing to abide by the view of
the majority, a qualified majority, and not insist
upon exercising veto power. But we are not dis-
posed to vote for countries that we think are quite
clearly not qualified for membership and, indeed,
where they have been denounced by the United
Nations General Assembly itself for failing, in
effect, to carry out charter provisions.

Q. Mr. Secretary, hoto would yoti, evaluate the
possibilities of new members coining into the
United Nations this year?

A. Well, that's about as good a guess as to
whether the Dodgers or the Yankees are going
to win.

Effect of President's Illness on Foreign Policy

Q. Mr. Secretary, the day after the Presidents
illness you made an evalimtion as to what possible
effect it might have? I believe you were going
to Canada at the time. Would you tell us now
tohat effect it has had on foreign operations or any
other operations of Government so far as you can
tell?

A. As I said at that time, the President's illness
is a cause for sadness but it is not a cause of alarm.
I think that estimate of the situation has been
borne out.

I think it worth recalling in this connection the
immense amount of forward work which has been
done under the President's direction and with his
participation in this field of foreign relations
through the operation of the National Security
Council. That is a body which, as you know,
represents the agencies of government that are
particularly interested in foreign policy, and
through their Policy Planning Board they study
various situations. They think ahead; they try
to imagine what might happen. And these papers

'■Ibid., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 566.

Ocfober 77, 1955

607

then of the Policy Planning Board are all dis-
cussed in detail with the President, and certain
policy guidelines are laid down. Therefore, we
have a very large amount of basic policy which
has already been established with the knowl-
edge, participation, and explicit approval of the
President.

Now that doesn't mean that we have a sort of
"pushbutton" foreign policy because, obviously,
all of these matters have to be restudied, recon-
sidered in the light of the actual circumstances
which create problems. But the broad lines are
laid out, and we already know very fully the
President's thinking on these matters.

Also, there is every reason to anticipate that it
will before long be possible to talk to the President
about any of these matters that become urgent.
But, so far, there has not been any emergency of
that character, and I am absolutely satisfied that
our foreign policy at the present time is being
conducted precisely along the lines that the Presi-
dent himself desires it to be conducted.

Q. Sir, when do you flan to go to Denver, (M
things being equal? If his health

A. Wlien would I go ?

Q. Yes.

A. Well, that depends upon two factors that I
can't anticipate : One is the factor of his improv-
ing health; the other is the factor of the impor-
tance or urgency of going. At the moment I have
no matter of urgency wliich I feel ought to be dis-
cussed with the President.

Q. Mr. Secretary, going hack to the question of
the conduct of foreign policy while the President
is ill, h/no do yoii, interpret your potoers in dealing
with such things as sending Mr. Allen to the Mid-
dle East or answering the letter from Mr. Bul-
ganin to the President about disarmament?

A. Well, on such matters as sending Mr. Allen
to the Middle East, I have always dealt with
things of that sort without any particular con-
sultation with the President. Perhaps, if we had

been together, I would have mentioned it to the
President. But the movement of my Assistant
Secretaries has always been something which has
been under my direction, and there has never been
any question raised about that. The President
has wanted me to assume that responsibility.

On a question such as the reply to Bulganin,
you have got two phases of the matter : The one
is what you might call an initial acknowledgment,
and the other would be a reply of substance which
would deal with the many difficult problems that
are raised. Without saying that that full reply
would necessarily have to await the President's at-
tention, I think it can be said that it probably will
await the President's personal attention. That
is because, on the one hand, it will take quite a lit-
tle time to prepare such a reply, and, on the other
hand, it does involve questions of high national
policy where it is certainly preferable to have the
President's personal scrutiny of it. However, if
lie was unable to give that and the matter came to
require urgent treatment, I think that both the
Secretary of Defense and myself, Governor Stas-
sen, and others involved find in the National Se-
curity Council papers sufficient guidance so we
could deal with it if it had to be dealt with. But
I do not feel it will have to be dealt with before
the President can give it personal attention.

Q. Is it fair to infer from, what you have just
said, then, that you believe such poivers fall back
upon the Cabinet, or, for example, are yow rela-
tions in any way different with the Vice President
since the Presidenfs illness?

A. No. The Vice President has, in effect,
continued the same relationship to the Cabinet
and the National Security Council as he has at
various times in the past. At times in the past, _,
when the President has been away, the Vice Presi- I
dent has presided, or oftentimes indeed while the
President was here he would be interrupted dur-
ing a meeting and at that point the Vice President
would take over for him and carry on. There is
no change that I am aware of in that relationshii).

608

Department of State Bulletin

The Defense of Europe^A Progress Report

hy Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther

Supreme Commander, Allied Powers Europe '

At the age of 15, in my village of Platte Center,
Nebr., population 374, 1 started to work for a bank.
I was not a great success because I was always
mixed up by the dili'erence between collateral and
money. My contention was that all you needed
was more collateral because every time my boss ran
into the question of a loan, he said, "Well, we have
got plenty of money, but you don't have any
collateral." And on this subject my boss and I
did a good deal of splitting.

I might say that a few years later the bank
failed, and there has been some suggestion in my
village that my association with it didn't help the
bank any.

I still feel in spite of that, though, that my
I^revious condition of servitude should enable me
to address you as fellow bankers.

I did not, however, come all the way from Paris,
some 4,500 miles, to talk to you about banking. I
came to tell you that if the project that I am con-
nected with does not succeed, your membership —
which has now, I understand, dropped from 30,000
in the 20's to 14,000 now — is going to go down a
lot further — and not because of mergers, either.
In other words, the basic issue is whether our
system of life, which you gentlemen exemplify
and which is anathema to the Soviet system, is
going to survive. That is the reason why the
North Atlantic Treaty was signed in 1949, and
that is the reason why General Eisenhower went to
Europe to organize the defense of Europe in the
early part of 1951.

When he arrived there, the state of the defenses
of the free world was in a very precarious con-
dition. The first day that he landed in Paris, the

' Address made before the American Bankers Associa-
tion at Chicago, 111., on Sept. 28.

Ocfober 17, 1955

362927—55 3

7th of January, 1951, we had extremely bad news
from Korea, and the estimates were that the
United Nations forces there would be ejected from
that peninsula in a matter of weeks. In Europe
itself, we had had evidence that Soviet imperial-
ism was again on the march in the form of such
incidents as the Czechoslovakia coup and the
Berlin blockade.

As General Eisenhower took stock of what he
had, he found out that his resources were ex-
tremely low, but that was not the worst of it. He
could not use the resources that he did have.
There was no common concept, and if there had
been a common concept there was not even a way
to implement it.

I had occasion on about the 24th of January,
1951, as his Chief of Staff, to put through a tele-
phone call from Paris to Oslo, Norway, which
was going to be one of our subordinate head-
quarters. I was told by the telephone operator
that it would take about 8 hours to complete the
call and to bear in mind that it would go through
the Soviet Zone of Germany, and we would there-
fore have Communist assistance in completing the
call.

At my office last Saturday I put another call
in to Oslo and I got tlirough in 3 minutes, and
as far as we know we had no Communist help in
implementing it.

I mention that because it is indicative of the
progress which has been made. Our resources
now are from four to five times what they were
in those dark days of 1951, and from a standpoint
of effectiveness our ratio of increase has been even
greater still. We now have a functioning organi-
zation. Our headquarters are complete. Each one
of them knows exactly what plans would be im-
plemented in the event of emergency.

609

Rate of Progress

That is all to the good. That is progress much
greater than we ever thought possible in the dark
days of 1951. However, what you are interested
in knowing is: "Are we strong enough now to
resist successfully an all-out act of Soviet aggres-
sion if one should take place? " The answer to
that question is, "No, not yet."

Our progress has been great, but it has not been
that great; and just for fear that that may cause
in your mind a feeling of depression, let me say
that it would be nothing short of a miracle if we
had developed to that extent. Considering the low
level from which we started, and considering the
fact that the Soviet forces had midergone prac-
tically no demobilization after the war, it is not
strange that I have to give this kind of report to
you.

Our progress, however, has been such that with
the advent of the German forces, which should be
effective in from 3 to 4 years if everything goes
well, we tliink that at that time we shall be able
to say that, if an act of aggression should come, we
shall be able to defeat it. It is toward that goal
that all of our planning is devoted and pointed.

By the same line of reasoning, the Soviets have
set their objectives. The Soviet Government did
everything possible to prevent the West German
Government from joining Nato. That matter
ended when the Germans joined Nato on the 9th
of May this year, making the 15th country in our
alliance. And now they are doing everything pos-
sible to prevent the German foi'ces from coniing
into being.

At our headquarters, we who have the responsi-
bility of the defense of Europe over a perimeter
of some 4,000 miles, deal — or try to deal — in
realities. We are considering what would happen
if the Soviets engaged in military action. That
does not mean that they are going to engage in
that action, but our planning must be based on the
assiunption as to where we would be if they did.

Our first job, therefore, is always to assess what
we refer to as their "military capability." A\^iat
kind of forces do they have? How are those
forces disposed ? How effective are they ?

They have a land army now of 175 divisions,
the largest land army in the world, and the most
effective one. Not all of the 175 divisions are per-
fect, but by and large they are well trained.

They have an air force of some 20,000 opera-

tional planes. Wlien General Eisenhower came
to Europe, they also had 20,000 planes, but at that
time most of them were piston driven. Now the
vast majority of them are jet planes, with new and
improved versions of jet planes coming off the line
all the time.

On the naval side, they are concentrating large-
ly in the submarine field, and they now have about
350 submarines. To give you a measuring stick
as to what 350 submarines mean, you should know
that when the Germans started World War II
they had only 75 submarines; so 350 represents a
very extensive capability — not five times as great
as the Germans had, for the Soviets still do not
have the same know-how that the Germans did,
but they are improving as time goes on.

Those forces that I have just mentioned are the
Soviet forces. In addition they have the satellite
forces. There are between 75 and 80 satellite divi-
sions totaling between a million and a million one
hundred thousand men. There are something like
2,500 planes in the satellite air forces.

All of that represents a very substantial capa-
bility. Our job, since we have the mission of de-
fending Europe, has to be based on that capa-
bility. Even if there is going to be no war — and
I personally think there will be no war — as you
balance this power equation, if our side suffers by
comparison on a ratio of whatever it may turn
out to be — 3 to 1, or 4 to 1 against us — and we are
unable to equalize it, we will be gradually pushed ■
back into a corner when it comes to this very stern
job of negotiating with the Soviets.

Our task, then, is one not of advocating war,
not saying that war is likely, but basing our plans
on again what we refer to as enemy capability.

To sum up : "VVlien the German forces are effec-
tive, and assuming that we can have the use of
new weapons, we shall be able to solve this prob-
lem ; that will be roughly in 3 or 4 years.

Difficulties in Maintaining Unity

Having said that, I want to tell you that I think
that the hardest period is coming now. We had
great difficulties in the first 4i/2 years of Nato,
but we had one big advantage, and that was that
the free world was united by fear, a cement that
held us together but which is gradually disap-
pearing now, because under the "smiling cam-
paign," under the tendency which is developing to
relax, we are up against very tough opposition.

610

Department of State Bulletin

In the period that we are going to face in the
next few years it is going to be much more difficult
to get that unity and to continue the sacrifices
necessary in this type of competition.

We consider that military security — or national
security, if you will — consists of three elements:
the economic side, very well known to you and
earlier discussed by Mr. [Robert] Cutler yester-
day; the military side, which I have been refer-
ring to briefly here ; and thirdly, the psychological
side.

This psychological side is the one where the
Soviets are carrying on a veiy masterly campaign
now. I do not want to be cynical about the
outlook for the future, or about anything that
has happened in connection with Geneva, but I
simply want to bring us back to the realities that
as of now they have an overwhelming power,
and — especially in the conventional field — they
still have a very big edge against us.

I have here a quotation from a talk that Mr.
Khrushchev gave on the 19th of September, and
here is what he said on that day :

We always tell the truth to our friends as well as to
our eueiuies. We are in favor of a relaxation of tension,
but if anybody thinks that for this reason we shall forget
about Mars, Engels, and Lenin, he is mistalien. This
will happen when shrimp learn to whistle. And I might
say that shrimp do not whistle very often. We are for
coexistence because there is in the world a capitalist and
socialist system, but we shall always adhere to the build-
ing of socialism.

He was referring to three very famous men and
referring to the principle of coexistence in con-
nection with them. Incidentally, he said this with
a smile, and in a very relaxed way of speaking, at
the time he made this speech.

But let us go back now to one of these disciples,
Lenin, and see what Lenin said on this same sub-
ject. This was in 1920, and here was Lenin's view
at that time :

We are living not merely in a state but in a system of
states and the existence of the Soviet Republic side by side
with imperialist states for a long time is unthinkable.
One or the other must triumph in the end. And before
that end supervenes, a series of frightful collisions be-
tween the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states will be
inevitable.

iUso, recall this — on the 19th I\Ir. Khrushchev
is saying, "Anybody who thinks we have forgotten
T^enin is badly mistaken."

Marx, to whom he also referred, wrote the bible
for the Communist doctrine, and he has said some
poignant things of interest. One is :

Ocfober 17, 1955

The democratic concept of man is false, because it is
Christian. The democratic concept holds that each man
has a value as a sovereign being. This is an illusion
and a dream.

That is what Mr. Marx said.

On the 22d of September Mr. Khrushchev, in
talking to a group of French parliamentarians on
the subject of religion, had this to say. He had
been talking to them and saying, "Now, we allow
religious services to take place in the Soviet
LTnion." And then he went on with this: "But
you must not draw," said he to his French visitors,
"the conclusion from this fact that communism
has changed its point of view toward religion. AVe
remain atheists and we do everything we can to
liberate a certain part of the people from the
opium attraction of religion which still exists.
Antireligious work is carried out by literatiu'e
and lectures, but care is taken never to annoy the
priests."

I am bringing up these points simj^ly to sound
a word of caution that, while the smile campaign
is certainly very advantageous and I am delighted
it has taken place, the democracies, who have great
difficulty in retaining their unity amidst this sort
of atmosphere, must bear in mind that so far as
we can tell now there has been no significant de-
parture from any Soviet position which has here-
tofore been considered as important.

Strong Force for Peace

Two weeks ago yesterday, Mr. Bulganin and
Mr. Khrushchev were entertaining Chancellor
Adenauer and toasting to peace, perpetual peace.
But at the very moment that was happening, in
the satellite states the steam shovels were continu-
ing their work in building additional airfields,
and we have the situation that the Soviet poten-
tial continues to grow. 'WHiether they will use
those airfields or not, I cannot say, but our job —
and our job from the question of creating an en-
during and lasting peace — is that we nmst be able
to maintain a balance of power, and that is the
object of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

Our thesis — and it is the thesis of all of the 15
governments — is that if we can develop sufficient
power to make an attack by an aggressor ex-
tremely costly, then it will never take place. In
other words, we consider that we are a peaceful
organization, and, in case there might be in any of
your minds a lingering doubt as to whether or not
we have aggressive tendencies, let me assure you

611

that in onr headquarters, which does a major part
of the planning, there has never been as much as
a single sentence written which envisages that we
take the initiative in an attack. In fact, our big
worry is how we can absorb, and how we can sur-
vive, under an attack in which the other side has
the advantage of surprise.

We can therefore approach the world and the
Soviets with a clean heart, that actually the object
of our organization is to prevent war from taking
place. We consider it a strong force for peace.

Most people agree to that, and I am sure there is
no difference of opinion among the people in this
audience on that score, but here is where the prob-
lem comes : An alliance is a very difficult thing to
make function. None has ever functioned suc-
cessfully in all of history in time of peace. Ours
has functioned reasonably well in these 41/4 years
since General Eisenhower went to Europe, but
how it is going to function in the future depends
more and more on the participation of the people,
their confidence that it is an instrument for
peace, and their belief in it to the extent that they
will continue making the necessary sacrifices.

Exercising World Leadership

We do have this matter to consider and that
is that it is of tremendous importance for America
to keep this alliance going, because of our posi-
tion in the world now, and certainly in the indus-
trial field of production and productivity achieve-
ments. This mantle of world leadership has fallen
on our shoulders, but that same mantle does not
give us necessarily the wisdom to lead the world in
this kind of competition.

I will take my own case : I went to school in our
little village of Platte Center, taking up geog-
raphy and history and trying to cheat our teacher
out of a gi-ade, but I did not give one continental
damn about geography and history.

I went to college and I cared less, so that the
preparation that I have for a job like this I have
been learning at the rate of 14 hours a day since
I have been on it. We have two sons in our
family, and they have resisted education even
better than I did.

Your sons and daughters may be exceptions,
but as we see them come over to our place, I have
my doubts, and I have this feeling, that we have
got to learn a great deal more of the world, what
makes it tick, and why the other fellow's point
of view is one that has to be considered. We have

a tremendous amount of progress that is needed
in that field, and the Soviets are masters at it.
We also need to approach this task with humility,
for we have a lot to learn.

The Soviets, from the standpoint of propa-
ganda, and especially from the standpoint of de-
vising propaganda, do a very effective job, and at
stake are 450 million people that belong to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, of which
165 million people are ours.

Probably the impact on our people, we say, is
not so great, but it makes a difference to be 30
minutes away from Soviet bombers, as many of
the people of Europe are, where devastating at-
tacks can be launched on them, and the tendency
for wishful thinking is one that is inherent in all
human beings. Certainly you see tendencies of it
even in this country. To be able to keep an
alliance in this kind of atmosphere is going to
require a very widespread exercise of leadership,
and that is the reason why I bring this matter to
your attention.

You are all very important executives. You are
leaders in your own community. I turn the prob-
lem over to you because in this psychological field
you can make a great contribution even if you
do no more than to spread confidence in the organi-
zation. Over and over again you should say the
security of the free world depends upon our abil-
ity to maintain this alliance.

This alliance is certainly the most important
one now in being from the standpoint of its ex-
tent. I have confidence that we are going to be
able to solve this. I have been in the military
service — in another month — 37 years. Our head-
quarters is the happiest one I have ever been asso-
ciated with. That is due to the fact that General ■
Eisenhower was the first commander and was
there for a year and a half. As he started it out,
he assembled the officers and he said to them this:
"I feel that the key characteristic of an Allied staff
officer is the ability to have a ready smile." That
was his way of saying that friends could work well
together.

That has been the secret of our success, and we
have an extremely dedicated group of officers. If
we can spread that same attitude to the rest of the
450 million people of Nato, there is no question
that we are going to be able to stop this war from
ever taking place, or that we will be able to handle
ourselves well in the cold war.

You will be interested in another thing that
General Eisenhower did at our headquarters. He

612

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

felt that with tliis problem of 12 nationalities —
which there were then, 15 now — you would make a
great contribution if you could have those people
live together. He worked it out with the French
Government to have an apartment settlement
which became known as Shape Village. It has
paid tremendous dividends. Thej' have their own
club there. Three hundred families live in one
area. They also have their own school.

You will be interested in this school. In one
class that I visited just before the vacation started,
there were 32 people from various nationalities,
and in that class the English prize was won by a
Turkish girl 14 years old. (There were six Ameri-
cans in that class, five Britishers, two or three
French, and various other nationalities.) I talked
to her mother just last Wednesday. The mother —
if she lives to be 150 years old, there is nothing in
her life that will ever please her as much as the
fact that her daughter, who came to that school
only 2 years ago, was able to win first prize in
English. The father and mother knew no English
when thej' came there.

It is the development of that type of under-
standing which is going to make this thing work.

I am certain that it can work. You may say
that I am an optimist. I plead guilty to that
charge. I like to think, liowever, that I am more
than an optimist. I like to think that I have
faith — faith in our civilization and its dedication
to the dignity of the human individual and all
that that implies, with our dedication and devo-
tion to religion and all the advantages that stem
from that.

It has been a great honor for me to come here
today. I understand that, when I finish, the pro-
gram will be over.

There was a friend of mine who belonged to a
political party in one of the Southern states, and
in their campaigning it was their custom to have
seven or eight or nine people travel around in a
caravan and deliver political speeches. On one
such occasion they were in a grove of trees and
there was going to be a barbecue following. As
the speakers went on, the barbecue people went to
their task and the aroma of the barbecue began
coming over the crowd, and one by one the crowd
departed.

My particular friend sitting in the front row
noticed this, and when he got up to speak, lo and
behold, there was only one fellow left. He had
to make a decision what to do, and he decided

Ocfober 17, 1955

362927—55 4

that he would go through with his speech anyway,
which he did with all of his gestures and delivered
a very fine talk. He finished and be turned to
this one fellow who was there. He said, "I want
to thank you, my friend, for staying. Certainly
that was a very fine act of courtesy. Just as a
matter of interest, tell me — "Wliy did you stay?"

"The answer is simple : I am the last speaker."

I am very much flattered that the entertainment
characteristics of the hotel have not attracted you
people away, and I am very delighted to have had
this chance to appear before you.

I gather from listening to Mr. [Clarence] Ran-
dall's talk that all bankers are rich ! When I was
a banker, we were not, but I understand that has
changed now and sooner or later you will be com-
ing to Europe. I am not going to get into the
subject that Mr. Randall has given you instruc-
tions about, but I would like to extend to you an
invitation ; instead of going to the night clubs in
Paris — although we can arrange that for you if
you like — to come and visit Shape, our head-
quarters on the outskirts of Paris, where you can
see what we are trying to do. We do not claim we
have the answer. We don't resent criticism. We
feel that the one item which could destroy our
organization is indifference. If we can get your
interest any time you are over, please know that
you will be really welcome at that headquarters.

In conclusion I want to say that I feel that we
have made such tremendous progress that, if we
were to weary and falter now, it would be nothing
short of a catastrophe. We have a fateful period
coming up. A month from today you will be read-
ing the first report of the second Geneva confer-
ence, which starts a month from yesterday. I
hope that, whatever our leaders decide in regard
to a position, you are going to give them your
support. It is important, of coui-se, that we get
an agreement with the Russians, but what is more
important still is that we be right and that we get
out of this an enduring and stable peace. The
two things aie not the same necessarily. For the
people to understand that is very complicated and
is going to require a high degree of application
on the part of leaders such as you.

I wish you all possible success in your work.
Again I thank you. I express my complete con-
fidence that we are going to be able to solve this
problem and, if we can only preserve our unity, I
am positive that no power, however menacing, wiU
be able to prevail against us.

613

UNITED NATIONSDAY October 24, 1955

". . . WHEREAS the United Nations has entered on
its tenth year of unremitting labor toward realizing
the hopes of mankind for an ordered world based on
the supremacy of reason and justice . . ."

FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S
U. N.DAY PROCLAMATION

Need for Expanding Use off
U.S. Books Overseas

Following is the text of a letter dated September
26 from Nelsan A. Rockefeller, Special Assistant
to the President, to Arthur A. Houghton, Jr.,
chairman of the Conference on Boohs Abroad.
The letter was read at the conference, held at
Princeton, N. J., Septemher 29-30.

It was a very pleasant surprise for me to see
the extensive preparation which has been made for
the Conference on Books Abroad at Princeton.
As you commence your discussions, I want to as-
sure you of your government's deep interest in the
vakie of books in the field of international rela-
tions.

Books are one of the windows to a nation's soul
and spirit. Wi\n\ more American books and pub-
lications are read overseas, we shall have many
more friends abroad who are understanding sup-
porters of American foreign policy. I realize that
books make their influence effective only over the
course of years. Because we have so long delayed
a really major effort in this field of books, a major
program is now absolutely necessary. The U.S.
Information Agency has been making substantial
and successful use of books, but a government
agency cannot fully meet the challenge in this field.
Regular publishing channels must be the main
instrument for insuring adequate commercial dis-
tribution of significant American books. Let me
assure you and your Conference that your efforts
to increase book distribution are of major im-
poitance to United States objectives.

The current passion for education throughout
the world opens great opportunities for books to
reach and influence present leaders and the stu-
dents who will be the future leaders. Opportuni-
ties will vary from country to country, but a stable,
long-range program by skilled personnel would
accomplish major results. American world lead-
ership, the quality of American achievements in
scientific, professional, technical and cultural
fields, and the pressing need to reflect this leader-
ship and quality of achievement throughout the
world, warrant the greatest possible effort to ex-
pand the use of American books throughout the
world in the present half-century. Your govern-
ment stands ready to cooperate with you in lessen-
ing the major obstacles which stand in the way of
this expansion.

616

With sincerest wishes for the success of your
Conference and the publishers' subsequent efforts
to increase American book distribution, I remain,
Sincerely,

Nelson A. Rockefeller
Special Assistant to the President

United States Position on
U.S.S.R.-East German Agreements

Press release 584 dated October 4

The following is the text of a note delivered by
the American Embassy at Moscoic to the Soviet
Foreign Ministry on October 3. Similar notes
loere delivered on the saine day to the Soviet
Foreign Ministry at Moscow by the Embassies of
France and the United Kingdom,.

The Government of the United States of
America, in agreement with the Governments of
the United Kingdom and France, wishes to make
known its position with regard to the agreements
concluded at Moscow on the 20th of September
1955 between Marshal Bulganin and Mr. Grote-
wohl, as published in the press.

The three Governments declare that these
agreements cannot affect in any respect or in
any way the obligations or responsibilities of
the U.S.S.R. under agreements and arrangements
on the subject of Germany, including Berlin, pre-
viously concluded between France, the United
States, the United Kingdom and the U.S.S.R.

The three Governments consider that the
U.S.S.R. remains bound by the engagements which
it has assumed vis-a-vis the Three Powers concern-
ing Germany, and that, in particular, the letters
exchanged between Mr. Zorin and Mr. Bolz on the
20th of September 1955 cannot have the effect of
discharging the U.S.S.R. from the responsibilities
which it has assumed in matters concerning trans-
portation and communications between the differ-
ent parts of Germany, including Berlin.

Effective Date for Concessions
to Italy

Press release 590 dated October 5

As stated by the Department on August 22,
1955,' in accordance with the provisions of the

1 Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 397.

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

Protocol for the Accession of Japan to the Gen-
eral Agi-eement on Tariffs and Trade, U.S. con-
cessions to countries other than Japan in connec-
tion M-ith the negotiations for Japan's accession
will be made effective 30 days after such countries
notify the Executive Secretary of the general
agreement that their concessions to Japan are be-
ing placed in effect.

On September 5, 1955, the Italian Government
gave notification of intention to apply the con-
cessions contained in its schedule to the Pi-otocol.
Accordingly the United States will on October 5,
1955, apply the concessions initially negotiated
with Italy. The items affected are :

Item Designation
1531 [first]

1531 [second]

Description
Coin purses, change purses, bill-
folds, bill cases, bill rolls, bill
purses, banknote eases, currency
cases, money cases, card cases, li-
cense cases, pass cases, passport
cases, letter cases, and similar
flat leather goods ; all the fore-
going wholly or in chief value of
leather other than reptile leather

Articles provided for in para-
graph, 1531, Tariff Act of 1930, if
wholly or in chief value of reptile
leather and permanently fitted
and furnished with traveling, bot-
tle, drinking, dining or luncheon,
sewing, manicure, or similar sets

The President has notified the Secretary of the
Treasury of the effective date for the concessions
to Italy.

Memorandum for the Secretary of the Treasury'

October 3, 1955
Reference is made to my proclamation of July
22, 1955 ^ carrying out the Protocol of Terms of
Accession by Japan to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade.

On September 5, 1955 Italy gave to the Execu-
tive Secretary to the Contracting Parties to the
General Agreement the notification referred to in
paragraph 3 of the Protocol for the accession of
Japan, of intention to apply on October 5, 1955
concessions which it had negotiated initially with
Japan. Accordingly, pursuant to the procedure
described in Part 1(b) (1) of the above-mentioned
proclamation, I hereby notify you that both items
1531 in Part I of Schedule XX to the said Proto-

'20 fed. Reg. 7S01.

' BtT.LETiN of Aug. 8, 1955, p. 226.

col shall not be withheld pursuant to paragraph
4 of the said Protocol on or after October 5, 1955.

Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of
Aviation Facilities

Press release 583 dated October 3

The Department of State welcomes the decision
of the Export-Import Bank to establish a credit
of $24 million in Ethiopia's favor for the develop-
ment of commercial airfields and aviation facilities
throughout the country. The loan indicates the
bank's confidence in Ethiopia's capacity for eco-
nomic expansion and is in line with the desire of
the United States to strengthen further the already
close cooperation between Ethiopia and the United
States. Ethiopian Air Lines, whose expansion the
loan will support, is already an outstanding
achievement of Ethiopian enterprise assisted by
private American technical knowledge. The air-
line is wholly Ethiopian owned but managed un-
der contract by an American air carrier, Trans-
World Airlines.

The bank's action is viewed by the Department
as further tangible evidence of the interest which
the U.S. Government expressed in the sound de-
velopment of Ethiopia's economy at the time of
Emperor Haile Selassie's visit to this country in
the spring of 1954.

Emergency Assistance to India

Press release 585 dated October 4

The Governments of the United States and
India announced on October 4 the exchange of
notes covering the extension of emergency assist-
ance to help relieve the recent flood disaster in
northeast India. This assistance includes 10,000
tons of wheat and 10,000 tons of rice. The food
grains will come from Government stocks held by
the Commodity Credit Corporation, and the U.S.
Government also will bear the cost of transporta-
tion to Indian ports. Additional assistance may
be made available by the United States if condi-
tions warrant.

It is estimated that the continuing floods,
among the worst disasters in the history of Asia,
have destroyed and damaged many thousands of
villages and the homes of some 16 million people

Ocfober 77, J 955

617

in the states of West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Assam,
and Uttar Predesh.

Immediate relief in the form of medicines and
other emergency supplies, donated by Red Cross
societies and other voluntary agencies in many
countries including the United States, has been
flown to New Delhi on U.S. Government planes.
Supplies were also made available from League
of Red Cross Society stocks in Geneva.

The offer of U.S. assistance, made in a note from
U.S. Ambassador John Sherman Cooper to Min-
ister of Agriculture P. S. Deshmukli for Prime
Minister Nehru, is being given under provisions
of title II, Public Law 480, which authorizes the
use of surplus American agricultural products for
relief purposes. The shipment of wheat to devas-
tated areas in India will begin shortly.

Korean Tax Problem

Press release 586 dated October 3

The taxation of American businessmen in Ko-
rea has recently been the subject of discussions be-
tween our Embassy in Seoul and the Government
of the Republic of Korea. There has been so much
confusion about the problem that the Department
of State considers it desirable to clarify the issues.

The Korean Minister of Finance has repeatedly
assured officers of the American Embassy in Seoul
that American businessmen are paying and have
in the past paid personal income taxes, taxes on
agents' commissions, and certain other taxes, their
liability for which is clearly established. The
current controversy does not involve personal tax
obligations.

The tax in question is the "Business Tax" levied
under Korean law No. 48 of August 13, 1949. In
American terminology, this tax as applied to the
businessmen involved is known as a sales tax. Ex-
planations of the law made public by the Tax
Bureau of the Finance Ministry of the Republic
of Korea as recently as June 1955 indicate clearly
that it was up to that time regarded as a tax to be
levied on goods and services in Korean domestic
trade only, and this is verified by the way in
which the law was implemented. No effort was
made by the Tax Bureau before July 1955 to col-
lect this sales tax on transactions in international
trade in which the sales were made outside Korea
and title to the goods was transferred outside
Korea.

In July and Augixst 1955 the Korean Tax Bu-
reau sent bills to representatives of certain Ameri-
can firms in Korea for amounts that were declared
to be due the Republic of Korea by those firms as
taxes under law No. 48. They were taxes on goods
that had been brought into Korea, but the sales
transactions had in the gi"eat majority of cases
been completed outside Korea and the title to the
goods involved had also been transferred outside
Korea. The bills were in varying amounts, but
in the case of one firm amounted to $214,000 at the
current rate of exhange. In discussing tliis sub-
ject with the Korean Government, the American
Embassy at Seoul has not disputed the right of the
Korean Government to levy a sales tax on goods
in international trade under the provisions of law
No. 48. However, it has, on instructions from the
Department of State, discussed the advisability
of taxing sales transactions which are largely in-
ternational in character, contrary to the practice
of most countries, and has raised questions with
res^ject to the fairness of applying a new interpre-
tation of the law retroactively to past trans-
actions.

The sovereignty of the Korean Government in
taxation matters is therefore not the issue in the
present discussions, nor is it a question of dis-
crimination. The issue is rather the equity of the
application of a new interpretation of law No. 48
to transactions that took place before the inter-
pretation was made public when there had been
good reason to expect that the law would not be so
construed.

Most of the American businessmen in Korea are
neither importers nor exporters of goods. In the
vast majority of cases they are on a salary basis
and are engaged in promoting sales rather than
making them. At no time do they hold title to the
goods whose sales they promote nor do they handle
the money which is involved. In these circum-
stances a sales tax levied on goods whose purchase
they promote cannot be considered a personal tax
obligation of the businessman. The tax, if pay-
able at all, is an obligation of the company whicli
the businessman represents and not of the busi-
nessman personally. Nevertheless, the Korean
Ministry of Foreign Affairs has informed the Em-
bassy at Seoul that it will not issue an exit permit
to the principal representative of a firm from
which this sales tax is considered due until the tax
has been paid.

In representing the interests of American busi-

618

Department of State Bulletin

nessmen on this score, the American Embassy has
held that it is contrary to the principles of equity
to limit the freedom of movement of an individual
on account of sums that may be due from his
employers.

Export- Import Bank Reports on
Lending Activities

Eximbank press release dated September 29

The Export -Import Bank of Washington on
September -Jd transmitted to the President and the
Congress its semiannual report for the half year
wliich ended June 30, 1955.^ The bank is the for-
eign lending agency of the U.S. Govermnent.

The first half of the calendar year 1955 wit-
nessed a continuing uptrend in the lending ac-
tivities of the Export-Import Bank. During this
IJeriod it authorized 115 new credits totaling $336.7
million. Included in the new credits were 81 indi-
vidual exporter credit lines totaling $123.1 million.
The bank allocated $21.5 million to specific proj-
ects under credits previously authorized and ap-
proved 6 transactions totaling $1.3 million under
exporter credit lines. For the fiscal year 1955, the
bank's new credit commitments amounted to $628.3
million.

In the same 6-month period, the bank disbursed
$137.8 million under existing loan authorizations
and received repayments of principal amounting
to $167.4 million plus interest payments of $42.6
million. Disbursements for the fiscal year 1955
totaled $273.5 million, and principal repayments
on all loans amounted to $298.1 million.

The credits authorized during the 6 months
ended June 30, 1955, increased the total credits au-
thorized by the bank from the time of its establish-
ment in February 1934 to $7.2 billion. As of June
30, 1955, the total amount disbursed under such
authorizations was $4.9 billion, of which $2.2 bil-
lion has been repaid.

On June 30, 1955, 438 loans were outstanding in
50 countries. The total of the loans outstanding
was $2.7 billion, and the portion of credits au-
thorized but not yet disbursed was $753 million.
Deducting these amounts from the bank's lending

' For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. ; price,
40 cents.

authority of $5 billion left an uncommitted bal-
ance of $1.5 billion at the fiscal year end.

For the fiscal year the total revenue of the bank
from interest on loans amounted to $85.7 million,
out of which $25.5 million was paid as interest on
funds borrowed from the U.S. Treasury and $1.1
million was expended for operating expenses. De-
duction of all expenses from gross revenue left net
earnings for the fiscal year of $59.1 million, of
which $29.5 million was earned during the final
6 months.

In June a payment of another $22.5 million an-
nual dividend to the Treasury of the United States
was approved, representing 21/4 percent on the $1
billion of capital stock of the bank. This dividend
was paid out of profits made during the fiscal year
ended June 30, 1955. Accumulated earned reserves
now total $367.1 million.

New applications are being received at a rate
over three times the previous 3-year average, and
the number of credits authorized during the first
6 months of 1955 was larger than for any previous
6-month period since the bank was established.
The bank has continued its practice of assisting
exporters in fuiancing specific transactions on a
case-by-case basis. In addition, the bank has un-
dertaken, in appropriate cases, to establish credit
lines for exporters under the terms of which they
ai'e apprised in advance in fairly specific terms
how far the bank may be willing to go in financing
their exjDorts to si^ecific countries.

Although most requests for assistance in the past
year have originated with U.S. suppliers, the bank
has continued to receive and, in appropriate cases,
to approve requests of foreign entities and govern-
ments for credits to finance the acquisition of U.S.
materials, equipment, and services for develop-
mental projects to be undertaken abroad.

The bank conducts other lending operations at
the request and for the account of other agencies
of the U.S. Government which are recorded in-
dependently of operations under the Export-Im-
port Bank Act of 1945, as amended. For instance,
as agent for the Foreign Operations Administra-
tion, the bank paid $36.2 million to the U.S. Treas-
ury during the fiscal year 1955 from collections
made on approximately $1.7 billion in loans to 26
countries made under the Mutual Security Act of
1954 and prior legislation.

Ocfofaer 17, 1955

619

Importance of International Travel to the Foreign Trade
of the United States

hy Somerset R. Waters ^

Let us first raise the question suggested by the
topic to be discussed. Is international travel of
major importance to foreign trade ? One way to
answer this is to point to the number of high-level
governmental bodies which have considered the
economic aspects of travel during the past few
years. I believe I am safe in stating that no
other administration has given such active consid-
eration to the problems of international travel.

The President's Commission on Foreign Eco-
nomic Policy under the leadership of Clarence
Randall included a study of this subject and made
recommendations pointing toward Government
action to encourage and expand international
travel.^ The President in his foreign economic
messages to Congress in the past 2 years empha-
sized the importance of tourist travel.^ The Rio
economic conference in November 1954 included
this subject on its agenda. The recent meeting of
the Economic and Social Coimcil of the United
Nations considered tourism and supported resolu-
tions on this subject at the recommendation of the
U.S. delegation.^ Two weeks ago, when the For-
eign Minister of Japan, Mr. Shigemitsu, visited
our country, a delegation from his mission visited
the Department of Commerce to discuss the sub-
ject of expanded travel to Japan. This list is in-
complete but gives some idea of the top-level con-
sideration being given to this subject which is of
interest to all of us.

In our writings and speeches we constantly refer
to the close relationship between international

' Address made before the Travel Writers Association
of New York at New Yorlc, N. Y., on Sept. 12. Mr. Waters
is Special Consultant on International Travel to the As-
sistant Secretary of Commerce for International Affairs.

' Bulletin of Feb. S, 1954, p. 1S7.

'Ihid., Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602, and Jan. 24, 1955, p. 119.

'lUd., May 2, 1955, p. 741.

travel and the establishment of more peaceful con-
ditions throughout the world. At the recent
"summit" meeting in Geneva we had dramatic
proof of this close relationship. When I read
President Eisenhower's report of the Geneva con-
ference, I thought of that old slogan of the Euro-
pean Travel Commission: "Understanding
through travel is the passport to peace." The
President's remarks were as follows : ^

. . . The subject that took most of our attention in this
regard was the possibility of increased visits by the citi-
zens of one country into the territory of another, doing
this in such a way as to give each the fullest possible op-
portunity to learn about the people of the other nation.
In this particular subject there was the greatest possible
degree of agreement. As a matter of fact, it was agree-
ment often repeated and enthusiastically supported by
the words of the members of each side.

Of course, as the President also stated, the acid
test will begin in October, when the Foreign Min-
isters meet to take the conclusions of this confer-
ence and translate these generalities into actual,
specific agreements.

Increase in International Travel

In discussing the importance of travel to for-
eign trade, it becomes necessary to cite a few sta-
tistical facts. To begin with, international travel
is increasing at such a rate that we expect that in
1955 U.S. residents will spend about $1.5 billion
on travel abroad. This includes spending within
the foreign countries as well as fares on interna-
tional carriers. Of the money spent within these
countries in 1954, a rough division was like this:
out of each dollar spent for foreign travel, 37
cents went to Europe, 30 cents to Canada, 20 cents
to Mexico, and 13 cents was divided through the

' Ibid., Aug. 8, 1955, p. 217.

620

Department of State Bulletin

rest of the world. Our citizens are spending
enough in foreign countries to pay for about 10
percent of our mercliandise exports. This means
that international travel is providing the dollars to
pay for approximately one-tenth of the purchases
by foreign countries of the products of our farms
and factories. There can be no question of the
great significance of travel to foreign trade. Your
own work, when you write on foreign travel,
directly affects an important segment of our
economy.

Another method for demonstrating the increas-
ing importance of tourist travel to foreign trade
is to compare our merchandise imports w'ith our
expenditures for foreign travel. These imports,
like travel, provide dollars to bolster the economies
of foreign countries. In 1951, the ratio of travel
earnings to imports was 7.6 percent. Five years
later, in 1955, it appears that this ratio will ap-
proach 12 percent. Not only is travel important
to foreign trade, but its relative importance is
growing at a rapid rate.

Changes in Division of Tourist Dollar

If you can bear with me for a few more statis-
tics, you may be interested in some changes taking
place in the division of our tourist dollars. Back
in 1948, Canada received 45 percent of the dollars
spent by tourists outside the United States. By
1954, Canada's percentage of these tourist dollar
expenditures had dropped to 30 percent. Wliile
Canada is now receiving a smaller portion of the
total expenditures, Europe has jumped from 21
percent of the total in 1948 to 37 percent in 1954.
Mexico, on the other hand, continues to get about
the same percentage. It received 19 percent of
the tourist dollars back in 1948 and 20 percent in
1954. Of course, Mexico is receiving more dollars
today because the total dollars expendetl have
greatly increased. The point is that Mexico's share
of the total has remained stationary. The same
is true for Bermuda, the West Indies, and Central
America, when considered together. This group
received 9 percent of the tourist dollars in 1948
and 9 percent in 1954. South America has shown
a slight decrease, receiving 3.G percent in 1948 and
2.3 percent in 1954. This all adds up to evidence
of a dramatic job being done by Europe, backed
with substantial help from all of you in this room,
plus strong advertising and public relations pro-
grams from some of the European countries. It

presents a challenge to the other parts of the world
to find ways to increase their sales efforts in this
big competitive race for a share of the customer's
dollar.

Now that the big summer season is behind us and
we begin to consider 1956, it is interesting to not«
that we have reached a period 11 years after the
close of World War II. It was in 1929, 11 years
after the close of AVorld War I, that international
travel reached its peak prior to the depression of
the 30's. The obvious question that comes to mind
is: Are U.S. citizens today spending as large a
percentage of their income for foreign travel as
they did in 1929 ?

When we examine the facts, we find that tourist
travel, like other segments of the leisure and recre-
ational market, is not keeping pace with the large
increase in consumer disposable income. Fortmis
magazine in its article, "30 Billion for Fun", in the
June 1954 issue, suggests that the leisure market is
a lazy market. It is big, but it should be a lot
bigger. Fortune points to the current vigorous
upward trend and suggests that one day soon this
market may "simply take off."

Back in 1929, we spent eight-tenths of one per-
cent of our disposable income for foreign travel.
Today we are spending only five-tenths of one per-
cent. If we devoted the same percentage of our
disposable income to foreign travel in 1955 as we
did in 1929, we should be spending more than $2
billion.

When we examine the record, we find that the
percentage of travelers to Europe today, as com-
pared to total U.S. adult population, is just about
the same as in the late 1920's. When we consider
the great increase in disposable income, plus the
introduction of air travel, plus increased leisure
time and increased education of our people, we
can see that we have no great grounds for self-
satisfaction in contemplating the present traffic to
Europe.

Apparently, if we make comparisons in dollars
of constant purchasing power for travel to Eu-
rope, we find that there has been quite a decrease
in the spending per person. Thus, in obtaining
increased growth in travel, the question arises:
Do we try to encourage travelers to spend more
per person or should the industry concentrate on
increasing the total traffic ? I believe most of you
would agree that the proper target should be one
of bringing about a considerable increase in the
number of travelers.

October 17, 1955

621

"While we are considering the various changes
in the travel market, as compared to prewar years,
it might also be interesting to point out that, in the
1930's, 6 percent of American travel expenditures
were made in Eastern European countries. In the
coming years, if more peaceful conditions permit
removal of barriers to travel in these countries,
this would have an important effect on the Eu-
rojDean travel market.

Another important development which is stimu-
lating travel to Europe is the development of the
"pay later" plan. The Department of Commerce
made a survey of the use of the "pay later" plan
for U.S. residents traveling by air to Europe
between October 1954 and March 1955. It dis-
covered that in this period approximately 4 per-
cent of these travelers to Europe made use of this
plan as compared with 1.5 percent for the entire
world. The airlines have indicated that most of
these customers represented new business which
would not have been obtained otherwise. The
most interesting discovery in this survey was the
strong use of the "pay later" plan among foreign-
born travelers to Europe. In this special cate-
gory, over 6 percent financed their travels through
use of this plan.

Foreign Travelers in U. S.

So far we have discussed travel by Americans to
foreign countries. It should be noted that the
United States is not only the biggest exporter of
tourism but we also obtain more income fi-om
visitors than do other countries. We are the lead-
ing host nation.

In 1954, the United States obtained a total of
more than $600 million from foreign travelers
visiting our country. This included $70 million
in payments for fares to U.S. carriers and $538
million from foreign visitors traveling within the
United States. Of the amount spent within the
United States, Canadians spent $311 million;
Western Europeans $48 million; Mexicans $53
million ; Cubans $23 million ; other Latin Ameri-
cans $68 million ; and all others $35 million.

On the subject of travel to the United States,
may I make a suggestion for serious consideration
by all of you experts in the field? This is the
question of whether the U.S. Government should
maintain travel promotional offices abroad for the
purpose of attracting tourists to the United States.

As you know, Canada, Mexico, England, France,
Italy, and other major powers have government
offices charged with the responsibility of increas-
ing travel to their respective countries. Now that
the economy of the world is much improved, it
may be wise to consider whether or not a similar
organization should be created by our Government.
I am in no way advocating that our Government
should establish such an organization, but I do
strongly suggest that the pros and cons be given
full consideration. Such a discussion should be
based not only on economic advantages but also
on the value of having more of the peoples of the
world see the United States with their own eyes in-
stead of dei^ending on sometimes confusing im-
I^ressions derived from descriptions appearing in
the foreign press.

Seasonal Problem in Trans-Atlantic Travel

Another major problem which still requires the
use of all of the ingenuity of the travel industry
is that of finding a solution to the seasonal struc-
ture of trans-Atlantic travel. We have seen how
resort areas such as Miami, Hawaii, Nassau, and
the southern coast of France, as well as many
others, have been able to make great strides in
putting tourism on a year-round basis. I, for one,
believe that ways can be found to bring about a
similar year-round travel pattern for Europe.
Lower transportation and hotel rates, increased
promotion, removal of currency restrictions to in-
crease traffic from Europe, relaxation of tensions
between East and West, increased travel to the
Middle East, and round-the-world travel are all
subjects to be discussed from the point of view
of their effect on the seasonal problem in trans-
Atlantic travel.

On another subject, much remains to be accom-
plished in easing governmental barriers to travel
to the United States. This subject is receiving
greatly inci'eased attention in Washington at the
present time, and we are making some lieadway.
I expect you will witness some substantial im-
provements in the coming year.

Not only do we still impose a number of re-
strictions, but many foreign goveriunents con-
tinue to impose currency restrictions as well as
other restrictions which prevent their nationals
from paying us a visit. Of course, thei-e are still
many countries where such restrictions may be
necessary, but, in view of the improved economic

622

Department of State Bulletin

situation in many parts of tlie world, it is sug-
gested that the time has now arrived for the re-
moval of these currency restrictions in a number
of countries.

The question of removal of the travel tax on
foreign travel to certain areas will undoubtedly
receive consideration when Congress meets again
in January. As you know, a bill eliminating this
tax has passed the House of Eepresentatives and
is now awaiting action by the Senate.

In looking ahead a few years, we hope to see
many more countries in the world showing an
interest in the development of tourism. The coun-
tries of South America as well as many of the
countries in the Pacific and Southeast Asia have
yet to initiate programs to attract U.S. tourists.
There are great sections in the world where only
limited hotel facilities are now available. I be-
lieve it is fair to say that, among the great areas
of international trade, tourism may still be con-
sidei-ed in a period of early development. In view
of the present state of our economy, the possibili-
ties for expansion seem to be tremendous.

To summarize these rather rambling remarks,
we see here an industry which by comjaarison with
the depression years of the 30's and the war years
of the 40's seems to be booming. However, when
we look at the picture objectively, we see in reality
that international travel has not kept pace with
many other competitors for the consumer dollar
nor with the growth of available income. Fur-
thermore, despite the big growth in travel to Eu-
rope, the percent of U.S. residents now engaged
in European travel, as compared to our total pop-
ulation, is approximately the same as existed in
the late 1920's. This presents a challenge to all
of us who serve this industry, whether in Gov-
ernment, in private enterprise, or in the writing
professions. The means by which other industries
have accomplished their sales objectives are well
known. Let us hojDe that they may be increasingly
applied to international travel in the coming years.

Signed at Geneva May 20, 1952. Entered into force
May 20, 1052. TIAS 2692.

Acceptance deposited {with reservations) : United King-
dom, August 11, 1955.

Narcotic Drugs

Protocol amending the agreements, conventions, and pro-
tocols on narcotic drugs concluded at The Hague Janu-
ary 23, 1912, at Geneva l<>bruary 11 and 19, 1925, and
July 13, 1931, at Bangkok Noveml)er 27, 1931, and at
Geneva June 20, 1936, by transferring certain duties
and functions from the League of Nations to the United
Nations and World Health Organization. Done at Lake
Success December 11, 1946. I'jntered into force Decem-
ber 11, 1916. TIAS 1671, 18.59.
Signature: Spain, September 26, 1955.

Protocol bringing under international control drugs out-
side the scope of the convention of July 13, 1931, for lim-
iting the manufacture and regulating the distribution
of narcotic drugs, as amended by the protocol signed
at Lake Success December 11, 1946. Done at Paris No-
vember 19, 1948. Entered into force December 1, 1949.
TIAS 2.308.
Signature: Spain, September 26, 1955.

North Atlantic Treaty

Agreement between the jiarties to the North Atlantic
Treaty for cooperation regarding atomic information.
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.'

Notification of being bound by terms of the agreement :
Italy, September 23, 19.55.

Canada

BILATERAL

Agreement relating to construction of a petroleum prod-
ucts pipeline between the United States Air Force dock
at St. John's and Pepperrell Air Force Base, New-
foundland, with annex. Effected by exchange of notes
at Ottawa September 22, 1955. Entered into force Sep-
tember 22, 1955.

Guatemala

Agreement terminating by mutual con.sent on October 15,
1955, the reciprocal trade agreement of April 24, 1936
( 49 Stat. 3989 ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Guate-
mala August 2 and September 28, 19.55. Entered into
force September 28, 1955.

Peru

Second amendment to agreement for sale of certain sur-
plus agricultural commodities to Peru of February 7,
19.55 (TIAS 3190), to include sale of edible oils and
fats. Signed at Lima September 20, 1955. Entered into
force September 20, 1955.

Current Treaty Actions

MULTILATERAL

Drugs

Protocol for termination of the Brussels agreements for
unification of pharmacopoeial formulas for potent drugs.

United Kingdom

Agreement regarding tobacco and military dependents'
housing, and related notes. Effected by exchange of
notes at London June 3 and 7, 1955. Entered into force
June 7, 1955.

' Not in force.

Ocfofaer 17, 1955

623

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

U. N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders

hy William^ P. Rogers

Deputy Attorney General of the United States ^

Our Geneva conference on crime hardly ap-
proached in significance the many other confer-
ences held there which have so profoundly affected
the peace of the world. It was nevertheless tre-
mendously important because it dealt primarily
with the baffling problems of maintaining an or-
derly and law-abiding society and with the vastly
complicated subject of hmnan behavior as well.
Under the auspices of the United Nations, up-
wards of 400 delegates were brought from some 44
different countries. There were Ministers and
Deputy Ministers of Justice, judges, lawyers,
prison administrators, experts in juvenile delin-
quency, psychiatrists, doctors, and religious lead-
ers. It was truly an assemblage of serious and
thoughtful people anxious to interchange ideas
and get inspiration and drive from the conference.

The American delegation, of which your presi-
dent and general secretary were important and
able membei-s, was one of which I believe the
United States can be proud. The members made
important contributions to each of the sections
into which the Congress was divided. Also, your
former president, Mr. Sanford Bates, made an
inspiring speech — or lecture, as they called it
there — on modern trends in correctional methods
in the United States.

Following the opening session, when the officers
of the Congress were selected and appropriate

' Excerpt from an address made before the American
Congress of Correction at Des Moines. Iowa, on Sept. 29.
Mr. Rogers was chairman of the U.S. delegation to the
U.N. Congress, which met at Geneva, Switzerland, Aug.
22-Sept. 3, 1955. For a list of U.S. delegates, see Bulle-
tin of Aug. 8, 1955, p. 243.

greetings exchanged, the Congress was divided
into five sections: standard minimum rules for the
treatment of prisoners, open institutions, prison
labor, pereonnel, and juvenile delinquency. Each
section discussed in detail the written proposals
of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
For instance, in the section on standard minimum
rules, a draft of the rules was available to each
participant. As a matter of fact, they had been
initially drafted, I understand, by the old Inter-
national Penal and Penitentiary Commission,
which was the forerunner of the United Nations
conference. These rules set up certain guiding
principles for the administration of prisons along
lines which are generally familiar to you. One
of the rules, for example, prohibited corporal
punishment ; another provided that every prisoner
was entitled as a matter of right to visits fi"om
his lawyer and family; still another stipulated
that the prisoner must be given access to a rep-
resentative of his religious faith. There were
others dealing with evei"y phase of prison admin-
istration. In due course they will, I think, be
transmitted to the administrator of every penal
and correctional institution in the United States
with the request that he comment on them and
indicate the extent to which he will be able to
comply with them. Mr. Bennett ^ was chairman
of this section and can tell you more of the details.
I imderstand from him that, if they can ever
be made effective throughout the world, it will
be a tremendous triumph for humanizing prison
and correctional methods.

- James V. Bennett, Director, Bureau of Prisons, De-
partment of Justice.

624

Department of Stale Bulletin

Prison Labor

The section on prison labor devoted its attention
to drafting a statement on the importance of pro-
viding for constructive employment for prison-
ers, reiterated the basic right of every prisoner to
full employment, and outlined the methods which
sliould be followed in the development of the work
program. Your secretary, Mr. CasSj^* was largely
responsible for reversing the recommendation of
the section that the Congress go on record as ap-
proving what we would call the contract labor
system as the preferred method of prison employ-
ment. He succeeded by a narrow margin in get-
ting the Congress to express its preference for the
state-use system and to support the view that only
when sound reasons exist should private employ-
ers be pennitted to engage the service of prison-
ers, and then only under such conditions that the
prisoner could not be exploited or the interests of
private industry and free labor be adversely af-
fected.

Juvenile Delinquency

The section that was most largely attended and
took up most of the work of the conference was
the one on juvenile delinquency. This section ran
into a sort of roadblock at the very outset because
of the difficulty of agi-eeing on what constitutes
juvenile delinquency. Most of the countries
abroad consider a child to be a juvenile delinquent
onl}^ when he violates some portion of the penal
code, whereas, as you know, in our country and
some othei"S a. juvenile delinquent can be one who
is merely a truant, or incorrigible, or beyond the
control of his parents. After that problem was
compromised, there was a lively and interesting
debate on the causes of juvenile delinquency and
the measures that should be taken to cope with it.
The final report of the section I think you will
find very interesting, and it will be available from
the Social Defense Section of the United Nations
as soon as the proceedings are printed.

All of these discussions were important and in-
teresting, and I am sure that the conclusions of the
meeting will be most helpful to all of you. But
the thing that was most impressive was the almost
universal atmosphere of good will, eagerness to
learn, and the spirit of cooperation which per-
vaded the entire conference. This attitude of un-

" Edward R. Cass, Commissioner, N. Y. State Com-
mission of Correction.

derstanding was a revelation to the American
delegation, some of whom had apparently gone to
the conference anticipating some manifestations
of jealousy or of animosity between one group and
another. We could see no evidence of this at all.
As a inatter of fact, the situation was quite the
opposite. There were a number of social occa-
sions when the utmost cordiality and friendliness
was shown by all in attendance.

European Institutional Methods

■\^'e had an opportunity to enjoy the justly
famous Swiss hospitality on an all-day trip visit-
ing Swiss institutions. Here we could see at first
hand the wide difi'erences in institutiojial methods
between the Western European countries and our
own. England, France, Belgium, Holland, Ger-
many, and the Scandinavian countries continue to
adhere to the system of separate confinement for
most of their more serious otfenders. Each pris-
oner has a room of his own in which he sleeps, eats,
and frequently works. There are no congregate
dining facilities abroad, and most of the institu-
tions are quite small in comparison with those in
the United States. Only in the open institutions,
the Borstals of the United Kingdom, and similar
specialized institutions do the prisoners associate
together to the same extent they do over here.
That's one of the important reasons why there is
seldom a prison riot abroad. The prisoners just
can"t get together in large enough groups.

Incidentally, it was interesting to note the dif-
ferent attitudes with respect to the various types
of offenses. For instance, while the abuse of di-ugs
is a ci-ime or forbidden in most of the countries
of the world, it does not seem to be much of a
problem in Western Europe or in a number of
other parts of the world. You all know how
difficult it is to cope with this crime in the United
States. On the other hand, we do not in the
United States put men in prison for their political
views or recognize the concept of political j)ris-
oners. But in several countries abroad men are
still committed to prison because of their politi-
cal beliefs and activities.

I was surprised also to note the wide differ-
ence in sentencing methods. Usually sentences
are much longer in the United States than in
most of the other countries represented at the
United Nations conference. And I should say
here that there was no delegation from Russia
or from any of the countries within its political

Ocfober 17, 7955

625

oi-bit. They do not believe that the United Na-
tions sliould discuss purely internal problems of
this kind.

Sentences abroad average considerably less than
in this country for the same types of offenses.
Few men are sent to prison for more than 5 years
in any Western European country. Only in cases
of murder or extreme violence do the courts pro-
nounce a sentence of more than 5 years. But, on
the other hand, parole is not iised much abroad.
It is true that in England they have the ticket-
of-leave system, which is really a connnutation of
sentence rather than release under supervision.
In one or two other countries they have methods
of remitting the prisoners' sentences, but for the
most part the definite sentencing method prevails,
with opportunity to earn remission through good
behavior.

Probation, however, is being used in an increas-
ing number of cases. Before the war this was an
unknown method of treatment in Germany, but
now I understand almost every Gennan court
has a probation officer — and, incidentally, his case
load is kept clown to a very reasonable figure.

Cooperative Spirit in U.N.

I have outlined a few of these differences to
indicate the difficulties which the United Nations
faces in dealing with social questions. Not only
are there language barriers which at times seem
almost insuperable, but there are traditions of a
legal and religious and cultural nature so deeply
rooted in the thinking of the delegates that it is
most difficult to work together toward a commonly
accepted goal. But at least we have, through the
United Nations, a forum where these problems
can be discussed frankly and pleasantly and ob-
jectively. And this cooperative spirit will, I feel
sure, have an important influence on our ability
to work together toward the goal of world peace
and understanding for which we all so devoutly
yeai'n. The faith of our President in the United
Nations is certainly well founded. And so it was
that I came away from Geneva convinced that all
of us can support him in his belief in the United
Nations and in his method of bringing world
peace in our time.

Challenge to U.S. Leadership

"We cannot, however, overlook the fact that many
of the nations of the world are looking to us for

leadership and help. They want our men, our
ideas, and our equipment — not only in technical
fields, such as the building of dams or the devel-
opment of new health measures or increasing food
supplies, but also in the vastly complicated sub-
ject of human behavior. They seem to reason
that, if we liave done so well in harnessing the
atom and conquering polio, we ought to find ways
and means of preventing crime and rehabilitating
the offender. They seem to be sensitive, inci-
dentally, to our weaknesses and inquire whether
we ought not to do more than merely put down
prison riots when they occur. If, therefore, we
want to continue to be world leaders, we must
find a more constructive approach to our prison
problems.

U.S. Views on International Bank's
Annual Report

Statement by Samuel C. Waugh ^

The steady, upward climb in the volume of In-
ternational Bank financing is most encouraging.
Many fellow Governors have already expressed
their satisfaction at the rate of commitment of the
bank's resoiu'ces. We are also pleased that the
bank's operations have been placed in higher gear,
with thoughtful consideration being given in the
gathering of credit information and tlie establish-
ment of the Economic Development Institute.
Notwithstanding this higher rate of commitment,
we know that a solid grovmdwork was laid before
each project was approved. It is all the more
heartening, therefore, that with each passing year
the volume of loan commitments has risen and has
this year reached the record rate of $410 million.

The bank can reasonably expect the volume of
lending to continue its upward climb. In part,
this is so because of the greater understanding be-
tween the bank and its members. Members have
learned from their increasingly intimate contact
with the bank staff and management what is re-
quired of them to qualify for assistance. The

' Made at the 10th annual meeting of the Boards of Gov-
ernors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development and the International Monetary Fund at
Istanbul, Turkey, on Sept. 13 (Ibrd press release). Mr.
Waugh was, at that time. Deputy Under Secretary of State
for Economic Affairs and U.S. Alternate Governor for the
Bank and Fund. On Oct. 4 he was sworn in as President
of the Export-Import Bank.

626

Department of State Bulletin

bank, in turn, has learned from its more intimate
contact in the field what the needs and capacities
of its members are. More importantly, the mo-
mentum that has been gained in the past decade
will return big dividends to members in the form
of sound, steady, and sizeable development in the
future. The process of development is slow in
the initial stages — in the preparatory period when
skills must be developed, resources must be as-
sessed, governmental machinery must be organ-
ized, and planning begun. This is the period
when social factors impose the principal limita-
tion on growth and technical assistance is most
important. The capacity to use external capital
is very low, but the small amounts absorbed are
indispensable for further growth. When the
preparatory work has been done and momentum
has been established, development gathers speed
until a stage is reached where growth sustains it-
self. The coming j^ears should see a significant
rise in the capacity to absorb external capital ef-
fectively and wisely. The bank may expect in-
creasing calls to be made on its resources with in-
creasing success.

This prospect of success — this increased rate
of sound investment — can be improved if member
countries will review their ability to release the
paid-in portion of subscribed capital. Many of
the industrial countries are now in a position to
extend credits to othere and indeed are actually
doing so on a substantial scale. "We sincerely be-
lieve that members' obligations to the Interna-
tiona] Bank on capital account should be met at
the earliest opportunity. The bank's operations,
already of a truly international character, as noted
from President Black's report, would be further
enhanced to the benefit of all.

A significant rise in the volume of private fi-
nancing can also be expected. The bank's annual
report gives testimony to the increasing interest
of private groups in international investment. In
the past year, private participation in bank loans
and sales to private investors from the bank's port-
folio has nearly equaled the volume of private
participation in all the preceding years of the
bank's history. The recent sale of European
bonds in the U.S. market and the interest of in-
surance companies in foreign loans of long ma-
turity are added evidence of re-emerging con-
fidence. The total volume of private financing is
still small when measured against the need, but

the trend is strong and encouraging and offers
evidence that private capital is available in the
capital-exporting countries for those who will at-
tract it.

International Finance Corporation

As President Black mentioned, we can look
forward to the early establishment of the Inter-
national Finance Corporation.- We join with our
fellow Governors in congratulating the bank on
its expeditious work in preparing the Articles of
Agreement. As Secretai-y Humphrey mentioned
yesterday, our Government has taken all the neces-
sary legislative steps to assure U.S. participation.
We are all hopeful that the Corporation will
stimulate the flow of foreign capital and encour-
age the growth of indigenous private investment.

Our economies are all in some degree mixed
economies. There is a measure of govermnent par-
ticipation even in societies like ours in the United
States that are essentially free-enterprise econ-
omies; but whether the private sector is small or
large, it plays a critical role. The energy and
enterprise, the imagination and flexibility of in-
numerable individuals experimenting, organizing,
seeking new and varied forms of investment and
production, together form a creative force indis-
pensable for economic growth. In a society where
the power to make decisions is widely dispersed,
there is opportunity for experimentation, and,
while it is possible to make errors, they will not
produce disastrous results. We look to the Inter-
national Finance Corporation as an instrinnent
for stimulating the growth of the private sector.
With the growth of indigenous investment, there
will be a corresponding increase in foreign
investment.

Effects of Foreign Investment

The climate of opinion is slowly changing.
Many misconceptions about private foreign in-
vestment are giving way to a more realistic
appraisal. I should like to comment on one mis-
conception that, it seems to me, continues to persist.

^ For a message of President Eisenhower to the Congress
recoiumeutllng U.S. participation In the proposed Inter-
national Finance Corporation and an Ibrd announcement
summarizing the principal features of the Corporation,
see Bulletin of May 23, 1955, p. 844.

October 17, 1955

627

This is the notion that the contribution of foreign
capital to economic growth can be measured by
comparing the inflow of new investment with the
outflow of earnings and capital remittances. This
is the narrow balance-of-payments approach to
appraising foreign investment. It is not even a
complete balance-of-payments analysis. Earn-
ings and capital remittances are only oiie of the
direct effects that can be attributed to foreign
investment. There are other direct effects — on
imports and exports, for example — and there are
indirect effects on the balance of payments as
well. Foreign investment stimulates local enter-
prises to greater and more productive efforts; it
brings about changes in local purchasing power
and in its distribution ; it widens economic oppor-
tunities. All these effects, direct and indirect,
influence the balance of payments. One must go
much further than this, however. "\^niile it is
important to know how foreign investment affects
the international financial transactions of a coun-
try, it is also important to know how foreign
investment affects the income of a country. How
much employment does the investment of foreign
capital provide? T^Hiat new domestic resources
does it bring into play ? "\^Tiat contribution does
it make to the economy by paying taxes, provid-
ing training facilities and new technology, and
offering markets to domestic producei-s? The
national income effect of any particular foreign
enterprise may be much larger than the amount
of output that can be attributed directly to it. In
less developed countries that have resources and
labor employed with a very low factor of pro-
ductivity, additional capital may play a major
role by providing the missing pieces in the puzzle
of greater production. The narrow balance-of-
payments approach to appraising foreign invest-
ment has surface plausibility. It is convenient
because data on income and outflow are readily
available. The results are misleading, however.
They do not begin to tell us the full story of the
economic effects of foreign investment. Further
study given to this subject might be considered
by the bank and the Ifc in an effort to develop
the full story. The bank has done pioneer work
in other fields ; I should like to see it pioneer in
this field.

The Board of Directors and management of
the bank are again entitled to pats on the back
for their accomplishment of the j)ast year.

Report of the High Commissioner
for Refugees

Statements by Jacob Blaustein

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly'^

PERMANENT SOLUTIONS PROGRAM

U.S. delegation press release 2215 dated October 4

The problem of European refugees within the
mandate of the High Commissioner for Refugees
has demanded the prior attention of this commit-
tee for several years. Indeed, no other issue could
so appropriately initiate our discussions. For the
impact of our deliberations and decisions on this
issue is direct and often crucial in the lives of the
persons with whom we are concerned. Especially
is this true of the 77,000 still in refugee camps and
the 220,000 others who come within the scope of the
program of permanent solutions and emergency
aid we adopted last year. It is with human prob-
lems, human aspirations, and human rights that
this committee is engaged, and it is well to remind
ourselves at the outset of the immediacy of these
concerns.

It is a tragic reflection of the tensions of our
times that 10 years after the end of the Second
World War we should still have found it neces-
sary to undertake another international program
for the aid of European refugees. I hardly need
describe the severe situations in which many of
these people find themselves. This has been
brought out by the High Commissioner both last
year and this. These refugees are people who had
to leave their own countries of residence through
no fault of their own, but because of war, revolu-
tion, and oppression— conditions beyond their con-
trol. Yet at this late date, they continue un-
settled, uncertain as to care of body, anxious of
mind, without a place they can really call home.
Many, amazingly, are still healthy and able.
They are useful residents in whatever country they
reside. Some are weary of body and mind, are
sick and old ; and certainly in the twilight of their
lives, which may not be long, they are entitled to
some peace of mind.

A large number, as previously stated, remain in
refugee camps. On some of my missions to
Europe, I have visited these camps and met the
refugees. And I still recall vividly, as I am sure

'Made in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian, and
Cultural) on Oct. 4 and Oct. 7.

628

DepartmenI of State Bulletin

many of you do, how these people by the hundreds
would crowd around us, talk with us, inquire what
was going to happen to thera, urge they be moved
out of the camps, implore for some definite assur-
ance as to their future, some opportunity for the
dignity of person that can come only when one
feels he is permanently settled. I am sure all of
us want to do a great deal more, and promptly, to
bring that about, so that these tragic victims of
war, revolution, aiid oppression may find security
and an opportunity to build normal lives.

The establishment of the pennanent solutions
program is it-self a reflection of the severity of the
problem, recognizing as it does that neither repa-
triation nor resettlement are feasible solutions for
most of these refugees.

The P>onomic and Social Council has recom-
mended that countries of immigration continue to
include a reasonable number of refugees under the
mandate of the High Commissioner in their im-
migration plans. The United States delegation
supported this recommendation. The High Com-
missioner has estimated that in the period 1955 to
1958 from 60,000 to 80,000 such refugees will emi-
grate or be resettled, either on their own initiative
or through various governmental and voluntary
efforts. This movement would, of course, be of
considerable help in reducing the number of refu-
gees who require further assistance.

The Key Problem

The key problem of the High Commissioner,
however, is to find permanent solutions for those
many thousands who wish to remain in their pres-
ent countries of residence or who will not be able
to emigrate. This is a difficult task, and the U.S.
Government is pleased that, along with other
phases of the program, it is under the competent
direction of Dr. van Heuven Goedhart, who has
handled his job with devotion and determination
and for whom we have great esteem. In this con-
nection the United States delegation is pleased to
note the close cooperation which the High Com-
missioner has maintained with various other gov-
ernmental and voluntary organizations concerned
with refugees. We hope that this cooperation will
be continued.

The first year's experience under this permanent
solutions program has necessarily been one, as
both the report of the High Commissioner and of
the Executive Committee indicate, in which finan-

cial and administrative measures were of particu-
lar importance. Nevertheless, the High Commis-
sioner was able to prepare, and the Executive Com-
mittee approve, projects for 1955 totaling about
$3 million.

An examination of paragraph 66 of the report
of the Executive CommitteB^ indicates the types
of projects through which permanent solutions are
to be found. Housing, vocational training, the
extension of credit, employment counseling and
job placement, and assistance in establishing the
refugees in small businesses, agriculture, and other
fields constitute the methods. These will be sup-
plemented by various types of assistance for the so-
called "difficult" cases, of which I understand there
are about 15,000; and by medical, supplementary
feeding, and support assistance on an emergency
basis for many others. Priority has been given to
those 77,000 in camps, whom the High Commis-
sioner has termed the "forgotten people" ; and the
projects, insofar as possible, are to be of a "self-
help" nature requiring the active participation of
the refugees. AVith this type of assistance we can
feel confident that the refugees will become con-
structive members of their new environment.

As Maimonides stated as far back as the 12th
century :

Anticipate charity by preventing poverty ; assist the
reduced fellowman, eitlier by a considerable gift, or a
sum of money, or by teaching him a trade, or by putting
him iu the way of business, so that he may earn an honest
livelihood, and not be forced to the dreadful alternative
of holding out his hand for charity. This is the highest
step and tlie summit of charity's golden ladder.

The heaviest part of the refugee burden falls
upon the peoples of Austria, the Federal Republic
of Germany, Greece, and Italy, where most of
these refugees now reside, and it is for permanent
solutions for the refugees in those countries that
most of the 1955 money has been allocated. These
countries will themselves also be contributing
funds and providing other assistance for the
projects, and it is their own efforts and sacrifices
which will provide an essential aspect of the
solutions.

Dr. Goedhart discussed, in his opening remarks,
some of the projects which are already well under
way. The United States is satisfied with the prog-
ress which has thus far been made in the develop-
ment of the program. But it is unfortunate that

' Annexed to the High Commissioner's report (U.N. doc.
A/2902 and Add. 1).

Ocfober 17, 1955

629

because of financial stringencies even more proj-
ects could not have been initiated earlier this year.
The present 4-year program for permanent solu-
tions is intended by the General Assembly to be
a final international effort on behalf of the ref-
ugees within the scope of the program. Under
terms of the General Assembly resolution^ the
governments concerned have been asked by the
High Commissioner to give assurances that they
■would assume full financial responsibility for any
refugees in their countries still requiring aid at
the end of tlie 4-year period, and it is the under-
standing of the United States that the replies of
those govermnents constitute an acceptance of the
conditions laid down in the resolution.

Strenuous efforts will have to be maintained by
the High Commissioner to assure that the prob-
lem is substantially liquidated before the progi-am
terminates, that is, by the end of 1958. The 1955
target budget for governmental contributions is
$4,200,000. But on the basis of the contribu-
tions and pledges from all sources, including ap-
proximately $1 million from nongoverimiental
sources, the Executive Committee has only been
able to authorize projects costing about $3 million.
And because some of the contributions have come
in only lately, many of the projects will not be
completed during this calendar year. The insuffi-
ciency of funds to date, and the consequent delay
in implementation, will increase the burden on
the High Commissioner during the remaining 3
years of the program. It will require the full
financial support of member and nonmember
states to assure that the goal is accomplished.

A large part of the progress made this year was
made possible by contributions from one country,
the Netherlands. The United States delegation
would like to pay tribute to the generosity of both
the Government and the people of that country.
A governmental contribution of $200,000 for the
placement of difficult cases, and a contribution
from the people of the Netherlands of $933,700,
constituted virtually all the money available for
immediate allocation by the Executive Committee
at its first session. We cannot expect the 1956
program to be benefited by a similar campaign
of such generous proportions in the Netherlands,
and I would hope that governments would take
this factor into consideration in determining the
level of their contributions for next j-ear.

" 832 (IX) ; for text, see Bulletin of Nov. 8, 1954, p. 705.
630

Wlien the United States delegation in the last
Assembly cosponsored the resolution for the pro-
gram of permanent solutions, it stated that a
recommendation would be made to our Congress
to contribute substantially to the program. I am
pleased to be in a position formally to report that
the U.S. Congress has appropriated $1,200,000 to
this refugee fund for 1955, to be contributed at
a ratio of one-third of total governmental con-
tributions. The first payment from that appro-
priation is to be made to the High Commissioner
very shortly. My delegation hopes that further
contributions for 1955 from other governments
will be sufficient to enable the United States to
contribute its entire appropriated amount as soon
as possible.

I am also authorized to make the following
statement: Assuming that other governments
give evidence of their continued interest in and
support of the United Nations Refugee Fund, the
executive branch of the U.S. Government intends
to ask funds of the Congress for a further sub-
stantial contribution to the program for 1956.

Legal and Administrative Protection

I have spoken at some length about the refugee
fund, perhaps to the neglect of the High Com-
missioner's activities in improving the legal and
administrative position of refugees. This is per-
haps understandable since the High Commission-
er's excellent report on the permanent solutions
program has provided the General Assembly with
its first opportunity to review that important new
humanitarian effort. I would not like to close,
however, without expressing the satisfaction of
the United States with the jirogress which has
been made in the area of legal and administrative
l^rotection, the jirimary area of responsibility of
the High Commissioner. The High Commission-
er's report reflects progressive steps which have
been taken by various governments in the deter-
mination of eligibility of refugees, legal assist-
ance to individuals, the assimilation to nationals
with regard to the right to work, to housing, to
education, to public assistance and to other mat-
ters, all of which contribute in a vital way to the
eventual solution of this very complicated prob-
lem.

I should also like to express our appreciation to
two members of this Committee, Madame Tsal-
daris of Greece and Mr. Friis of Denmark, for
the assistance they have given to the development

Department of State Bulletin

of the permanent solutions program throiigli their
participation in the Executive Committee.

Mr. Chairman, tlie historic traditions of the
United States as a phice of asyhun and refuge are
well known. Tliese traditions are very close to all
Americans. For it is, indeed, but a few genera-
tions back that any of ns or our forefathers have
been here. 500,000 Americans are post-World
War II refugees. And A\e think it is noteworthy
that of the $6 billion which the United States has
contributed to the solution of refugee problems
since World War II, almost $2 billion has been
contributed voluntarily through the personal and
individual generosity of our people themselves.

It has been a pleasure for me, in my first inter-
vention in this Assembly of the United Nations, to
express the support and the confidence of the U.S.
Government and of the people of this country for
this outstanding humanitarian task in which the
United Nations is engaged.

RESOLUTIONS CONCERNING REPORT

U.S. delegation press release 2219 dated October 7

We have before us two resolutions ■* for our con-
sideration. I think it might be helpful if we
were to examine the issues carefully to analyze ex-
actly what is involved.

The responsibilities of the High Commissioner
for Refugees are laid down fully and adequately
in his statute, adopted by the General Assembly in
1950. The High Commissioner was appointed to
provide international protection for refugees.
Subject to that protection, he was also to assist
in voluntary repatriation, resettlement, and inte-
gration. It is noteworthy that voluntary repatri-
ation of refugees is only a part of one section of
the main substantive paragraph of the statute and
that the main emphasis of the statute and of the
High Commissioner's activities has been on legal
and administrative protection of refugees and on
their integration. There is an important reason
for this, to which I shall shortly return.

The distinguished representative of the
U.S.S.R. [Y. Y. Matulis], in bis remarks and in his
resolution, referred to part of the General Assem-
bly resolution of 1946 concerning refugees and
displaced persons. That resolution must be under-

* U.N. doc. A/C.3/L. 463. sponsored by the U.S.S.R.,
and L. 464/Rev. 1. spon.iored by Australia, Belgium, Costa
Rica, Denmark, Xetlierlands, Norway, Sweden, U.K., and
U.S.

stood in its proper historical setting and in its
entirety.

First, as to the whole resolution there were three
parts. The first stated that the problem of refu-
gees and displaced persons was international in
scope. The second stated that no refugees or dis-
placed persons who had expressed valid objec-
tions to returning to their countries of origin
should be compelled to return. The third was the
one cited in the Soviet resolution, that concerning
displaced persons the main task was to assist in
their return. The third part on repatriation, it
should be noted, applied to "displaced pereons"
only, not to ''I'efugees'', while the first two parts
referred to both. This is a real difference, inas-
much as refugees, under the mandate, are by defi-
nition— and the statute of the High Commis-
sioner is entirely forthright on this point — persons
who fear to return to their countries of origin.

Second, as to the historical setting, let us keep
in mind that the resolution of 1946 was passed at
a time when in Western Europe there were mil-
lions of displaced persons who had been driven or
taken from their homeland by the forces of Nazi
Germany, many of whom wanted to return to their
own countries as rapidly as possible. Millions of
others — those whom we call refugees — refused to
return to their own countries because they feared
political persecution if they did.

In the circumstances of 1946 it was natural for
the General Assembly to stress that the United
Nations should lend its primary effort toward the
return of the displaced persons to their own coun-
tries. And many of them did return.

The fact is that the persons who wished to re-
turn home did so in the first few years and that
since that time very few have indicated any desire
to return. Indeed, as a consequence of the exten-
sion of Communist control over Eastern Europe,
the voluntary flow of refugees and escapees across
the frontier from Eastern Europe into the free
countries continued after the war at such a rate
that it taxed the ability of the countries of asylum
to take care of them.

By the time the Office of the High Commis-
sioner was established, the world had known for
several years that those who wanted to return —
the real displaced persons — had returned and that
the problem facing the international community
was to find solutions for those in the category of
refugees — that is, those who did not wish to re-
turn. These facts were reflected in the statute of

Ocfober J 7, 7955

631

the High Commissioner, wliich implicitly i-ecog-
nized that by then very few refugees were likely
to change their minds and request voluntaiy re-
patriation. The statute consequently, as I pointed
out above, while providing clearly for "voluntary
repatriation," did not stress it, thus recognizing
that voluntary repatriation was unlikely for the
great majority of refugees. The statute does not
deal with displaced persons at all.

Resettlement of refugees has been undertaken
primarily by organizations other than the High
Commissioner, and large numbers of persons under
the mandate have been given asylum in European,
American, and Asian countries. By last year,
however, it became obvious to the General Assem-
bly that not only would voluntary repatriation be
unable materially to reduce the number of refu-
gees but that resettlement for most of the remain-
ing refugees, particularly those in the camps, was
no longer feasible either. The program for per-
manent solutions, and the money raised for it,
therefore, was intended for the most realizable so-
lution, namely the promotion of various schemes
of integration, for necessary emergency relief, and
for assistance to the "difficult cases." We should
not lose sight of the fact that this is the task that
the General Assembly called upon the High Com-
missioner to perform, and wliicli we should con-
tinue to support.

Analysis of Soviet Draft

The resolution introduced by the representative
of the U.S.S.R. can be seen more adequately in
light of what I have just stated.

In the first place, it is completely silent with
respect to permanent solutions by integration and
indeed to any phase of the problem excepting re-
patriation.

Further, there is no necessity for the General
Assembly to pass a separate resolution on volun-
tary repatriation. This is already amply and ade-
quately covered in existing resolutions. The refu-
gees have always had that right ; they have always
been able to exercise it ; and they have never been
interfered with nor hampered in any way for so
doing. The High Commissioner pointed this out
in his opening remarks.

If there has been any block in the way of volun-
tary repatriation, it has not been one imposed by
the High Commissioner nor by the governments
of residence or asylum.

The blocks to voluntary repatriation have in

reality been imposed by the countries of origin.
These are cases where the governments of these
countries have not even replied to letters from
the High Commissioner in which he informed
them of the names of those few persons who had
expressed a wish to be repatriated. The High
Commissioner has on past occasions referred to
some of these cases. Furthermore, their policies
have not been such as to attract the return of
these people; as a matter of fact, there has been
a continuous flow of new refugees from these
countries for whom the West must make room
and oifer asylum.

Considerable stress has been laid on the new
amnesty laws. If these laws are bringing about
real changes in the policies of those countries,
this will in time become apparent to all of us and,
even more important, to the refugees themselves.
It is only actual experience, however, which will
reveal the extent, if any, of genuine change. It
would hardly be fitting for the General Assembly,
after 10 years of international responsibilities with
refugees, to imply to them, through authorizing
the High Commissioner to distribute these laws
and other information and materials, that the
United Nations in any way endorses or approves
of them or regards them as lasting. The High
Commissioner cannot Be a propaganda agent, nor
a postmaster, for any government, and he has
never been one.

I do not wish to go into the details of the Soviet
resolution, inasmuch as it is to its primary neces-
sity and propriety that I direct myself. I must
say, however, that most of the specific content of
what the U.S.S.R. would have us approve is in-
appropriate.

As far as finding work goes, most of the refu-
gees are employed to the same extent other people
are. And a primary function of the permanent
solutions program is to assist those who are un-
employed— found mainly among refugees still in
camps — to find employment. It is significant that
the U.S.S.R. voted against the establishment of
this program.

The most important reason why my delegation
is unable to accept the Soviet proposal, however,
and one which we should all ponder carefully, is
the fact that the adoption of this resolution would
be likely to cause consternation among the refu-
gees themselves. Indeed, shortly after the reso-
lution was introduced I was approached by a
refugee who has settled in this country and who

632

Department of State Bulletin

was worried th<at the General Assembly might
adopt the resolution and that it would result in
pressure on refugees even here.

The Soviet delegation has stated tliat it is pre-
pared to accept the principle of "voluntary"' re-
patriation. We are glad to note this statement

Text of Nine-Power Draft Resolution

U.N. doc. A/C.3/L.4«4/U..v. 1

The Oeneral Assembly,

Havmg tak< n note of Uie Report of the High Com-
missioner for Refugees with the Annexed Reiwrt of
the United Nations Refugee Fund Executive Com-
mittee (A/2902 and Add. 1) and the progress which
has been made in the implementation of resolution
832 (IX),

Bearing in mind resolution 589 (XX) of the Eco-
nomic and Social Council,

Considering that under his Statute the High Com-
missioner for Refugees is charged with the duty of
seeking solutions for the problems of refugees
through voluntary repatriation, resettlement and
integration, and

Noting with concern that the approved target for
governmental contributions to the Fund for 1955
has not yet been reached,

(1) Requests the High Commissioner for Refu-
gees to continue his efforts to effect solutions by
the above-mentioned means, under due safeguards
to be applied by him in accordance with his respon-
sibility under the Statute to provide international
protection to refugees within his mandate,

(2) Notes with satisfaction that the Unref Ex-
ecutive Committee, in laying down the principles
which are to govern the implementation of the pro-
gramme for permanent solutions under resolution
832 (IX) has directed that the main empha.sis of
the programme should be on the reduction of the
number of refugees in camps, and

(3) Urges States Members and non-Members of
the United Nations to give early and serious consid-
eration to making contributions to the United Na-
tions Refugee Fund in order that the targets for
19.55 and 1956 may be attained and the High Com-
mi.ssioner enabled fully to implement the jjro-
grammes planned for those years.

that it now adheres to a principle which has long
been held by the United States and by other West-
ern countries. We hope that by the word "volun-
tary" they mean the free and unfettered choice
of the individual. But we have experienced trans-
mutations of other onc« familiar words such as
"peac«" and "democracy" and we have concern on
this question, for example, that the procedures

suggested in the resolution itself would require
the High Commissioner to direct his activities to-
ward pressuring refugees into repatriation.

The experience of the past 10 years cannot be
wiped out with the stroke of a pen, and it should
be the responsibility of the United Nations to
assure to the refugees that they receive every pro-
tection from the High Commissioner to which
they are entitled. These refugees, most of whom
have endured the hardships of refugee camps for
many years in preference to repatriation, could
hardly be expected to understand a General As-
sembly resolution which required such extensive
efforts on the part of the High Commissioner to
persuade them to return, a resolution which would
undoubtedly be regarded as opening the door to
innumerable kinds of pressure upon them.

The conclusions are simple. No resolution con-
cerning voluntary I'epatriation is required. The
statute is adequate and the role of the High Com-
missioner has been entirely proper. Voluntary
repatriation is not, in practical terms, an impor-
tant aspect of the solution, whatever one may
think of the theoretical desirability of this solu-
tion. And a resolution singling out this aspect
would cause uneasiness among the refugees.

Purposes of Nine-Power Proposal

The General Assembly, however, is called upon
to do certain definite things at this session. These
have been embodied in the draft resolution of
which the United States is a cosponsor.

The Executive Committee of the U.N. Refugee
Fund has determined that the program of high-
est priority should be to reduce the nuinber of
refugees in camps. The lot of these refugees is
particularly severe, and the General Assembly
should endorse that deteimination.

The guiding principle of the work of the High
Commissioner is that the wishes of the refugees
should be respected. The wishes of a refugee can
comijrise integration, resettlement, or voluntary
repatriation, and a reiteration of these functions
is appropriate. A clause to this effect has there-
fore been introduced in the resolution. This re-
flects the attitude, which we share, that refugees
should have the right of genuinely voluntary re-
patriation and places it in the most appropriate
context for the work of the High Commissioner.
This is as far as the General Assembly should
go on this subject.

In addition, this Assembly must assure itself

October 17, 1955

633

that proper safeguards for the refugee are being
provided. This is particularly important in any
area in which there is a possibility of direct or
indirect pressure — a problem which has primarily
been experienced in the area of repatriation.
Consequently, the resolution is also addressed to
assuring the continued vigorous application by
the High Commissioner of his responsibility to
provide international protection for the refugees
under his mandate. The United States will not,
of course, agree to anything even resembling
forced repatriation. The position of the U.S.
Government is well known. The United States is
firmly opposed to forced repatriation in any form
whether by direct steps or indirect steps which
might tend to accomplish this.

Finally, and this is the most constructive move
we can take at this time, we must lend the prestige
of this General Assembly to the High Commission-
er's urgent appeal for funds for the program of
permanent solutions. It is this program, not vol-
untary repatriation nor even resettlement, which
offers hope for a ready humanitarian solution of
this serious problem. And it is upon the hard
bedrock of finances that the program will falter
unless we give it our strong support. If there is
anything we should single out at this time for
special attention it is the appeal for early and
serious consideration to the contribution of funds,
and this ajjpeal is a key part of our resolution.

Mr. Chairman, this concludes my intervention.
My delegation would hope that the representative
of the U.S.S.E. would not press his resolution.
If he does so, we will have to vote against it, for
we believe our resolutions are mutually exclusive.
I am convinced that the true interests of the refu-
gees and the most hopeful approach to the solu-
tion of their problems lie along the lines pointed
out in the resolution we have cosponsoi'ed.^

U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences

Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration

The Department of State announced on October
7 (press release 595) the U.S. delegation for the

^In the voting on Oct. 10, the Soviet proposal was re-
jected, 14-29-10 ; the nine-power draft was approved,
42-0-15.

Third Session of the Executive Committee and
Council of the Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration (Icem), which has convened
in Geneva, Switzerland. The Committee of nine
members meets the first week (October 6-13), fol-
lowed by a Council session of several days, start-
ing October 17.

Scott McLeod, Administrator of the Bureau of
Security and Consular Affairs, is again the U.S.
representative at the conference, heading a delega-
tion comprising five Members of Congress, seven
public members, and six advisers. Mr. McLeod,
Administrator of the Kef ugee Relief Act of 1953,
by congressional authority, has headed the delega-
tion at the two previous conferences.

Since February 1952, when it launched opera-
tions, Icem has transported over 350,000 persons
to various parts of the world. On the initiative
of the United States, the organization was estab-
lished at Brussels, Belgium, in 1951 to facilitate
the movement to new homes of migrants and refu-
gees who would not otherwise be moved from over-
populated areas of Europe. There are now 26
member governments.

The U.S. delegation is as follows :

U. S. representative

Scott McLeod, Administrator, Bureau of Security and
Consular Affairs, Department of State

Alternate U.S. representatives
Frank Chelf, House of Representatives
Dewitt S. H.vde, House of Representatives
James M. Quigley, House of Representatives
Ruth Thompson, House of Representatives
Francis E. Walter, House of Representatives

Principal adviser

George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced
Persons, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, De-
partment of State

Adiuscrs

Walter H. Besterman, House Judiciary Committee

Richard H. Brown, U.S. Escapee Program, International

Cooperation Administration, Frankfort, Germany
Bess E. Dick, House Judiciary Committee
Pierce J. Gerety, Deputy Administrator, Refugee Relief

Program, Department of State
Francis Rosenberger, Senate Judiciary Committee

Public tnembcrs

George M. Fuller, Washington, D. C.
Henry Glovsky, Beverly, Mass.
Hubert Horan, Philadelphia, Pa.
Dorothy D. Houghton, Red Oak, Iowa
Robert S. McCoUum, Denver, Colo.
David Shillinglaw, Chicago, 111.
Nick T. Stepanovich, East Chicago, Ind.

634

Department of State Bulletin

October 17, 1955

Ind

ex

Vol. XXXIII, No. 851

Africa. French Withdrawal From General Assem-
bly (Dulles) 605

American Republics. Our Government's Contribu-
tion to the Economic Development of Latin
America (Holland) 595

Argentina. Argentine-U.S. Relations (Dulles) . . 605

China. U.S.-Red China Geneva Talks (Dulles) . . 606

Communism. Free World Defense Against Com-
munist Subversion (Allen W. Dulles) .... 600

Economic Affairs

Effective Date for Concessions to Italy (text of

memorandum) 616

Emergency Assistance to India 617

Export-Import Bank Reports on Lending Activities . 619
Importance of International Travel to the Foreign

Trade of the United States (Waters) . ... 620

Korean Tax Problem 618

Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of Aviation Facili-
ties 617

Our (Jovernment's C(mtribution to the Economic

Development <if Latin America (Holland) . . 595
U.S. Views on International Bank's Annual Report

(Waugh) 626

Ethiopia. Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of Avia-

ti(jn Facilities 617

Europe

The Defense of Europe — A Progress Report

(Gruenther) 609

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting (Dulles) . . . 606

France. French Withdrawal From General Assem-
bly (Dulles) 605

Germany

United States Position on U.S.S.R.East German

Agreements (text of note) 616

Guatemala. Visit of Guatemalan President . . . 599

Health, Education, and Welfare. U.N. Congress
on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Of-
fenders (Rogers) 624

India. Emergency Assistance to India 617

International Information. Need for Expanding

Use of U.S. Books Overseas (Rockefeller) . . 616

International Organizations and Meetings

U.S. Delegation to lutergdvernmental Committee

for European Migration 634

U.S. Views on International Bank's Annual Report

(Waugh) 626

Italy. Effective Date for Concessions to Italy (text

of memorandum) 616

Korea. Korean Tax Problem 618

Military Affairs. The Defense of Europe — A Prog-
ress Report (Gruenther) 609

Near East. Dangers of Middle East Arms Race

(Dulles) 604

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Defense

of Europe — A Progress Report (Gruenther) . 609

Presidential Documents. Effective Date for Con-
cessions to Italy 616

Refugees and Displaced Persons

Report of the High Commissioner for Refugees
(Blaustein) ( statements and text of draft reso-
lution) 628

U.S. Delegation to Intergovernmental Committee

for European Migration 634

Treaty Information. Current Actions 023

U.S.S.R. United States Position on U.S.S.R.-East

German Agreements (text of note) .... 616

United Nations

French Withdrawal From General Assembly

(Dulles) 605

Report of the High Commissioner for Refugees
(Blaustein) (statements and text of draft

resolution) 628

U.N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treat-
ment of Offenders (Rogers) 624

U.N. Membership Question (Dulles) 607

Name Index

Blaustein, Jacob 628

Dulle.s, Allen W 600

Dulles, Secretary 604

Castillo Armas, Carlos .599

Eisenhower, President 617

Gruenther, Alfred M 609

Holland, Henry F 595

Rockefeller, Nelson A 616

Rogers. William P 624

Waters, Somerset R 620

Waugh, Samuel C 626

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 3-9

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

Subject

Holland : economic development in
Latin America.

Eximbank loan to Ethiopia.

U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Soviet-
East German agreements.

Emergency aid to India.

Korean tax problem.

Holland : private enterprise in
Latin America.

Dulles: dangers of Middle East
arms race.

Dulles : transcript of news con-
ference.

Italian concessions to Japan under
GATT.

O'Connor designation (rewrite).

Death of Greek Prime Minister.

Holland : trade in Inter- American
relations.

Surplus commodity agreement
with Ecuador.

ICEM delegation (rewrite).

Phleger : Philadeli)hia Bar Asso-
ciation.

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

582

10/4

5.S3
584

10/3
10/4

585
586

*587

10/4
10/3
10/5

588

10/4

589

10/4

590

10/5

t591
*592
t593

10/5
10/5
10/6

t594

10/7

595
t596

10/7
10/8

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Wol. XXXIII, No. 852

Oaober 24, 1955

PRESIDENT EISENHOWER AND PREMIER BUL-
GANIN EXCHANGE VIEWS ON INSPECTION
Texts of Letters 643

"CONFIDENT OF OUR FUTURE" • Address by Secretary

Dulles 639

PROGRESS IN THE RULE OF LAW • by Herman

Phleger, Legal Adviser 647

THE IIVIPORTANCE OF TRADE IN INTER-AMERICAN

RELATIONS • by Assistant Secretary Holland 654

WASHINGTON OLD HALL, SYMBOL OF BRITISH-
AMERICAN KINSHIP • by Ambassador Winthrop W.
Aldrich 651

PEACEFUL USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY

Statement by Senator Paatore 660

Text of Draft Resolution 665

Text of Draft Statute of Internalionnl AiiPiiry 666

For index see inside back cover

.^c-^'^.

•--r„ o. ■■

^Ae zi^efia/yi^ent x:^ i/uzle JL-/ LA 1 1 \J L 11 1

Vol. XXX III, No. 852 • Pdbucation 6044
Oaoher 24, 1955

Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents

NOV 9-1955

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing OJace

Washington 25, D.C.

Peice:

62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25

Single copy, 20 cents

The printing of this pubhcation has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a treekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by tlie White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international aff^airs and the func-
tions of tlie Department. Informa-
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and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department, as
tvell as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.

"Confident of Our Future

»»

Address by Secretary Dulles ^

It is an honor and a privilege to speak at this
opening of your convention. You are those who
in time of national peril were ready to sacrifice life
itself that our country and its principles might
survive. And in time of peace, through your con-
ventions and manifold committee and educational
activities, you cultivate the spirit of patriotism.

Love of country is a great virtue. It is one on
which free societies particularly depend. For,
while despotisms can coimrwnd sacrifices, free
societies can only ask for sacrifice. And the re-
sponse is measured by patriotism.

Of course, patriotism can be perverted into a
fanatical and evil force. But in this country pa-
triotism has, in the main, been enlightened and has
seen that our own welfare was identified with that
of others. Perhaps that is because our people
have been G'od-fearing people who have respected
the Biblical injunction that ""Wliatsoever ye would
that men would do to you, do even so to them."

From our earliest days patriotism and religion
have been li:iked. George Washingtoiii, in his
Farewell Address, said, "In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism" who did not ac-
cept religion and morality as the supporting
pillars of our free society.

Patriotism of that kind caiinot be a purely
selfish force. It seeks liberty for nations and dig-
nity for man. It welcomes international coopera-
tion toward these ends, and it has nothing to fear
from such cooperation.

There should be no thought in any quarter that
recent international events, such as the "summit"
conference at Geneva, have lessened the need for
patriotism and the discipline and sacrifice it en-
joins.

After the end of World "War II the institutions

' Made before the American Legion at Miami, Fla., on
Oct. 10 (press release 597).

of freedom were still subjected to heavy assaults.
They not only stood up under these assaults, they
grew under them. The latest fierce attack came
last spring, when the Communists tried desper-
ately to prevent the establishment of Western
European unity.

After that effort failed, the Soviet rulers radi-
cally changed their demeanor. For 10 years in-
tolerance had been the dominant tlieme. They
treated as enemies all who would not follow the
Communist line and accept Communist discipline
as administered from Moscow.

Now all of that seems changed. Today it is
Soviet policy to appear friendly and to mingle
with all the world. Perhaps the Russians have a
proverb like ours which says, "If you can't lick
'em, join 'em."

However, the Russians, as "joiners," create new
problems — for us and also for them.

Within the Soviet bloc, people increasingly
show that they expect for themselves some of the
tolerance which they see so lavishly bestowed on
others. Such pressures could gradually trans-
form the Soviet area into a respected segment of
the society of nations.

Outside the Soviet bloc, some doors which used
to be closed are now open, or at least ajar. And
this occurs before anyone can surely know the real
purpose of the Soviet "new look."

Soviet Communist doctrine has persistently
taught retreat and zigzag as a tactic of conquest.
So we cannot tell whether what is now going on
marks a genuine change of purpose or whether it
is merely a maneuver. We have to have plans that
fit either contingency. We must not rebuff a
change which might be that for which the whole
world longs. On the otlier hand, we must not
expose ourselves to what could be mortal danger.

Never, jjerhaps, lias national policy faced so dif-

Ocfofaer 24, J 955

639

ficult and delicate a task. Mere cleverness will
not suffice. Our dependence must be on funda-
mentals. Fortunately we have basic assets, ma-
terial and moral. These assets have no aggres-
sive aspect, yet they exert a profound influence
upon world affairs.
Let us briefly consider what these assets are.

Productivity

We have productivity. Our rate of productiv-
ity is the greatest in history, now estimated at
nearly $400 billion a year. The magnitude of that
can be appreciated when it is noted that it is three
times that of the Soviet Union with its much
larger population.

More significant than quantity are the hmnan
satisfactions that accompany our production. It
is the result of free choice. No governmental de-
crees force men and women into work that is
repugnant to them. And because people do work
that they like, they strive to excel and so become
competitive and more productive.

It is also significant that what our people freely
produce is not only huge in quantity, but it is
widely distributed to bring rising standards of
living.

Forced labor can, of course, be made to produce
some conspicuous results. The world is dotted
with the monuments of past despotisms, and some
new ones are being built today. But admiration
of such feats should not submerge pity for the
human misery which tliey cost.

Our duty and opportunity is to offer the world
the example of an economy which, as a matter
of free choice, produces vastly and distributes
fairly. That we do, and must continue to do,
with constant striving for betterment.

Power

We have power. Out of productivity, a part
is set aside to make sure that the treasure house
of freedom will not be pillaged.

We do not like to divert human effort to non-
productive purposes, and it requires a strong sense
of duty to apply, as we are doing, more than a
tenth of all we produce to national defense. Your
Government is striving to bring about interna-
tional conditions which might safely enable us to
reduce this nonproductive diversion.

We do not, however, intend to be reckless in this
respect.

We had to build hastily the military establish-
ment we needed in World War I; and then we
scrapped it.

Then, with the coming of World War II, we
built up what became the world's greatest military
establishment; and again we scrapped it.

Then, when the Korean war came, we had to
build the third time.

This time we do not propose to disarm our-
selves unless we can be sure that others are doing
the same.

That is not because the American people have
gone miJitaristic. The instinct of the American
people is as strong as ever against maintaining mil-
itary establishments. It is because we have
learned the hard way. The Soviet Union itself,
in Korea, helped to teach us that disarmament, if
it may prove to be one-sided, does not produce
peace.

We are eager to reduce military expenditure.
But we remember George Wasliington's advice in
his Farewell Address that, while public credit
must be cherished, nevertheless "timely disburse-
ments to prepare for danger frequently prevent
much greater disbursements to repel it."

Terrorism has always been a tool of despotism.
A preponderance of weapons in the hands of those
without moral scruples is dangerous.

That is why, for our own sake and for the sake
of all free men, we must retain the relative power
needed to deter aggression.

Principles

We liave principles. Our productivity and our
power do not rattle haphazardly about the world.
They are harnessed to basic moral principles.

There is a school of thought which claims that
morality and foreign policy do not mix. That
never has been, is not, and I pray never will be
the American ideal.

Diplomacy which is divorced from morality also
divorces the govenmient from the people. Our
people can imderstand, and will support, policies
which can be explained and understood in moral
terms. But policies merely based on carefully cal-
culated exj^ediency could never be explained and
would never be understood.

Furthermore, a nation with our worldwide con-
cerns needs to follow a course which other comi-
tries can feel is stable and predictable. This wiU
be the case if our policies are based upon principle.

640

Department of State Bulletin

It will not be the case if our policies are based upon
the shifting sands of expediency.

As an example of the principles to which we
adhere, I cite the principle that military force
should not be used aggressively to achieve national
goals.

Power, particularly great power, is always
dangerous unless it is subject to self-imposed
restraints.

Recently we were gravely provoked by the
Chinese Communists, who retained and im-
prisoned 15 of our fliers in violation of the Korean
Armistice Agreement. We had the power to take
prompt and overwhelming reprisals. We did not
do so ; neither did we bargain or pay ransom. We
relied upon the United Nations to bring moral
pressures into play. Now all 15 of our brave com-
rades are free and home.

We hope that the Chinese Communists will
accept for themselves this "renunciation of force"
principle. Until now they have largely lived by
the sword. Tliey came into power through violent
revolution. They moved into Korea to fight the
United Nations Command. They took Tibet by
force. They allied themselves with force in Indo-
china. But perhaps they are now beginning to
see that persistence in the use of force will surely
bring disaster.

Another of the principles we apply is that pro-
ductivity is not for purely selfish use. We do not
seek to be an oasis of material prosperity in a
desert of human misery.

During the last 10 yeai's the Government has
granted or loaned abroad approximately $40
billion for economic purposes. The recipients
have in the main been those allies which gi-eatly
suffered from the war or which with us face a
common danger and build with us a common
defense.

In the same period approximately $12.5 billion
of private fimds have flowed abroad to develop
countries which welcome and provide opportunity
for foreign capital.

Thus we seek to use both our great economic
productivity and our great military power in ac-
cordance with good principles.

Some other nations would, at times, prefer it if
the United States would deviate from basic prin-
ciples to help them meet their immediate prob-
lems. If we do not do so, they may temporarily
turn away. But beneath such surface dissatisfac-
tions lies, I feel, a sense of respect for the United

States because we at least try to live by principle.
Certainly that is essential to our own sense of
self-respect.

Partnership

We have partnership. Modern developments
in the field of communications have drawn na-
tions physically together so that, as never before,
wliat concerns one concerns many. It was always
wrong to ojjerate on the basis of "each for liimself
and the devil take the hindmost." Now it is also
stupid.

Within our nations people seek security on a col-
lective basis. We have our community police
force, our fire department, and other civic aids.
Tlius, by working together we get more security at
less cost.

The time has come when the nations also need to
get together on a community basis.

The ideal, of course, would be to have collective
security on a univei-sal basis. That is the design
of the United Nations. But trust and confidence
do not yet exist on a univei-sal basis. So, many
nations have created collective security organiza-
tions of their own, as permitted by the United
Nations Charter.

The United States now has partnership associa-
tion for security with 44 nations. The result is
to create a measure of security wliich no one, not
even the strongest, could achieve on a purely na-
tional basis.

Tlie Soviet rulers profess to regard these devel-
opments as dangerous. They advocate — for
others — what they call "neutrality." By this they
mean that each nation should have the weakness
whicli is inevitable when each depends on itself
alone.

But the Soviet rulers practice, for themselves,
something very different from what they thus
preach to others. They have forged a vast do-
main. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
is itself a multinational state consisting of 16 so-
called republics, several of which were once inde-
pendent nations.

Several other countries, in whole or part, are
tied into the Soviet bloc by the hold of the Soviet
Communist Party or the Red Army.

Also, there is close identity with Communist
China, which in turn dominates all or part of sev-
eral other nations.

Thus, the Soviet bloc represents an amalgama-

Ocfober 24, 1955

641

tion of about 900 million people, nonnally consti-
tuting more than 20 distinct national groups.

The United States does not believe in practicing
neutrality. Barring exceptional cases, neutrality
today is an obsolete conception. It is like asking
each community to forego a police force and to
leave it to each citizen to defend his own home with
his own gun.

Equally, we do not believe that nations and peo-
ples who want to be independent should be forced
into unwelcome dominance by others merely to
produce monolithic power. We do not believe
that such artificial unity will last or produce genu-
ine security.

We do believe that peoples who trust each other
should freely draw together for their mutual se-
curity.

The United States is helping to bring into being
that modern and forward-looking practice.
Through it all who love liberty can more surely
have liberty.

Peace

We have peace. Peace is the goal which we de-
voutly seek. But let us never forget that the
peace we now have, and the peace which we would
preserve, is not peace at any price. It is peace
with freedom, purchased by those who were will-
ing to fight and die.

Last winter, when aggression threatened in the
Formosa area, the Congi-ess unitedly authorized
the President to use the armed forces of the United
States for the defense of our vital interests and of
our ally in that area.

I believe that this action contributed indispensa-
bly to the preservation of peace at that juncture.

Two years ago I addressed your convention in
St. Louis.- Speaking of the "art of peace," I said :
"If events are likely which will in fact lead us
to fight, let us make clear our intention in ad-
vance ; then we shall probably not have to fight."
The bipartisan action of the Congress was a no-
table application of that doctrine.

Peace, at least the only kind of peace that is
worth having, requires an intrepid spirit in de-
fense of freedom and justice. Without that spirit,
aggressors run rife until finally in desperation
there is resistance and war.

But lest what I say should be misimderstood or

misrepresented in any quarter, in any way, for
any reason, let me say what you all know : There is
no nation in the world which is more utterly ded-
icated to peace than is our Nation.

One of the great gains of the "summit" confer-
ence at Geneva was that it gave President Eisen-
hower an opportunity to demonstrate, so that none
could doubt, our Nation's devotion to peace. I
refer particularly to his spontaneous offer to ex-
change military blueprints with the Soviet Union
and allow them to overfly the United States on a
basis of reciprocity. That was an offer which
could only have come from the serenity of the
peace-loving spirit of our beloved President. And
the Nation wholly supported that proposal.

We hope that the Soviet rulers will accept it.
If they do, in good spirit, then we can confidently
move on to international measures to reduce and
control the instruments of death.

President Eisenhower's latest offer is a sequel
to other dramatic proposals made in pursuit of
peace. In 1946 President Truman offered to in-
ternationalize our then monopoly of atomic en-
ergy. In December 1953 President Eisenhower
made his "atoms for peace"' proposal that fission-
able material, then designed for war, should be
put into a world bank and made to work for peace.

So the United States makes mtuiifest its peace-
ful purposes.

But as President Eisenhower recently said,'
"We must not think of peace as a static condition
in world affairs. . . . Unless there is peaceful
change, there is bound to be violent change." And
he cited as situations which needed to be changed
the division of Germany and the subjection of the
once-free nations of Eastern Europe.

There are some skeptics who doubt that change
can be brought about peacefully. History does not
justify this conclusion. The recent liberation of
Austria came about primarily because world opin-
ion insistently demajided it as a step which repre-
sented elemental justice. In the same way world
opinion will act as a compulsion on the Soviet
Union to relax its grip upon East Germany and
to permit the unification of Germany.

Also, I believe that world opinion will compel
the restoration of national independence to the
captive states of Eastern Europe.

Independence must also come to those dependent

" Bulletin of Sept. 14, 1953, p. 339.
642

'Ihid., Sept. 5, 1955, p. 376.

Department of State Bulletin

countries — those colonies — whose people desire in-
dependence and are capable of sustaining it.

And the le^s developed areas should be helped
to provide a better livelihood for their peoples.

These changes will surely come to pass. The
only question is when, and by whom.

We can, and indeed we must, look forward to
an era of peaceful change. We do not seek other
than peace, but also we do not seek a peace other
than one which will be curative and creative.

which the U.S. Government attaches to the
European Coal and Steel Community.

W. Walton Butterworth has been appointed as
head of tliis mission to serve as U.S. Representa-
tive to the Ecsc and will have the personal rank
of Ambassador. His most recent assignment has
been as Minister and Deputy Cliief of Mission at
tlie American Embassy, London.

Our Task Today

The United States has no desire and no mandate
to run the world. Many things will go right with-
out our help and many things will go wrong that
we cannot help. We shall not always be able to
save others from what we believe to be their mis-
takes, and we know that we shall at times commit
what others believe to be our mistakes.

But one thing we can do. That is, be a nation
which stands for what all men aspire.

That indeed has been the mission of our Nation
since its foundation. Our founders said {Feder-
alist Paper No. 1 ) , "It seems to be reserved to the
people of this country to show, by their conduct
and example" that it is possible for men freely to
establish good government; and that "failure on
their part" would be "the general misfortune of
mankind." Throughout the intervening years,
our Nation has patriotically lived up to that ideal.
That same mission is our task today.

If in freedom we produce bounteously; if we
have defensive power to deter aggi'ession; if we
use our military and economic power in accord-
ance with high moral principles; if we extend the
hand of fellowship to all who in sincerity would
grasp it; and if we seek a peace which will eradi-
cate injustice, then we can be confident of our
future. In that way, the patriotism of the living
can pay tribute to the patriotism of the dead.

U.S. Establishes Mission to
Coal and Steel Community

The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 10 (press release 599) that, pursuant to direc-
tion of the President on September 23, 1955, a
U.S. mission to the European Coal and Steel Com-
munity (Schuman Plan) in Luxembourg will be
established. This action reflects the importance

President and Soviet Premier
Exchange Views on Inspection

Following are texts of letters exchanged iy
President Eisenhower and Nikolai A. Bulganin,
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, on the subject of the
President's July 21 proposal concerning exchange
of military information and aerial inspection.

PRESIDENT EISENHOWER TO MR. BULGANIN

White House press release dated October 12

Denver, Colorado

October 11,1965

Dear Mr. Chairman : I wish to thank you for
your letter of September 19, 1955 about my Geneva
proposal of July 21 that we exchange information
about military establishments and permit recipro-
cal aerial inspection over our two countries.

You raise a good many questions, and I shall
not be able to reply to them imtil the doctors let
me do more than at present. In any event, a full
reply calls for preliminary work by my advisers
and this is actively under way.

Let me now say, however, that I am encouraged
that you are giving such full consideration to my
Geneva proposal. I hope that we can agree on it,
not as a cure-all, but, as I said at Geneva, to show
a si)irit of non-aggressiveness on both sides and so
to create a fresh atmosphere which would dispel
much of the present fear and suspicion. This, of
itself, would be worthwhile. It would, I believe,
make it more possible to make progress in terms
of comprehensive plans for inspection, controls
and reductions of armament, which will satisfy
the high hopes of our peoples, and indeed of all
the world.

Ocfofaer 24, 7955

643

I have not forgotten your proposal having to
do with stationing inspection teams at key points
in our countries, and if you feel this would help to
create the better spirit I refer to, we could accept
that too.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower

MR. BULGANIN TO PRESIDENT EISENHOWER

September 19, 1955

Dear Mr. President: I feel I must sincerely
and frankly exchange opinions with you on a sub-
ject which at the present time has acquired par-
ticular importance. I have in mind the question
which is being discussed now by our representa-
tives in the subcommittee of the U.N. Disarma-
ment Commission.

In the course of our memorable meetings in
Geneva we agreed to work jointly for elaboration
of an acceptable system of disarmament. "Wlien
we approved directives to our Ministers of For-
eign Affairs on this score, I thought a great deal
liad been accomplished. Now the representatives
of our countries, guided by these directives and
taking into account in their work the opinions and
proposals put forth by the heads of the four gov-
ernments in Geneva, can and must achieve definite
progress.

I and my colleagues thought that even at the
very beginning of their work our representatives
would be able to reach general agreement on those
basic questions on which our viewpoints either co-
incided or had already appreciably approached
each other. I have in mind first of all the question
of the levels of armed forces of the five great pow-
ers, the question of dates for introducing into force
the prohibition of atomic weapons, and the ques-
tion of international control. In this manner
there would be created a solid foundation for fur-
ther work during which it would be possible to
make more precise all the details of the necessary
agreements concerning the working out of an ac-
ceptable system of disarmament.

However, the first weeks of the work of the sub-
committee so far have not yet produced tliose re-
sults for which you and I were fully entitled to
hope, and I must frankly say that the delay is oc-
casioned to a considerable degree by the fact that
the members of the subcommittee so far do not

know the position of the representative of the
United States with regard to those provisions
vvhicli we had all the grounds to consider as agreed.
As is known, the representative of the United
States completely put aside the questions of reduc-
tion of the armed forces, of armaments, and
lirohibition of atomic weapons, having expressed
the desire to discuss first of all and mainly your
proposal concerning the exchange of military in-
formation between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. as
well as of the mutual exchange of aerial photog-
raphy of the territories of both countries.^ In this
manner the impression is left that the entire prob-
lem of disarmament is being confined by him to
these proposals.

I think to put the question in this manner would
not satisfy tlie aspiration of peoples, even though
I fully recognize the importance of the proposals
introduced by you in Geneva.

However, since I and my colleagues have re-
ceived the above-mentioned impression, I consider
it my duty once more to share with you, esteemed
Mr. President, certain primary considerations.

We feel that the main problem for us is to use
further efforts to look for ways which would per-
mit us to move the problem of disarmament away
from dead center, which problem has vital im-
portance for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. and the
U.S.A. as well as peoples of the entire world.

In connection with this allow me to touch upon
the profwsals put forward by you at Geneva. We
regard these proposals as testimony of your sin-
cere desire to find a way to settle the important
problem of the international control and inspec-
tion and to contribute personally to general efforts
for the normalization of international relations.

Upon our return from Geneva we with all care-
fulness have studied your proposal of July 21 ^
which was introduced on August 30 by Mr. Stassen
into the disarmament subcommittee. In the
course of this study several questions have arisen
about which I would like to express to you my
thoughts.

First of all, about the mutual exchange by the
United States of America and the Soviet Union
of information concerning their armed forces and
armaments.

In principle, we have no objections to this pro-

' For text of the opening statement made by Ambassador
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., in the subcommittee on Aug. 29,
see Bi-LLETiN of Sept. 12, 1955, p. 438.

' Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173.

644

Department of State Bulletin

posal. I think that at a definite stage the exchange
of such information between states is necessary.
It would be better, however, if such information
concerning armaments were submitted by all
states, and not only by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.,
to the international organ of control and inspec-
tion, concerning the creation of which we should
reach an agreement. In order to avoid misunder-
standings, it is self-evident that information on
all kinds of annaments, conventional as well as
nuclear, must be submitted in order to avoid mis-
understanding. If these considerations are valid,
we should carefully discuss exactly when this full
information on armaments of states should be
presented and first of all information concerning
the armaments of great powers.

It is self-evident that the submission of the
above-mentioned information to an international
control organ would become significant only if
agreement is achieved on the reduction of arma-
ments and on taking measures for the proliibition
of atomic weapons.

It seems to me that the problem of the creation
of an international control organ which would
satisfy the requirements of the problems of dis-
armament should be considered in indissoluble
unity with decisions for putting into effect a plan
for gradual disarmament. At the same time it
is necessary to keep sight of the fact that achieve-
ment of a really valuable exchange of military in-
formation will become really effective to the de-
gree that mutual trust among states is
strengthened.

Now I would also like to express my opinion
about the problem of aerial photography.

I do not doubt that when you introduced your
proposal for photographing from the air the ter-
ritories of our two countries, you were guided by a
legitimate desire to create confidence that neither
of our two countries would be subjected to attack
by the other.

However, let us be frank to the end. Under pres-
ent international conditions both our countries are
not acting singly. The United States of America,
as is known, heads all military groupings which
exist in the West and in the East, and what is
more their armed forces are stationed not only on
American territory; they are also stationed in
England, West Germany, Italy, France, Spain,
North Africa, Greece, Turkey, in several countries
of the Near and Middle East, in Japan, on Taiwan,
in the Philippines, etc.

To this should be added the fact that the armed
forces of several states are organically connected
with the military forces of the United States
through inclusion under a single command.

Under these conditions, the Soviet Union on its
side has united militarily with several allied states.

It is impossible not to see that the proposal in-
troduced by you completely omits from considera-
tion armed forces and military installations which
are outside the area of the United States and the
Soviet Union.

And yet it is perfectly self-evident that aerial
photographing should also be extended to all
armed forces and military installations located on
the territories of those other states.

This presents an entirely new problem : Would
the governments of such states permit their sov-
ereign territory to be photographed from the air
by foreign aircraft?

All this shows that the problem of aerial pho-
tography is not a question which, under present
conditions, would lead to effective progress to-
ward insuring security of states and successful
accomplishment of disarmament.

This conclusion is suggested by the fact that
your proposal, unfortunately, does not mention
the necessity for reduction of armaments and pro-
hibition of atomic weapons.

It is therefore natural that people should ask
more and more often what the proposal for aerial
photography and the collecting of such informa-
tion would really do to end the arms race. If
such a proposal does not promote the ending of
the arms race, then it means that it does not re-
move the threat of a new war. It does not lighten
the burden which the peoples are bearing in con-
nection with this arms race. Would such a pro-
posal satisfy the expectations of the people of our
states and those of all countries?

Finally, it is impossible not to stop and think
about what would happen if we occupy ourselves
with the questions of aerial photography and the
exchange of military information without taking
effective measures for reduction of armaments and
prohibition of atomic weapons.

I have apprehensions which I cannot help but
share with you. Would not such a situation lead
to the weakening of vigilance toward the still
existing threat of violation of the peace generated
by the arms race ?

My remarks do not at all mean that we cannot
achieve an agreement on important aspects of the

October 24, 1955

645

disarmament problem. I would like to call your
attention to the fact that on very substantial as-
pects of this problem our positions have become so
close that we would be able to reach a definite
agreement.

Let us take such a question as the establishment
of levels of armed forces for the great powers.

It is generally recognized that this is a question
of great importance. Originally, the idea of es-
tablishing levels to which armed forces of the Big
Five should be reduced, as is known, was put forth
by your Government together with the Govern-
ments of Great Britain and France in 1952.^ In
the interest of achieving general agreement on
this matter, which is so important for the problem
of disarmament, we decided to adopt this joint
proposal of the U.S., England, and France as a
basis for discussion. Consequently we have a
common point of view on this question. It is very
important for us to arrive at agreement on this
point.

On the question of atomic weapons, we must re-
member that at the present, when the greatest
armies of the world have at their disposal such
means of mass destruction as atomic and hydrogen
weapons, it is impossible, of course, to talk about
disarmament without touching on this important
subject. Therefore, we have always attached
paramount importance to the problem of prohibi-
tion of atomic weapons. In the discussion of this
problem, one of the substantial subjects of dis-
agreement was the question of dates when the
prohibition against the use of atomic weapons
would go into force. In our desire to bring the
opposition positions closer and to thereby facilitate
and expedite the achievement of agreement on this
subject, we agreed to accept the dates for putting
into forc« the prohibition on the use of atomic
weapons which were proposed by the representa-
tives of England and France in the subcommittee
of tlie U.N. Commission on Disarmament in
London in April 1955.*

I tliink you will agree that tlie proposal con-
cerning the stage at which prohibition against the
use of atomic weapons would come into force, as
proposed by England and France, and accepted
by the Soviet Union, satisfies our common in-
terests.

It would be desirable — and I think completely

' /&(•(/., June 9, 19.52, p. 910.
* Ibid., May 30, 1955, p. 897.

feasible — to reach an agreement also on this
question.

It also seems expedient for us to reach agree-
ment at this time on putting into effect several
measures designed to prevent sudden attack by
one state or another. We feel that this measure
would be in accord with the interests of maintain-
ing peace and security of nations and in this re-
spect it would be possible to reach agreement also
concerning the form of control suitable to the
above-mentioned problem.

You, ]\Ir. President, as a military man, know
from your own experience that modern war
I'equires drawing into military action armies of
many millions and an enormous quantity of tech-
nical combat equipment. In this connection
great importance has now been acquired by the
definite locations where concentrations of large
military groups can take place and whose arma-
ments would include all this technical combat
equipment. The system of control proposed by us,
namely the creation of control posts in large ports,
at railroad junctions, on automobile highways, and
at airfields, is designed to prevent dangerous con-
centrations of troops and combat equipment on
large scale and thereby remove the possibility of
sudden attack by one country against another.
Establishment of such posts would be an impor-
tant step toward relaxation of international ten-
sion and the establishment of trust among states.

In my opinion our proposal concerning control
posts has the advantage that it provides a definite
guaranty against a sudden attack by one state
against another.

I think you will agre-e that the proposals intro-
duced by us concerning levels of armed forces,
the dates for coming into effect of the prohibi-
tion of nuclear weapons and for the establish-
ment of control posts can promote the
reduction of tension in international relations
and strengthening of peace. I do not see, there-
fore, any reasons why we could not arrange to
reach agreement on these questions. Such joint de-
cisions of the Four Powers would have tremen-
dous importance because they would put into the
hearts of millions of people the assurance that
disarmament is fully realizable and that real steps
are being taken in this direction. An agi'eement
on these questions would open the way toward
solution of other questions which concern the
problem of disarmament. It would encourage
the strengthening of tliat atmosphere of coopera-

646

Department of State Bulletin

tion and mutual understanding which we initiated
at Geneva, and it would create favorable condi-
tions to put into practice a broader program of
disarmament and control over this disarmament.
In presenting ideas to you, Mr. President, I am
inspired by the sincere desire to achieve through a
frank exchange of opinions on the problem of dis-
armament better mutual understanding which
may facilitate reaching agreed decisions on this
most important problem.

Inasmuch as the solution of these questions de-
pends mainly on the four great powers who par-
ticipated in the Geneva Conference, I have taken
the liberty of sending copies of this letter to Mr.
Eden and Mr. Faure and hope that you will not
misunderstand this action.

I hope soon to receive your ideas on the ques-
tions touched upon in this letter.
With sincere respect,

N. BULGANIN

Progress in the Rule of Law

hy Herman Phleger
Legal Adviser ^

Being lawyers, I thought it might be of interest
to review with you today the developments of this
century that might loosely be called progress in
the rule of law in the international field.

One of the paradoxes of our time is that, while
the overwhelming majority of mankind abhors
war, it has not been possible as yet to achieve a
just and lasting peace. The prospect, in this
atomic age, that the next war might result in an-
nihilating mankind jwints to the urgency of find-
ing a solution for this problem.

^^Hiile undue optimism is to be avoided, and
the failures are fresh in our memory, it is worthy
of note that significant progress has been made
in the j^ast 60 years in the concept of collective
security and the renunciation of aggressive war.
We should not permit the failures to obscure the
successes, for, if we are to build a system of collec-
tive security that will be effective in the future, it
must be upon the foundations that have been laid
since the beginning of this century.

Indeed, if we compare the situation today with
that of a scant 50 years ago, the progress has been
significant.

Fifty years ago war was accepted as a perfectly
legitimate instrument of national policy. Learned
writers in the field of international law asserted

'Address made hefore the Philadelphia Bar Association
on Oct. 10 (press relea.se .596 dated Oct. 8).

its legality. Collective efforts were largely con-
fined to ameliorating the harsh conditions of war —
agreeing on the rules of the game, so to speak.
The Hague Conventions on land and naval war-
fare, the Red Cross Convention, and the later
Geneva Conventions regulating the treatment of
prisoners of war represented efforts of the world
community to make war endurable, since its
abolition seemed impossible.

The great Hague Peace Conference of 1899,
called to consider means of preserving the peace,
drafted a Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
Disputes iH'oviding for a Permanent Court of Ar-
bitration. But it also had as one of its principal
accomplishments the formulation of the Laws and
Customs of Land Warfare.

The Second Hague Conference of 1907 formu-
lated conventions on naval warfare and the rights
and duties of neutrals. A precarious peace, based
on a constant shifting of the balance of power,
was maintained on a razor-edge equilibrium.

Conciliation and Arbitration Treaties

Voluntary arbitration, conciliation, and media-
tion were looked to to supplement traditional di-
plomacy in the solution of international disputes.
The United States was most active in this field.
In 1908-9 Secretary Root concluded arbitration
treaties with six coimtries. In 1913 and 1914, 19

October 24, 1955

647

treaties, known as the Bryan Peace Treaties, were
entered into by the United States. These bound
the parties to mediation and conciliation before
resorting to hostilities to settle differences.

The League of Nations

The First World War, drawing into its vortex
most of the world powers, demonstrated the in-
effectiveness of these measures and pointed to the
imperative need for some system of collective se-
curity if peace was to be maintained. The Cove-
nant of the League of Nations, joined in by 63
nations, represented a collective attempt to meet
this need.

As we all know, the Covenant did not secure the
approval of the United States Senate, and the
United States did not become a party. Wliether
or liow much this decision contributed to the fail-
ure of the League has been the subject of many a
lively debate.

Further Efforts To Insure Peace

But though the United States did not join the
League, it was not idle in its efforts to further
world peace. In 1922 it called the Washington
Conference, where the five principal naval powers
agreed to a limitation of their naval forces. At
the same conference the Nine Power Treaty, de-
signed to assure the integrity of China, was entered
into.

During the years 1926 tlirough 1931, no fewer
than 26 arbitration and 18 conciliation treaties,
conmionly called the Kellogg Treaties, were en-
tered into by the United States.

In 1925 Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy,
and Belgium signed the Locarno Treaty, designed
to prevent a repetition of World War I. In it,
the parties agreed to refrain from war and bound
themselves to come to the aid of any party attacked
by any other party.

Then in 1928 came the Kellogg-Briand Pact.
In this treaty the signatories solemnly bound them-
selves to renounce war as an instrimient of na-
tional policy. Sixty-three nations became parties
to this pact. One of the first was the Soviet
Union. It is interesting to note that this treaty,
despite the intervention of World War II, remains
in force today as to all its signatories, there having
been no denunciation or withdrawal by any party.

From the standpoint of international law, this
treaty was a revolutionary development. Taken

at face value, it was an agreement between the
members of the world community that it would be
a breach of solemn treaty obligations to engage in
aggressive war.

Yet 10 years later Germany invaded Poland
and World War II was under way.

In connection with the Kellogg-Briand Pact, I
cannot refrain from quoting from Senator
[George Wliarton] Pepper's admirable auto-
biograjjhy. He wrote, speaking of the spring of
1928,

During our brief sojourn in Paris, the Kellogg-Briand
Pact was signed at the French Foreign Office in an at-
mosphere of optimism. Mrs. Pepper and I were guests at
the Embassy at a brilliant dinner given by Ambassador
Herrick to Secretary Kellogg. My Incurable lack of faith
in international promises made me less enthusiastic than
the rest of the company. They felt, or pretended to feel,
that war had at last received its death warrant.

The United Nations

A hope that sustained those who bore the bur-
dens of World War II was that out of it would
come a world order that would make its repetition
impossible. A system of collective security was
envisaged that would rule out aggressive warfare
for all time.

The United Nations Charter, signed in 1945,
was in fulfillment of this hope. Sixty states are
now members. The charter requires its members
to "settle their international disputes by peaceful
means" and to "refrain . . . from the threat or
use of force against the territorial integrity or
political independence of any state."

Action to implement these undertakings is en-
trusted to the Security Council, where, as you
know, it is subject to veto by any one of the five
permanent members. Vetoes by Soviet Russia
have been frequent.

The only collective military action taken by
members to stop an outright breach of interna-
tional peace was that taken pursuant to the resolu-
tion of the Security Council in 1950, calling upon
the members to repel the aggression of North
Korea against South Korea. That action was pos-
sible because the Soviet representative, Gromyko,
had "taken a walk" and was not present when the
vote was taken, it being held that a voluntary
abstention by a permanent member did not have
the effect of a veto.

Sixteen member nations responded to this call —
the first instance of joint military action in dis-

648

Department of State Bulletin

charge of a prior commitment to act collectively
to maintain world peace. Later, when the Chinese
Communists swarmed across the Yalu, the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations branded this
as an aggression and called upon its members to
embargo strategic materials.

Uniting for Peace

As a result of the Korean experience, the Gen-
eral Assembly decided to improve its procedures
so as to take account of any future situation where
the Security Comicil might be paralyzed by the
veto. This was done by passage of the Uniting
for Peace Resolution in the fall of 1950. This
resolution permits United Nations action which
would otherwise be impossible because of the veto
in the Security Council.

The basis for this resolution was explained by
Secretary Dulles in the course of debate over its
adoption, as follows :-

. . . The same instniment which placed on the
Security Council the "primary" responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security . . .
gave the General Assembly power to recommend even as
to matters that might be vetoed. . . .

... At San Francisco, the so-called "Little 45" had
stoutly opposed the "veto power" demanded by the so-
called "Big Five." Finally, in the closing days of the Con-
ference, they agreed to accept the veto in the Security
Council if Assembly powers were such that, if the Security
Council were prevented from discharging its primary re-
sponsibility, the General Assembly could step in and dis-
cuss and recommend regarding such subjects as pacific
settlement of disputes, breaches of the peace, the estab-
lishment of military contingents, etc. To insure that, they
proposed to amend what is now article 10 by broadening
the Assembly's right to recommend so that it could recom-
mend as to "any matters within the scope of the present
Charter."

The Soviet delegation at first declined to accept a
broadening of article 10 which would prevent a veto in
the Security Council from having finality. There was a
resultant deadlock, while the day officially set for signing
drew near. Finally, on June 19, 1945, the United States
Ambassador at Moscow advised the Soviet Foreign Office
that the United States felt it could not wait longer and
Would proceed with other nations. The next day the
chairman of the Soviet delegation informed our Secretary
of State that his Government, too, accepted the proposed
broadening of article 10. With that last obstacle cleared
away, the Charter was signed June 26.

The powers of the General Assembly we now invoke
were won that day in San Francisco. There is no occa-
sion now to put them in question. Rather, now is the
time to use the rights then so hard won. That is the pro-
posal before you.

BiLLETiN of Oct. 23, 1950, p. 651.

As you know, the Assembly adopted the Uniting
for Peace Resolution, and shortly thereafter it
met the challenge of a Soviet veto in the Korean
situation by exercising its powers of recommenda-
tion. Thus the existence of the veto in the
Security Council has not prevented the United
Nations from acting as an instrument of collective
security.

Riglit of Seif-Defense

Another crucial development at San Francisco
made it clear that the charter does not have the
effect of impairing the sovereign right of self-
defense. I refer to the foresight of Senator
Vandenberg, strongly backed by the American
States, in securing the insertion in the charter of
article 51. This provides that

Nothing in the . . . Charter shall impair the inherent
right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed
attack occurs. . . .

U.S. Mutual Defense Treaties

This recognition that a commitment to refrain
from the use of force is subject to the reservation
that force may be used in self-defense is an essen-
tial basis for the security treaties which the United
States has made since World War II and the sign-
ing of the charter. The other essential basis is
continuing recognition of the responsibility of the
United Nations for the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security.

These treaties have not only the object of pro-
tecting United States security by combining the
strength of free nations to resist armed aggression,
but to make that aggression less likely by giving
advance notice of the interests of the United States
and its determination to protect those interests.
Miscalculations as to the intentions of the United
States no doubt contributed to the launching of
both World Wars. No longer will a prospective
aggressor be likely to make a similar miscalcula-
tion. The Monroe Doctrine is the outstanding
example of a successful United States policy based
on a clear declaration of United States interests
and intentions.

These treaties are made within the framework
of the United Nations Charter and serve to
strengthen it. They bind the parties to them to
settle international disputes by peaceful means
and to refrain in their international relations from
the threat or use of force in any way inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations. All

Ocfofaer 24, 7955

649

measures taken under the treaties are to be re-
ported at once to the Security Council and are to
be terminated when the Security Council has
taken the necessary action.

I do not believe it is generally recognized how
extensive, both as to parties and territories, these
treaties are.

First, in 1947 there was the Inter-American
Treaty of Eeciprocal Assistance between the 21
American States. This treaty for the self-defense
of the Western Hemisphere made the Monroe
Doctrine mutual, where before it had been a uni-
lateral policy of the United States. In tliis treaty
it was agreed that an armed attack against an
American State "shall be considered as an attack
against all the American States," and each one
agreed to assist in meeting the attack.

Two years later, in 1949, the North Atlantic
Treaty was signed, designed to secure the North
Atlantic community against the Communist
threat. Its 15 parties agree that an armed attack
against one or more in Europe or North America
shall be considered an attack against them all.
Earlier this year the Federal Republic of Ger-
many, on regaining its sovereignty, acceded to
this treaty.

Then came tlie series of treaties in the Pacific
designed to provide mutual security for the free
nations in that area.

First was the treaty with the Pliilippines in
August 1951, followed soon after by the Anzus
Treaty with Australia and New Zealand. In
these, each of the parties recognizes that an anned
attack against a treaty member would be dangerous
to its own peace and safety and declares that it
will act to meet the common danger in accordance
with its constitutional processes.

Wlien the Japanese Peace Treaty was signed in
1951, the United States and Japan agi-eed by
treaty on measures for the security of that area of
the Pacific.

In October 1953, following the Korean Armi-
stice, the United States and Korea entei'ed into a
mutual defense treaty.

In 1954, following the Geneva conference on
Korean unification and Indochina, and after the
aggressive intentions of the Communist movement
in Southeast Asia were recognized as a menace to
all the free nations having interests in that area,
the Manila Pact was signed. In it, eight nations,
including the Asian nations of Pakistan, Thailand,
and the Philippines, recognized that armed attack

against any of the parties would endanger the
peace and safety of all the others. In the case of
the United States, the armed attack was identified
in the treaty as Communist aggression.

In December of 1954 the United States signed a
mutual defense treaty with the Republic of China.

These treaties constitute a system for the mutual
defense of the free world against armed aggression
and particularly Communist aggression, without
precedent in history. The beneficial effect of the
North Atlantic Treaty has already been demon-
strated. The stabilizing effect of the others is al-
ready evident. They constitute a solid backing of
the United Nations Charter.'

Peace by Agreement

Wlien asked what I would talk about today, I
suggested "Peace by Agreement." That is the
description I would apply to the entire complex of
bilateral and multilateral treaties by wliich the
world community has tried to move forward by
agreeing that aggressive warfare is no longer legal
under international law. It is a lawyer's approach.

We have seen how the Covenant of the League
and the solemn assm-ances of the Kellogg-Briand
Pact were disregarded in World War II. We
have witnessed the action of the United Nations in
applying sanctions against aggi'ession in Korea.
We have witnessed the attempts of like-minded
nations to insure the peace by mutual security
treaties within the framework of the United Na-
tions Charter.

The charter of the United Nations f urnislies the
broadest and most comprehensive juridical basis
for maintaining the peace and for collective secu-
rity that the world has ever seen. The system of
mutual security treaties to which the United
States is a party reaffirms the principles of the
charter and reinforces its provisions outlawing

The Sanction of World Opinion

We would be naive to tliink that peace can be
assured by words of agi'eement. Behind those
words there must be good faith, and resolution,
and dedication to the cause of peace. It behooves
us all to add our moral and matei-ial supjwrt to
these efforts to preserve the peace.

International law has been described as law

' For a map illustrating these security arrangements, see
ibid., Mar. 21, 1955, p. 478.

650

Department of State Bulletin

without a constitution. In the absence of effective
juridical sanctions, world opinion — aptly de-
scribed in the Declaration of Independence as "a
decent respect to the opinions of mankind" —

remains the most effective means of preventing ag-
gressive war. In the formation of this opinion,
we as lawyers, dedicated to the rule of law, bear a
heavy responsibility.

Washington Old Hall, Symbol of British-American Kinship

hy Winthrop W. Aldrich
Ambassador to Great Britain^

The ground on which we stand today has a
unique jilace in the history of the English-speak-
ing peoples. It marks the origin of the family
name of Washington — a name which George
Washington, the first President of the United
States, centuries later was to make so illustrious.

As you know, William de Hertburne around the
year 1180 acquired this village and in accordance
with the custom of the day obtained the right to
the place-name as a family name. Either he or
his son — the records are not clear on this point —
therefore adopted the title William de Wessing-
ton, and his spelling in time became "Washington."

George Washington's earliest traceable ances-
tors were lords of this manor and lived in this vei-y
house for 2 centuries during the Middle Ages;
other branches of the family lived here for 450
years. Wlien we consider that part of the original
house built by William is here before our eyes
today, we must conclude that, if the Washingtons
were remarkable for nothing else, they would be
remarkable for their ability to confer an apparent
immortality on their homes. They did not con-
fine this gift of building for the ages just to their
homes. Another distinguished member of the
family, John Washington, who was Prior of the
Cathedral Church of Durham from 1416 to 1446,
is recorded as having be«n the most prodigious
builder, repairer, and restorer the Cathedral ever
had. The cloisters which he built are still there
and, since they have the Washington touch, I do
not doubt that they will stand forever. We have

'Address made at ceremonies marking the restoration
of Washington Old Hall at Washington, Coimty of Dur-
ham, on Sept. 28.

only to think of Sulgrave Manor, Mount Vernon,
and many other ancestral homes of the Washing-
tons to be reminded again of the permanence of
their mark.

The mark of the Washingtons survives in
another striking way which is little known even
in America. The family coat of arms is impressed
on a leaden seal attached to a deed of sale dated
1376 which may be seen today in the library of
Durham Cathedral. The Washington arms were
carved on nearby Hylton Castle as early as 1250,
when a member of the family married a Hylton.
The carving is still there, showing a shield with
three stars and two stripes, surmounted by an
eagle with lifted wings. Who can resist the con-
jecture that here at Washington Old Hall is the
true origin of the Stars and Stripes and the
Great Seal of the United States Government?

Perhaps it is only coincidence that the family
home of Martha Washington in Virginia was
known as the "White House" — the identical name
which was subsequently chosen for the official
residence of our Presidents — but it is surely more
than coincidence that the Washington arms com-
bined the stars and stripes and the eagle, 21/^ cen-
turies before America was even discovered and
5 centuries before it became a nation.

As a patriotic monument, this first house of
the first Washington has unrivaled significance
and importance for present and future genera-
tions of Americans. It is surely fitting that the
flag which was seen by the dawn's early light
should now float proudly over this historic build-
ing. Indeed, the people of this ancient village
of Washington have already established a prece-
dent. For years they have appropriately dis-

Ocfober 24, J 955

651

played the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack
side by side in the local school.

I say that this is fitting because the people of
this country and the people of America have never
parted company in certain fundamental respects,
and there appears to be no likelihood that we
ever will. Despite our political separation, we are
still a community of like-minded peoples. We
have the same love of liberty, respect for human
rights, and belief in a law of common justice.
Both for ourselves and others, we believe in a
government deriving its power fi'om the consent
of the governed and free of unwarranted external
interference. In the principles inspiring the con-
duct of our domestic and foreign affairs, we are
deeply akin, and in seeking the peace, freedom,
and prosperity of the world, we are closely allied.

It is natural that British and Americans should
have joined hands in preserving Washington Old
Hall from destruction and in giving it a new lease
on life. Both England and colonial America
played a part in shaping the character and
achievements of George Washington, and the
people of both our countries are his heirs. In him
we see clearly this blending that makes us kin.

George Washington was a fourth-generation
American (counting his great-gi-andfather John,
who arrived in 1657) and the third generation
to be born in America. Though George's gi-and-
f ather and his father came to England for school-
ing, George himself did not. His formal schooling
ended when he was 16, and his real education was
obtained chiefly outdoors from practical men,
learning how to grow tobacco, raise stock, and
run plantations. He taught himself a good deal
of mathematics and at 14 was already an able
surveyor. He became a surveyor for a number
of his youthful years, and the work took him
far and wide into still undeveloped regions. He
gained from this travel a knowledge of the rich-
ness of that new continent and the desire, which
never diminished, to see it opened up, populated,
and made fruitful. In working as a surveyor for
Lord Fairfax, who came to America to benefit
from his vast landholdings in Virginia, George
Washington profited from the contact with that
cultivated man of fine maimers and taste. But
George himself was not just a transplanted Eng-
lishman, though his English heritage ran strongly
in him. He was something new — a blend — a new
combination. He was a colonial American re-
sponding to the vital influence of a vast new land

which inevitably shaped the people who struggled
to master it.

In common with most of the leading men of
colonial America, George Washington identified
himself and his country with the English Crown
and had argument only against what he consid-
ered the harsh and unjust actions of the King and
his ministers. He was reluctant to accept the step
of political separation, and only did so when con-
vinced that the destiny of America and its people
required separation. His greatness then ap-
peared. His character, poise, courage, and solid
judgment pulled together all dissident elements
and formed the rallying point for the shaping of
a new nation.

He saw clearly the imperative need of a strong
union of the Thirteen Colonies and by the sheer
force of his convictions carried witli him the con-
vention that was framing the Constitution of the
United States. In reply to those who advocated a
weak instrument, he said, "Let us raise a standard
to which the wise and honest can repair ; the event
is in tlie hands of God." The standard was raised,
and he was unanimously elected the first Presi-
dent to hold it aloft. He held it high and
strengthened its position, never ceasing to advo-
cate a more perfect union and himself helping to
give it lasting substance.

I said a moment ago that we are all the heirs of
George Washington. We are, in too many ways to
describe, but we are particularly his heirs as peo-
ple who cherish freedom. In the North Atlantic
community, we too have raised a standard to
which the wise and honest can repair for the
presei-vation of the peace and freedom of the
entire world.

Washington Old Hall, therefore, will be more
than a community center for the people of this
village and a memorial to the gi-eat man whose
lifeline traces back to this English soil. It will be
a living symbol of the continuing unity of char-
acter and purpose of the English-speaking
peoples.

We owe a debt of gratitude to those who have
preserved this historic building.

In the year 1613, just 44 years before John
Washington and his brother Augustine emigrated
to America, Washington Old Hall passed back
into the possession of the Bishop of Durham.
The Bishop pulled down part of the house to build
a new one of the original materials but left much
of the original structure intact. After passing

652

Department of Slate Bulletin

subsequently through many hands, the house was
converted in 1896 into tenement dwellings. By
1934 it had deteriorated so badly that it was con-
demned and ordered to be demolished. But
though the honored association of this ancient
house with the Washington family had been for-
gotten by everyone else, it had not been forgotten
by the people of this village.

The village schoolmaster, Fred Hill, led a move-
ment to preserve this historic building, and Wash-
ingtonians of Durham County gave enough money
to buy the house, though the cost of restoring it
was beyond local resources. In 1936, the Viscount
Gort, Deputy Lieutenant of the County, organized
a restoration committee and got some of the resto-
ration accomplished. I can only marvel at the
Viscount Gort's determination. World War II
halted the project for many years but left the en-
thusiasm of Lord Gort and his committee un-
diminished. Several years ago, on a trip to Ameri-
ca, Lord Gort enlisted the interest and support of
the American and British Commonwealth Associ-
ation, whose chairman, Charles Smnner Bird, is
with us today. Additional contributing patrons
were then obtained on both sides of the Atlantic,
with the result that we see here now.

It has not yet been determined whether Wash-
ington Old Hall should be put into the hands of
the National Trust or under the Sulgrave Manor
Trustees, but with either arrangement the future
of the building will be assured.

What that future holds is symbolized by the
fact that we have in our midst at this very moment
Colonel Webster, representing the Governor of
New York State, with a contingent of the Wash-
ington Greys — ^the original bodyguard of General
George Washington — who made the trip over
from America for this occasion.

Their presence here occasions no alarm. On the
contrary, it reminds us — as does that of the Ameri-
can troops stationed in Britain — that this nation
and mine are joined indissolubly together with
other free nations in the determination to preserve
our way of life, a purpose which derives its
greatest strength from the friendship and alliance
of the British and American peoples.

We could find no more perfect meeting place to
rededicate ourselves to a future of freedom and
friendship than this first home of the first Wash-
ington.

Visit of Foreign Minister
of Portugal

Press release 598 dated October 10

The Foreign Minister of Portugal, Dr. Paulo
Cunha, has accepted the invitation of the Secre-
tary of State to make an official visit to Washing-
ton from November 30 through December 2.

During these 3 days the Foreign Minister will
exchange views with the Secretary of State and
other United States officials on current aspects of
American-Poi-tuguese i-elations and matters of
mutual interest to both countries.

U.S. Welcomes Iran's Adherence
to ''Northern Tier" Pact

Press release 605 dated October 12

The United States welcomes the decision of Iran
to adhere to the Pact of Mutual Cooperation
signed at Baghdad by Iraq and Turkey on Feb-
ruary 24, 1955, and subsequently adhered to by
Pakistan and also by the United Kingdom.

Iran's decision to adliere to the Baghdad Pact
is further evidence of the desire and ability of
nations of the Middle East to develop regional
arrangements for collective self-defense within
the framework of the charter of the United
Nations.

The drawing together of the "northern tier" na-
tions of the Middle East is a normal development
which should promote peace, stability, and well-
being in the area. In no respect can this natural
association be deemed hostile or threatening or
directed against any other nation.

The United States has had a longstanding in-
terest in the territorial integrity and sovereign
independence of Iran. That has been amply
demonstrated in the past. That interest remains
a cardinal feature of U.S. policy and assures that
the United States will not waver in its demon-
strated purpose to assist Iran and other free na-
tions which are making their own determined
efforts to achieve defensive strength and economic
and social progress.

Ocfober 24, 7955

363756 — 55 3

653

The'lmportance of Trade in Inter-American Relations

iy Henry F. Holland

Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs^

In the world today there are a number of broad
basic developments wliich command our attention
and which will affect the future of mankind.

In Europe millions of people have largely re-
paired the destruction of the last war. In Asia
and Africa coimtless millions of people are com-
mitted to the arduous work of laying the foun-
dations for stable governments and national
economies.

Those nations in the bondage of international
communism are demonstrating the futility of an
economic and political system which after more
than 35 years of testing still cannot function with-
out slave labor and a disregard for the freedom
and lives of millions of people.

In many ways the brightest and most hoj^eful
area of the world today is Latin America. The
strength and resources of its nations have not
been wasted by war. The progress they have
achieved in the past is largely intact to support
further advancement. They are free to devote
their national energies overwhelmingly to build-
ing the future. Our joint defense system rests
largely on the forces of the United States and
relieves the other American Republics of the bur-
den of maintaining large independent military
establishments. The early disheartening stages
through which much of Asia and Africa is passing
and where each measure of progress requires vast
effort lie far behind Latin America. Millions of
their men and women have acquired advanced
tecluiical, scientific, and professional skills. In-
numerable industrial establishments exist. No
country is without means of communication, and,
in some, extensively developed systems exist. Do-

' Address made before the National Coffee Association
at San Francisco, Calif., on Oct. 10 (press release 593
dated Oct. 6).

mestic and international trade reflect generations
of experience.

But the most notable feature of this vast area,
and perhaps one of the most exciting develop-
ments of our time, is the fact that its 174 millions
of people are seized with a burning determination
to surpass their previous achievements. They are
eager to progress with giant strides toward the
modern and stable economies they know can be
achieved with the human and natural resources
available to them. Our relations with this area
will be profoundly affected by the extent to which
its governments and peoples are convinced that
the attainment of this objective can be facilitated
by close cooperation with the United States.

They recognize, of course, as we do, that the
overwhelming burden of performance in achiev-
ing their objectives, just as the credit for achieve-
ment, lies with the governments and peoples of
Latin America. There are many ways, however,
in wliich we can complement what they are doing
and at the same time advance our own proper
interests.

Our Government can give its greatest help to
Latin American economic development by sup-
porting policies which are directed toward the
expansion of inter-American trade. Fortunately,
that benefits us as well. Wliether we like it or
not, we must recognize tliat the economic and
political stability of a munber of our sister repub-
lics depends upon their continued access to United
States markets for the goods they traditionally
export to us. The industries that produce these
products are usually among the strongest in the
country. They represent the livelihood of tens
of thousands of people. They produce a substan-
tial part, at times the majority, of the govern-
ment's tax income.

654

Department of State Bulletin

Latin America depends on the United States
to supply the capital equipment and many man-
ufactured and agricultural products necessary for
economic stability and progress. These must be
paid for in dollars, dollars that must be earned by
exporting to the United States market. The
coffee-producing countries earn a large part of
their dollar exchange through the sale of coffee
to the United States. Venezuela earns 95 per-
cent of its foreign exchange through the sale of
petroleum products, about 40 percent of which
are sold to us. We could extend these figures to
include the importance of sugar to the Cuban
economy, copper to that of Chile, tin to Bolivia,
and other similar examples.

The power to cripple the economy of another
country by a tariff increase or the imposition of a
quota reduction places a grave responsibility on
the United States Government. On the one hand
we must face the fact that, if it is important to
the United States that there be economic and
political stability in Latin America, we must pro-
tect her existing access to our markets. Our Gov-
ernment, on the other hand, is under constant
pressure from our domestic producers to place
competitive foreign products at a disadvantage.
This is understandable.

I fully realize that oirr first responsibility is to
our own citizens and our primary objective must
be to keep our own economy strong. I realize,
too, that a policy of expanding inter-American
trade may affect adversely the sales of our pro-
ducers of competitive products. Nevertheless, I
am convinced that such a policy is clearly in the
greater national interest. In the first place, these
Latin American imports do not hurt our national
economy. They help it. It is true that, when we
let Cuba sell a ton of sugar in the United States
market, it means that our own sugar producers
may sell one ton less than if we had excluded that
Cuban ton. But the money the Cuban exporter
earns through the sale of his ton comes back to
the United States and represents that much more
that some United States manufacturer or farmer
producing for export will sell in the Cuban mar-
ket. The decrease in one United States producer's
domestic sales is offset by an increase in the value
of some other producer's sales for export.

The benefits of a policy of expanding inter-
American trade are important to every one of us.
First, that trade is worth about $31^ billion a
year to our exportere. It means a great many

thousands of jobs to our workmen. We export
more to Latin America than we do to Canada or
to Europe, more than to Asia and Oceania com-
bined. Second, as I have said, it marks the dif-
ference between chaos and stability to many of
our sister republics. It lends the strongest pos-
sible support to private enterprise in those coim-
tries, and it is upon private enterprise that the
future of Latin America depends. Let us not for-
get, either, that 30 percent of those products that
we buy from the other American Republics are
produced by our own investors in the area.

President Eisenliower has affirmed again and
again that it is the policy of this Government to
encourage international trade. I believe that we
can point with considerable satisfaction not only
to past actions wliich we have taken to fulfill that
policy but to actions now contemplated which
would advance it even further. As you may recall,
the President requested and was given authority
by the past session of the Congi-ess to negotiate
with other countries for a further reciprocal re-
duction of tariffs and other barriers to trade.
We are now making preparation within the exec-
utive branch to use that authority in negotiations
that are expected to be held in Geneva begiiming
next January.^ In accordance with our custom-
ary practice, the negotiations will be conducted
within the framework of the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade in which many of the Latin
American countries, as well as other countries,
will participate. The President has also asked
that Congress at its next session approve United
States membership in the Organization for Trade
Cooperation,^ which is needed to assure more or-
derly consideration of trade problems arising be-
tween nations. Membership in such an organi-
zation would be of special importance to the
United States as one of the great trading nations
of the world.

Maintaining a policy of encouraging interna-
tional trade is, however, far from easy. You are
familiar with the strong efforts which have been
made at one time or another during recent years
to reduce the imports of petrolemn products,
whose sale in our markets is vital to the economy
of Venezuela. You recall the efforts to restrict
sugar imports, which are so important to Cuba,
to the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Peru. A
determined effort was made to raise the tariff on

" Bui-LETiN of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 507.

' Ibid., Apr. 4, 1955, p. 579, and Apr. 25, 1955, p. 678.

Ocfober 24, 1955

655

lead and zinc, which are of basic importance to
the economies of Mexico and Peru, and to impose
quotas on imports of tung oil, an important ex-
port of Argentina and Paraguay. There have
been a number of similar cases. Since the Presi-
dent's policy was annomiced, the executive branch
and the Congress have declined to reduce the
existing access that each of these vital Latin
American exports has in our markets. No one
can foresee what will happen in the future. One
thing is certain, however. Further efforts will be
made to restrict existing levels of imports from
Latin America. Some may succeed. The out-
come in each case will be largely controlled, as it
has been in the past, by the interest that the voters
of the United States show in preserving our inter-
American trade.

Problems Concerning Coffee

I should like now to discuss, in the context of
our trade relations with the other American Re-
publics, some problems which may be emerging in
coffee. Coffee occupies a unique position in inter-
American trade. It is by far the most important
commodity in our trade relations with the other
American Republics. It therefore has a signifi-
cance in our relations with the coffee-producing
countries and in economic, social, and political
conditions within those countries which is much
greater than that of any other commodity.

I am alwaj's thankful when the issues can be
classified as "problems" rather than "crises" and
we can take time to view them objectively. There
is no coffee crisis at the moment, so far as I am
aware. Prices have held within the 50-60 cent
price range for a number of months now. Con-
sumption appears to be rising. The recent Bra-
zilian frost, unfortunate as it was, has made the
threat of a heavy surplus, which troubled the
producing countries this sj^ring, less serious for
the current year. Consumers suspect that prices
are higher than they should be, but they are buy-
ing. Producers are hoping that prices will im-
prove, but they are selling. There are no head-
lines— no boycotts — no bankruptcies — and we can
discuss the situation in general terms.

I want you to know that we who work in the
Government realize that the coffee industry is
important in the domestic economy and that the
livelihood of many people depends upon it. We
know that 17 million bags were imported last year

and that imports totaled almost $1.5 billion in
value. We know that roasting that quantity of
coffee is big business, too — that it requires many
workers and a heavy investment of capital and
involves the possibility of heavy losses. We are
aware of the vast distributing network of whole-
salers and chainstores and small retail merchants,
all of whom depend, in some degree, on coffee for
their net profit. We are interested in seeing the
coffee industry grow, on a sound basis, and we
try to keep abreast of developments which affect it.

We are also very much aware of the importance
of coffee in the economies of the producing coun-
tries. Last year 84 percent of Colombia's total
exchange receipts came from coffee ; 88 percent of
the value of El Salvador's exports, 77 percent of
Guatemala's, and 61 percent of Brazil's were ac-
counted for by coffee alone. In such countries
coffee is the barometer for the whole economy —
it affects retail sales, credit, wages, and it is also
the most important single factor in our foreign
relations.

The State Department, like Janus in Roman
mythology, must face in both directions and try
to see each problem in full perspective, from the
standpoint of each of the domestic interests in-
volved and also from the standpoint of the for-
eign countries with which we trade.

Divergence of Domestic Interests

Often there is a divergence of interest even
within the domestic industry. For example, the
question of embargoing imports of soluble coffee
has been under discussion recently. Some domes-
tic mterests favor it, some do not. Firms which
have made a substantial investment in equipment
to produce soluble coffee here at home fear that
the coffee-producing countries have a natural ad-
vantage and will in time displace them unless re-
strictions are placed on imports of soluble coffee.
They urge that such steps be taken quickly in
order to forestall construction of plants abroad
and minimize complaints fi'om the producing
countries that we are damaging their trade.

There are other domestic firms, however, which
have an interest in developing soluble plants
abroad and which are providing capital or know-
how or both, and these firms would probably op-
pose any restrictions on imports.

Consumers also have an interest in the problem,
although it is not yet fully apparent where their

656

Department of State Bulletin

interest may lie. They want to buy at the lowest
price possible, assuming equivalence of quality.
But until competition materializes it is difficult to
know where the product can be produced most eco-
nomically. This, of course, is not a problem which
the Department could consider in the abstract; it
has no authority to restrict imports and would be
asked to take a position only if restrictive legis-
lation should be introduced into Congress. But
if that should be done, and the Department's views
should be asked, it would have to consider the in-
terests of groups outside, as well as within, the
coffee industry — the interests of our export trade,
for example, and the effect which such restric-
tions might have on our relations with the govern-
ments of the coffee-producing countries. The alle-
gation is often made in the less developed coun-
tries that the United States is interested in them
only as a source of raw materials and as a market
for our finished products. Action on our part
which gives support to this view has a very direct
bearing on the extent to which this Government
can expect those other governments to continue
their cooperation with us.

Because of such broad considerations of national
interest, it has been the policy of this Government,
in general, to keep trade restrictions to a mini-
mum, in the belief that an expanding foreign trade
is in the best interests of the country as a whole.
Our export trade is constantly threatened with
the erection of tariff barriers or the imposition of
quantitative restrictions by foreign countries.
This is especially true in those areas of the world
that are industrializing. This includes the cofl'ee-
producing countries of Latin America. To the
extent that the United States follows a similar
course of action, it undermines its own position in
protecting its export trade.

The United States has consistently opposed the
use of quantitative restrictions by other countries
as a protective device against United States prod-
ucts and has itself, in general, followed a policy
of avoiding import quotas and prohibitions for
protective purposes. Provisions limiting the use
of quantitative restrictions have been included in
trade agreements to which the United States is a
party. For example, the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade, to which the United States and
34 other countries are parties, contains in article
XI a general prohibition against the use of quan-
titative restrictions on imports or exports.

A similar problem is that relating to the con-

signment of coffee by agencies of foreign govern-
ments for sale in the United States. Some of our
coffee importers are opposed to this practice. An
increase in sales on government consignment
would result in a parallel decline in the business
of private importers. However, the importers' in-
terest is not necessarily the same as that of the
roaster, in this instance, or of the consumer. On
a falling market the importer tends to hold off
buying, fearing that prices may decline further
and that if he maintains normal inventories he
may be faced with a loss. Inventories may even
fall to levels which are dangerously low from the
standpoint of maintaining a normal flow of coffee
through distribution channels. Foreign govern-
ments which enter coffee on consignment may
he]p to keep inventories in the consuming country
at a level which will maximize the flow of coffee
into consumption.

This divergence of interest within the coffee in-
dustry was highlighted during the recent dock
strike, when the Colombian Coffee Federation was
able to release a considerable quantity of coffee
held on consignment in New York and thus re-
lieve a tight spot-market situation which could
have caused serious inconvenience to roasters and
consumers if the strike had been prolonged.

Quite aside from the possible conflict of inter-
ests within the domestic trade on this question of
coffee consignments, there is a more general ques-
tion which the State Department has to consider.
That is the implication for our overall trade pol-
icy of undertaking to limit consignments by gov-
ernment entities. If individuals may ship on
consignment, there would be no basis, under pres-
ent international agreements, for denying state
trading enterprises access to our markets on the
same conditions. It would be very difficult to
justify restrictive measures to the goveriunents of
coffee-producing countries on the grounds that
consignment sales are detrimental to the interests
of certain dealers in the United States unless it
could be demonstrated that the practice affects the
consiuner's interest adversely, as well.

Proposed Coffee Agreement

Another chronic problem of the coffee industry
is price instability. During the depression of the
1930's and throughout the last war, prices were
very low and producing interests suffered. The
abrupt price increases in 1950 and 1954 were re-

Ocfober 24, 1955

657

sented by consitmers and cut into the business of
dealers and distributors. We can agree, I believe,
that no branch of the industry benefits from vio-
lent fluctuations in price. But when we consider
how to moderate price changes, there is, again, a
divergence of interests. One method which has
been proposed is an international commodity
agreement.

Our Government is now a party to two such
agreements. However, as you know, we do not
feel that our participation in them is always the
best solution to the problem of price instability.
Such agreements tend to introduce rigidities and
restraints that impair the elasticity of economic
adjustment and the freedom of individual initia-
tive which are fimdamental to economic progress.
This does not mean that we minimize the impor-
tance of the problem. On the contrary, we are
actively participating in a study group, under the
auspices of the Organization of American States,
which is making a study of the world coffee situa-
tion and of the possibilities of adopting measures
of international cooperation which might reduce
the range of coffee price fluctuation. As you
know, some of the Latin American producing
comitries have been trying independently to reach
accord on the framework of an international
agreement among producers which would have
the effect of stabilizing prices.

Most of the i^ressure for a coffee agreement
comes, naturally enough, from the producers. A
stable price is more important to them than to
trader or consumer groups because of the long-
term capital investment involved. If a stable price
is important to the wheat farmer, who can decide
each year what he will plant for the following sea-
son, it is obviously even more important to the
coffee producer, who does not harvest his first crop
until 4 years after he has made his initial invest-
ment in new trees and who expects to amortize that
investment over a period of 25 years or more.

We undertake, on a national basis, to assure a
minimum price to our producers of a number of
annual crops. Of course, we cannot control the
actions of other governments, but in any event,
in view of our own price stabilization programs,
we could not disagree in principle if the coffee-
producing countries try to accomplish the same
objective, as long as the actions they contemplate
would not hurt consumers in this country.

Most coffee producers recognize, I believe, after
the experience of the past few years, that if they

attempt to hold prices at too high a level they may
lose, through a reduction in volume of sales, all
that they might have gained through a higher
price. They are aware, too, of the impetus which
a high price is likely to give to new production, |
and that maintenance of such a price would ac- "
cordingly be self-defeating in the long run. The
United States will wish to study with great care
any proposals which may be put forward on this
subject and also to study carefully any alternative
measures which might be taken for improving the
coffee situation by such means as more effective
facilities to forecast supply and demand and by
a vigorous promotional program to increase con-
sumption.

This question of a coffee agreement is typical
of the problems which come up to the Government
for policy decisions. I have gone into some detail
in discussing the ramifications of the problems in
order to emphasize the wide divergence of inter-
ests involved and the many factoi-s which have
to be considered. I know it seems to the business-
man that the Washington bureaucrat takes an in-
ordinate amount of time in coming to a decision
on anything. However, as you may see, it is not
always easy to determine what is in the public
interest. And if at any time you men in the coffee
trade have views on the subject, I can assure you
that we are glad to receive them and that they will
be given most careful consideration.

May I, in closing, thank you for the opportvmity
to appear on your program. Your invitation is
another example of the continuing effort on the
part of officers of your association to facilitate a
reciprocal flow of information and views between
the association and the government departments
and agencies interested in coffee with a view to
fostering an increased understanding and appre-
ciation of mutual problems on the part of all par-
ties concerned.

"Dual Citizens" Warned of
Possible Loss of Citizenship

Press release 603 dated October 12

The State Department on October 12 warned
American citizens who hold dual citizenship in
another country and who have voluntarily claimed
citizenship benefits of any foreign country that
they are in danger of losing their American

658

Department of State Bulletin

citizenship unless they meet the requirements of
the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act before
December 24, 1955.

A "dual citizen" is a person who was born in
the United States of foreigii parents or born
abroad of American parents and who thus holds
citizenship in the United States and another
country at the same time.

The danger of loss of citizenship comes through
failure of such a "dual citizen" living abroad in
the country of which he is a dual to appear before
a U.S. diplomatic or consular ofScial to take an
oath of allegiance to the United States before De-
cember 24, 1955, and to show that his reasons for
such foreign residence for three years continu-
ously after age 22 was for one of the reasons
provided in the law which will exempt him from
the loss of his U.S. citizenship.

These reasons are :

Is an employee of the U.S. Government.

Is receiving compensation from the U.S. Government
on account of disability incurred in its service.

Is representing an American educational, scientific,
philanthropic, commercial, financial, or business organi-
zation having its principal oflBce in the United States, or
a religious organization having an ofBce and representa-
tive iu the United States, or an international agency of
official character in vi'hich the United States participates
and from which the dual citizen receives compensation.

Is prevented from returning to the United States by 111
health of himself, a parent, his spouse, or child, or by the
death of a parent, spouse, or child.

Is pursuing a full course of study of a specialized
character or attending full time a school above the grade
of preparatory. (This exception must be limited to 5
years foreign residence.)

Is witi his spouse or parent who is a U. S. citizen and
who is residing abroad for one of the above reasons.

Is the spouse or child of an American citizen by birth
who had his residence in the United States for at least
10 years while under the age of 21, if the citizen con-
cerned lives abroad in order to be with such spouse or
parent.

Certain categories of veterans of the Spanish-American

War or of World Wars I and II, together with their
spouses, children, or dependent parents.

Those carrying on a commercial enterprise which will
benefit American commerce directly or substantially in
the view of the Secretary of State.

Those carrying on scientific research on behalf of an
institution accredited by the Secretary of State and which
is beneficial directly and substantially to the interests of
the United States.

Those engaged in work under such unique circumstances
as may be determined by the Secretary of State to be
directly and substantially beneficial to the United States.

A dual citizen who has resided in the United
States for 25 years after age 18 and who began
his residence outside the United States after age
60 is not affected.

A dual national who claims a benefit of a for-
eign state after December 24, 1952, is given 3
years to take an oath of allegiance to the United
States. Thus a person who obtained a passport,
identity card, or other official document from the
foreign country on January 10, 1954, would have
until January 9, 1957, to take the steps necessary
to preserve his American citizensliip.

If a person has been coerced into seeking or
claiming a benefit of the nationality of a foreign
state — when forced, for example, to obtain an
identity card by governmental decree having the
force of law — such action is not considered volun-
tary. A benefit sought or claimed xmder the mis-
taken belief that the law required it, however, is
not considered an involuntary act.

Most of the principal nations of the world ob-
serve the "rule of the blood," which means, for
example, that a child born of a French couple in
the United States is considered by France to be a
French citizen. Since the United States observes
both the "rule of the blood" and the "rule of the
soil," this child is considered by the United States
to be a citizen of the United States — in this case
a dual citizen of both France and the United
States.

October 24, 1955

659

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy

Following is the text of a statement made hy
Senator John O. Pastore, U.S. representative to
the General Assemhly, on October 7 in Committee
I {Political and Security) , together with texts of a
draft resolution cosponsored hy the United States
and of the draft statute of the proposed Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency.

STATEMENT BY SENATOR PASTORE

U.S. delegation press release 2218 dated October 7

Before beginning my formal remarks I want
to say how deliglited I am to be in this environ-
ment and to serve in the presence of so many dis-
tinguished representatives of the family of na-
tions. Tliis is a new experience for me, yet I
am no stranger to the atmosphere and the ob-
jectives of the United Nations. As a United
States Senator, as a member of the Joint Com-
mittee on Atomic Energy of tlie United States
Congress, and before then as the chief executive
of my own State of Rhode Island, I have always
believed that, with all of the inadequacies and
deficiencies that might be attendant on an agency
trusted with the solution of so many vexing and
troublesome world problems, the United Nations,
in this atomic age, is the one remaining hope where
men of good will can meet in open forum, honestly
and frankly discuss their problems, and make in
good conscience the compromises which will lead
to common understanding and bring peace to
ourselves and to our children.

Three dates have assumed great significance for
the United Nations and for mankind.

On December 8, 1953, the President of the
United States, in an address before the General
Assembly, pledged the United States "to help
solve the fearful atomic dilemma — to devote its
entire heart and mind to find the way by which
the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be
dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life."

In an effort to lead the world "out of fear and
into peace," he proposed international cooperation
in developing peaceful applications of the atom,
particularly the establishment of an International
Atomic Energy Agency.

On December 4, 1954, this Assembly imani-
mously adopted a resolution endorsing efforts to
establish an International Atomic Energy Agency
and decided to convene the international teclinical
conference.

On August 8, 1955, this international conference
was convened in Geneva.

During the period covered by these three dates,
we have seen the dawn of a new era. We have
hastened the day when fear of the atom will dis-
appear and be replaced by confidence in our mas-
tery of its immense potential for improving con-
ditions of life for all mankind.

Already we have charted a new channel of
peaceful discussion. We have embarked on a new
approach to one of the most difficult problems that
must be solved if, as President Eisenhower said,
"the world is to shake off' the inertia imposed by
fear, and is to make positive progress toward
peace."

Here is a great opportunity for the great pow-
ers to cooperate in a project dedicated to human
aspirations.

International Conference on Peaceful Uses

The international conference, concluded so suc-
cessfully at Geneva, was an important milestone
in this new era. The conference was unique in
several respects. It was, as noted by its President,
Dr. [Homi J.] Bhabha, the eminent scientist of
India, the largest conference "ever organized by
the U.N." Indeed, it was i:>robably the largest
scientific conference ever held anywhere in the
world.

But this was more than a scientific conference;
it was an experiment in re-creating an open world.

660

Department of Stale Bulletin

Men of genius of many nations were bi'ought to-
gether to exchange the fruits of more than 10
years of relatively isolated efforts. It was held
in a spirit of cooperation which we hope will be
as lasting in its influence as the actual exchange
of scientific information that took place.

The Secretary-General, in his report,^ has noted
that there was an absence of "politics." It is some-
what unusual that an absence of politics should be
significant in a scientific conference. But in the
difficult era from which we are now emerging, it
is significant as proof of the possibility of coopera-
tion among all powers, great and small.

Everyone associated with the conference, from
the hardworking United Nations Secretariat to
the distinguished scientists of the 73 participating
nations, deserves credit for its tremendous success.

Although it dealt largely with the promise of
the future, the conference brought to light a num-
ber of important developments which are realities
of the present. One of these is atomic-power gen-
eration. The participants had an opportunity to
hear and read surveys on the world's estimated
future energy requirements. They stressed the
need for new sources of energy and explored the
contribution that nuclear energy might make to
satisfy all of these future needs. The conference
put into better perspective the actual prospects for
nuclear power and showed what remains to be done
to realize these pi'ospects. It made clear that,
while atomic power will not cure all of the world's
problems, it will become a major source of energy,
particularly in areas of the world where the costs
of conventional fuels are still high. In some areas
of the world conventional power will continue to
be more economical for many years to come, and
this, of course, is especially true in my own
country.

The practical utilization of atomic energy for
the large-scale production of electric power re-
quires the expenditure of large sums of money for
research and development and later on for capital
investment. As was made clear at the conference,
the United States hopes that the initial costs can
be reduced by countries sharing with one another
what they have learned and developed. The
United States has decided as a matter of national

' U.N. doc. A/2967 dated Sept. 14. For a report on the
conference by Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman of the U.S.
Atomic Energy Commission, see Bulletin of Oct. 10,
1955, p. 555.

policy to make the benefits of teclinological find-
ings resulting from our large expenditures on nu-
clear energy available to the rest of the world.
Thus we would help to reduce the outlays neces-
sary on the part of other countries.

From the comments made at the conference it
seems reasonable to expect that ultimately the
world's supply of uranium ore will be sufficient to
permit worldwide development of this tremendous
force for the production of adequate power. The
important role of thorium in connection with
breeder reactors was also emphasized at the con-
ference. These are heartening developments be-
cause they indicate that ultimately many coun-
tries will be in a position to exploit their own re-
sources for the utilization of atomic energy.

Conference participants also made clear that
many problems remain to be solved in connection
with the peaceful applications of atomic energy.
Some of these problems are administrative and
legal in nature. There are also the industrial,
technical, and social problems attendant upon the
development of any new industry. There are
problems in the field of health and safety. Com-
plete solutions to all of these problems were not
forthcoming at the conference. This was, of
course, to be expected. "Wliat was remarkable,
however, was the evidence that so many difficult
problems have been solved during the first decade
of the atomic age.

One of the most inspiring results of the confer-
ence was the proof that the development of the
peaceful atom has been expedited by the scientists
of so many countries. The frequent similar pres-
entations by scientists of several different coun-
tries showed that, working separately on similar
problems, they achieved similar results and, oddly
enough, were vexed by similar difficulties. This,
of course, is the nature of science. The confer-
ence shows that the genius of scientific discovery
knows no national boundaries nor national limi-
tations.

The information released at the conference is
now in the public domain. The free flow of knowl-
edge has been greatly stimulated.

Many reports presented at the conference de-
scribed applications of the atom in medicine, biol-
ogy, agriculture, and industry. The need for in-
creased knowledge of the use of the atom to cure
many of man's ills and to ease his workload was
made apparent. I am confident that our doctors
and scientists will develop additional applications

October 24, 1955

661

in tliese fields for the greater benefit of mankind.

The United States, Soviet, and British repre-
sentatives among others reported what their own
countries are doing to aid others in this field. It
was clear from their presentations that the coun-
tries with the most highly developed atomic energy
programs cannot be satisfied with the present rate
of dissemination of knowledge in this field. The
fruits of their research and labors must be made
available to the rest of the world with greater
speed and effectiveness.

Our next task is to contribute further to estab-
lishing a sound basis for expanding the peaceful
applications of atomic energy and disseminating
the results to all peoples. Further cooperation
in the exchange of information is essential to
additional progress. As Admiral Strauss, Chair-
man of the United States Atomic Energy Commis-
sion, amiounced on August 16 in Geneva,^ the
United States believes that another similar con-
ference should be convened to maintain and to
insure, if possible, the momentum we attained at
the Geneva conference.

That is why, as Secretary Dulles stated in his
opening address on September 22,^ the United
States believes that a second international techni-
cal conference should be held in 3 years, or earlier
if developments in the peaceful use of atomic en-
ergy warrant. We have accordingly, in cooper-
ation with the United Kingdom, submitted a reso-
lution which makes such a recommendation. The
United States also believes that the Secretary-
General, acting upon the advice of the Advisory
Committee established at the last session of the
Assembly, should fix an appropriate time and date
for the conference.

The International Atomic Energy Agency

A major step leading to our goal of establishing
a somid basis for the peaceful utilization of the
atom is the creation of an International Atomic
Energy Agency. President Eisenhower placed
great stress on this step in his statement to the
United Nations on December 8, 1953. Last year
my distinguished colleague Ambassador Lodge re-
ported to you on our early progress toward achiev-
ing this goal.* This year I am happy to say that
enough progress has been made to warrant the

'IMd., Sept. .5, 195.5, p. 381.
'nid., Oct. 3, 1955, p. 523.
* lUd., Nov. 15, 1954, p. 742.

hope that general agreement on the statute for the
agency will be reached early in 1956.

The General Assembly resolution of December
4, 1954, noted that negotiations were in progress
and expressed the hope that the agency could be
established without delay. Following the sugges-
tion of the General Assembly resolution, the eight
States wliich had been conferring on the estab-
lishment of the agency renewed their discussions.
A draft statute was prepared which was generally
satisfactory to all the eight States. A copy was
given to the Soviet Union on July 29 of this year.
We have just received on a confidential basis
Soviet comments on the draft statute of the
agency, and we are giving careful consideration to
these suggestions.

As you all know, on August 22 copies of the
draft statute were distributed by the United
States, acting on behalf of the eight States, to all
States Members either of the United Nations or of
the specialized agencies. We are awaiting their
comments or suggestions.

The statute, as its title states, is only a draft.
We do not regard it as a final document in its
present form. And in the same spirit that this
idea was originally advanced, we welcome con-
structive suggestions!

In our discussions of the agency we have been
motivated by the desire that an international
agency shall come into being as rapidly as possible
in keeping with the intent of the resolution passed
unanimously by the General Assembly last De-
cember. To facilitate tliis objective it was obvi-
ously necessary to postpone a decision on a number
of matters until after the agency had come into
existence. The statute provides a broad consti-
tutional framework wliich would allow for growth
in any direction which might prove desirable.
The one major limitation on the function of the
agency is of course that it must concern itself
solely and strictly with peaceful uses of the atom.

Thus we have not in the agency statute taken
up such possibly controversial problems as the lo-
cation of the headquarters of the proposed agency.
Nor have we attempted to decide in advance the
extent to which it will initially carry out all of the
functions for which it is being established. Those
are the types of questions which can only be de-
cided by the members of the agency and its Board
of Governors after the agency comes into being.

The General Assembly resolution of 1954 like-
wise transmitted "to the States participating in

662

Department of State Bulletin

the creation of the Agency, for their careful con-
sideration," the record of the G'eneral Assembly
discussions last year. The States engaged in these
discussions have carefully considered the various
suggestions which were made and, we believe, have
incorporated the most important suggestions into
the statute. In particular, we have provided in
the draft statute for representation on the Board
of Governors of the agency of States which will
be jirimarily beneficiaries of, rather than contrib-
utors to, the agency. It is my understanding that
this is the suggestion put forward last year by the
representative of Pakistan and endorsed by the
representative of Burma and many others.

Since the agency statute is now available to all
the governments represented here, I do not think
it would be appropriate to go into any further
discussion of the details of the statute. The
statute is of necessity rather long and complicated
and most govermnents have not yet had sufficient
time to study it and to communicate their com-
ments to the United States. We urge every gov-
ernment to communicate its comments as soon as
possible to the United States, which is acting on
behalf of the sponsoring States. This was the
procedure suggested in the notes delivered to your
governments because we believe it will bring
about the most rapid progress. We shall then
seek to reconcile the various suggestions and in-
corporate as many of them as possible in a revised
draft of the statute.

Because of the effort we have made to incor-
porate the suggestions made here last year, we
have reason to hope that basic differences of view-
point will be few and that these can be resolved
by negotiation. If this should be the case, it
should be possible to reach an agreed statute early
in 1956.

The draft statute contains provisions to give
effect to the recommendation of the General As-
sembly that an appropriate form of agreement
with the United Nations be negotiated once the
agency is established. Ambassador Lodge stated
the United States position on this question on
November 5, 1954 :

It is our belief that a relationship should be established
between the agency and the United Nations similar to
that of the specialized agencies. The exact terms of
the relationship must, of course, await creation of the
agency itself.

The resolution which the United States cospon-
sored on that date ° recommended that such a rela-
tionship be established.

The resolution as finally adopted by the Assem-
bly on December 4, 1954,*= suggested that "once
the agency is established, it negotiate an appro-
priate form of agreement with the United Na-
tions." The United States consented to the
omission of the reference to a specialized agency
type of relationship because we agreed that the
resolution should not prejudge the nature of the
relationship between the agency and the United
Nations. However, I should like to make it clear
that this did not indicate any change in our posi-
tion. It is still our belief, as stated by the United
States representative at the recent meeting of the
Economic and Social Council,'' that the most ap-
propriate form of relationsliip between the United
Nations and the agency would be one similar to
those of the specialized agencies.

The creation of the agency will, of course, not
solve all our problems; it is perhaps the most
important step, but only one of many steps toward
our goal. Last November Ambassador Lodge
stated in this connnittee that "there is so much to
be done that it would be inconceivable for the
international agency to carry on all the activities
from the outset." The Geneva conference has
highlighted existing accomplishments, and it re-
vealed how much remains to be done. It is even
clearer than a year ago that the program is so
great that it can be achieved only through a com-
bination of national programs, regional programs,
and international programs.

United States Programs of Assistance

In recognition of this need for a combination
of programs, Secretary Dulles announced last
year, in his opening address to the Assembly, that
the United States was prepared without delay to
assist other countries in acquiring the basic knowl-
edge and experience in this field. Among these
steps was the conclusion of bilateral agreements
which would make it possible for the United
States under our laws to provide assistance and
materials in the field of nuclear technology. In
addition, Secretary Dulles outlined plans for a
program of training in reactor technology, health,

" IhUL, p. 745.

° Ibid., Dec. 13, 1954, p. 919.

' Ibid., Aug. 22, 1955, p. 324.

October 24, 7955

663

safety, and medicine, and the use of isotopes, as
■well as plans to make available unclassified tech-
nical information.

Tlie United States has conducted extensive
negotiations with representatives of foreign gov-
ernments concerning agreements for cooperation
in the I'esearch reactor field. Agreements concern-
ing research reactors have already been negotiated
with 24 nations. More extensive agreements for
cooperation have been reached with those nations
with which we have a prior relationship in the
atomic energy field, namely, Belgium, Canada,
and the United Kingdom.

To speed the advance of atomic knowledge and
man's progress, President Eisenhower on June 11,
1955, proposed two programs which reflect the
spirit and intent of the Atomic Energy Act of
1954 and the desires of the American people.*
I quote :

First: We propose to offer research reactors to the
people of free nations who can use them effectively for
the acquisition of the skills and understanding essential
to peaceful atomic progress. The United States, in the
spirit of partnership that moves us, will contribute half
the cost. We will also furnish the acquiring nation the
nuclear material needed to fuel the reactor.

Second: Within prudent security considerations, we pro-
pose to make available to the peoples of such friendly
nations as are prepared to invest their own funds in
power reactors, access to and training in the technological
processes of construction and operation for peaceful
IJurposes.

Plans to implement these two programs are
going forward rapidly.

The sole purpose of these programs is to spark
man's creative and inventive skills, to pool those
skills, and to put them to work for the benefit of
all. As the contributions to the International
Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic
Energy reveal, research reactors are invaluable
tools for the acquisition of necessary reactor tech-
niques, information, and experience and for medi-
cal research and therapy. They are indispensable
in the training of persomiel and valuable in the
production of useful radioactive isotopes. They
are basic to any long-range program for the
peaceful uses of atomic energy.

Under an "Agreement for Cooperation," the
United States will provide the recipient country
with reactor fuel and reactor materials not readily
available in the commercial market. In August

' ma., June 27, 1955, p. 1028.
664

the United States Atomic Energy Commission an-
nounced a sale price of $28 a pound for heavy
water for use as a moderator and coolant in cer-
tain types of research reactors. We have already
agreed to sell heavy water to Australia, France,
India, and Italy. We shall make available nor-
mal uranium metal at $40 per kilogram.

The August annoimcement also gave the value
established for the lease of enriched uranium —
$25 per gram. The enriched uranium comes from
the 200 kilograms that the United States has so
far dedicated to the program for international
cooperation.

Eecent developments have brought us closer to
the era of commercial atomic power. The brighter
prospect for harnessing nuclear energy to gen-
erate electricity has given great hope to many
nations of the world suffering power shortages.
The realization of this hope throughout the
world will be accelerated by bringing to other
countries the teclinological information required
to construct power reactors for commercial use.
As part of the program announced by President
Eisenhower, the United States proposes, as tlie
power reactor plans of other countries develop, to
disclose classified power reactor data — under ap-
propriate "Agreements for Cooperation" — to
nations whose economies particularly lend them-
selves to the development and acliievement of
atomic power competitive with conventionally
produced power.

The laboratories of the United States are en-
gaged in the difficult basic research required for
the economic harnessing of this great power lib-
erated by the fission of atoms. As has just been
announced by the Atomic Energy Commission,
they are also engaged in the basic research re-
quired to find ways to tame the great energy lib-
erated in the fusion of the atom. Many of our
great scientists are searching for the answer to
this most difficult problem.

Radioisotopes are one of the readily available
realities of the atomic age. Under applicable
United States regulations, 51 countries are eligible
to receive our radioisotojjes. These regulations
are being further liberalized to permit an even
wider use of these isotopes in medicine, agricul-
ture, and industry.

Our training programs are expanding rapidly.
A special course in the use of radioisotopes was
given to 32 foreign students from 21 countries in
May of this year. Foreign students attended these

Department of State Bulletin

courses in increasing numbers in June, July, and
August. In order to meet the requests for addi-
tional training, a second special course open only
to foreign scientists will begin on October 17.

In June a group of 23 distinguished physicians
and surgeons from 11 countries began a 5-week
tour of United States cancer hospitals and labora-
tories. During the tour these doctoi-s became ac-
quainted with the research and chemical uses of
radioisotopes as well as other uses of atomic en-
ergy in the battle against cancer and other dis-
eases. A second such tour will begin this month.

The United States has established the Oak
Eidge Institute of Nuclear Studies for training in
radioisotope teclmiques. It also has established a
School of Nuclear Science and Engineering at the
Argonne National Laboratory to provide advanced
training in reactor technology. Graduates of
these schools are trained to design and operate
research reactors. At present, in addition to the
9 American students, there are 30 foreign stu-
dents from 19 countries participating in the first
course at the Argonne school. A second course
will begin on November 7, when there will be 60
foreign students.

To date the United States Atomic Energy Com-
mission has approved tlie presentation of atomic
energy libraries to 26 countries. One was sent
to Geneva for use by delegates to the Geneva con-
ference and subsequently was presented to the
U.N. librai-y there. In return for a library the
United States asks only that the recipient nation
or institution provide the United States with
copies of its own official unclassified papers in this
field.

In the course of the past year we have negoti-
ated agreements for cooperation with, presented
technical libraries to, or trained students from 40
countries."

These developments, together with those wliich
other representatives here are in a position to de-
scribe, indicate that this has been a year of mo-
mentous achievement. It is, nevertheless, only a
beginning. Most of us can only vaguely under-

° Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Burma,
Canada, Chile, Republic of China, Colombia, Cuba, Den-
mark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Guate-
mala, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Republic of
Korea, Lebanon, Mexico, the Netherlands, Pakistan, Peru,
tiie Philippines, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
Thailand, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United King-
dom, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

stand tlie miraculous achievement of splitting the
atom. But we can easily appreciate the signifi-
cance of this new tool for the eradication of dis-
ease, for making available a plentiful supply of
energy to lighten man's physical burdens, and new
methods for increasing food production ajiid re-
ducing the chronic risks of hunger and famine.
Few developments in history have so stirred tlie
imagination and aspiration of mankind.

It has been the fortunate lot of the American
people and their Government to play a principal
part in leading the way to the atomic era. The
United States will continue to do all within its
power to hasten the day when atomic energy is
utilized exclusively and solely for the benefit of
man.

But we humbly appreciate that this is not the
task of any one nation, or any one group of na-
tions. The task is universal, requiring the com-
bined resources and skills of all nations working
as partners toward common objectives. That is
why President Eisenhower pledged the United
States to cooperate in promoting international
programs for the peaceful applications of atomic
energy. It is in this spirit of partnership that
we shall continue to share with other nations our
advances in the peaceful applications of the atom.

TEXT OF DRAFT RESOLUTION >°

U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 129 dated October 6

The General Assembly,

Desiring that mankind should be enabled to make the
fullest use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes;

Believing that continuing international co-operation in
developing and expanding the peaceful uses of atomic
energy is essential to achieve this end :

Rccogni::ing that, in accordance with General Assembly
resolution 810 (IX) of 4 December 1954, significant
progress is being made in promoting international co-
operation for the peaceful uses of atomic energy ;

1. Recalls the hope expressed in resolution 810 A (IX)
that the International Atomic Energy Agency v?ill be
established without delay ;

2. Notes with satisfaction that substantial progress
has been made toward negotiation of a draft statute
establishing the agency and that this draft has been
circulated to governments for their consideration and
comment ;

3. Expresses its satisfaction with the proceedings of
the Technical Conference convened in accordance with
resolution 810 B (IX), and commends the participants
therein for the high scientific quality of pajjers and

'"' Cosponsore<l originally by the U.S. and the U.K.;
Australia and Belgium subsequently became sponsors.

October 24, 1955

665

discussions, and for the spirit of co-operation which
prevailed at the Conference;

4. Expresses its appreciation of the worli of the Secre-
tary-General and the Advisory Committee In preparing
and organizing the Conference;

5. Recommends that a second international conference
for the exchange of technical information regarding the
peaceful uses of atomic energy should be held under the
auspices of the United Nations in about three years time;

6. Decides that, in order to provide for adequate ad-
vance planning for such a conference, the Advisory
Committee established by resolution 810 B (IX) be
continued in existence with the same terms of reference ;

7. Requests the Secretary-General, acting upon the ad-
vice of the Advisory Committee to determine an appro-
priate place and date, to issue invitations to the Con-
ference in accordance with paragraphs 3 and 7 of reso-
lution 810 B (IX), to prepare and circulate an agenda,
and to provide the necessary staff and services ;

8. Suggests to the Secretary-General and the Advisory
Committee that they consult with the appropriate spe-
cialized agencies in the course of these preparations.

DRAFT STATUTE OF INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC
ENERGY AGENCY"

ARTICLE I

Estat)lishment of Agency

The Parties hereto establish an International Atomic
Energy Agency (hereinafter referred to as the Agency)
upon the terms and conditions hereinafter set forth.

ARTICLE II

Functions of the Agency

A. The functions of the Agency shall be :

1. To encourage and assist worldvride research on
and development of peaceful uses of atomic energy and
to act as an intermediary for the purpose of securing the
performance of services by one Member of the Agency for
another.

2. To make provision, in accordance with the present
Statute, for nuclear materials to meet the need for re-
search in, and practical application of, atomic energy for
peaceful purposes, including the production of electric
power.

3. To foster the interchange of scientific and tech-
nical information and the development of standards in the
field of peaceful uses of atomic energy.

B. In carrying out its functions, the Agency shall :

1. Conduct its activities in conformity with policies
of the United Nations to further the establishment of
safeguarded, worldwide disarmament and in conformity
with any international agreements entered into pursuant
to such policies.

2. Conduct its activities in such a manner as to assist
in the development and enforcement of high standards

" Text circulated by the U.S. to other members of the
U.N. and specialized agencies on Aug. 22.

and practices of public health and safety in relation to
fissionable and radioactive materials.

3. Allocate the resources made available to carry out
the objectives of the Agency in such a manner as to secure
the greatest possible general benefit in all areas of the
world and be utilized in the most eflBcient manner possible.

ARTICLE III
Purposes

The Agency shall not concern itself with the use of
atomic energy for military purposes and shall ensure, so
far as it is able, that assistance granted by it or at its
request is utilized solely for jwaceful purposes.

ARTICLE IV

Facilities and Equipment

A. The Agency may from time to time acquire such
facilities and equipment as may be necessary to carry out
its authorized functions.

B. In exercising its powers under this Statute, the
Agency is authorized to utilize facilities and equipment
which Members may make available to the Agency within
their territories.

C. When the Agency is carrying out all its authorized
functions, its facilities would include among others those
set forth in Article X.

ARTICLE V
Membership

A. The initial Members of the International Atomic
Energy Agency shall be those States Members of the
United Nations or of any of the specialized agencies which
shall have signed the present Statute within ninety days
after it is opened for signature and shall have deposited
an instrument of ratification.

B. Other Jlembers of the Agency shall be those States,
whether or not Members of the United Nations or of any
of the specialized agencies, which deposit an instrument
of acceptance of the present Statute after their member-
ship has been approved by the Board of Governors upon
the recommendation of the General Conference estab-
lished in Article VI. In approving a State for member-
ship, the Board of Governors and the General Conference
shall determine that the State is able and willing to carry
out the obligations contained in the Charter of the United
Nations and to accept the obligations as well as the privi-
leges of membership in the Agency.

ARTICLE VI

General Conference

A. A General Conference consisting of representatives
of all Members shall meet in regular annual session and
in such special sessions as may be convened at the request
of the Board of Governors or of a majority of Members
by the General Manager provided for in Article VIII.

B. At such sessions, each Member shall be represented
by one delegate who may be accompanied by alternates
and by advisers. The cost of attendance of any delegation
shall be borne by the Member concerned.

666

Department of State Bulletin

C. The General Conference shall elect a President and
such other ofBcers as may be required at the beginning
of each session. They shall hold office for the duration of
the session. The General Conference, subject to the pro-
visions of this Statute, shall adopt its own rules of
procedure. Each Member shall have one vote in the
General Conference and, except as otherwise provided in
the present Statute, decisions shall be adopted by a ma-
jority vote of those present and voting. A majority of
Members shall constitute a quorum.

D. Tlie functions of the General Conference shall be to:

1. Elect Members of the Board of Governors in ac-
cordance with Article VII ;

2. Admit new Members in accordance with Article V ;

3. Suspend a Member from the privileges and rights
of membership in accordance with Article XX ;

4. Consider the annual report of the Board;

5. Approve the budget of the Agency recommended
by the Board in accordance with Article XVI or return
it to the Board with its recommendations ;

G. Approve reports to be submitted to the United
Nations in accordance witli any agi-eement between the
Agency and the United Nations or return them to the
Board with its recommendations ;

7. Approve any agreement or agreements between
the Agency and other organizations as provided in Ar-
ticle XVIII or return such agreements to the Board with
its recommendations.

B. The General Conference shall have the authority
to:

1. Make recommendations to the Board on any mat-
ter relating to the functions of the Agency ; and

2. Make recommendations to the Board on any mat-
ter brought to the attention of the General Confer-
ence by the Board.

F. The regular annual session, and any special session,
shall not exceed thirty days in length.

ARTICLE VII

Board of Governors

A. The Board of Governors (except the Interim Board
provided for in paragraph G of Article XXI and Annex
I) shall consist of sixteen members and shall be com-
posed as follows :

1. Five shall be the Members of the Agency which
are the most important contributors of technical as-
sistance and fissionable materials as defined in para-
graph A of Article X.

2. Five shall be other Members of the Agency selected
from the principal producers and contributors of uranium,
thorium and such other source materials as the Board may
specify.

3. Six shall be other Members of the Agency elected
by the General Conference with due regard to :

a. The desirability of ensuring representation of
Members deriving benefits from the Agency but not mak-
ing contributions referred to in paragraphs A-1, 2 and 3c
of this Article ;

b. Equitable geographic distril)ution of representation
on the entire Board ;

c. Contributions of services, equipment, facilities and
information of a.ssistance in fulfilling the Agency's ob-
jectives and functions.

B. Except as provided in Annex II to the present
Statute, the Board of Governors shall designate:

1. For the purposes of paragraph A-1 of this Ar-
ticle, the five Members which are the most important
contributors of technical assistance and fissionable ma-
terials.

2. For tlie purposes of paragraph A-2 of this Article,
eight other Members which are principal producers and
contributors of uranium, thorium, and such other source
materials as the Board may specify. The eight Members
thus designated and the five most important contributors
of technical assistance and fissionable materials desig-
nated Iiy the Board shall select five Members from the
eight designated principal producers and contributors of
uranium, thorium, and other source materials to serve
as members of the Board.

C. A designation by the Board that a Member is qual-
ified for selection under paragraph A-2 of this Article
shall not preclude its election under paragraph A-3.

D. The designations and selection provided in para-
graphs A and B of this Article shall take place not less
than sixty days before each regular session of the Gen-
eral Conference.

E. Members represented on the Board of Governors in
accordance with paragraphs A-1, 2 and 3 of this Article
shall hold office from the end of the regular annual
session of the conference previous to which or at which
they were elected until the end of tlie following regular
annual session of the General Conference and shall be
eligible for reelection.

F. Each Member represented on the Board of Governors
shall appoint one Governor to represent it together with
alternates and advisers. The cost of attendance of Gov-
ernors, alternates and advisers at the Board or at any
committee of the Board shall Ije borne by the Member
appointing them.

G. Each member of the Board shall have one vote and
decisions shall be made by a majority of those present
and voting. Two-thirds of all members of the Board shall
constitute a quorum.

H. The Board of Governors shall be charged with
complete authority to carry out the functions of and
determine the policies of the Agency in accordance with
the present Statute subject to its responsibilities to the
General Conference as set forth in paragraph D of Article
VI.

I. During the first year of its existence, the Board shall
meet at least once every two weeks. Thereafter, the
Board shall meet at such times as it may determine. The
meetings shall take place at the headquarters of the
Agency imless otherwise approved by the Board.

J. The Board sliall elect a chairman from among its
members and, subject to the provisions of the present
Statute, shall adopt its own rules of procedure.

K. The Board may establish such committees as it
deems advisable and may discontinue any committee

Ocfofaer 24, 1955

667

established by it. The Board may designate individuals
responsible to the Board or provide for the creation of a
committee or committees responsible to the Board for the
purpose of establishing liaison with any other organiza-
tion the work of which is related to that of the Agency.
The Board may nominate persons to represent it in a joint
or mixed committee with such organizations.

L. The Board shall prepare an annual report to the
General Conference concerning the affairs of the Agency
and any projects approved by the Agency. The Board
shall also prepare for submission to the General Confer-
ence any reports which the Agency may make to the
United Nations or to any other organization the work of
which is related to that of the Agency. These reports
along with the annual report shall be submitted to Mem-
bers of the Agency at least one month before the regular
annual session of the General Conference.

ARTICLE VIII

Staff

A. The stafE of the Agency shall be headed by a Gen-
eral Manager, who shall be appointed for a fixed term
by the Board. The General Manager shall be the chief
administrative officer of the Agency.

B. The staff shall include such qualified scientific and
technical and other personnel as may be required to ful-
fill the objectives of the Agency. The Agency shall be
guided by the principle that its permanent staff shall be
kept to a minimum and that wherever possible, the tem-
porary services of persons possessing the requisite quali-
fications who are already employed in the atomic energy
field shall be utilized.

C. The General Manager shall be responsible for the
appointment, organization and functioning of the staff
and shall be under the authority of and subject to the
control of the Board. He shall perform his duties in
accordance with the regulations adopted by the Board.

D. Subject to the provisions of the present Statute, the
terms and conditions on which the staff shall be ap-
pointed, remunerated and dismissed shall be laid down
by the Board.

E. The paramount consideration in the recruitment and
employment of the staff and in the determination of the
conditions of service shall be the necessity of securing
the highest standards of efiiciency, technical competence
and integrity. Subject to this consideration, due regard
shall be paid to the importance of recruiting the staff
on as wide a geographical basis as possible.

F. In the performance of their duties, the General
Manager and the staff shall not seek or receive instruc-
tions from any source external to the Agency. They shall
refrain from any action which might reflect on their
position as ofiicials of the Agency. Each Member under-
takes to respect the international character of the respon-
sibilities of the General Manager and the staff and shall
not seek to influence them in the discharge of their duties.

ARTICLE IX
Interchange of Scientific and Technical Information

A. Each Member shall make available to the Agency all
data developed as a result of assistance extended by the

Agency pursuant to Article XII. It is contemplated that
each Member would make available such further infor-
mation as would, in the judgment of the Member, be
helpful to the Agency.

B. The Agency shall collect and make available in
an accessible form to Members the information within
the scope of the present Statute made available to it
under paragraph A of this Article.

C. The Agency shall take positive steps to encourage
the exchange among its Members of information relating
to tie nature and peaceful uses of atomic energy and
shall serve as an intermediary among its Members for this
purpose.

ARTICLE X

Contributions of Materials to Agency

A. Subject to the provisions of Article XV, the Members
may contribute to the Agency such quantities of fission-
able materials as they deem advisable. Fissionable ma-
terials within the meaning of the present Statute shall
include uranium enriched in Isotope U-235, U-233, plu-
tonium-239 and alloys and compounds of the foregoing
materials and such other materials as the Board shall
from time to time determine.

B. The Board shall determine from time to time such
other materials and equipment and the maximum quan-
tities thereof which the Board will accept under agree-
ments provided in Article XV.

C. Each Member shall notify the Board of the quan-
tities of fissionable and other materials and equipment
which that Member is prepared, in conformity with its
laws, to make available immediately or during a period
specified by the Board.

D. The contribution of materials and equipment by
any Member may be amended at any time by the Member
with the approval of the Board.

E. An initial notification in accordance with paragraph
C of this Article shall be made within three months of
the entry into force of tie present Statute with respect
to the Member concerned. In the absence of a contrary
decision of the Board, the initial contribution shall be
for the period of the calendar year succeeding the year
when the present Statute takes effect with respect to the
Member concerned. Subsequent notifications shall like-
Wise, in the absence of contrary action by the Board,
cover the period of the calendar year following the noti-
fication and shall be made no later than November 1 of
each year.

F. The Agency shall specify the place, method of de-
livery and, when appropriate, the form and composition
of materials it will receive. The Agency shall also verify
the stated quantities of materials received and shall
report to the Members these amounts. The Agency shall
be responsible for storing and protecting materials in its
possession. The Board of Governors shall ensure that
these materials shall be safeguarded against (a) hazards
of the weather; (b) unauthorized removal or diversion;
(c) damage or destruction including sabotage; and (d)
forcible seizure.

G. Pending establishment of facilities by the Agency to
receive the contributed materials, a Member making such

668

Department of State Bulletin

contributions shall earmark the materials which it pro-
posed to contribute and shall keep such materials sepa-
rate from other similar materials in the possession of the
Member.

H. The Agency shall as soon as practicable establish or
secure on the basis of minimum requirement such of the
following as may be necessary :

1. Plant, equipment, and facilities for the receipt,
storage, and issue of nuclear materials ;

2. Physical safeguards ;

3. Adequate health and safety measures ;

4. (Control laboratories for the analysis and verifica-
tion of materials received and stored ;

5. Such housing and other administrative facilities
as may be necessary for any staff required for the pur-
poses of the central pool.

I. The Agency is authorized to establish such other
plant, equipment, and facilities as may be necessary to
carry out in the most effective manner its functions.

J. In considering the amount and kind of materials
and equipment to be made available for the purposes of
the Agency, Members should be guided by the principle
that the objectives of the Agency are to be furthered to
the greatest possible extent.

K. The contributions made pursuant to this Article
shall be utilized as determined by the Board of Governors
in accordance with tlie provisions of this statute. No
Member shall have the right to require that its contribu-
tion be kept separately by the Agency or to designate
the specific project in which its contributions must be
utilized.

ARTICLE XI

Available Services

A. It is contemplated that Members will make avail-
able services and facilities which may be of assistance in
fulfilling the Agency's objectives and functions. The
Agency shall act as an intermediary in making such serv-
ices available to its Members.

B. The services may include all or any of the follow-
ing:

1. Services, Including consultative services, relating to
the establishment and carrying on of any project regard-
ing research into, and peaceful practical uses of atomic
energy, including design of specialized equipment and
nuclear reactors ; and special laboratory services includ-
ing the conduct of experiments and the making of tests.

2. Training and education in relation to research into
or peaceful uses of atomic energy and any necessary pre-
liminary .subject.

ARTICLE XII
Afieney Projects

A. Any Member or Members of the Agency desiring
to set up any project in relation to research or practical
use of atomic energy may request the assistance of the
Agency in securing fissionable and other materials and
services necessary for this purpose.

B. Any such request shall be accompanied by an ex-

planation of the purpose and extent of the project and
shall be considered by the Board of Governors.

0. For the purpose of examination, the Agency shall
be entitled to send into the territory of the Member mak-
ing the request a person or persons qualified to investigate
the projected enterprise. For this purpose the Agency
in consultation with the State making the request may
decide whether to utilize oflBcials of its own staff or
employ suitably qualified nationals of any Member.

D. The provisions of this Article shall also apply where
appropriate to a request for services in connection with
an existing project.

ARTICLE XIII

Approval of Projects

A. Before approving a project under this Article, the
Agency shall take into consideration :

1. The usefulness of a project, including its scientific
and technical feasibility ;

2. The adequacy of plans, funds, and technical person-
nel to assure the effective execution and operation of the
project ;

3. The adequacy of proposed health and safety stand-
ards for handling and storing materials and for operating
facilities ;

4. The capabilities of the State making the request to
secure the necessary materials and services from resources
within its own territory.

'j. An ecpiitaWe distribution of materials and otJier
resources available to the Agency, paying due regard to
all other projects submitted to the Agency.

6. Such other matters as may appear relevant.

B. Upon approving a project, the Agency shall enter
into an agreement with the State submitting the project
which agreement would provide for the following:

1. The allocation to the project of the required fission-
able and other materials and equipment upon such condi-
tions as the Agency shall determine to be equitable ;

2. The transfer of ix)ssession of the fissionable mate-
rials from their usual place of custody, whether tie mate-
rials be in the custody of the Agency or of States ear-
marking the fissionable materials for use in Agency
projects, to the State or States submitting the projects
under conditions which ensure the safety of the shipment
and meet adequate health and safety standards.

3. Continuing authority of tlie Agency to prescribe
conditions designed to ensure and verify compliance by
the State or States submitting the project with the terms
under which the project was approved, as set forth in
paragraph D of this Article.

4. Recommendations for services to be provided either
by the Agency itself or by Members of the Agency in con-
nection with the project, indicating the State or States
best qualified to render such services. Where such serv-
ices are rendered by one Member of the Agency to another,
they shall be on such terms and conditions as may be
arranged between the Member making the request and
the Member willing to provide the service subject to the
approval of the Agency.

5. Charges for materials, equipment or services to be

Ocfober 24, J 955

669

furnished by the Agency to the State submitting the proj-
ect, as determined by the Board of Governors in accord-
ance with Article XVI.

6. An undertaking by the State submitting the proj-
ect that the assistance provided would not be used to
further the development of nuclear weapons or any re-
search directed to that end.

7. Such other provisions as may be suitable and
appropriate.

C. Any agreement between the Agency and a State sub-
mitting a project under paragraph B of this Article and
any agreement between a State submitting a project and
a State furnishing services under paragraph B, subpara-
graph 4 of this Article, shall contain, to the extent rele-
vant, provisions entitling the Agency :

1. To approve of the design and of the standards for
operating conditions;

2. To require the observance of any necessary health
and safety measures ;

3. To require the maintenance and production of
operating records to ensure accountability for fissionable
materials ;

4. To call for and receive progress reports including
all data developed by participating States resulting from
the assistance extended by the Agency, as set forth in
paragraph A of Article IX.

5. To specify disposition of any fissionable materials
produced or recovered, and to approve of means for
chemical processing of spent fuel elements.

D. The Agency shall have authority to verify, either by
on-the-spot inspection or by calling for reports, that the
terms and conditions of the aforesaid agreements under
which fissionable and other materials and equipment
were made available have been complied with by the Mem-
ber receiving them. In case of any insi>ection, the
Agency may utilize an official of its own staff or any
suitably qualified national of any Member. The Agency
in its inspections shall be entitled to make its own
measurements to verify reported data. In the event of
a finding of non-compliance by a State, the Agency may
call upon such State to remedy forthwith the violation or
other infraction. In the event of failure of the violating
State to comply fully within a reasonable time, the Agency
may report the non-compliance to all Members and to the
Security Council and General Assembly of the United
Nations to the extent provided by any arrangement or
agreement between the Agency, and the United Nations.
In the event of such a finding by the Agency, it may also
request the return of any fissionable materials supplied by
the Agency and suspend the supply of any further fission-
able or other materials by the Agency to the oftending
State. The Agency, as appropriate in accordance with
Article XX, may also suspend the offending Member from
the exercise of the privileges and rights of membership.

ARTICLE XIV

Standards

The Agency may propose for acceptance by Members
agreements or regulations concerning the standards re-
ferred to in paragraph 0 of Article XIII.

ARTICLE XV

Reimbursement of Contriiuting Members

Unless otherwise agreed upon between the Board of
Governors and the Member furnishing to the Agency ma-
terials and equipment described In paragraphs A and B
of Article X, the Board of Governors shall enter into an
agreement with such Member providing for reimburse-
ment for such materials and equipment.

ARTICLE XVI
Finance

A. The Board .shall submit to the General Conference
the annual budget estimates for the expenses of the
Agency, including expenses for the provision of any
Agency facilities. To facilitate the work of the Board
in this regard, the General Manager shall initially pre-
pare the budget estimates.

B. The General Conference shall consider and approve
the budget estimates and shall apportion the expenses
among the Members in accordance with a scale to be
fixed by the General Conference. The decisions under
this paragraph shall require a two-thirds majority.

C. The reimbursement to the contributing Members
provided for in Article XV shall be made from funds
received by the Agency pursuant to agreements between
the Agency and the Members submitting projects.

D. The Board of Governors shall establish periodically
a schedule of charges for materials and services to be
furnished by the Agency pursuant to agreements between
the Agency and States submitting projects, including
reasonable uniform storage and handling charges. This
schedule shall be so designed as to produce minimum
revenues adequate to provide for reimbursement to con-
tributing Members in accordance with Article XV.

E. Funds received by the Agency pursuant to agree-
ments between the Agency and States submitting projects
shall be set aside under regulations of the Board to re-
imburse contributing States; any balance over and above
the amounts necessary to reimburse contributing States
shall be placed in the general fund.

F. The Board of Governors with the approval of the
General Conference, acting by a two-thirds majority,
shall have the authority to incur indebtedness on behalf of
the Agency for the purpose of securing such plants, facili-
ties and equipment as the Agency may acquii'e in accord-
ance with the Statute.

ARTICLE XVII

PriviJepcs and Immunities

A. The Agency shall enjoy in the territory of each
Member such legal capacity and such privileges and
immunities as may be necessary for the fulfillment of
its objectives and for the exercise of its functions.

B. Delegates of Members together with their alter-
nates and advisers. Governors api>ointed to the Board
together with their alternates and advisers, and the
General Manager and the staff of the Agency, shall enjoy
such privileges and immunities as are necessary in the
independent exercise of their functions in connection
with the Agency.

C. Without prejudice to the immediate effectiveness of

670

Department of State Bulletin

paragraphs A and B of this Article, the legal capacity,
privileses and immunities referred to in this Article shall
be detined in a separate agreement between the Agency,
represented for this purpose by the General Manager,
acting under instructions of the Board of Governors, and
the Members concerned.

ARTICLE XVIII
Relationship with other Organisations

The Board of Governors with the approval of the
General Conference is authorized to enter into an agree-
ment or agreements establishing an appropriate rela-
tionship between the Agency and the United Nations
and between the Agency and any other organizations, the
work of which is related to that of the Agency.

ARTICLE XIX
Amendments, Withdrawals, Disputes

A. Amendments to the present Statute may be proposed
by any Member or by tie Board of Governors. The text
of any amendment proposed shall lie communicated with-
out delay by the General Manager to all Members.

B. Amendments shall come into force for all Members
when approved by the Board of Governors and accepted
by two-thirds of all the Members in accordance with their
respective constitutional processes.

C. At any time after five years from the date when
the Statute shall initially take effect in accordance with
paragraph E of Article XXI or whenever a Member is
unwilling to accept an amendment to this Statute, it may
withdraw from the Agency by notice in writing to that
effect given to the Board of Governors. Such notice, if
communicated prior to June 30 of any year, shall take
effect on December 31 of that year and, if communicated
on or after July 1, shall take effect on December 31 of
the next year unless the Board of Governors shall author-
ize an earlier date.

D. Withdrawal by a State from the Agency shall not
affect its contractual obligations entered into pursuant
to Article XIII.

E. The Parties to the present Statute accept the jurisdic-
tion of the International Court of Justice with respect
to any dispute concerning the interpretation or applica-
tion of the Statute. Any such dispute may be referred
by any Party concerned to the International Court of
Justice for decision unless the Parties concerned agree
on some other mode of settlement. The Board of Gover-
nors is authorized to request the International Court of
Justice to give an advisory opinion on any legal question
arising within the scope of the Agency's activities.

ARTICLE XX
Suspension of Privileges

A Member of the Agency which is in arrears for more
than two years in its financial contributions to the
Agency may be suspended from the exercise of the privi-
leges and rights of membership by the Board of Gov-
ernors. A Member which has persistently violated the
provisions of this Statute or of the agreements entered

into pursuant to this Statute may be susjiended from
the exercise of the privileges and rights of membership
by the General Conference acting by a two-thirds majority
upon recommendation by the Board of Governors.

ARTICLE XXI
Signature, Acceptance, and Entry into Force

A. The present Statute shall be open for signature
by all States specified in paragraiih A of Article V on

, 1955, and shall remain open for a period of

ninety days.

B. The signatory States shall become Parties to the
present Statute by deposit of an instrument of ratifica-
tion.

C. Instruments of ratification and acceptance under
Article V of the present Statute shall be deposited with

the Government of , hereby designated as

depositary.

D. Ratification or acceptance of the present Statute
shall be effected in accordance with the constitutional
processes of the Parties.

E. The present Statute shall come into force when
eight States have deposited instruments of ratification
in accordance with paragraph B of this Article, provided
that such eight Sfaites shall include at least three of
the following States : Canada, France, United Kingdom,
USSR, and the United States. Instruments of ratifica-
tion deposited thereafter shall take effect on the date of
their receipt.

F. The depositary shall promptly inform all States
signatory to the present Statute of the date of each de-
posit of ratification and the date of entry into force of the
Statute. The depositary shall promptly inform all signa-
tories and Members of the dates on which States subse-
quently become Parties thereto.

G. Upon the entry of tlie Statute into force an Interim
Board of Governors shall be established as provided in
Annex I.

ARTICLE XXII
Registration with the United Nations

A. This Statute shall be registered by the depositary
designated in paragraph C of Article XXI with the United
Nations pursuant to Article 102 of the Charter.

B. Any agreements concluded between the Agency and
any Member or Members, and between Members subject to
approval of the Agency, shall be registered with the
Agency and with the United Nations if the agreement is
of such nature that its registration is required under
Article 102 of the United Nations Charter.

ARTICLE XXIII

Authentic Texts, Certified Copies

The original text of the present Statute executed in

, and languages shall be deposited in

the archives of the depositary Government of .

Duly certified copies thereof shall be transmitted by that
Government to the Governments of the otlier signatories.

October 24, 1955

671

Annex I

Interim Board of Oovernors

Upon tie entry of the Statute into force Members of the
Agency shall each appoint one representative to act on an
Interim Board of Governors until ten States including
three of the following five States — Canada, France,
USSR, United Kingdom, and the United States — have be-
come parties to the Statute and for such time thereafter
not exceeding sixty days as may be required to elect a
Board of Governors pursuant to Article VII. This In-
terim Board shall be responsible for the preliminary
planning of the work of the Agency, the recruitment of a
General Manager and any other necessary staff on a tem-
porary basis, and for compiling preliminary budget
estimates.

Annex II

In accordance with the principles set forth in Article
VII, paragraph A, the First Board of Governors shall be
constituted as follows :

1. The five members of the Board under Article VII,
paragraph A-1, shall be: Canada, France, USSR, United
Kingdom and United States.

2. The five members of the Board under Article VII,
paragraph A-2, shall be: Australia, Belgium, Czechoslo-
vakia, Portugal and Union of South Africa.

3. Six other members of the Board shall be elected
by the General Conference.

Report of Agent General of

U.N. Korean Reconstruction Agency

Statement hy Brooks Hays

U.S. Rejrresentatvve to the Oeneral Assemlly ^

I should first like to thank the Agent General
[Lt. Gen. John B. Coulter] of the United Nations
Korean Reconstruction Agency for the informa-
tive and comprehensive reports which he has sub-
mitted to us on the work of the agency since the
last General Assembly. They paint an encourag-
ing picture of the important and growing con-
tribution which the United Nations has been mak-
ing to the rehabilitation of the Republic of Korea.
The scope of this contribution is indicated by the
fact that projects of every description have been
launched in every province of Korea at 3,833 dif-
ferent locations.

The Agent General notes in his report^ that
Unkra is now at the height of its operations. As

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct 4 (U.S. delegation press release 2214 dated Oct. 3).
' U.N. doc. A/2936.

he points out, projects which in last year's report
loomed only in the future are now actually under
way. This is most gratifying. The sufferings of
the Korean people are being at least partly alle-
viated by the contributions of this very worth-
while program. Factories, mines, schools, and
hospitals now benefit from Unkra projects. The
agency stands as a symbol, not only in Korea but
throughout the world, of what collective action
among nations can do to make life a little better, a
little less burdensome for men, women, and chil-
dren who have already been called upon to endure
far more than human beings should.

The draft resolution on this subject, which my
delegation has the honor to co-sponsor with the
delegations of Australia, Belgium, Canada, New
Zealand, and United Kingdom, is designed to ex-
press sentiments which, I am sure, are shared by
most of us. It follows closely the lines of the reso-
lution adopted by the General Assembly last year.

The first operative paragraph of the draft reso-

Resolution on UNKRA Report'

U.N. doc. A/C.2/L.260 dated October 3

The General Assembly,

Recalling General Assembly resolutions 410 (V)
of 1 December 1950, 701 (VII) of 11 March 1953,
725 (VIII) of 7 December 1953, and 828 (IX) of
14 December 1954,

Taking note of the report of the Agent General
on the work of the United Nations Korean Recon-
struction Agency for the period 1 September 1954
to 30 June 1955, and of the comments thereon by
the United Nations Commission for the Unification
and Rehabilitation of Korea (A/2982),

Recognizing the particular importance of the
Agency's programme for the relief and rehabilita-
tion of the Republic of Korea,

1. Commends the Agent General of the United
Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency for the ex-
cellent progress made by the Agency in pursuing its
mission of assisting the Korean people to relieve
the sufferings and to repair the devastation caused
by aggression ;

2. Stresses the desire that the approved pro-
grammes of the Agency be expeditiously imple-
mented to the maximum extent possible within
available funds ;

3. Expresses appreciation for the valuable and con-
tinuing assistance given to the Agency by United
Nations specialized agencies and by voluntary non-
governmental organizations.

* Adopted by Committee II on Oct. 5 by a vote of
48-0-9.

672

Department of State Bulletin

lution would commend the Agent General of
Unkra for the excellent progress made by the
agency in the pursuit of its assigiaed task. It
would record the General Assembly's recognition
and appreciation of a task well done.

In this connection, I might say what a pleasure
it was to hear of the honor paid to General Coulter
and membere of his staff last July by the people
of Korea in a ceremony at Seoul in appreciation
of what Unkra has done for them. This was a
direct and well-deserved recognition by those who
are in perhaps the best position to know what the
Agent General and his staff have accomplished.
My Government wishes to record its appreciation
of this tribute from Korea, which was paid to an
important effort of the United Nations.

The second operative paragraph of the pro-
posed resolution would express the desire of the
General Assembly that the approved program of
Unkra be expeditiously completed to the max-
imum extent possible within available funds. We
believe that Unkra should continue as swiftly as
possible to carry forward its work on those proj-
ects for which funds are available. These projects
are needed by the Korean economy, and we look
to Unkra to carry them out as rapidly and effec-
tively as possible.

We must all recognize that financial contribu-
tions to Unkra have very nearly reached their
limit. In referring to the appeals which have
been made by the Negotiating Committee for Ex-
tra Budgetary Funds, the Agent General informs
us that the committee has now advised the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations that there
seems to be little prospect of raising additional
substantial sums on behalf of this program. We
nevertheless can be genuinely gratified that Unkra
has been able to accomplish so much on the basis
of the contributions which it has received. In
this connection, we would hope that outstanding
pledges, which may validly be expected to ma-
terialize into contributions, should be made avail-
able as soon as possible. Unkra should know
definitely what funds it can count upon in order
that it may proceed to final planning of its work.

The third operative paragi-aph of the resolution
would express appreciation for the assistance given
to this program by the specialized agencies of
the United Nations and by voluntary nongovern-
mental organizations. We really need no re-
minder of the importance of this support. The
cooperation among the component parts of the

United Nations system is well known, and today,
more than ever before, the members of the United
Nations system are working together. There is no
part of this system which cannot, when the need
arises, call upon some other part for assistance
and receive a prompt response. The Food and
Agi'iculture Organization, Unesco, and Unicef,
to mention three examples, have cooperated fully
with Unkra in Korea. Through their efforts,
which are described in the report before us, the
UNKRiV program has been more effective than it
otherwise could have been.

The voluntary agencies stand behind the United
Nations in almost every area of its work. Fifty-
three of them are actively participating in assist-
ance to Korean institutions. Long before the
United Nations was established, or for that mat-
ter the League of Nations, voluntary agencies
from many countries were operating throughout
the world, inspired by religious and humanitarian
motives. From these agencies have come experi-
ence, ideas, and personnel which have proved in-
valuable to the later organized efforts of govern-
ments.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, my delegation be-
lieves that support of this resolution will record
the well-deserved approval of one of those efforts
of the United Nations in which we can all take
pride.

Helping Non-Self-Governing Peoples
Toward Genuine independence

Statement hy Laird Bell

U.S. Repi'esentative to the General AsseiribVy '

Underlying the balanced words and phrases of
the Report of the Committee on Information from
Non-Self -Governing Territories- is a vast, grop-
ing, but powerful movement of millions of people
toward an equal station in the community of free
nations. This is one of the great historic move-
ments of our time — the shift from the unequal re-
lationships of colonialism to relationships of
equality between European and non-European.
The shift has, of course, by no means been com-
pleted, but it has advanced a long way in the past
10 or 12 years, and it is continuing at an ever more
rapid pace. I have no doubt that it will continue

'Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) on Oct. 12 (U.S.
delegation press release 2225).
' U.N. doc. A/2908 and Add. 1.

Ocfofaer 24, 1955

673

until all peoples control their own social, economic,
and political affairs.

The trend toward the disappearance of what is
usually called Western colonialism is unmistaka-
ble and clear to all of us. I would be omittin<j one
of the major facts of modern history, however, if
I were not to mention another movement, a trend
affecting many more millions of people than the
shift away from Western colonialism. I refer to
the vast areas of Europe and Asia where once
free peoples have been deprived of their freedom.
I do not propose to embark on a discussion of that
movement here, but I must again say that my dele-
gation is struck by the fact that the loss of inde-
pendence by hundreds of millions of human beings
receives so much less attention in the United Na-
tions than the rate of progress of the remaining
colonial peoples toward freedom.

Nevertheless, my delegation regards the prog-
ress of dependent peoples toward self-goveriunent
as one of the most important questions to be con-
sidered in the United Nations. The rate of prog-
ress toward self-government of the non-self-gov-
erning peoples to whom chapter 11 of the charter
applies is a key question and one in which the
United Nations has a legitimate concern.

My delegation's position on the question of self-
government and the rate at which it should be
achieved is well known. We fully support the
aspirations of all people to govern themselves, as
our history clearly demonstrates. We do, how-
ever, want peoples to obtain the kind of self-gov-
ernment or independence which will be genuine
and lasting. Consequently, we believe it is im-
portant that the administering powers work
closely with the non-self-governing peoples to
build solid educational, social, economic, and polit-
ical foundations in all the remaining non-self-
governing territories. The need for solid founda-
tions should not unduly delay the process of trans-
ferring greater responsibility to the inhabitants
of these territories. This process should be car-
ried forward as rapidly as possible, but it should
not, in our view, be pressed so rapidly that an
emerging new nation might not be in a position
to preserve its freedom. It might succumb to a
form of domination far more absolute than any
it had ever known before.

In addition to the question of the rate of prog-
ress tow.ird self-government, there is another
question that luiderlies much of the discussion in

this committee. This is the question of the role
of the United Nations in furthering progress
toward self-government. I shall not attempt to
repeat my delegation's interpretation of chapter
11 of the charter. There is, however, one aspect
of U.N. activity in this field to which my delega-
tion attaches great importance.

Spirit of "Good Neighborliness"

My delegation firmly believes that the interests
of the inhabitants of non-self-governing territories
are best ^jromoted by the United Nations when
both the administering and non-achninistering
members work together in a spirit of "good neigh-
borliness," to use the words of article 74, to pro-
mote the objectives of chapter 11. We believe
that, despite differences that arise between these
groups, considerable willingness to work together
has been demonstrated by both groups. We be-
lieve that the Committee on Information from
Non-Self-Governing Territories has, in very con-
siderable measure, provided a concrete example of
this cooperative approach to the problems of de-
pendent peoples. In fact, it is, in our view, one
of the values of this committee tliat it brings to-
gether administering and non-administering mem-
bers of the United Nations and provides an
opportunity for the exchange of information and
viewpoints in this field. The 1955 session of the
committee represented, we believe, another step
forward in the realization of this cooperative ap-
proach. While credit is due to all members of
the committee for their contributions to this ap-
proach, my delegation joins in paying special trib-
ute to the chairman, Mr. Scott of New Zealand,
the vice-chairmen, Mr. Frazao of Brazil and Mr.
Arenales of Guatemala, and the rapporteur, Mr.
Jaipal of India. My delegation feels confident
that the spirit that animated the Committee on
Information will also pervade the work of this
committee.

With regard to the specific matters discussed in
the i-eport of tlie Committee on Information, my
delegation has, of course, already made its views
known in the committee itself. We are pleased
that we, along with all other membei's of the com-
mittee, were able to give our approval to the adop-
tion of this report. The report is, of course, not
100 percent satisfactory to any member, but we
believe that it is a reasonably balanced, useful, and
constructive document, which is a real accomplish-

674

Department of Sfate Bulletin

ment in tliat it reflects tlie willingness of members
with very different viewpoints, strongly held, to
accommodate themselves to the viewpoints of
others. More especially, my delegation fully sup-
ports the draft resolution contained in annex 2
(if the report approving the committee's report on
social conditions. The agencies of my Govern-
ment responsible for tlie administration of non-
self-governing territories have, in accordance with
their usual practice, already transmitted this re-
port to the appropriate officials in the United
States territories for their consideration.

We feel tliat the usefulness of this report was in-
creased because of the presence of specialist ad-
visers on the delegations of several of the adminis-
tering members, and we are glad that the commit-
tee has, in the introduction to its report, taken note
of the valuable assistance that it received from
them. We hope that, as indigenous inhabitants
become qualified specialists in the fields studied by
the committee, the administering members will
increasingly attach indigenous specialist advisei"s
to their delegations. We believe that such ad-
visei-s could not only enrich the work of the com-
mittee but also that their experience would be of
benefit to their territories. The committee also
takes note of the helj? it received from representa-
tives of the non-administering members who pro-
vided information on policy and programs of
which they had had experience in their own coim-
tries and which threw light on comparable prob-
lems in non-self-governing territories. This kind
of real exchange of ideas and infonnation is, we
feel, one of the fields in which the conunittee can
be of greatest value.

Like other delegates who have spoken before
me, we consider the discussion of community de-
velopment in the committee's report particularly
useful. As the report indicates, community de-
velopment programs represent an organized effort
to get away from the concept of government as
operating from the top down. These programs
start from the practical, evei-yday needs of the
local community, things that everyone can under-
stand— wells, school buildings, roads. Govern-
ment comes in only to provide advice, plans,
equipment, and materials. The community de-
cides what it wants and how it will get the work
done. As the report points out, the results of
community development progi-ams go far beyond
the wells, school buildings, i-oads, etc., that are
built. These programs develop civic consciousness

and pride; they help the ordinary citizen to feel
a part of local government and even of territorial
government. It is programs animated by this
spirit that provide the kind of sound foundations
that are so important for successful self-govern-
ment.

Future of Committee on Information

With regard to part I of the committee's re-
port, one question, of course, dominates all others,
that is, the question of whether or not the Com-
mittee on Information should be continued and, if
so, under what conditions. Here, again, I believe
that the position of my delegation is well known.
I have already indicated several ways in which
my delegation considers that the committee per-
forms a useful function. So believing, we would
like to see it continued. I have also made amply
clear that in our view one of the major values of
the committee is in bringing together, in a co-
operative endeavor, the administering and non-
administering members of the United Nations.
If the committee were to be continued under cir-
cumstances where it would lose the cooperation of
important members of either group, its usefulness
would, to a large extent, disappear. We believe
that the system of considering tlie problems of
non-self-governing territories that has developed
under chapter 11 of the charter during these first
10 years of the United Nations' existence, while
not without its faults, has demonstrated that a
cooperative evolutionary process in this field is
possible. It was because of our serious concern
over any step which might jeopardize the contri-
bution being made by the committee toward the
advancement of non-self-governing peoples that
the United States representative in the Committee
on Information opposed modifications in the
terms of reference, tenm'e, and composition of the
committee and that he supported the resolution
contained in annex 2 of the report, which would
continue the committee on the same basis for a
further 3-year jjeriod. My delegation remains
convinced that the adoption of this resolution by
the Assembly would be in the best interests of the
inhabitants of non-self-governing territories and
of the United Nations itself.

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, may I say that as
a newcomer to this committee I am impressed by
the interest in the problems of all non-self-gov-
erning peoples that is taken by practically every

October 24, 1955

675

member of the United Nations. It is certainly
a relatively new phenomenon in the history of the
world that the representatives of so many
sovereign states should devote so much thought
and attention to the problems of peoples that have
not yet attained a full measure of self-government.
I feel sui-e that if, despite natural differences in
viewpoint, we can keep our thoughts focused on
the interests of these peoples who look to us with
so much hope, we will not fail to bring closer the
day when they take their full part in the inter-
national conmiunity.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

Security Council

Decisions Taken and Resolutions Adopted by the Security
Council During the Year 1954. S/INF/9, September
13, 19.'5.5. 6 pp. mimeo.

General Assembly

Recommendations Concerning International Respect for
the Rlglit of Peoples and Nations to Self-determina-
tion. Note by the Secretary-General. A/2957, Septem-
ber 8, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo.

Budget Estimate.? for the Financial Tear 19.'i6. Revenue
Producing Activities (Report by the ■Secretary-Gen-
eral). A/C.5/623, September 8, 1955. 32 pp. mimeo.

Constitutions, Electoral Laws and Other Legal Instru-
ments Relating to Political Rights of Women. Memo-
randum by the Secretary-General. A/2952, September
12, 1955. 25 pp. mimeo.

Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Obser-
vations bv Governments. The Netherlands. A/2910/
Add.3, September 13, 19.55. 23 pp.

Question of South West Africa. Supplement to the re-
port of the Committee on South West Africa to the
General Assembly. A/2913/ Add.l, September 13, 1955.
8 pp. mimeo.

The International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy. Report of the 'Secretary-General.
A/2967, September 14, 1955. 7 pp. mimeo.

Organization of tlie Tenth Regular Session of the Gen-
eral Assembly. Memorandum by the Secretary-General.
A/BUR/140, September 14, 1955. 2 pp. mimeo.

Adoption of the Agenda and Allocation of Items to Com-
mittees. Memorandum by the Secretary-General.
A/BUR/141, September 14, 1955. 14 pp. mimeo.

Draft Convention on the Nationality of Married Women.
Note by the Secretary-General. A/2944, September 15,
1955. 6 pp. mimeo.

Question of Assistance to Libya. Report of the 'Secretary-
General. A/2968, September 19, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo.

Question of Assistance to Libya. Communication dated
1 September 1955 from the Prime Minister of Libya
addressed to the Secretary-General [relating to assist-
ance received by the Government of Libya from the
United Nations]. A/2969, September 19, 1955. 58 pp.
mimeo. i

Registration and Publication of Treaties and International
Agreements. Report of the Secretary-General. A/2971,
September 19, 1955. 19 pp. mimeo.

Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Work-
ing pai)er prepared by the Secretary-General. A/C.3/
L.460, September 20, 1955. 26 pp. mimeo.

Regulation, Limitation and Balanced Reduction of All
Armed Forces and All Armaments. Conclusion of an
International Convention (Treaty) on the Reduction
of Armaments and the Prohibition of Atomic, Hydrogen
and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction. Letter dated
22 September 1955 from the Vice-Chairman of the
delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
addressed to the Secretary-General [transmitting texts
of proposals made in the U.N. disarmament subcom-
mittee on May 10 and at the Geneva Conference ou
July 21]. A/2979, September 22, 19.'"i5. 18 pp. mimeo.

Adoption of the Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session
and Allocation of Items to Committees, and Organiza-
tion of the Session. Report of the General Committee.
A/29S0, September 22, 1955. 15 pp. mimeo.

Request for the Inclusion of an Additional Item in the
Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session : Item Proposed
by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Measures
for the Further Relaxation of International Tension
and Development of Internationl Co-operation.

(1) Letter dated 23 September 1955 addressed to the
President of the General Assembly by the Chairman
of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics. A/2981, September 23, 1955. 2 pp. mimeo.

(2) Letter dated 25 September 1955 addressed to the
President of the General Assembly by the Chairman
of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics [transmitting an explanatory memorandum
on the above item]. A/2981/Add.l, September 26,
1955. 3 pp. mimeo.

Question of the Continuation of the United Nations
Tribunal in Libya. Report of the Secretary-General.
A/2983, September 27, 19.55. 4 pp. mimeo.

Arbitral Procedure. Comments received from Govern-
ments regarding the draft convention on arbitral pro-
cedure prepared by the International Law Commission
at its fiftli session. Honduras. A/2S99/Add. 2, Sep-
tember 27, 1955. 5 pp. mimeo.

Application of Spain for Admission to Membership in the
United Nations. Letters dated 23 September from the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Spain addressed to the
Secretary-General. A/2984, September 27, 1955. 2 pp.
mimeo.

TREATY INFORMATION

Surplus Commodity Agreement
With Ecuador

Press release 594 dated October 7

Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs Cecil B. Lyon, and the Ambas-
sador of Ecuador, Dr. Jose R. Chiriboga, on Oc-
tober 7 signed an agreement for the sale of sur-
plus agricultural commodities valued at approxi-
mately $4 million. The program for the sale of
these commodities was developed pursuant to title
I of the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480, 83d Con-
gress).

Payment for the agricultural commodities will

676

Department of State Bulletin

be made in Ecuadoran currency. A portion of the
currency accruing under this program will be used
to meet U.S. Government expenses in Ecuador.
An additional part of the funds will be loaned to
the Ecuadoran Government for development pur-
poses, with eventual repayment to the United
States in dollars or in strategic materials. The
remainder will be used for agricultural marketing
development in Ecuador and the carrying out of
an educational exchange program between Ecua-
dor and the United States.

Great Lakes Fishery Convention
Enters Into Force

Press release 602 dated October 11

The Convention on Great Lakes Fisheries en-
tered into force on October 11 upon the exchange
of ratifications in Ottawa by the United States
and Canada. The convention was signed at Wash-
ington on September 10, 1954.^

The convention brings under a joint U.S.-Can-
ada conservation regime the greatest fresh-water
fisheries in the world. Under it will be estab-
lished the Great Lakes Fishery Commission, com-
posed of six Commissioners, three from each Gov-
ernment. The Commission will seek the preser-
vation and improvement of the Lakes fisheries
through dual activities in the fields of fishery
research and sea lamprey control.

In fishery research, the Commission has the duty
of coordinating the scientific activities of all agen-
cies presently engaged in scientific study of the
Lakes fisheries — the United States and Canadian
Governments and the conservation departments
of the eight Great Lakes States and the Province
of Ontario. The convention thus provides a ma-
chinery for the pooling of the efforts of all fishery
experts in the area and the coordination of their
research.

The Commission will have no power to regulate
fishing operations. It can, however, recommend
conservation measures to the party Governments
on the basis of its scientific findings.

The second major responsibility of the Com-
mission is to destroy the parasitic sea lamprey.
This eel-like creature attaches itself like a leech

to a fish and nourishes itself on the blood and
body juices of its host. It has proved a scourge
to the trout and whitefish of the upper Lakes,
ha\ing already destroyed those species in Lakes
Huron and Michigan. Lake Superior fisheries
are now also under serious attack. It is estimated
that this parasite is costing Great Lakes fishermen
more than $5 million a year in lake trout alone.

The Connnission has wide powers in the field
control of the lamprey. It is expected the Com-
mission will make extensive use of electrical bar-
riers which, placed across spawning streams, pre-
vent the lampreys from going upstream to spawn
and cause their deaths.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Commerce

International convention to facilitate the Importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
at Geneva November 7, 1952.^
Accession deposited: Egypt, September 29, 1955.

Safety at Sea

Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19, 1952.
TIAS 2495.

Xotiticdtion bii Xetherlands of extenMon to: Nether-
lands Antilles, January 11, 1955.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention. Signed at
Buenos Aires December 22, 1952. Entered into force
January 1, 1954.
Notification by Italy of application to: Somaliland,

September 9, 1955.
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro-
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep-
tember 16, 1955.
Pinal protocol to the international telecommunication
convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22, 1952.
Entered into force Januarv 1, 1954.
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro-
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep-
tember 16, 1955.
Additional protocols to the international telecommunica-
tion convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22,
1952. Entered into force December 22, 1952.
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro-
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep-
tember 16, 1955.

BILATERAL

Austria

Agreement concerning the disposition of certain United
States property in Austria, with appendix. Signed at
Vienna September 26, 1955. Entered into force Sep-
tember 26, 1955.

' Bulletin of Sept. 27, 1954, p. 465.
October 24, J 955

' Not in force.

677

Canada

Convention on Great Lakes fisheries. Signed at Wash-
ington September 10, 1954.
Ratifications exchanged: October 11, 1955.
Entered into force: October 11, 1955.

Colombia

Agreement providing for performance by members of
Army, Navy, and Air Force missions of certain duties
specified in article V of military assistance agreement
of April 17, 1952 (TIAS 2496). Effected by exchange
of notes at Bogota July 13 and September 16, 1955.
Entered into force September 16, 1955.

Ecuador

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954 ( 68 Stat. 454, 455) . Signed at Washington October
7, 1955. Entered into force October 7, 1955.

Luxembourg

Agreement relating to the off-shore procurement program.

Signed at Luxembourg April 17, 1954.

Entered into force: September 30, 1955 (date of notifi-
cation to the United States of ratification by Luxem-
bourg).
Agreement approving the off-shore procurement contract

with Luxembourg. Effected by exchange of notes, with

contract attached, at Luxembourg April 17, 1954.

Entered in force: September 30, 1955 (date of entry
into force of the off-shore procurement program agree-
ment).
Agreement amending the agreement of April 17, 1954,

relating to the off-shore procurement contract. Effected

by exchange of notes at Luxembourg May 10 and July

16, 1954.

Entered into force: September 30, 1955 (date of entry
into force of the off-shore procurement program
agreement).

Pakistan

Agreement relating to sale of certain surplus agricultural
commodities and providing for use of proceeds for
urgent relief requirements of Pakistan, pursuant to
agreement for additional emergency assistance in agri-
cultural commodities of January 18, 1955 (TIAS 3188).
Signed at Karachi September 29, 1955. Entered into
force September 29, 1955.

THE FOREIGN SERVICE

Recess Appointments

John D. Hickerson as Ambassador to Finland, October 4.
Thomas C. Mann as Ambassador to El Salvador, Octo-
ber 11 (press release 604 dated October 12).

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernmeyit Printing Office, Washington 25, D.G. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free pubtications, which may he
obtained from the Department of State.

International Rice Commission. TIAS 3046. Pub. 5657.
27 pp. 15«f.

Amended constitution, with rules of procedure, adopted
by the United States and other governments. Approved
by a resolution adopted December 10, 1953, by the Seventh
Session of the Conference of the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, held at Rome Novem-
ber 2.3-December 11, 1953. Entered into force December
10, 1953.

Enlistment of Philippine Citizens in the United States
Navy. TIAS 3047. Pub. 5660. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States and the Republic
of the Philippines — amending agreement of November 18
and December 13, 1952. Exchanges of notes — Dated at
Manila April 1, June 21, and July 20 and 30, 1954. En-
tered into force June 21, 1954.

THE DEPARTMENT

Recess Appointments

Herbert V. Prochnow as Deputy Under Secretary for
Economic Affairs, October 4.

Designations

Koderic L. O'Connor as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Congressional Relations, effective December 1 (press
release 591 dated October 5).

Special Economic Assistance. TIAS 3051.
6 pp. 50.

Pub. 5664.

Agreement between the United States and Jordan. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Amman May 4 and 13, 1954.
Entered into force May 13, 19.54.

Enlistment of Philippine Citizens in the United States
Navy. TIAS 3067. Pub. 5690. 3 pp. 5!*.

Agreement between the United States and the Republic
of the Philippines — amending agreement of November 18
and December 13, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Manila September 2, 1954. Entered into force
September 2, 1954.

Mexican Agricultural Workers, Non-occupational Insur-
ance. TIAS 3127. Pub. 5783. 5 pp. 5«!.

Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Mexico November 19, 1954.
Entered into force November 19, 1954.

678

Deparfment of Slafe Bulletin

October 24, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 852

American Principles. "Confident of Our Future"

(Dulles) 639

American Republics. The Importance of Trade in

Inter-Auieriean Relations (Holland) .... 654

Atomic Energy. Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
(Pastore statement and texts of draft reso-
lution and draft statute of International Atomic
Knergy Agency) 660

Canada. Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters

Into Force 677

Disarmament. President and Soviet Premier Ex-
change Views on Inspection (texts of letters) . 643

Economic Affairs

Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters Into

Force 677

The Importance of Trade in Inter-American Rela-
tions (Holland) 654

Surplus Commodity Agreement With Ecuador . . 676

U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel Com-
munity 643

Ecuador. Surplus Commodity Agreement With

Ecuador 676

Europe. U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel

Community 643

Foreign Service

Recess Appointments (Hickerson, Mann) . . . 678
U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel Com-
munity 643

Iran. U.S. Welcomes Iran's Adherence to "North-
ern Tier" Pact 653

Korea. Report of Agent General of U.N. Korean
Reconstruction Agency (Hays statement and
text of resolution) 672

Mutual Security. Progress in the Rule of Law

(Phleger) 647

Non-Self-Governing Territories. HeliMng Non-
Self-Governing Peoples Toward Genuine Inde-
pendence (Bell) 673

Portugal. Visit of Foreign Minister of Portugal . 653

Presidential Documents. President and Soviet
Premier Exchange Views on Inspection (texts
of letters) 643

Protection of Nationals and Property. "Dual Citi-
zens" Warned of Possible Loss of Citizenship . 658

Publications

Current U.N. Documents 676

Recent Releases 678

State, Department of

Designations (O'Connor) 678

Recess Appointments (Prochnow) 678

Treaty Information

Current Actions 677

I Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters Into

I Force 677

I Surplus Commodity Agreement With Ecuador . . 676

I U.S.S.R.

1 "Confident of Our Future" (Dulles) 639

President and Soviet Premier Exchange Views on

Inspection (texts of letters) 643

United Kingdom. Washington Old Hall, Symbol of

British-American Kinship (Aldrich) .... 651

United Nations

Current Documents 676

Helping Non-Self-Governing Peoples Toward Genu-
ine Independence (Bell) 673

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Pastore state-
ment and texts of draft resolution and draft
statute of International Atomic Energy

Agency) 660

Report of Agent General of U.N. Korean Recon-
struction Agency (Hays statement and text of

resolution) 672

Name Index

Aldrich, Winthrop W 651

Bell, Laird 673

Bulganin, Nikolai A 644

Butterworth, W. Walton 643

Cunha, Paulo 653

Dulles, Secretary 639

Eisenhower, President 643

Hays, Brooks 672

Hickerson, John D 678

Holland, Henry F 654

ilann, Thomas C 678

O'Connor, Roderic L 678

Pastore, John 0 660

I'hleger, Hennan 647

Prochnow, Herbert V 678

Check List of Department[of State
Press Releases: October 10-16

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

Press releases issued prior to October 10 which
api)ear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 591 of
October 5, 593 of October 6, 594 of October 7, and
596 of October 8.

Subject

Dulles : "Confident of Our Future."

Visit of Portuguese Foreign Minister.

U.S. mission to Coal and Steel Com-
munity.

Educational exchange.

Holland : aspects of inter-American
system.

Great Lakes fishery convention in
force.

Warning to "dual citizens."

Mann appointment (rewrite).

Iran's adherence to Baghdad pact.

'Xdt printed.

No.

Date

507
598
599

10/10
10/10
10/10

*G00
*601

10/10
10/11

602

10/11

(i03
(■.04
005

10/12
10/12
10/12

the

Department

of

State

United States
Government Printing Office

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

Washington 25, D. C.

PENALTY FOB PRIVATE USE TO AVOID

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300

(GPO)

OFFICIAL BUSINESS

THE AMERICAN CONSUL

Publication 5893

10 cents

Many American tourists have but vague ideas of what they
should expect from their consuls in the way of services while
they are traveling abroad. The average United States citizen
has some idea of the functions of his diplomatic representa-
tives but seems to be quite confused about the duties of the
American consul.

The American Consul, a 14-page pamphlet, tells what a
consul is and what he does. The leaflet oif ers a concise account
of the history and development of the consular services. These
are some of the subjects treated :

Some Early History

Ships and Seamen

Visas

Passports

Citizenship

Protective Services

Custody of Estates

Insuring Just Treatment

Missing Persons

Consular Courts

Political, Economic, and Trade Reports

Copies of The American Consul may be purchased for 10
cents from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C.

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October 31, 1955

.»»eN-r

UNITED STAl&S PUU11.V IIM THE MIDDLE EAST •'

/Assistant Secretary Allen 683

THE PROBLEM OF PEACE— TEN QUESTIONS ON COM-
MUNIST INTENTIONS IN THE FAR EAST • by As-

sistant Secretary Robertson 690

FREEDOM, RESPONSIBILITY, AND LAW • by Ambas-

sador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 696

THE TASK OF NATO'S NAVAL FORCES • by Admiral

Jerauld Wright 699

ADMINISTRATIVE PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS IN
THE LTNITED.NATIONS AND ITS AGENCIES • State-

inent by Representative Chester E. Merrow 715

MEETING THE CHALLENGE FOR ECONOMIC PROG-

RESS • Statement by Representative Brooks Flays ..... 711

DISARMAMENT AND THE PRESIDENT'S GENEVA
PROPOSAL

Statement by Harold E.' Stassen 703

U.S. Memoratulum 708

For index see inside bade cover

Boston Public Liorary

NOV 2 3 1955

^yne zi^e/ta^l^eTit ci^ t/icite

'•*TB» «'

bulletin

Vol. XXXIII, No. 853 • Publication 6049

Oaoher 31, 1955

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington 25, D.C.

Price:

62 Issues, domestic $7.60, foreign $10.25

Single copy, 20 cents

The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tvith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the tvork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as tcell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
ichich the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department, as
u>eH as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.

United States Policy in tiie Middle East

iy George V. Allen

Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs '

The area I sliall consider tonight is sometimes
referred to as the Near East and sometimes the
Middle East. "Wliat's the difference between
these terms? Brisk discussions are often heard
on the subject. The answer, as far as I personally
am concerned, is that there is no difference. I
often use tliem interchangeably.

You may regard this as a very imprecise way
for a representative of the Department of State
to speak. How can we try to deal with the prob-
lems of an area when we can't even decide what to
call it?

Secretary of State Dulles remarked in a speech
before the American Legion in Miami last week
I hat the United States cannot be expected to solve
all the problems of the world. I would like to
emphasize his statement with the deepest serious-
ness. I have no doubt that some of the problems
that he had in mind are in the very area with which
I am concerned at the present time.

Question of Terminology

Perhaps before long we shall be able to solve
the problem of terminology of the area at least.
I wish I could say to you definitely tonight that
the Near East is Greece and Turkey and the Arab
States and Israel, and that the Middle East means
Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and perhaps India,
but it is not that clear.

The British, who seem to have coined both
phrases. Near East and Middle East, confused
the issues irretrievably during the last war by
opening an office in Cairo which they called the
^liddle East Supply Center. The British mili-
tary headquarters there, under General Sir Hugh

' Address made before the New York Herald Trihune
Forum on Oct. 17.

Maitland Wilson, was also called the Middle East
Command, and all this was in the principal Arab
capital; so, naturally, people began to think of
Cairo and the Arab States, including Palestine,
as the Middle East.

Greece and Turkej- have come to be considered
inore as a part of Europe, particularly since they
became members of Nato. The Atlantic Ocean
seems to have overlapped its borders slightly.

But with Greece and Turkey as parts of Europe,
and the Arab States and Israel as parts of the
Middle East, what's become of the Near East?
Perhaps we should list it as a casualty of the
British War Office.

The American audience might ask me, but why
do we have to go along meekly because London
changes its mind? I don't know; we're easy-
going people.

The present government in London is accused
from time to time of taking its direction from
Washington. Mr. Bevan is pai-ticularly vocal on
this point. I offer the foregoing evidence to either
Mr. Eden or Mr. Attlee the next time they have to
reply to Mr. Bevan on this subject. We quite often
follow London's lead in termmology, if not in
action.

Reaction in Iran

Speaking more seriously of British- American
relations in the Near and Middle East, I had an
interesting experience in Iran during 1947. A
prominent Iranian official, who had been educated
in an American college in Tehran and who'd been
thoroughly pro- American at the early part of his
career, told me that he had become disillusioned
with the United States and had turned toward the
Soviet Union, not because he favored either com-
mmiism or police-state methods.

October 37, 1955

683

In fact, his belief in democratic institutions,
which he had learned at the American college, re-
mained undiminished. He said that, paradoxical
as it might seem, his leaning toward Russia was
solely because liis first loyalty and devotion was to
the sovereignty and independence of his own
beloved country, Iran.

I asked him whether he thought the United
States had any designs on the sovereignty and
independence of his country. He said he had no
thought whatever that the United States wanted
to weaken Iranian sovereignty or independence.
The trouble was, he said, that he'd come to tli^e
conclusion, through sad and bitter experience,
that, when the chips were down, the United States
would do nothing contrary to the views of Great
Britain. "I decided," he said ruefully, "that
Washington is merely a faint echo of London."

I asked liim whether history taught him that
Russia, either Czarist or Communist Russia, had
shown any particular devotion to Iranian sover-
eignty and independence. He said he recognized
perfectly well that Russia would seize Iran with-
out the slightest compunction if it got a chance.

Russian desires for warm-water ports in the
Persian Gulf have been made clear enough since
the days of Peter the Great. He Imew that, as
recently as November 1940, Russia had informed
Nazi Germany, in a solemn proposal handed by
Foreign Minister Molotov to Von Ribbentrop, that
Soviet territorial ambitions lay south of Russian
territory in the direction of the Persian Gulf and
the Indian Ocean.

Nevertheless, in the face of these solemn warn-
ings and the clear lessons of history, he was ad-
mittedly looking toward Russia, at least tempo-
rarily, for support in the Iranian dispute with
Great Britain over oil. He wished he could look
to the United States for this support, but he was
convinced that he couldn't get it.

I commented to liim that his game was not with-
out certain risks. He said he was well aware of the
risks involved, but he saw no alternative and he
was confident that Iran would be able to avoid
leaning either toward Russia or toward the West
so strongly or so long that Iran would endanger its
sovereignty. In fact, he thought that this game
had enabled Iran to survive in the past.

My Iranian friend typified a good deal of think-
ing in the Middle East today. Many of the lead-
ers of that part of the world are tempted, because
of irritation with the West over some particular

issue, to look toward Russia for assistance. This
is not a new game in the Middle East. It was
played long before communism was added as a
further complicating factor.

Wlien Russian pressure is predominant or seen
to be the major threat, Iran looks beseecliingly
toward the West for support. Local quarrels
within the area frequently determine the momen-
tary orientation of country X or country Y.

The Foreign Minister of Greece is reported to
have said a few days ago that the West might lose
Greece in the elections next April. He had refer-
ence, of course, to the Cyprus question, and liis im-
plication was that the Greek people had become
disillusioned with Great Britain, Turkey, and the
United States and might turn toward Russia, or at
least toward neutralism.

Egypt's Purchase of Arms

A few weeks ago the Prime Minister of Egypt,
Colonel Abdul Kamil Nasser, announced his de-
cision to piirchase arms from Czechoslovakia. His
first pronouncement on the subject characterized
the decision as entirely a commercial transaction.
Egypt had cotton that it could not dispose of.
Egypt wanted arms. Czechoslovakia needed cot-
ton and was willing to exchange arms. So the
deal was made.

INIany Americans thought and still think that
he was quite justified in making such a commercial
deal. As a sovereign state he could buy arms
where he pleased. One of the attributes of sover-
eignty is to make your own decisions even at the
risk of making bad ones.

Unfortunately, Egypt has not rested its case
solely on the grounds that its purchase is nothing
more than a commercial transaction. In a speech
before a group of Egyptian army officers on Octo-
ber 2, Colonel Nasser seemed to justify his trans-
action on the grounds that the United States, Great
Britain, and France had engaged in an intrigue
to keep Egypt weak and to build up Israel. The
implication of this is that the Western powers are
bad while the Soviet bloc is "objective."

With this line of reasoning, Egypt goes beyond
the commercial justification and invokes political
argumentation.

Arab-Israel Problems

During my recent conversations with the Egyp-
tian Prime Minister in Cairo, he advanced a line of

684

Department of State Bulletin

reasoning which will come as a surprise, and per-
haps even as a shock, to most Americans. Colonel
Nasser indicated clearly his opinion that the West-
ern powers, including the United States, are guilty
of a particularly vicious form of imperialism in
the Middle East today.

I asked him how he could possibly justify such
an accusation. In the past 10 years Lebanon and
Syria have become completely independent, and
Egypt was at that very moment seeing the last
foreign soldier in the process of departing from
its territory, a territory which had been governed
by foreigners almost continuously since the days
of Greece and Rome. Imperialism, it seemed to
me, was everywhere on the wane, especially in the
Middle East. Moreover, I brought it out that the
United States had done what it could to hasten
this process and I reminded Colonel Nasser that
he himself had expressed his warm appreciation
for the United States assistance in his efforts to
obtain Egyptian military control over the Suez
Canal.

"That's quite true," he said, "and I did welcome
your aid. But you have more than offset that by
your support of Israel."

It took me some time to understand what con-
nection there could possibly be between Israel
and imperialism. Gradually the position, as seen
by the Arabs, began to penetrate. Their argu-
ment is that Israel represents a more difficult type
of colonialism than any they've known before.
It's true, they say, that Britain ruled Egypt for
75 years, with governors and troops sent out from
Britain. Turkey governed Egypt for several cen-
turies before that, with governors and troops sent
from Turkey. But the Egyptian people and the
other Arabs, although not allowed to govern them-
selves, were at least allowed to continue living in
their homes and go about their business more or
less as usual.

But in the creation of Israel, the Arabs say, the
Western powers not only established a European
colony in Arab territory but the world did noth-
ing to prevent the Israelis from chasing Arab
inhabitants away from Palestine. Nine hundred
thousand of them are now refugees, half of them
living in tents and mud huts, and have been doing
so for the last 7 years.

The other half — the Israelis — say that most of
these refugees left Israel under instructions from
their own leaders.
I American policy has been trying, in such ways

as we could, to achieve a relaxation of the ten-
sions which unfortunately beset the Middle East
and, in close collaboration with Great Britain and
France, to avoid an armaments race in that area.
Most Americans, both Christians and Jews, un-
derstand and S3'mpathize fully with the plight of
the Palestine refugees.

We are anxious to do everything we possibly
can to assist them, either through repatriation or
resettlement, to resume lives of fruitful activity
and self-respect.

Arabs generally are inclined to say that Israel
is primarily an American creation through the
support given it by the American Government
and by American Jewi-y. This allegation, like so
many in international affairs, is a half-truth.

Israel, in my own personal opinion, is primarily
the creation of Adolf Hitler and the insane anti-
Semites of the Nazi regime. It was only because
of the unspeakable persecutions and avowed pol-
icy of genocide carried out by the Nazis that many
Americans, both Jewish and Gentile, came to the
reluctant conclusion that the remnant of the Jew-
ish race in Europe needed a state of its own to
be safe from such brutality.

But, say the Arabs, why choose an Arab land
to give them refuge? If you Americans are so
concerned about their fate, why don't you let them
enter the United States? But the ardent Zionists
of Europe didn't want to come to the United
States. With deep religious fervor they wanted
to return to the land from which their ancestors
had been dispersed almost 2,000 years ago. They
were willing, they said, to live there peacefully,
side by side with their Arab cousins. It was the
Arabs, they recall, who started the war of 1947
and tried to run the Zionists into the sea.

U.S. Position

So the argument goes on. We shall hear from
both sides of this bitterly contested dispute to-
night. Your question and mine is, "Wliat should
the United States do about the matter?"

There's one thing most certainly that we shall
not and cannot do — we will not promote hostili-
ties or an armaments race in the area. We shall
endeavor to look the facts in the face as squarely
and as honestly as we can.

It would be easy if the situation were all black
and white, but it's not. Extremists in Israel would

Ocfober 31, 1955

685

like to expand their present boundaries. Arab
extremists would still like to drive the million
and a half Israelis mto the sea.

Keferring again to Mr. Dulles' statement in
Miami, the United States cannot solve all the
problems of the world, but we can do our level
best to help solve them, and our efforts and in-
fluence are not small. It's sometimes felt that we
haven't tried hard enough. Perhaps this is true,
but I'll remind you that throughout the past 2
years the American Government, acting through
Ambassador Eric Johnston, has made every pos-
sible effort to achieve an equitable settlement of
the waters of the Jordan River.

Mr. Dulles made basic suggestions on August
26 for the progress toward an overall settlement of
the Arab-Israeli dispute.- Tranquillity and eco-
nomic progress, not war and bloodshed, are what
we seek in the Middle East.

We shall not be discouraged by setbacks, nor
shall we allow emotions or annoyance to prevent
us from dealing justly and fairly as God gives us
ability to determine justice and fairness.

With courage and determination we shall see
this job through.

Talks With Congressional Leaders
Before Geneva Meeting

Press release 611 dated October 20

Secretary Dulles met with a representative
group of Senators and Representatives on October
20 to discuss the forthcoming Geneva meeting of
the Foreign Ministers of the United States, United
Kingdom, France, and the Union of Soviet Social-
ist Republics.

The Secretary reviewed the three points of the
"Directive of the Heads of Government of the
Four Powers to the Foreign Ministers" issued at
the "summit" meeting last July: European se-
curity and Germany, disarmament, and the
development of contacts between East and West.^

The meeting was held in conformity with the
practice of the Administration to keep Congress
informed of developments in the international
field and to consult with Members of Congress on
matters of foreign policy.

Departure of U.S. Delegation to
Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES

Press release 613 dated October 21

The Foreign Ministers conference to which I go
is designed, as President Eisenhower said last
July, to translate the generalities of the Geneva
"summit" conference into specific agreements.
That, he said, is when real conciliation and some
giving on each side will be necessary.

The United States delegation will act in that
sjjirit.

We sliall seek the reunification of Germany
within a framework of European security. The

Publication on Summit Conference

The Department of State ou October 20 released
The Geneva Conference of Heads of Oovemment,
July 18-23, 1955 (publication 6046). The pamphlet
contains tests of the Geneva conference papers
which had been published previously, prlncii)al
statements by President Eisenhower and Secretary
Dulles, texts of notes exchanged in preparation for
the conference, addresses made by the President be-
fore and after the conference, and news conference
statements on the subject by Secretary Dulles. Cop-
ies are available from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing-
ton 25, D. C. (35 cents).

= Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.
•Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 176.

Western powers, including the Federal Republic
of Germany, ai'e ready to meet every legitimate
Russian concern for security. Fortunately, secu-
rity for Russians is not inconsistent with justice
for Germans. Indeed, we doubt that in the long
run security is ever gained by perpetuating a
grave injustice like the division of Germany.

We shall seek to advance the cause of disarma-
ment with which the United Nations is dealing,
aiid we are ready to promote contacts between
East and West which will advance understand-
ing and fellowship and the cause of peace.

I go with the backing of the President and of
congressional leaders, and, I believe, of our peo-
ple. I am very grateful for this support. Our
delegation will seek to carry worthily its heavy
responsibilities and to express competently the as-

686

Department of State Bulletin

pirations of our people for peace, justice, and
freedom for all.

I realize that tliis conference has serious impli-
cations. The foundations for it were built by the
Heads of Government themselves. If we cannot
build on that foundation, then many high hopes
will have to be discarded. If, as I believe, we
can build on that foundation, even modestly, then
it will be good for all the world and we can look
to the future with renewed confidence.

MEMBERS OF U.S. DELEGATION

Secretary Dulles, U.S. Representative

Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson

Harold E. Stassen, Special Assistant to the President

Coor(Jinator

Douglas JlacArthur II, Counselor, Department of State

Deputy coordirMtor

Jacob D. Beam, Department of State

Principal advisers

Charles E. Bolilen, Ambassador to the U.S.S.R.

Robert R. Bowie, Assistant Secretary of State for Policy
Planning

Gordon Gray, Assistant Secretary of Defense

William H. Jackson, Special Assistant to the Secretary of
State

Carl W. McCardle, Assistant Secretary of State for Pub-
lic Affairs

Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant SecretaiT of State for
European Affairs

Thruston B. Jlorton, Assistant Secretary of State for
Congressional Relations

Herman Phleger, Legal Adviser, Department of State

Assistants

Eodeiic L. O'Connor, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of State

Col. Carey A. Randall, Military Assistant to the Secre-
tary of Defense

Transcript of Secretary Dulles'
News Conference

Press release 606 dated October 18

Secretary Dulles: I thought that before you put
questions to me I might tell you a little bit about
my plans for the next few days. I am leaving
late this afternoon for Denver, where I expect to
see the President again tomoiTow morning some-
time and go over the filial plans for Geneva. I
shall be back here for the National Security Coun-

cil meeting on Thursday morning and Cabinet
on Friday morning, and on Friday aft«rnoon I
expect to leave for Europe. I shall go first to
Rome and leave Rome in time to get to Paris late
Sunday afternoon or early Sunday evening. Then
we will have our meetings with the Working
Group on Geneva on Monday and Tuesday. On
Wednesday there is a meeting of the Nato Council
at the ministerial level to go over the preparations
for Geneva with them. Then the Geneva meeting
itself starts on Thursday of next week, the 27th.
Now, if you have any questions.

Q. Mr. Secretary., cotdd you tell us why you are
going to Rome?

A. I am going to Rome because of my desire
to have a little more time to talk over common
problems with the Italian Govermnent. They
have invited me to do so, and I am very happy
to respond favorably. They have a particular
interest in many matters that we also are con-
cerned with, and they are of course very much
interested in the possible developments at Geneva.

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting

Q. Mr. Secretary, Vice President Nixon said
yesterday that the Geneva conference holds more
promise than, any conference in the, last 10 years.
Do you share that optimism?

A. Well, I share the view which I think he had
in his mind, which is that there is, I think, more
chance of some practical steps being taken as a
result of this Geneva conference than has been
the case at other recent conferences. The "sum-
mit" conference at Geneva of the Heads of Gov-
ernment was not designed to be in any sense an
action conference. It was stated in the invitation
that the first conference, the Heads of Govern-
ment, would be the first stage and that the subse-
quent meetings of the Foreign Ministers would be
the second stage at which the spirit of Geneva
would be sought to be translated into actual deeds.
So that, as the President said when he came back
from Geneva, the acid test is going to be what
happens at the Foreign Ministers conference. I
believe that there is a reasonable chance of some
l^rogress of a practical nature being made along
the lines of the three items of our agenda.

Q. How long do you expect to stay in Geneva?

A. Well, it is not possible to fix those things
precisely in advance. I would suppose that the

October 31, 1955

687

conference would last somewhere around 3 weeks,
a little more or a little less.

Q. Mr. Secretary, Jioxo do you reconcile the view
of hope that you have just indicated with the
so-catted deterioration of the Geneva spirit after
the conference in July and your warnings and the
Presidents warnings and others that the Russians
may have not changed so fundamentally as we
m,ight have hoped?

A. I don't think that there is any conflict or
inconsistency of the positions. It is quite true
that hopes were aroused in many quarters from
the meetings of the Heads of Government which
went beyond the practical possibilities. I do not
think that either the President or I ever shared
those extreme hopes. Now, what has happened
since then has been a disillusionment to some.
I would not say that it has been a particular dis-
illusionment to me or to the President. In other
words, I think that the possibilities which are in
this second-stage conference at Geneva are about
as good as we thought they would be when we left
the summit conference in Geneva.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you had a session yesterday,
I believe, with Walter Reuther and George Meany.
Did anything come out of that of significance on
world news on Geneva?

A. No. It is not the purpose of these meetings,
which occur rather periodically — and I hope they
will continue to be periodic — to arrive at any
decisions. "We just talk things over, and I thought
it would be useful to hear their views before going
to Geneva. They have views on some of these
problems and also on some related problems which,
while not actually on the agenda for Geneva, will
perhaps come up for discussion, such as the ques-
tion of relations to dependent territories and
matters of that sort. I was very glad to get their
views.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your last press conference
you said you expect substantial progress on the
German problem.^ Do you still expect it? And
on what do you base your expectations?

A. Well, I think I said, and I still would repeat,
that I hope and expect that there will be a substan-
tial progress made toward the unification of Ger-
many. I said I did not expect that the unification
of Germany would be accomplished at this meet-

^ BttixeTin of Oct. 17, 19.5.5, p. 606.

ing or that indeed its accomplishment would be
assured at this meeting. But I believe that the
various proposals which will be put forward on
both sides will bring us nearer together and that
they will advance and not retard the unification of
Germany.

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you received any indi-
cation from the Russians that is not publicly
known that they are willing to take a more flex-
ible stand on the German issue?

A. No. My conclusions are based on my analy-
sis of the situation, not based upon any tipoff or
indication from the Soviet authorities.

Middle East Question

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been reports that,
if the Middle East question is raised in Geneva,
the Soviets might suggest that they join the three-
power declaration of 1950 ^ and possibly even some
organizations in the Middle East. Would you
give us your views on this question?

A. I have not heard that suggested. As you
know, I have previously told you, I discussed this
Middle East situation twice with Mr. Molotov in
New York, and no such suggestion was made by
him at either of those meetings, nor has any such
suggestion been made to us since then.

Q. Do you plan to discuss Middle Eastern ques-
tions in Geneva tvith Mr. Molotov next week?

A. Well, as you know, that is not on the agenda,
and it will not come up, as far as we can now
foresee, as a matter of formal discussion at the
conference itself, although of course it is always
permissible, I suppose, for the Foreign Minis-
ters to put a new item on the agenda if all of them
want to do so. But what I would think is quite
likely is that, in informal talks which take place
as a byi^roduct to these conferences, that subject
would come up.

Q. Would you raise the su-bject if Mr. Molotov
didn't raise the subject? Would tve take the ini-
tiative?

A. Well, I would be disposed to, I think. I
have done it twice, and the third time might have
more luck than the first two.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in regard to that May 1950
tripartite declaration, it was really the Amhassa-

'For text, see ibid., June 15, 1953, p. 834 (footnote).

688

Department of State Bulletin

dor of the Israeli Government who seems to take
the position that it places upon the Western pow-
ers a commitment or an obligation to furnish Israel
arms to match the arms the Communists nfiay he
providing to the Egyptian Government and other
Arabic governments. Do you interpret that decla-
ration of 1950 in that way?

A. I do not think that one can draw very cer-
tain conclusions merely from the terms of the
declaration itself. You have got to apply the
declaration to the facts, and to some extent the
facts are still obscvire, as they were when I last
talked with you. The declaration in general has,
as far as arms are concerned, two broad concepts :
one, that it is desirable to avoid a serious im-
balance of power, the other, that it is desirable
to avoid an armaments race. Both thoughts are,
as I recall, implicit in the declaration, perhaps
explicit. Now, we do not yet know or cannot
yet judge the military significance of the arrange-
ment that has been made between the Government
of Egypt and the authorities in Czechoslovakia
with reference to arms, as do we neither know yet
the full quantity or the kinds or the quality. You
know, this business of secondhand arms is a busi-
ness which is very difficult to appraise accurately.
Of course the countries with large armaments are
constantly discarding the old types and replacing
them with new. Now, the actual value of the dis-
cards is something which is not always easy to
judge, and we are not yet in a position to form
any clear judgment as to whether what is taking
place is going to increase importantly the mili-
tary potential of the Egyptian armed forces.

Exchanges With Soviet Union

Q. Mr. Secretary, VFW National Commander
Murphy quotes you as saying, ^^It might have been
better not to have brought to the United States
the Ru^ssian farm delegation.'''' Can you com-
ment on that?

A. No. I don't even recall having said it,
although if Commander Murphy said I said it, I
would accept his recollection of our talk.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that it would
have been better if the Soviet Union farm delega-
tion had not comef

A. I felt that there were certain aspects of that
trip which were undesirable. I refer particularly
to some of the emotionalism that was incident to

the trip and which I thought might not give a
very good impression back in tlie Soviet Union.
But I suppose we will have to get used to those
things and these first manifestations will prob-
ably not go on repeating themselves.

Q. As a general principle, do you disagree that
exchanges of groups, such as the housing group,
are desirable?

A. I think on the whole the exchanges are
probably desirable.

Q. Mr. Meany has said several times that he is
against exchanging labor groups between the two.
Do you agree with him on that?

A. We did not discuss that. He did not tell me
that, and it didn't come up at all; so I do not
know what reasons he has for that.

Status of Geneva Talks With Red China

Q. Mr. Secretary, ivill you tell us something
ahout your talk Saturday [October 15] with Mr.
[ V. K. KrishTuz] Menon and particularly whether
the prospects of a higher level talk between the
United States and Red China was discussed?

A. He brought up the subject and I expressed
to him the view, which I have elsewhere expressed,
that this meeting at Geneva was arranged to dis-
cuss matters of direct concern to our two countries,
and I think that the possibilities of that meeting
ought to be fully explored and exhausted before
there is consideration given to a possible second
meeting. And so far, we have not, I think, nearly
exhausted the possibilities of this present meeting.

Q. Can you tell us something about the status
of those talks, Mr. Secretary?

A. The status is, I think, known. I will try to
recapitulate it. As a result of discussion of the
first item on the agenda, that is, the return of civil-
ians on the two sides who want to come back, an
agreement was reached that they were entitled to
come back and would be allowed expeditiously to
exercise that right. And certain arrangements
were made with the Governments of the United
Kingdom and of India to facilitate the exercise of
that right of return. There have been a certain
number of United States citizens who, in pursu-
ance of that agreement, have been allowed to
return ; certain others so far have not been allowed
to exercise the right which they were supposed

October 3 J, 7955

689

to have expeditiously. And we are now, however,
going on to deal with item two of the agenda, while
reserving the right to reopen item one at any time
if it does not seem that the agreement is being
carried out in good faith. Under item two the
question of renunciation of force has been dis-
cussed and the question of trade embargo is to be
discussed. I think the next meeting is on Thurs-
day this week [October 20].

Q. The discussions are on, the substance — you
are discussing these questions themselves?

A. Yes. I should add that the question of a
further meeting has also been raised by the Chi-
nese at Geneva.

Q. Could you give us their reaction during these
'preliminary stages to the renunciation of the use
of force?

A. No. I'm sorry, I can't do that because the
understanding we have is that the substance of

what is said at these meetings will not be reported
by either side except by mutual agreement.

Q. Mr. Secretary., on this question of a further
meeting at Geneva, is this the high-level meeting
which the, Chinese Communists seem to want?

A. Yes.

Q. Sir, do you expect the China talks to go on
while the Foreign Ministers meeting is also in
progress in Geneva?

A. I would expect so, yes.

Department Employees

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have heen some reports
that two employees of the State Department have
heen disciplined in connection with the early re-
lease of the Yalta papers. Is there anything to
that?

A. I don't know anything about that one way
or another.

The Problem of Peace — Ten Questions on
Communist Intentions in the Far East

hy Walter S. Robertson

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^

The peoples of the world long for peace, for
relief from anxiety and tension, for the assurance
that they shall escape the frightful slaughter,
suffering, and destruction of another world war—
a war which in these days of nuclear weapons
would probably spell the end of civilization as
we know it. There can be no doubt that the prob-
lem of peace is by all odds the problem now
weighing most heavily on the heart of man.

In considering this problem of peace I should
like to take a quick look at the main current of
events as it moves in the world today with special
reference to the Far East, the area with which my
official responsibilities are primarily concerned.

In so doing, I should like to be able to report
to you that we stand on the threshold of a happier

' Address made on Oct. 15 at Davidson College, David-
son, X. C.

era. Lately we have seen flashes of light from a
hitherto darkened shore. Mankind is eager to in-
terpret them as flashes of good will that can be
converted into a steady beam of true communica-
tion and understanding. I know you will agree
that if we are to have real hope we must look at
the facts frankly and fearlessly. Only at our
grave peril could we permit our longing to cloud
our judgment or our reason. All that we are and
value is at stake on our decision as to the meaning
of tliese flashes.

]\Iany of you, I am sure, liave read of the ancient
art of wrecking as practiced in an earlier time by
some of the less scrupulous villagers of the world's
seacoasts. At night these wreckers would tie a
lantern on a horse's head and ride along the beach.
Unwary mariners who sighted the bobbing light,
thinking it another ship sailing a safe channel,

690

Department of State Bulletin

would be lured to their destruction in the shoal
water. Death from iniscalculation was neither
more nor less pleasant a prospect then than now.

It is too soon to know whether the Communist
siirnals of jjood will contain substance or whether
thej' are false signals to lure and to lull. And
until we do know, we nuist not, we cannot, let
down our guard.

The "sunnnit" conference last summer produced
a phrase — the spii'it of Geneva — that means many
things to many men. To some it means appease-
ment; to others, a new era of brighter hope for
true peac« in our time.

To appraise the spirit of Geneva realistically,
however, I think it must be said tluit it means
neither of those choices but something else. The
spirit of Geneva M-as compounded in part from
tlie strength of the free nations of the world and
in part from the imier problems and stresses of
the Communist world. It is no cure-all, neither
is it a sellout. It is an exploratory step designed
to see if it is possible to find solutions for the press-
ing problems that exist between the free world
and tlie Communist world.

"We have had sufficient experience with the
Soviet orbit over the last 38 years to make us pro-
ceed with caution. Within the past decade we
have had the painful experience of seeing our
wartime ally systematically \dolate wartime
agreements almost before the ink on the documents
was dry. We have seen Communists use every
weapon in their arsenal — propaganda, infiltra-
tion, subversion, naked armed aggression — in
eti'orts to gain their ends.

We cannot be other than cautious. You will
remember I^enin's own justification for Commu-
nist zigzag tactics. Lenin pictured the party as
a man ascending a steep, unexplored mountain
who reaches an impossible obstacle to forward
motion. Then, Lenin said, the man "lias to turn
back, descend, seek another path, longer, perhaps,
but one which will enable him to reach the
summit."

Lenin's "summit," as we all know, is the de-
struction of free institutions and domination of
the wreckage by international communism. It is
this philosophy that makes us withhold judgment
on present Soviet intentions. Unless and until we
see something more positive than words, we can-
not be lulled by a dream of peace.

Peace is one of the most stiiring words in the
English language, but it also can be one of the

most deceptive under present circiunstances.
Peace at any price is not peace at all. By adopt-
ing such a principle, we could guarantee a peace-
ful world tomorrow, but what kind of a world
would it be? A police state, a silent world of
subjugation where no free voice is ever heard.

At Philadelpliia in August, President Eisen-
hower warned America against complacency and
the idol of a false peace.- He said :

. . . there can be no true peace wbich involves acceptance
of a status quo in wliieli we find injustice to many nations,
repressions of human beings on a gigantic scale, and with
constructive effort paralyzed in many areas by fear. . . .
The peace we want — the product of understanding and
agreement and law among nations — is an enduring inter-
national environment based on justice and security. It
will reflect enlightened self-interest. It will foster the
concentration of human energy — individual and organ-
ized— for the advancement of human standards in all the
areas of mankind's material, intellectual, and spiritual
life.

Purpose of Summit Conference

The Heads of State who met at Geneva were
under no illusion that they could resolve at a sin-
gle encounter the problems that beset the world.
All that they undertook to do, all that common-
sense and prudence recommended as being witliin
immediate reach, was to explore, in a conciliatory
spirit, various new paths leading toward the pos-
sible solution of these difficulties.

No substantive agreements were arrived at con-
cerning any of the stubborn, brooding issues that
constitute the cold war. There was agreement
only upon how these issues would henceforth be
taken up. The issues still remain. No easy or
early solutions are in sight. So the true summit,
and I do not mean the summit of Lenin's distorted
dream, still lies beyond. The upper slopes, in all
their formidable aspects, wiU be tackled at the
meeting of the Foreign IMinisters late this month.

Nothing could be more dangerous to the future
order and stability of the world than the assump-
tion that the Geneva discussions have in some way
sanctified the present state of things. To believe
that would be to believe that the commmiity of free
nations has accepted as a continuing and mialter-
able fact of life the perpetuation of basic injustices
that disfigure all too grievously the countenance of
mankind. The denial of independence to many
peoples having long, proud histories of national

" Bulletin of Sept. 5, 19.55, p. 375.

Ocfofaer 3h 1955

691

existence and the subjugation of millions to a con-
dition which by civilized standards is indistin-
guishable from slavery camiot be perpetuated.

There was no acquiescence in these abhorrent
situations by the Western powers at Geneva. On
the contrary. The statements of the West made
unmistakably clear to the Soviet leaders their con-
victions that the righting of these wrongs was an
indispensable precondition to a genuine easement
of world tensions.

The United States will never sanction, for the
sake of temporary accommodation, or any other
reason, the fastening of a machine-made system of
government upon others whose desires have not
been consulted and whose consent has not been
freely given.

This is the heart of the matter. The issues that
divide us go far beyond a competition of strategic
geography. The world that we are given to work
and strive in stands apart in its separate concep-
tions of the nature and meaning of life, of the
place of man in relation to the state and, indeed,
of liis relationship to God. It is this conflict of
philosophy and government that everywhere cuts
across the specific problems before us.

Let me address myself now to the Far East.
There, as in Europe and the Middle East, are many
questions which must be answered by the Commu-
nists before we can prudently indulge in relaxa-
tion.

The United States continues to be portrayed to
Asian peoples by Communist propagandists as a
gang of unscrupulous conspirators seeking to
dominate and enslave (this refers, mind you, to
our assistance programs) the millions of Asians
to whose freedom and prosperity we have dedicated
such a substantial portion of om* national
resources.

We continue to hear threats to use force for the
attainment of political objectives. There seems to
be a kinship between the current Communist
tactics and the man who explained to liis friends
that he was hitting himself on the liead with a
hanuner because it felt so good when he stopped.
Are we then to open our arms in unquestioning
gratitude each time there is a lull in the hostile
hammer blows?

As we survey the Far East in a search for signs
that communism has indeed turned a new leaf,
what are some of the questions to which we should
like answers?

Americans Detained in China

Since the Red rulers came to power in Peiping,
many of our citizens in China have been seized on
the flimsiest of pretexts and subjected to physical
and mental tortures in Communist prisons.
Others, during weary months and years of waiting,
have been denied permission to leave the country.
Since August 1, our Ambassador to Czechoslo-
vakia, Alexis Johnson, has been negotiating pa-
tiently and firmly at Geneva with a representative
of the Chinese Communists in an effort, first of
all, to bring about the release of 41 Americans long
desiring to return home and forcibly prevented
from doing so.

Some of these Americans have now been re-
leased. But there remain 19 others, 18 held in
prison and one under house arrest.^ Although
falsely branded as criminals by the Communists,
most of these people are missionaries who went to
China in order to devote their lives to bringing
spiritual and physical comfort to the Chinese peo-
ple. All are reputable, representative Amei-ican
citizens. Their arrest and mistreatment cannot be
condoned imder any civilized standard of conduct.

As a result of the present Geneva negotiations,
the Chinese Conununists announced publicly on
September 10 that these Americans have a right
to return home. They have also pledged to take
measures so that these Americans may "expedi-
tiously" exercise that right. Yet today, more
than a month after that pledge was given, not a
single one of these 19 Americans has been released.
We continue to hope and expect that the Commu-
nists will carry out their promise.

Therefore, our first question must be, When will
the Conununists fiilfill their pledge and release the
remainder of our mistreated countrymen?

' For names of the Americans and a partial list of those
who have been released, see ihid., Sept. 19, 1955, p. 457
(footnote), and Sept. 26, 1955, p. 489 (footnote). Since
publication of the latter list, the following have left Com-
munist China : Emma Angelina Barry, Miss Eva Stella
Du Gay, Robert Howard Parker, and Mrs. Pieter Huizer,
all of whom reached Hong Kong on Sept. 26 : Mr. and Mrs.
Howard Lischke Ricks, who arrived in Japan from Shang-
hai on Oct. 13 ; and Mrs. Nadeshda M. Romanoff, Irene
Romanoff, Harriet Mills, and the Rev. Armand Proulx,
who reached Hong Kong on Oct. 31. Miss Mills and Mr.
Proulx were the first Americans released pursuant to the
agreed announcement of Sept. 10 (for text, see ihid., Sept.
19,1955, p. 456).

692

Department of State Bulletin

Elections in Viet-Nam

Another question relates to Viet-Nam, now un-
happily divided into two parts as a result of the
Geneva conference of July 1954 which brought
an uneasy peace to this land long troubled by
foreign-supported Communist guerrilla warfare.
The northern half of the country is under the iron
control of the Connnimist Viet Minh ; the southern
portion, under the guidance of anti-Communist
nationalist Prime Minister Diem, is steadily pro-
gressing on the difficult road toward full-fledged
modern democratic statehood.

By May 1955, date of the total Red takeover in
North Viet-Nam, more than 600,000 refugees of
all creeds had fled southward to freedom. In
this exodus from Communist slavery the United
States Navy played an enormous role, making
hundreds of trips from Haiphong to the sanctuary
of Free Viet-Nam south of the 17th parallel. Viet
Minh propaganda warned these refugees they
would suffer torture, starvation, and death at the
hands of the Americans. The dream of freedom
triumphed nonetheless, and was attained. Food
and medicine and kindness aboard U.S. Navy
transports washed away fear. The chief wish of
the rescued was then to tell the unfortunates left
behind of the falseness of the Communist predic-
tions and the wondei-s of American treatment.

These refugees, along with the millions of their
counti-ymen in Free Viet-Nam, aspire toward uni-
fication of their country in liberty, as a sovereign
state pursuing its destiny free of all foreign domi-
nation. These millions are passionately opposed
to communism and to any scheme for unification
under communism. They are consequently highly
skeptical of the interzonal elections scheduled
under the Geneva Agreement for July 1956. The
Free Vietnamese strongly doubt that such elections
could be held under genuinely free conditions in
Viet Minh-held territory. Red-style elections in
the more populous north, accompanied by thought
control, distortion of the facts, coercion, and in-
timidation, would unquestionably produce a Com-
munist victory, thus achieving by seemingly legal
means the subjugation of Free Viet-Nam to Com-
munist slavery. Elections under totally free con-
ditions would, on the other hand, undoubtedly re-
sult in a unified and independent nation.

So my second question is. Is it possible to ob-
tain in North Viet-Nam the necessary conditions
for a free expression of the national will through
general elections?

Threat to Formosa

Perhaps the gravest question of the Far Eastern
area relates to the Chinese Communists' attitude
toward Taiwan, a link of great strategic impor-
tance in the chain of island defenses in the Western
Pacific. In defiance of world opinion, the Chinese
Communists continue to threaten the use of force
to bring under Communist domination this island
now occupied by the National Government of
China and jirotected by a mutual defense treaty
with the United States. Our Government has
espoused the entirely reasonable principle of the
renunciation of the use of force to implement
policies in this area, as elsewhere. Acceptance of
this principle does not involve the justice or in-
justice of conflicting claims. It only involves
recognizing and abiding by accepted standards of
conduct under international law. It is a prin-
ciple which reflects the universal view of the civil-
ized community of nations. It has found expres-
sion in the Covenant of the League of Nations,
the Kellogg-Briand treaties, and the U.N. Char-
ter. The principle has been accepted by all re-
sponsible governments of the world.

"We hope," Secretary of State John Foster
Dulles said in addressing the American Legion
at Miami on October 10, "that the Chinese Com-
mimists will accept for themselves this 'renuncia-
tion of force' principle. Until now they have
largely lived by the sword. They came into power
through violent revolution. They moved into
Korea to fight the United Nations Command.
They took Tibet by force. They allied themselves
with force in Indochina. But perhaps they are
now beginning to see that persistence in the use of
force will surely bring disaster."

So we ask yet another question. Are the Chinese
Comnvunists and the fifth columns they control
prepared to renounce the use of force as a means
to obtain political objectives?

Violations of Korean Armistice

Our questions continue to mount as we range
farther along the perimeter of the great Asian
land mass which the Communists now dominate.

The fighting in Korea ended with the signature
of the Armistice in July 1953. The Armistice
was designed to preserve the military balance
until a political conference could arrange for the
unification of Korea. Wliat has happened?
From the day the Armistice was signed the Com-

Ocfofaer 37, 1955

693

mimists have openly flouted it. They have brought
into North Korea some 450 aircraft and other
combat material in direct violation of its terms.
They have consistently failed to make the required
reports to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Com-
mission. Through the two Communist members
of the Commission — Poland and Czechoslovakia —
they have prevented the Commission from making
adequate inspections in North Korea. Despite
propaganda about withdrawal of Chinese Com-
munist armies, they still keep over 400,000 Chinese
Communist troops in North Korea.

Nor is their record of performance on unifica-
tion any better. The Communist radio talks much
about their desire to unify Korea. But when the
United Nations tried to negotiate a political set-
tlement at Geneva in 1954, they insisted on terms
which would have meant Coimnunist domination
of all of Korea. In contrast, our own position is
clear, simple, and forthright. We only want a
unified, independent, and democratic Korea. We
believe it can be achieved through genuinely free
elections under United Nations supervision for
representatives in the National Assembly propor-
tionate to the native population of Korea.

So I ask. Are the C ominvmists frefared to ob-
serve the Armistice they signed? Are they j)re-
pared to withdraw their forces and renounce their
aggression in Korea? Are they tviUing to agree
to hold genuinely free elections in Korea under
United Nations supervision?

Threat to Southeast Asia

A fifth question concerns the Kingdom of Laos,
a small, strategically located nation of some 2 mil-
lion people. Beset by the myriad problems of the
newly independent state, Laos must also cope with
a serious threat to its territorial integrity posed by
the Viet Minh-sponsored Pathet Lao. These Com-
munist-controlled rebels, in flagrant violation of
the Geneva Agi'eement on the Cessation of Hostili-
ties in Laos, continue to defy the Royal Govern-
ment by refusing to permit the restoration of the
Government's administration in two northern
jDrovinces. They have resorted to military at-
tacks against National Army outposts in the area.
Conversations between the Lao Government and
Pathet Lao leaders, under the auspices of the
International Control Commission, are now being
held in an attempt to reach a political settlement

by peaceful means and thus eliminate this source
of instability and infection in Southeast Asia.

Thus we ask the question. Will the Comrrmnists
adhere to their numerous pledges to respect the
independence^ sovereignty, unity, and territorial
integrity of other states, hy permitting Laos to
solve its problems unhindered by foreign inter-
vention in its internal affairs?

A little to the west is Cambodia, where the Com-
mmiists continue to seek by infiltration and by
hostile propaganda the subversion of another state
whose independence has been newly won.

Again we ask. Will the Coinmunists cease in-
terference in the internal affairs of Camhodia?

In neighboring Malaya and Singapore the pop-
ulation is trying to move sensibly and peacefully
toward autonomy and self-government with the
assistance of Great Britain. It is an area of
special concern to the Western World because its
pojjulation, prejjonderantly of Chinese origin, has
been the target of aggressively organized subver-
sion, backed by armed warfare.

Our question. Are the Communists willing to
accord freedom, and independence to this rich land
by peaceful and orderly progress?

In Thailand, to the north, subversive agents of
communism have also been active. Coimnunist
China hai'bors a renegade former premier who has
called upon the people of Thailand to overthrow
their free government and substitute commimism
under the domination of Red China.

Will the Communists put an end to this type
of meddling?

The other new nations of Asia — the Philippines,
Indonesia, and Burma — all have had to deal with
Communist infiltration and armed uprising.
Fortunately they have been successful in throwing
oft' this brazen challenge to their dearly won inde-
pendence from colonial status.

Can we be assu^red that commv/nism will re-
nounce its ahn of substituting a new type of
colonial domination for that which has been
discarded?

Closest to us geographically, Japan is rebuild-
ing after the disaster of war. Despite the grave
economic difficulties which Japan faces, it is a
rich prize which the Communists covet. At first,
after the peace treaty, they tried to gain their
ends through bloody riots. These failed. Now
they have turned to insidious subversion and
popular-front tactics. They are trying to lure

694

[iepaT\men\ of Sfofe Bu//ef/n

Japiui into weakening her ties with the United
States and the other free nations of the world.

Once more the question is, Will the Convmu-
nists refrain from efforts to dominate Japan and
subvert her freedom?

U.S. Policy in Asia

In asking these questions concerning Commu-
nist intentions toward the nations of Asia, we do
so in full awareness that we also on our part have
an obligation not to interfere in the internal affairs
of any country. We have adopted a policy of
supporting and assisting the free nations of Asia
who seek help in achieving economic, political,
and military strength because we have learned at
great cost that freedom is indivisible. Its main-
tenance everywhere is vital to the freedom of all,
including our own, which, when all has been said
and done, is the real objective of our national
policy.

The countries of free Asia and the men who
lead them are faced with formidable problems.
All suffer from various degrees of poverty, short-
age of educational facilities, from poor public
health. Perhaps most important, the great ma-
jority lack experience in solving problems of
organization. Most of the newly established na-
tions have natural resources which could, if prop-
erly developed, bring a really new world to
several hundred million people. Most of the
leaders of Asia are thoroughly aware of the needs
of their people and see their task as one of pre-
serving their cherished national independence
while bringing their idle resources into play for
the benefit of their countrymen. The sole pur-
pose of our mutual aid programs is to help them
in this task.

Our hopes for Asia are no different now from
what they were after the Boxer Eebellion, when
we alone refused territorial or other special privi-
leges from prostrate China and instead devoted
the indemnity owed to us to the education of
young Chinese so that they might better serve
their own country. "Wliat we want in Asia is
what we want everywhere — a world made up of
independent, responsible, democratic countries
whose governments are devoted to the peaceful
development of their own territory and to the wel-
fare and personal freedom of their own people.
We want this because it is the only kind of world
in which the values we put above life can endure.

We have committed ourselves to explore every
avenue for the relaxation of world tensions. We
will seek permanent peace by every honorable
means, but we are well aware that peace cannot
be found through surrender of principle. If we
insist upon answei's to certain unanswered ques-
tions before tearing down our protective fences,
we are being neither belligerent nor provocative.

I need not tell j'ou that the American people
do not want war with any nation. It is my con-
viction that no people anywhere wish for war.
If i^olitical leaders everywhere would be willing
to abide by the wishes of their people, I am sure
that the unanswered questions which cast such
ominous shadows today would be answered, ten-
sions would disappear, and all of us could, at long
last, once more go about the business of creating a
happier and a better world.

Termination of Guatemalan
Trade Agreement Proclamation

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 17

Tlie President on October 17 signed a proclama-
tion terminating as of October 15, 1955, the procla-
mation of May 16, 1936, which proclaimed the
bilateral trade agreement entered into by the
United States and the Eepublic of Guatemala on
April 24, 1936.

The termination of the 1936 proclamation is the
final step in giving effect to the termination of the
agreement, by mutual consent, as proposed by the
Guatemalan Government on August 2 and ac-
cepted by the United States on September 28, 1955.

The announcement of the termination of the
agreement effective on October 15, made by the
Department of State on September 30, 1955, con-
tains the text of the notes exchanged between the
two Governments.^

PROCLAMATION 3117'

Whekeas, Tinder the authority vt-steil in liira by section
350 (a) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended by the act
of June 12, 19.34, entitled "An Act to amend tlie Tarife
Act of 1930" (48 Stat. 943), the President of the United
States entered Into a trade agreement with the President
of the Republic of Guatemala on April 24, 1936 (49 Stat.
3990), and proclaimed such trade agreement by proclama-
tion of May 16, 1936 (49 Stat. 3989) : and

Whekeas the Government of the United States of Amer-
ica and the Government of the Uepublic of Guatemala

' Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1955, p.
' 20 Fea. Reff. 792S.

77.

October 31, 1955

695

have agreed to tenuiuate the said trade agreement effec-
tive October 15, 1955 ; and

Whereas the said section 350 (a) of the Tariff Act of
1930, as amended, authorizes the President to terminate,
in whole or in part, any proclamation carrying out a trade
agreement entered into under such section :

Now, THEREFORE, I, DwiGHT D. EISENHOWER, President
of the United States of America, acting under and by
virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution
and the statutes, including the said section 350 (a) of the
Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, do proclaim that the said
proclamation dated May 16, 1936, shall be terminated as of
the close of October 14, 1955.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand

and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this seventeenth day of

October in the year of our Lord nineteen hun-

[seal] dred and fifty-five, and of the Independence of

the United States of America the one hundred

and eightieth.

/^ (.jL^-yLAAjU-tLjUL^ A.rt.o>^

By the President

John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State

Freedom, Responsibility, and Law

iy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^

To come to this great university to receive the
eminent and vakiable distinction of your honor-
ary degree is an event in my life as memorable
as it is unique, and I thank you.

Your exercises today are addressed to three
great ideas which are expressed in the words
"freedom, responsibility, and law," which I shall
try to discuss from the standpoint of one who has
been a government official in the state, national,
and international fields for 20 years.

Your exercises have a particular and personal
meaning for me because one man with whom I
have been especially closely associated was a dis-
tinguished gi'aduate of this university — the late
Brien McMahon, who was Senator from Con-
necticut when I was Senator from Massachusetts.
He and I were both members of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, belonging respectively to the
majority and the minority sides.

"WHien the great and fundamental question arose
in 1951 as to whether we would send troops to
Europe to show the reality of our interest in world
peace and to help Europe maintain its freedom,
Brien McMahon and I stood together. There
was formidable opposition to this idea. It was

' Address made at the Fordham University School of
Law, New York, N.Y., on Oct. 8 (U.S./U.N. press release
2217 dated Oct. 6).

subjected to attacks by skilled parliamentarians
and debaters. He and I worked weeks on end in
the closest possible comradeship. The resolution
passed, our troops have been in Europe ever since,
and Europe has not been overwhelmed by Com-
munist armies. If U.S. troops had been in Europe
in 1914 and in 1939, there is no doubt in my mind
that neither the Kaiser nor Hitler would have
dared begin their aggressions.

I mention this not merely because Brien
McMahon was a distinguished graduate of Ford-
ham but because close association with him showed
me that he believed strongly in the ideal of human
"freedom"; that, as a statesman who believed in
"responsibility," he therefore saw the need to take
active, sacrifice-demanding steps; and that these
steps should be taken by "law" to preserve that
freedom effectively from ever-present danger. He
was not a weathervane who followed the lightest
breeze that blew or a chameleon who took the
color of his political environment. He had a
mind ; it was a trained mind belonging to a well-
informed man. Wlien that mind, based on the
best information, came to a conclusion, he under-
took to educate and lead the public and not defer
to the prejudices of those who could not possibly
know as much about the subject as he did. To his
defense of freedom, therefore, he brought a sense

696

Deporfmenf of State Bulletin

of responsibility of a high order. It is not going
too far to say that it is, above all else, this high
grade of responsibility which brings public re-
spect to our elected officials.

It is intelligent of the Fordliam authorities to
link the words "freedom" and "responsibility"
and "law."

Every individual knows in his own life that,
unless personal freedom is accompanied by a sense
of responsibility, it ceases to be liberty and speedily
becomes license.

In community affairs we know that the two must
go hand in hand. If we litter our beaches and
public parks with our own refuse and have not
the sense of responsibility to clean up our own
messes, these beaches and parks become trash heaps
and we thus lose the freedom to enjoy them.

It sometimes happens that one ward of a mu-
nicipality seeks to detach itself from the rest of the
city so that it will have a lower tax rate, con-
tribute less, and therefore pay less for the schools
and the sewers and the general upkeep of the
community. Such persons wish to diminish their
responsibility.

We fought a war over the principle of secession
by a State, and one of the things that we learned
from the Civil War was that the principle of
secession ultimately defeats itself. The State of
Georgia, while under the Confederacy, passed a
law that the soldiers of that State would not fight
outside of the State — a decision which, taken in
the name of States rights, helped the Union. The
principle of States rights to which the Confeder-
acy was dedicated was actually a millstone around
the neck of the Confederacy. As the Civil War
went on, lesser units of government thought that
what was sauce for the goose was sauce for the
gander, and whole counties began to secede. There
was, for example, Jones County in Mississippi,
which announced to the world that it was calling
itself the "Free State of Jones" and would hence-
forth belong to itself and be sovereign. It is only
a step from this to each citizen seceding from
the community, refusing to pay taxes, refusing to
obey the law, and proclaiming himself a sovereign
nation too — and that is anarchy.

In this modern world freedom must also be
linked with responsibility as far as nations are
concerned.

At the United Nations the effort is constantly
made to try to get sovereign nations who are all
certainly legally free and independent (however

much their freedom is threatened by the facts
of modern science) to act with a sense of responsi-
bility. There is legal power in the United Nations
in spite of the paralysis of the Security Council
by the Soviet veto. But the United Nations
achieves its task of infusing some responsibility
into the society of nations, not by invoking its le-
gal power but by persuasion, by mobilizing world
opinion, by using its forum — the world's greatest
single engine for influencing world opinion — in an
intelligent manner. One result has been that the
United Nations, in spite of the revolutionary state
of the world, has in its 10 brief years of life pre-
vented world wars from developing out of very
dangerous situations which existed in Iran, in
Greece, in Israel, in Kashmir, in Indonesia — and,
of course (and with great and tragic sacrifice of
troops) in Korea.

Another recent result was that the mobilization
of world opinion by the United Nations was fol-
lowed by the release of our illegally imprisoned
fliers in China — an action which only an inter-
national organization could have achieved and
which in all probability no state, however power-
ful, could do for itself.

The United Nations, of course, works in re-
sponse to a moral sanction. It is not intended to
be a mere cynical cockpit in which the law-abiding
and the criminal are indiscriminately scrambled
up.

The founders wrote the words "peace-loving"
and "justice" into the charter, and I contend that
it is up to those of us who work at the United
Nations not to debase these moral standards but to
hold them high and try to see to it that others
live uj) to them.

I submit that it is up to us who work at the
T^^nited Nations to frown on the type of diplomat
who says that nothing is either good or bad as such
but that every tiling must be judged solely on
whether it is practical or impractical.

Indeed, we who work at the United Nations
might well inspire ourselves from the prayer of
St. Francis, which, as you know better than I,
implores : "O Lord, make me an instrument of Thy
peace."

Because, ladies and gentlemen, we should know
that man's pathetic little devices cannot avail by
themselves, and only by following God and seek-
ing God can we hope to bring the world to justice
and thus to peace.

Therefore, no matter how many big words we

Ocfober 37, 1955

364444 — 55 3

697

use and no matter how large are the organizations
into which man has formed himself, the questions
of war and peace in this world, of freedom and
responsibility — whether on the individual or the
community or the state or the national or the
international plane — all come back to man, to
the everyday individual person.

This may be an unpopular doctrine, particu-
larly as it is easy to blame certain well-known
personages for the ills of the world. But can
we think that if Lenin or Stalin had never lived
there would have been no cruelty and no oppres-
sion in Russia ? Can we think that, if the Kaiser
or Hitler had never been born, Germany would
not have gone to war? If Hannibal or Caesar
or Attila or Genghis Klian, if Tamerlane or Na-
poleon had never existed, would there have been
no invasions or wars or massacres ?

It seems unlikely — because every one of us car-
ries within himself the same evil propensities that
animated these men. All of us know that we can
be on our knees one moment in religious piety and
ten minutes later, behind the wheel of our auto-
mobile, we can become a jealous, snarling, ruthless
potential of destruction, threatening perhaps the
life of the same lady we politely bowed out of
the church door a few moments before.

We must therefore not merely fight to keep our
freedom, but, having kept it, we should use it
actively and purposefully to make ourselves better
and our nation better.

We should use freedom to apply the education
which we receive from this university, for ex-
ample, to bring out the truth about ourselves and
about the world. The Holy Father said in 1950
that "No society that rests on foundations of hy-
pocrisy and falsehood is secure." This applies
with particular force to those of us who are either
lawyers or government officials, and explains why
George Washington advised us to :

Promote as an object of primary importance, institu-
tions for the general diffusion of linowledge. In pro-
portion, as the structure of a government is forced to
accede to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion
should be enlightened.

No matter which way we turn, therefore, we see
that it all depends on the individual's self-mastery.
We are often told that modem man has many
aspects, but remember that, while man has his
industrial, his artistic, and his strategic aspects,
spiritual man is what predominates. The spirit-
ual aspect of man is like the wind in relation to

the sailboat: you cannot steer against it and ad-
vance. This gives point and immediacy to Abra-
ham Lincoln's statement: "The question is not
whether God is with us; it is up to us to be with
God."

As we commemorate the past 50 great years of
Fordham history, let us, in conclusion, be inspired
for the future by the thought that this university
and this law school have an unrivaled opportunity
to inculcate into the hearts and minds of the
American people the knowledge that freedom,
responsibility, and law under God go hand in
hand.

This has been our faith since the founding of
the Republic. We depart from it at our peril. It
has lit us down many a shadowy road in the past.
It can do so again. It is this faith — and not
our material achievements — which makes us really
great. It is this faith that leads us to the open
road of high achievement which lies ahead.

Amendment of Tariff of
Foreign Service Fees

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 11

The President by Executive order on October
10 revoked a schedule of fees heretofore charged
by U.S. consular officials for certain invoice serv-
ices provided in connection with shipments of mer-
chandise to the United States.

The fees eliminated are provided for in items 1
through 5 of the Tariff of United States Foreign
Service Fees. The order formally revoked the
charge of $2.50 provided for in item 1 for certifi-
cation of invoices covering goods being exported
to tlie United States. The Bureau of Customs
recently eliminated from its regulations this cer-
tification requirement that liad applied to a sub-
stantial portion of merchandise consigned to
United States importers.^

Effective 10 days after the date of the publica-
tion of the Executive order in the Federal Regis-
ter^ the abolition of the certification requirement
constitutes another step in the program of simpli-
fying customs procedures for the benefit of both
foreign suppliers and U.S. importers. A special
customs invoice form, not requiring certification,
is being substituted for the consular form.

' BuixETiN of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 399.

698

Depar^menf of Sfofe Bulletin

The other related items eliminated from the
Tariff of United States Foreign Service Fees by
this Executive order apply to services involving
relatively few transactions. Certification in these
instances will be provided without charge by con-
sular officials henceforth, pending probable even-
tual elimination of customs requirements for
them.

Executive Order 10639-

Amendment of the Takiff of United States Foreign
Skkvice Fees

By virtue of and pursuant to the authority vested in
me by section 1745 of the Revised Statutes of the United

States, as amended (22 U. S. C. 1201), it is heieliy ordered
as follows :

The Tariff of United States Foreign Service Fees, pre-
scribed by section ¥-15 of the Foreign Service Regula-
tions of the United States (Executive Order No. 7968,
as amended : 22 CFR 103.1) , is amended by deleting there-
from Items No. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5.

All prior Executive orders inconsistent herewith are
amended accordingly.

This order shall become effective ten days after the
date of its publication in the Federal Register.

The White House
October 10, 1955

The Task of NATO's Naval Forces

by Admired JeravM Wright

Supreme Allied Commarvder Atlantic '

I am asked to speak about Nato, and in accept-
ing this invitation I must invite your attention to
my severe limitations. Nato is essentially a polit-
ical organization, wliereas I am a military officer.
My job is to take the forces which the Nato na-
tions give us and to organize and train them and
to plan for emergency or war. I am not involved
in the most important and interesting peacetime
aspect of Nato, its political relationships with the
rest of the world. These political aspects of Nato
are by far the most important to the United States
and to all member nations. I am not, therefore,
a qualified specialist in discussing the status of
Nato in the world political arena, but I can say
certain things about Nato which may help you
in your appraisal of its status today.

I am siu'e you are aware that Nato is a purely
defensive organization. It was inspired by tlie
growing alarm of free nations that their postwar
security was at stake. Their fears were confirmed
by the seizure of Czechoslovakia and the Berlin
blockade and later increased by the attack on
Korea. It was inspired by the realization that

'20 Pea. Reg. 7717 (Oct. 14, 1955).
■' Address made on Sept. 28 before the National Security
Industrial Association, New York, N. Y.

their security could not be assured by the efforts
of that great international organization, the
United Nations, on which so many had pinned
such great hopes; by the realization also that no
one nation could defend itself alone against the
ever-increasing Soviet armies; and finally by a
recognition that a collective security, a mutual de-
fense, were the only means of maintaining our
freedom.

The result was the North Atlantic Treaty. This
treaty was something new to the United States.
It was our first peacetime alliance for mutual de-
fense. I reemphasize that Nato is a political
agreement. It has teeth in it, the teeth so badly
needed to hold on to our individual and collective
freedom and to defend ourselves against military
attack. The teeth are provided in article 5 of
the treaty, which prescribes that an armed attack
against any nation shall be considered an armed
attack against them all and each of the others
will take such action as it deems appropriate in-
rhuUtig the use of armed force to restore the peace
of the community.

No alliance of democracies can ever be stronger
than its popularity. When General Eisenhower
was the first Sujireme Commander in Europe, my
duties required regular contacts with him. I well

October 31, ?955

699

recall his frequently emphasized thesis that the
principal job of Nato nations was not the raising
and training of military forces but the education
of people, governments, and nations as to the real
objective of Nato — the objective of mutual sup-
port, mutual defense, and mutual determination to
resist and reject aggression. Once this is done,
the development of the necessary military posture
would follow easily. This theory that our real
strength lies in our unity of thought and national
policy has certainly been borne out by subsequent
events.

Organization of NATO

Now let us take a close look at Nato. How is it
organized and how does it operate?

At the top is the Nato Council, a board of direc-
tors, so to speak, made up of national Ministers —
Ministers of State for policy matters, Ministere of
Defense for military matters, or Ministers of Fi-
nance for fiscal matters. They operate on the prin-
ciple of unanimity of agreement, and every act of
the Council has been agreed by all 15 Nato na-
tions. By virtue of this fact they have high inter-
national stature and great power, not power of
authority but power of influence and persuasion.

They are cumbei-some. But what organization
is not which seeks unanimity of 15 independent
authorities? They can never match for speed
the unilateral actions of a dictatorship over satel-
lite nations, but they can outdo a dictatorship
every time in the strengtli wliich comes from vol-
untary action.

We have in the Nato Council the means of ex-
pressing the agi-eed political views of 15 nations.
We have the means of coordinating in emergency
the economic facilities of the several nations, such
as shipping, transport, and communications, for
the benefit of all. And most importantly, the
Council is the Nato political agency which pro-
vides strategic direction and guidance to our mili-
tary forces. In any democratic organization, be
it a nation or group of nations, the political must
control and direct the military. The Nato Coun-
cil provides the strategic direction and guidance
upon which all our military plans and operations
are based.

The Council gives its guidance to the standing
group, a military tribunal of British, French, and
U. S. officers which replaces the Combined Chiefs
of Staif of World War II. The standing group

converts this guidance into military directives for
the plans and operations of the Nato military
forces.

These military forces of Nato are divided into
two principal commands, those dedicated to the
defense of Europe under General Gruenther and
those defending the Atlantic under myself.

The forces defending the Atlantic come from
eight different nations which border on the At-
lantic. Without the benefits of Nato these naval
forces would be a heterogeneous, uncoordinated
gi'oup of individual ships and planes operating
each under a different strategic directive issued
by one of eight different nations.

But the great contribution which Nato has
made to our military effort is organization. For
example, we have over the naval forces of the
Atlantic Command, a Commander, a headquarters,
and a joint staff. As Commander of these forces,
I am responsible to the Nato nations individually
and collectively for the defense of the Atlantic.
I am assisted and advised by an international
staff made up of officers of eight Nato nations.
My principal subordinate commanders are Amer-
ican, Canadian, British, and French naval officers
and airmen. We work under a strategic concept
and directive passed down from the Council. We
have a complete set of plans worked out to the last
detail and agreed by all nations.

But most important of all, we have an organiza-
tion— a military operating structure of command-
ers, staffs, task fleets and forces — an organization
in which we have a slot for every ship, plane, and
man which the nations of Nato can provide us ini-
tially, and progressively later, as their mobiliza-
tion forces are activated.

Furthermore, by organized study and planning
and by frequent international training exercises,
we know our mutual strengths and weaknesses and
we are making progress in overcoming the difficul-
ties of differences of language, communications,
tactics, equipment, and the all-important matters
of repair, supply, and logistics.

Thus, Nato provides us the organization
through which nations and their forces may reap
the benefits of coordinated direction, of unity of
thought and action, whereby they act as a trained
team rather than a group of individuals.

In other words, Nato has provided our forces
with the unity of purpose and the organization by
which the teamwork so essential to military oper-
ations can be achieved. Three years ago, we had

700

Department of State Bulletin

eight separate navies in the Atlantic each "on its
own." Now we have one Nato navy and by virtue
of organization it is far better than the sum of
eight.

Strength of Soviet Navy

We need all the advantages which Nato organ-
ization can give us. The Soviet navy today is
the second largest in the world. Its submarine
fleet is by far more numerous than all other sub-
marine fleets in the world. It is designed for the
task of driving a steel wedge down the Atlantic
and cutting the lifeline between North America
and Eurojje. Our task in the Nato navies of the
Atlantic is to prevent this, and we get gi'eatly
added strength through the organization and
peacetime defense planning which Nato gives us.

I would like to summarize my thoughts by the
statement that I think that Nato is the greatest
deterrent to aggression in the world today. The
fact that 15 nations will rally to the active support
of any one of its members will make any aggres-
sive-minded nation think twice before any action
which would result in invocation of the Nato
treaty.

In my travels throughout Europe I have con-
tacted many of the Ministers of the present gov-
ernments and almosfc-all of the Heads of State.
In every case I found a feeling of added strength
and security by virtue of their membei-ship in
Nato, an appreciation of the fact that no one will
ever again stand alone.

Now I have read reports in the papers and ap-
praisals by columnists to the effect that, as a result
of the Geneva Conference, Nato is weakened, that
the apparent change in attitude of the Soviets has
reduced the need for Nato. As one of Nato's mili-
tary commanders I can report no tangible evidence
of this. On the contrary, I believe that the exist-
ence of Nato added considerably to the strength
of our position in the Geneva Conference and
should receive a large measure of credit for the
success of these discussions.

So long as a large part of the world is ruled
by a dictatorehip, anned to the teeth with forces
far beyond the requirements of self-defense, and so
long as they activelj^ pursue the annomiced objec-
tives of international communism, I see no alter-
native but that the peace-loving nations of the
world remain organized — organized for mutual
sujjport and defense and for the preservation of
the peace of the community.

Release of Stockpile Materials
in Event of Enemy Attack

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 10

The President signed on October 10 an Execu-
tive order which authorizes the Director of the
Office of Defense Mobilization to release mate-
rials in the national stockpile for defense pur-
poses in the event of enemy attack on continental
United States.

In such a contingency there could be extensive
damage to facilities essential to the conduct of war.
It would be extremely important at that time to
have immediate access to stockpile materials which
could be used for the prompt repair and rehabili-
tation of the most essential facilities.

At present stockpile materials can be released
only on order of the President for purposes of the
common defense. The Executive order does not
change this, but merely provides the Director of
the Office of Defense Mobilization with authority
in advance to handle urgencies which might be
created by enemy attack.

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10638'

atjthobizino the director of the omce of defense
Mobilization to Ordhie the Reh-ease of Strategic and
Ceitical Materials From Stock Piles in the Event
OF AN Attack Upon the United States

Whereas section ii of the Strategic and Critical Ma-
terials Stock Piling Act, as amended by the act of July
23, 1936, 60 Stat. 506 (50 U. S. O. 9Sd), provides, in part,
that during a national emergency with respect to common
defense proclaimed by the President strategic and criti-
cal materiaLs may be released from stock piles for use,
sale, or other disiwsition on the order of such agency as
may be designated by the President ; and

Wherbus the existence of a national emergency with re-
spect to common defense has been proclaimed by the Pres-
ident by Proclamation No. 2914 of December 16, 1950 ; '
and

Wherkas an enemy attack on the continental United
States might create shortages of strategic and critical
materials requiring immediate release of such materials
from stock piles to meet military and essential civilian re-
quirements :

Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me
by the said section 5 of the Strategic and Critical Mate-
rials Stock Piling Act, it is hereby ordered as follows :

In the event of enemy attack upon the continental
United States (exclusive of Alaska), the Director of the

' 20 Fed. Reg. 7637.

' Bulletin of Dec. 25, 1950, p. 1003.

October 31, 1955

701

Office of Defense Mobilization is authorized and directed
to order the release by the Administrator of General
Services of such materials from stock piles established
under the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling
Act, in such quantities, for such uses, and on such terms
and conditions, as the Director determines to be necessary
In the interests of the national defense.

^_) (.jLa-y C'i'Z^Lf-fUu^ X.*o-^

The White House,
October 10, 1955.

Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United

Kingdom, September 24, 1955.
Protocol on terms of accession of Japan to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annex A ( sched-
ules of the Contracting Parties) and annex B (schedule
of Japan). Done at Geneva June 7, 1955. Entered
into force September 10, 1955.
Signature: Germany, September 9, 195.5.'
Notification of intention to apply concessions received:

Italy, September 5, 1955 (effective October 5, 1955) ;

Dominican Republic, September 9, 1955 (effective

October 9, 1955).

National Olympic Day, 1955

Current Treaty Actions

MULTILATERAL

Austria

State treaty for the re-establishment of an independent

and democratic Austria. Signed at Vienna May 15,

1955. TIAS 3298. Entered into force July 27, 1955.

Adherence deposited: Czechoslovakia, September 28,

1955.

Copyright

Inter-American convention on rights of the author in
literary, scientific, and artistic works. Signed at Wash-
ington June 22, 1946. Entered into force April 14,
1947.'
Ratification deposited: Cuba, September 29, 1955.

Trade and Commerce

Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to an-
nexes and text of schedules to the General Agreement

on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 7, 1955.'

Acceptance: Japan, June 7, 1955 (by signature of proto-
col of terms of accession).

Signature: Denmark, Septeruber 22, 1955.
Agreement on Organization for Trade Cooperation. Done

at Geneva March 10, 1955.'"

Signature: Netherlands, August 31, 1955."
Declaration on the contlnue<l application of schedules to

the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done

at Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force March

10, 1955.

Acceptance: Japan, June 7, 1955 (by signature of proto-
col of terms of accession).

Signature: Peru, September 16, 1955.
Protocol of organization amendments to the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva

March 10, 1955.=

Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United
Kingdom, September 24, 1955.
Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX

of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done

at Geneva March 10, 1955.'

Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United
Kingdom, September 24, 1955.
Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of

the General Agreement (ra Tariffs and Trade. Done

at Geneva March 10, 1955.'

' Not in force for the United States.

' Not in force.

' Signed ad referendum.

Proclamation 3119 <

Whereas the XVIth Olympic Games of the modern era
will be held in Melbourne, Australia, beginning November
22 and ending December 8, 1956, with the Winter Games
to be held at Cortina d'Ampezzo, Italy, from January 26
to February 5, 19.56; and

Whereas the Olympic Games have Imbued competitors
and spectators alike with Ideals of friendship, chivalry,
and comradeship, thus contributing to common under-
standing and mutual respect among the peoples of the
world ; and

Whereas the Congress by a joint resolution approved
August 4, 1955 (09 Stat. 470), calls attention to the fact
thiit the United States Olympic Association is engaged
in assuring maximum supix)rt for the United States teams
which will compete witli young men and women from more
than seventy nations in the forthcoming athletic contests ;
and

Whereas the said joint resolution requests the Presi-
dent to issue a proclamation designating the twenty-
second day of October, 19.55, as National Olympic Day :

Now, therefore, I. DwiGHT D. Eisenhower, President
of the United States of America, do hereby designate
Saturday, October 22, 1955, as National Olympic Day ;
and I urge all of our citizens to do their utmost in support
of the XVIth Olympic Games and the Winter Games
to be held in 1956, to the end that our Nation may be able
to send an adequate number of representatives to par-
ticipate in these games.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this eighteenth day of
October in the year of our Lord nineteen

[seal] hundred and fifty-five, and of the Independence
of the United States of America the one
hundred and eightieth.

I?y the President :

John Foster Dulles
Secrctiirg of State

20 Fed. Reg. 79.>5.

702

Department of Stale Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Disarmament and the President's Geneva Proposal

Following are th-e texts of a statement made hy
Harold E. Stassen, Deputy U.S. Representative
on the U.N. Disarmament Com^nission, before
the Commission's Suhcommittee of Five {Canada,
France, U.S.S.R., United Kingdom, United
States) at U.N. Headquarters on October 7 and
a U.S. memorandwm suhmAtted to the suhcomr-
mittee on the same day.

STATEMENT BY MR. STASSEN

U.S./U.N. press release 2221 dated October 7

The subcommittee of the United Nations Dis-
armament Commission is about to begin a short
recess lasting until after the forthcoming Four
Power meeting at Geneva of Foreign Minister's.
This recess involves only a brief pause in the for-
mal work of the subcommittee. It should mean
no interruption at all of the great task with which
we are charged.

It is time that our parent body, the Disarmament
Commission, studied the results of our work thus
far.^ It is time for those who are preparing for
another momentous meeting at Geneva to take ac-
count of our deliberations.

The United States believes that we should meet
again as soon as we can after Geneva, when we
shall have the benefit of the counsels of that meet-
ing. We believe that the full Disarmament Com-
mission might assemble sliortly thereafter; and
that the General Assembly of all the members of
the United Nations should debate the report of the
Disarmament Commission as soon as feasible after
its presentation.

The extraordinary responsibilities laid upon this
subcommittee I'eally do not permit any uimeces-
sary delay. They do impose upon us the need for
full and due reflection and an understanding of
the position of each one of us upon the i^art of all

' The report of the subcommittee is U.N. doc DC/71
dated Oct. 7.

of us. If I may say so, one of the more encourag-
ing things about this series of meetings has been
the development of such an attitude.

In the period between the two Geneva meetings,
our conference has provided one of the first and
most important tests of the "Geneva spirit." This
is what Ambassador Lodge meant when he wel-
comed us on the opening day to share in a great
opportunity.^

Toward the close of these remarks I shall try to
estimate how we have dealt with our opportunities.
First, I should like to review United States policy
and our own contribution.

President Eisenhower's Proposals

As you are all aware. President Eisenhower at
Geneva on July 21 ^ presented a new and historic
American proiDOsal. That proposal called for the
exchange of blueprints of military information
between the United States and the Soviet Union,
to be verified by mutual aerial reconnaissance.
These blueprints would include, first, the identi-
fication, strength, command structure, and dispo-
sition of personnel, units, and equipment of all
major land, sea, and air forces, including organ-
ized reserves and paramilitary; second, a com-
plete list of military plants, facilities, and installa-
tions with their locations.

Later, I put into the record a United States
Government outline plan for putting this plan
into immediate effect.^ This plan makes provision
among other things for unrestricted, but moni-
tored, mutual aerial reconnaissance by visual,
photographic, and electronic means; for freedom
of communications; for the presence aboard in-
specting aircraft of personnel of the coimtry
being inspected; for the presence of ground ob-

' Bulletin of Sept. 12, 19r.5, p. 438.
'Ibid., Aug. 1, 19.J.5, p. 173.
* U.N. doc. DC/SC.1/31.

Ocfofaer 31, 1955

703

servers in each country to assist in verifying
exchanges; and for simultaneous delivery of simi-
lar types of information by each participating
country.

The President's proposals are at once as simple
and as bold as the work of inspiration, deep
humanity, and great leadership often is. But
there is also the product of long months of prayer-
ful study directed by President Eisenhower.

In the past several weeks I hope I have given
you some idea of the estimates which lie behind
this plan. For the final record let me sum them
up as succinctly as I can. And then I shall ex-
plain for the first time in these meetings some-
thing more that we are doing.

First, we begin with the postulate of peace —
just and durable peace. This is the great impera-
tive of the thermonuclear age. On October 19,
1954, President Eisenhower declared that "there
is no longer any alternative to peace." ^ And
every day that passes makes it appear more clearly
that this was the principal conclusion of Geneva.
The Eisenhower plan will impose burdens of far-
reaching character upon all who participate in it.
But if these undertakings will advance the cause
of peace, they will be gladly accepted by the
American people.

Second, our studies convince us that, in the past,
perhaps more than others two courses have often
led to war : one is irresponsible and self-indulgent
unilateral disai-mament ; another is the classic
arms race which feeds and is fed upon interna-
tional fear and distrust. United States policy
is not based on either course.

Third, and of vital importance for our studies,
we have recognized that we are no longer the
absolute masters of the most powerful tool of war.
It is not possible by any presently known scientific
means to detect nuclear weapons-grade material
once it has been placed in casings and hidden
away. Such hidden stocks from past and current
production could be fabricated into weapons and
used in devastating surprise attack. All of us
here, and all of our governments, now recognize
this fact.

Fourth, in this situation and unless the world's
scientists are able to achieve a breaktlu'ough,
making it possible to accoimt in full for nuclear
weapons material, we believe the best couree is to
find a way to eliminate large-scale surprise attack.

° Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954, p. 636

We believe that one kind of surprise attack and
the only kind which right now threatens vast de-
struction and which holds the world in fear is
surprise attack involving the Soviet Union and
the United States.

Fifth, we believe that, on the day these two
powers decide to open up to each other and to lay
bare their military potential, the security of the
whole world will be increased. A climate of
greater confidence will surely prevail. And in
that climate, the world will build the kind of
disai"mament and inspection system in which all
nations can put their trust — a system in which
all can reduce and limit and regulate armaments
and armed forces.

Gentlemen, these are five realistic, difficult, but
hopeful conclusions. The Eisenhower plan for
aerial inspection for peace is based squarely upon
them.

The United States also recognizes that these
five conclusions are matters of concern to each of
the Governments represented in the subcommittee
and to all nations of the world. Consequently, we
have suggested that an agreement between the
Soviet Union and the United States, putting the
proposal into effect without delay, might also pro-
vide for the adherence and participation, as
agreed, of designated countries on an equitable
basis, as soon as the plan is in operation.

The President's Plan and Inspection

The United States believes that inspection is the
key to arms limitation. No nation — not the
United States, not the Soviet Union nor any other
nation — can safely reduce its armed strength un-
less there is international agreement which will
enable all nations to know that these commitments
are being honored in fact.

The United States is by no means alone in this
conviction. Every government here represented
as well as those which are not holds firmly to this
belief.

President Eisenhower said on July 21, 1955 :

No sound and reliable agreement can be made unless it
is completely covered by an inspection and reporting sys-
tem adequate to support every portion of tlie agreement.
The lessons of history teach us that di-sarmament agree-
ments without adequate reciprocal inspection increase the
dangers of war and do not brighten the prospects of
peace.

Foreign Minister Pearson of Canada declared
on March 24, 1955 :

704

Department of State Bvlletin

Without some kind of control and inspection which
would give us a basis for confidence in any agreements
reached being observed, any disarmament proposals under
the present circumstances of fear and contention would
merely be a cruel and hypocritical delusion, and could be
put forward only for propaganda.

Foreign Minister Pinay last week assured the
General Assembly that

. . . general controlled disarmament was ever an objec-
tive of French foreign policy.

Prime Minister Eden of the United Kingdom
on July 21 at Geneva declared :

I fully support the principle enunciated by President
Eisenhower — that no disarmament plan can be acceptable
which does not contain a system of inspection and report-
ing which Is adequate to support every phase of the plan.

And the Prime Minister of the other of the two
principal nuclear powere professes similar views.
Here is what Marshal Bulganin told the Supreme
Soviet on August 4, 1955, in commenting on Pres-
ident Eisenhower's proposals :

The President of the United States justly remarked that
each disarmament plan boils down to the question of con-
trol and inspection.

The peoples of the world, who have the greatest
stake in the outcome of our work, would be well
justified in asking why, in view of such a show of
unanimity, we have not been able to get on with
the job.

One general answer is that in the past suspicion
has so mired the footsteps of nations on the path
toward agreement that the inspection idea could
never get off the ground. We believe that the
President's plan would lift the concept of inspec-
tion from this morass. It would rebuild that in-
ternational confidence which is the bedrock of any
Ijermanent, reciprocal system of inspection and
control. It would provide an important safeguard
against a great surprise attack, as well as a mas-
sive but simple test of inspection.

My Government believes that the Soviet May
10 proposals * for stationing ground observers at
certain key points would have merit if tliese in-
spectors had adequate powers and immunities. We
do not believe, however, that in the absence of
aerial inspection this system would provide ade-
quate security against surprise attack. Nor do we
believe it would be sufficient to support a compre-
hensive program of arms limitation and reduc-
tions. We note the absence of provisions in the

• IMd., May 30, 1955. p. 900.

Ocfober 3 J, J 955

May 10 proposals for inspection of atomic facil-
ities and the industrial facilities which back up
an arms program.

At one of our recent meetings, Mr. [Arkady A.]
Sobolev [U.S.S.R.] revised in an apparently frag-
mentary way the Soviet Union's 1947 proposal on
atomic energy control. I think it fair to say that
these ideas bear the marks of their date of origin.
We should be interested to know how the Soviet
Union would update these concepts.

We have other questions about the Soviet con-
cept of control wliich have remained unanswered
for some years, despite the May 10 proposals.

For example, we still wish to know whether the
inspectors could be on the job and ready to go to
work before any measures of arms limitation take
place. We should like to have more detail about
their rights and powers and their ability to inspect
the things which must be inspected if states are
to be sure that what is promised in international
agreements is actually performed.

Like Mr. [Antony] Nutting [Great Britain],
Mr. [Jules] Moch [France], and Mr. [Paul] Mar-
tin [Canada], I, too, would like to know just what
types of facilities and armaments would be in-
cluded in what the Soviet Union rather loosely
terms the "objects of control," that is to say, those
things subject to inspection.

These questions are of great importance for
reaching agreement. They are all the more sig-
nificant since changes in nuclear technology and
the accumulation of nuclear stockpiles have com-
plicated the task of inspection.

In the United States and in other countries
studies are under way to bring inspection methods
abreast of the problem. Doubtless, the Soviet
Union has under way a study consistent with its
realistic recognition of the new situation.

At Geneva we saw the beginnings of a new kind
of pragmatic approach to the problem, doubtless
in recognition of the limitations of the more elab-
orate older plans projecting goals more extensive
than inspection could now support. The "pilot
schemes" suggested by Prime Minister Eden and
M. Faure might well furnish practical experience
in inspection. They have been cogently ex-
pounded in these meetings by Mr. Nutting and
Mr. Moch. The United States believes they
should be considered in any plan on which we may
agree.

In the United States we are pursuing studies of
all these matters with great vigor under the high-

705

est priorities. I am authorized today to release
some specific details about these studies.

Establishment of Task Forces

As you know, President Eisenhower directed
that an intensive restudy of United States policy
on the question of disarmament be made. On the
basis of our preliminary inqtiiries it soon became
apparent to the President and the Government of
the United States that the situation required a
new, fundamental, and extensive expert study of
the methods of international inspection and con-
trol by the most competent authorities in Ameri-
can life. Accordingly, we selected outstanding
men to head up task forces in the appropriate
fields of inquiry.

I give you now the names of the chairmen of
each of these task forces, together with an idea
of its mission:

The Chairman of the Nuclear Task Force, to
which we look for progress toward a much desired
breakthrough, is Dr. Ernest O. Lawrence, the Di-
rector of the University of California Radiation
Laboratories at Livermoi'e, California. Associ-
ated with Dr. Lawrence is a large panel of some
of the most distinguished nuclear physicists in
America. As I told the subcommittee on Monday,
this group stands ready to consider any suggestion
which any government or any scientist may make
to develop fully effective means of accounting for
nuclear weapons material and the detection of
nuclear weapons if they are concealed.

The vital task of further designing methods for
aerial inspection and reporting is headed by Gen-
eral James H. Doolittle, now Vice President and
Director of the Shell Oil Company.

Inspection and reporting methods for Army and
ground units is the responsibility of Lieutenant
General Walter B. Smith (Retired), presently
Vice Chairman of the American Machine and
Foundry Company. Acting chairman at this time
is General Lucian K. Truscott (Retired).

Vice Admiral Oswald S. Colclough (Retired),
Dean of Faculties, George Washington Univer-
sity, heads the task force for navies and naval
aircraft and missiles.

Steel is the core of military industry. A great
American industrialist, Mr. Benjamin Fairless, of
the United States Steel Corporation, is chairman
of the task force for the steel industry.

Inspection and reporting methods for power

706

and for industry in general is the assignment of
Mr. Walker L. Cisler, President of the Detroit
Edison Company, and his group.

The study of methods of inspection and report-
ing of national budgets and finances has been
assigned to a distinguished economist. Dr. Harold
Moulton, of the Brookings Institution. In the
course of his studies he is devoting close attention
to the proposals of Premier Faure of the French
Government.

No system of inspection and reporting is better
than its communications system, which has pecu-
liar and difficult responsibilities in the nuclear age.
Dr. James B. Fisk, of the Bell Telephone Labora-
tories, and other members of a communications
task force, have been charged with designing a
method of rapid, continuous, reliable communica-
tions, without interference, necessary to imple-
ment an international inspection and reporting
system.

My colleagues and all who read my reference to
these ambitious studies will sense just how large
a review of our basic policies is under way.

Pending progress on tlie problem of inspection,
we have thought that candor required us to place
a reserve for the time being upon our past posi-
tions. We certainly do not reject or disavow our
past suggestions — nor do we believe it would be
realistic or logical to reaffirm them in blanket
fashion, confronted as we are by new difficulties
for inspection, by new proposals made at Geneva,
and by an evolving political situation.

We believe strongly that, as we work jointly
to find a more satisfactory answer to the problem
of inspection, President Eisenhower's plan would
be a guarantor of the peace.

President's Plan and Limitation of Armaments

The President's plan was not intended to be a
substitute for an overall progi"am for the limita-
tion and reduction of arms and armed forces.
Rather it was intended to make one possible. The
plan for aerial inspection for peace is a gateway
to disarmament.

In a memorable address on "The Chance for
Peace" on April 16, 1953,^ the President described
some of the great political issues which divided
the world, most of which still confront us. And
then he made this declaration:

' Ibid., Apr. 27, 1953. p. r,m.

Departmenf of State Bulletin

As progress in all these areas [that is, of political dis-
pute] strengthens world trust, we could proceed concur-
rently with the next great work — the reduction of the
burden of armaments now weighing upon tlie world. To
this end we would . . . enter into the most solemn agree-
ments.

At Geneva, when President Eisenhower had set
forth his proposals for providing against great
surprise attack, lie went on to point out that :

. . . what I propose, I assure you, would be but a begin-
ning. . . . The United States is ready to proceed in the
study and testing of a reliable system of inspections and
reporting and, when that system is proved, then to reduce
armaments with all others to the extent that the system
will provide assured results.

Let me assure all who hear me that if these con-
ditions are. met — if the relief of international
tensions by concrete acts proceeds concurrently,
and if, as, and when a reliable system of inspection
is devised — the United States will be in the fore-
front of reductions.

There is no hidden reason — no economic skele-
ton in the closet — which forces us to maintain any
particular level of armaments or of armed forces.
We could maintain them at present levels, we could
increase them greatly, or we could substantially

, reduce them.

P To demonstrate the readiness of the United
States to disarm, and its ability to do so and still
increase the prosperity not only of its own citizens
but of its friends elsewhere in the world, I read
into our record on September 19 the full story of
the strength of the United States armed forces,
year by year since the final year of the war. I
showed that from eleven and a half million in
round figures in the last year of war we came down
to a million and a half men before the Korean war.
If the conditions I have outlined are met, I sin-

Icerely do not believe we would have great difficulty
in agreeing on a proper level for our armed
forces. But I do believe these negotiations must
take account of factors which have grown in im-
portance since 1952, such us the increase in nuclear
stockpiles which we are unable to detect by
insjjection.

The United States delegation has aflirmed dur-
ing these meetings that a general disarmament
agreement should affect broad elements of armed
strength, including military bases. This applies
to those bases which, by the desire and at the re-
quest of other countries, the United States utilizes
abroad — as well as to the bases of the Soviet Union
at home and abroad.

Such bases are the products of the times and
tensions in which we have lived ; on our side they
have been developed as part of the efforts of the
free world to protect itself and to advance the
cause of peace.

If the circiunstances that brought them into
being are mitigated, then it is logical that as the
need for defense decreases the need for bases would
also decrease.

We have noted with interest the announcement
by the Soviet Union of its closing of bases at Pork-
kala and Port Arthur and of certain reductions in
armed forces. But we have pointed out, and I
reiterate, that we cannot evaluate such moves if
we have no official information about the overall
strength of the Soviet forces, or about the signifi-
cance of the Porkkala base, for example, in rela-
tion to a buildup or reduction of other important
Soviet bases in the Baltic complex.

Whether the United States reduces its forces
further or alters their composition in any way, or
whether agreement on disarmament comes late or
soon, the world should be sure of this :

The United States desires to prohibit the use of
the atomic weapon or any other weapon or armed
forces — be they guns, tanks, airplanes, rifles, or
anything else — in any way other than in accord-
ance with our obligations under the charter of the
United Nations and a defense against aggression.

The Prospect Before Us

As our recess begins, I believe we can report at
least some hopeful signs.

1. We have continued to pursue our delibera-
tions in the spirit of Geneva. I think that those
who have participated in these meetings in recent
years can testify to a real improvement in the
climate of discussion.

2. There is a common, avowed awareness of the
danger of annihilation which modern weapons
present to every country.

3. All of us agree on the existence of a new cir-
cmnstance of tremendous import for any plan of
disarmament — the fact that nuclear weapons ma-
terial can be clandestinely acciunulated in signifi-
cant quantities which inspection cannot presently
detect.

4. All of us are agreed on the priority impor-
tance of finding a method to guard against sur-
prise attack, particularly against nuclear attack.

5. There has been a partial — but only a par-

October 37, J 955

707

tial — moving together of ideas on inspection. The
Soviet Union, if it has not accepted the idea of
aerial inspection, either in the form of the Presi-
dent's plan or as part of a permanent comprehen-
sive system, has at least not rejected it. We on
our part are willing to incorporate into an inspec-
tion plan the concept of ground observere some-
what along the lines proposed by the Soviet Union.
Also, the British and French delegations have put
forward very valuable new ideas on inspection.

6. All of us are agreed on the desirability of
eventual limitations and reductions of all arms
and armed forces.

Our further progress, it seems to me, will be
greatly assisted if the Soviet Union will :

1. Accept the logic of its own findings with re-
spect to the unaccountability of nuclear weapons
and work with us to develop new methods appro-
priate to the situation.

2. Examine with us the best means of prevent-
ing surjjrise attack, and in particular develop its
ideas on the President's plan and upon aerial in-
spection as part of a permanent system.

3. Give the world the detailed assurances it
seeks with respect to the right of international
inspectors to go where they must and see what
they must if international agreements are to be
meaningful.

4. Forbear in its controlled propaganda from
defeatism and misrepresentation of the present
situation in respect of our work, which is one of
great but tentative begimiings.

5. Cooperate in the world arena in lessening
political tensions by concrete deeds in the many
remaining areas of disagreement.

I have tried as best I could in these meetings to
do justice to the purposes of the people and the
President of the United States. Much of what
I have said may be inadequate or may be obscured
in the verbatim record by the ebb and flow of
debate. In order that the documents which go
forward with the report itself may be complete
with respect to the President's plan and our own
policy, I am today tabling a U.S. memorandum
on that plan which will be circulated by the
Secretariat.

The United States is confident that the Disarma-
ment Commission, the General Assembly, and the
people of the world will approve the position
therein described.

Gentlemen, it remains for me to thank all of my

colleagues and our staunch associates in the Sec-
retariat for the privilege of association with them
in what I ti'ust will turn out to be a fruitful
endeavor. I know that all of us, and the cause
of humanity, for which we work, will succeed
in the end. The very nature of the alternatives
before us in this thermonuclear age does not per-
mit failure. Mankind has never been faced with
such extremes. On the one hand, there is a field of
devastation so absolute that the mind of man can-
not conceive it; on the other, there is a vista of
abundance greater than man has ever known.

Under God, there can be no doubt which path
the peoples will choose.

U.S. MEMORANDUM SUPPLEMENTING
OUTLINE PLAN FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF
PRESIDENTIAL PROPOSAL AT GENEVA
REGARDING DISARMAMENT

U.S. /U.N. press release 2220 dated October 7

Importance of Inspection and Control System in a
Disarmament Program

All five of the Governments represented in the
Subcommittee of the Disarmament Commission
have recognized the cnicial importance of effective
inspection and control in providing the assurance
that commitments to reduce and limit and regulate
armaments and armed forces will be honored.
President Eisenhower in his statement on disarm-
ament made at Geneva on July 21, 1955 reaffirmed
the desire of the United States to introduce "a
sound and reliable agreement making possible the
reduction of armaments." The President said "No
sound and reliable agreement can be made unless
it is completely covered by an inspection and re-
porting system adequate to support every por-
tion of the agreement. The lessons of history
teach us that disarmament agreements without
adequate reciprocal inspection increase the dan-
gers of war and do not brigliten the prospects of
peace."

The Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, Mar-
shal Bulganin, on August 4, 1955 told the Supreme
Soviet that "the President of the United States
justly remarked that each disarmament plan boils
down to the question of control and inspection."

Foreign Minister Pearson of Canada, Foreign
Minister Pinay of France, Prime Minister Eden of
the United Kingdom, have all within the last few

708

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

months emphasized the need for the kind of con-
ti'ol and inspection which would give a basis for
confidence that disarmament agreements would
be observed, and have all stressed the primary im-
portance of inspection and control of agreements
to reduce and limit armaments.

Difficulties of Assuring by Effective Inspection and
Control That All Nuclear Weapons Are Eliminated

Together with this recognition of the absolute
need for a control system adequate to support
every portion of a disarmament agreement, the
Governments represented in the Disarmament
Subcommittee have recognized the problems
caused by the vast technological developments in
an expansion of nuclear energy materials. The
Soviet Union, in its proposals of May 10, 1955,
noted that "there are possibilities beyond the reach
of international control for evading this control
and for organizing the clandestine manufacture of
atomic and hydrogen weapons, even if there is a
formal agreement on international control. In
such a situation, the security of the States signa-
tories to the international convention cannot be
guaranteed, since the possibilities would be open to
a potential aggressor to accumulate stocks of
atomic and hydrogen weapons for surprise attack
on peace-loving States."

In President Eisenhower's statement on disann-
ament at Geneva on July 21 this year, he said, "We
have not as yet been able to discover any scientific
or other inspection method which would make cer-
tain of the elimination of nuclear weapons. So
far as we are aware no other nation has made such
a discovery. Our study of this problem is con-
tinuing." The representative of Canada, Mr.
Martin, tlie representative of France, M. Moch,
and the representative of the United Kingdom,
Mr. Nutting, have all many times during the dis-
cussions of the Subconunittee noted the danger of
inadequate control of fissionable material, that all
our previous concepts have been rendered obsolete
by new scientific developments, and that it was
necessary to consider facts as they are today and
not as they were yesterday or the day before.

Mr. Nutting at the Subcommittee meeting of
October 5, 1955 sunnned up the views of all the
delegations when he referred to the "barrier of sci-
ence which pi-events us at this moment, on the ad-
mission of the Soviet Union, the United States and
every other delegation represented at tliis table,

from making nuclear disarmament the safe hope
for the world that we would wish it to be."

The present impossibility of establishing an ef-
fective inspection and control method that would
completely account for nuclear weapons material
is of exceptional importance. It means that no
nation has as yet been able to find any scientific or
other inspection method that would account for
all nuclear weapons material. It means that the
amount of unaccountability is of such magnitude
as to be an unacceptable unknown quantity of vast
destructive capacity.

What Should Be Done?

In the light of these circumstances, the United
States believes that two steps should be taken to
meet the issues posed by these facts. The first is
to continue the search for the method by which
complete accountability of nuclear materials and
reliable inspection and control might be attained.
The United States is already engaged in this
search. The United States has placed a nmnber
of its ablest scientists in continuing work on this
problem. The United States Government wel-
comes efforts by any other nation in tliis regard
and invites the scientists and officials of any nation
in tlie world, if thej- believe they have a method
which can completely account for past and present
production of fissionable materials and to insure
against improper diversion of nuclear weapons, to
come forward and advance for consideration such
a method.

Second, in addition to such continuing studj' and
research there must be a joint effort to reach agree-
ments which can reduce the possibility of war, and
in particular, and as a first priority provide against
the possibility of a great sm-prise attack.

President Eisenhower's Proposal

It is against this background that President
Eisenhower on July 21 proposed at Geneva that
steps be taken now, which would have an imme-
diate effect, which would be practical, and which
would strike at the very core of the disannament
problem — tlie suspicion and fear which are the
great causes of international tensions. The Eisen-
hower proposal called for an exchange of blue-
prints of their military establishments between
the Soviet Union and the United States and the
provision of facilities for reciprocal aerial recon-
naissance from one end to the other of these two

October 31, 1955

709

countries. Tlie purpose of this exchange is to
provide against the possibility of a great sm-prise
attack, particularly with nuclear weapons, the
importance of this having been previously i-ecog-
nized by the Soviet Union as well as by the United
States.

In expomuling these proposals made by the
President, in the Outline Plan presented by the
United States in the Disarmament Subcommittee
on August 30, 1955,^ in order to take into account
the views of the Soviet Union expressed in its May
10, 1955 proposals and at Geneva, as well as cer-
tain views of the other members of the Disarma-
ment Subcommittee, the United States noted,
"Each nation has recognized the need for ground
observers, and these will be stationed at key loca-
tions within the other country for the purpose of
allowing them to certify the accuracy of the fore-
going information and to give warning of evidence
of suqirise attack or of mobilization."

In introducing this August 30 Outline Plan, the
United States also recognized that the danger of
great surprise attack is a matter of concern to
each of the Governments represented in the Sub-
committee and to all nations of the world. It
is further realized that the carrying out of the
President's proposal will involve the cooperation
of each of the Governments represented in the
Disarmament Subcommittee, and the question
arises whether this exchange of military blueprints
and aerial reconnaissance should be confined to the
territorial limits of the United States and the So-
viet Union. It is the belief of the United States
that it is most essential that a beginning should
be made on the President's proposal by agreement
between the Soviet Union and the United States,
but that this agreement between these two coun-
tries putting the President's plan into effect with-
out delay might also provide for the adherence
and participation, as agreed, of designated coun-
tries on an equitable basis, once the plan is in
operation between the Soviet Union and the
United States.

Furthermore, it should be clear that the Presi-
dent's proposal is directed toward providing
against the possibility of a great surjjrise attack
of any kind with any weapon. So far as the in-
formation to be exchanged is concerned, it will
consist of the identification, strength, command
structure and disposition of personnel, units and
equipment of all major land, sea and air forces,

" U.N. doc. DC/SC. 1/31.

including organized reserves and para-military;
and a complete list of military plants, facilities,
and installations with their locations. It is not
contemplated that the blueprints of military estab-
lishments would include every specific detail.
Similar information would be simultaneously ex-
changed by each Government, as mutually agreed
upon by the two Governments, within the frame-
work of the United Nations. This exchange of
information would be directed toward safeguard-
ing against the possibility of a great surprise at-
tack, and the details of information to be ex-
changed are subject to negotiation.

So far as aerial reconnaissance is concerned,
however, the United States would not consider
that there are prohibited areas. In the words of
President Eisenhower, the United States "would
allow these planes, properly inspected, peaceful
planes, to fly over any particular area of the coun-
try that they wanted to, because in this — only in
this — M'ay could you convince them there wasn't
something over there that maybe was by surprise
ready to attack them."

Reduction of the Burden of Armaments

The United States believes that the taking of
this practical step to provide against the possi-
bility of surprise attack, as suggested in the Pres-
ident's proposals, will lessen danger and relax
international tensions.

By this very fact, a system guarding against
surprise attack as proposed by the United States
should make more easily attainable a broader
disarmament agreement. The lessons learned
through the mutual exchange of military blue-
l^rints and through reciprocal aerial reconnais-
sance will help measurably in the joint efforts of
the Disarmament Subcommittee to find an effec-
tive inspection and control system which will fully
support agreements to reduce, limit and regulate
armaments and armed forces.

It is the firm i^olicy of the United States Gov-
ernment that the relaxation of international ten-
sions through concrete deeds should proceed con-
currently with efforts to find a solution to the prob-
lem of armaments. As President Eisenhower said
at the Geneva Conference of Heads of Govern-
ment, "The United States Government is prepared
to enter into a sound and reliable agreement mak-
ing possible the reduction of armament."

The United States earnestly seeks an agi-eement

710

Departmenf of State Bulletin

for the reduction of all armaments and armed
forces, concurrent with the relief of international
tensions and when a reliable system of inspection
and control is devised. The problems of disarma-
ment have become increasingly complicated be-
cause of the changed technical circumstances
which have been i^reviously described. These
technical circumstances must be taken into account,
not only in devising a system of inspection and
control, but also in relation to the scale, timing
and ratio of any reductions wliich might be agreed
upon.

Wliile these considerations are being studied,
and while our scientists are trying to find methods
by which complete accountability for nuclear ma-
terial and reliable inspection and control might
be attained, it is imperative that we find the means
to provide against surprise attack and to attain
that degree of international trust indispensable to
a broad disarmament program supported by
effective inspection and reporting. The United
States believes that the Eisenhower plan is the
gateway to agi-eement in these further fields and
in itself provides a great assui-ance against war.

It is the hope of the United States that, upon
further consideration of the proposal of the Presi-
dent of the United States at Geneva on July 21,
the Outline Plan in implementation of the Presi-
dential proposal submitted to the Disarmament
Subcommittee on August 30, and the further ex-
planations made during the course of the Sub-
committee discussions and summed up in this
memorandum, that the members of the Subcom-
mittee, the Disarmament Commission and the
United Nations General Assembly inay decide
that the early execution of this plan would con-
tribute to the reduction of present international
tensions, would provide safeguards against major
surprise attack, would lessen the fear of war,
would assist in tlie development of a comprehen-
sive international agreement for the regulation,
limitation and balanced reduction of all armed
forces and armaments, and woidd advance the
cause of peace. It is the further hope of the
United States that agreement could be reached
to place the proposal of the United States into
effect at the earliest opportunity, and that the
members of this Subcommittee would continue
their efforts to reach agreement on an effective
system of international inspection and control
and upon a general program for reduction and
limitation of armament.

Meeting the Challenge for
Economic Progress

Statement hy Brooks Hays

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

It is altogether fitting and proper that we in
the Second Committee should devote to the sub-
ject of economic development a considerable por-
tion of our time and energies. We do so in
response to that f arseeing provision in the charter
which calls on the United Nations to promote —
and I quote from article 55 — " . . . higher stand-
ards of living, full employment, and conditions
of economic and social progi'ess and development."
It is indeed fundamental to the continuing peace
and stability of the world as a whole that all
peo^jles should have a chance to benefit in their
day-to-day living from the advances which man
has achieved in the techniques of production.

Let me say at once, Mr. Chairman, that, in the
matter of economic development, the interests of
the peoples of the so-called developed and under-
developed countries are essentially the same. As a
matter of fact, I have often felt that these terms
themselves are misleading. In my own country,
which is generally classed among the so-called de-
veloped, there are vast areas of underdevelopment
which cause us concern. I also am aware that
many so-called underdeveloped countries can show
substantial accomplishments in many fields. To
a considerable degree, we are all underdeveloped.
The truth is, if one may simplify, that some coun-
tries are on the whole more underdeveloped than
others. It is in the undoubted interest of all, at
whatever place in the scale, that the disparities
should be reduced and that the tide of rising ex-
pectations shall nowliere lead to frustration, dis-
illusionment, or misunderstanding.

How can this challenge be met ? What can the
international community do to assist countries to
further and to speed their economic development ?
I use the word assist because, in the last analysis,
the principal effort toward the economic develop-
ment of each country can only be made by the
people and government of that country. There
can be no substitute for the will to progress, whicli
is a compound of industry, enterprise, resolution,
the willingness to forego the satisfactions of the

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct. 12 (U.S. delegation press release 2226). Mr. Hays
is a Member of the U.S. Hou.se of Representatives.

October 31, 1955

711

moment in favor of lasting gains. But this is
not to say that cooperative action in this field is
either useless or undesirable. On the contrary,
experience has clearly demonstrated the value of
certain forms of international effort to supplement
the efforts of individual countries. Let us exam-
ine some of the ways in which this has been done.

Technical Assistance

First of all, there is the exchange of technical
skills and experience. I refer to the various tech-
nical assistance programs carried on by individual
countries and by the United Nations and the spe-
cialized agencies under the expanded technical as-
sistance program. This is an outstanding ex-
ample of mutual self-help. My delegation will
have more to say about this when we come to it
on our agenda.

Nevertheless, it gives me great pleasure to be
able to announce that my Government will pledge
to the United Nations technical assistance pro-
gi'am for 1956 the sum of $15i/4 million. The
only limitation on this contribution is that it shall
not exceed 50 percent of all contributions.

Remarks made by one of the previous speakers
suggest the mistaken belief that the United States
Congress has attached conditions to our partici-
pation in the United Nations expanded program
of technical assistance. To remove tliis misunder-
standing and clarify the situation, I would like to
refer to Public Law 138, approved on July 8,
1955. The last paragraph of this act contains a
broad policy declaration. It says:

It is hereby declared to be the continuing sense of the
Congress that the Communist regime in China has not
demonstrated its willingness to fulfill the obligations con-
tained in the Charter of the United Nations and should
not be recognized to represent China in the United
Nations.

This is an expression of the sense of the Con-
gress, but it is in no way a condition or limitation
on the granting of funds for the United Nations
technical assistance program.

The purpose of my country's contribution to tliis
program — and in fact to all economic assistance
programs benefiting other countries — is well sum-
marized in a paragraph of the same law, Public
Law 138. Here it is stated — and I quote :

It is the sense of the Congress that assistance under
this Act shall be administered so as to assist other peoples
in their efforts to achieve self-government or independence

under circumstances which will enable them to assume an»
equal station among the free nations of the world and
to fulfill their responsibilities for self-government or in-
dependence.

As a member of the Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee of the House, which drafted this language, and
a participant in the congressional debate which
produced this legislation, I am in a position to
inform the committee that the language which I
have just read faithfully expresses the sentiment
of the Congress of the United States but in no
sense implies a limitation on the proposed con-
tribution to the United Nations technical assist-
ance program for 1956.

Work of Specialized Agencies

Another significant contribution of the interna-
tional community to the economic development of
underdeveloped countries is the work of various
technical bodies of the United Nations and the spe-
cialized agencies. The valuable research carried
on in technical fields by the Food and Agriculture
Organization, the World Health Organization,
and the regional economic conmiissions (to men-
tion only these) is a rich source of helpful infor-
mation to the underdeveloped countries. I have
mentioned particularly the Fag and the Who in
this connection because I feel that the relation-
ship of their work to economic development is not
always as clear as it might be. The greater por-
tion of the earth's population earns its living from
the soil. Increase in the productivity of agricul-
tural processes must go hand in hand with indus-
trialization if development is to proceed in bal-
anced fashion. The work of the Fag in the fields
of research and of technical assistance is therefore
an important contribution to sound development.
AVho is dedicated to the improvement of the su-
preme resource of any country — its human popu-
lation, whose health and physical well-being are
of paramount importance in any hoped-for eco-
nomic advance.

Finance

I now come to the subject of finance. Lack of
capital is by no means the only obstacle to develop-
ment in many countries, nor is it necessarily the
most important. Social or governmental insti-
tutions, shortages of necessary skills, a low level
of general education, unprogressive attitudes — all
or any of these may, and in individual cases fre-

712

Department of State Bulletin

queutly do, exercise an even greater retarding ef-
fect. They may sometimes make impossible the
full use of capital already available. Neverthe-
less, it is reasonable to expect that many countries
will in the course of the early stages of their eco-
nomic development reach a stage at which capital
available from internal sources is insufficient to
allow the rate of expansion they consider desirable.
The most natural and the best source of supple-
mentary capital in such cases is the international
capital market. A country which offers reasonable
^aranties against arbitrary or discriminatory
treatment can generally obtain private inter-
national investment capital on acceptable terms
for economically sound development projects.

"Wliile my Government feels strongly that pri-
vate international risk capital is the most promis-
ing, and in the long run the most beneficial, com-
plement to private internal capital in the develop-
ment process, we recognize the existence of special
problems requiring special solutions. In a country
which is attempting to speed its economic develop-
ment, there may be certain urgent projects, in
themselves not attractive to private investment,
but which are indispensable as preliminaries. To
meet this type of situation, special lending insti-
tutions have come into existence — the Inter-
national Bank for Keconstruction and De-
velopment and the Export-Import Bank. My
Government is gratified by the progress made to-
ward the establishment of the International
Finance Corporation and looks to the early com-
mencement of its operations. We are hopeful that
it will encourage and supplement private capital
in undertaking new tasks.

In addition, I believe it is opportune to mention
here that, under the vai'ious bilateral agreements
concluded since the war, the U.S. has made avail-
able to the less developed areas of the world some
$61/^ billion for reconstruction and economic de-
velopment. The aid program recently approved
by the American Congress calls for $162 million
in development assistance to the countries in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America. In addition, $127i^
million has been appropriated for bilateral tech-
nical cooperation programs.

Use of Surplus Foods

Mr. Chairman, I should like to call attention at
this point to a recent development. Tlie Fao has
published a most interesting report on a pilot

study in India of the possibilities of using surplus
foods to promote economic development.- This
study illustrates how the demand for consumer
goods resulting from increased employment pro-
duced by development projects could in large
measure be met by the use of food and fiber sur-
pluses which exist in some parts of the world to-
day. The benefits which could flow from this
type of arrangement in terms of controlling the
inflationary effect of a high rate of investment and
in diminishing the depressive effects of large com-
modity surpluses on world markets would seem to
warrant further exploration. It would prove
especially useful in countries where increased con-
sumer income is translated largely into additional
demand for food and clotliing. In simple terms,
this means that a country with substantial unem-
ployment or underemployment may, by using
agricultural surpluses made available for the pur-
pose, be able to set its unemployed to work on
needed development projects. The wages which
would be paid for this work would go to buy in-
creased quantities of food and clothing. And tliis
extra food and this extra clothing would come
from the agricultural surjiluses. In this fashion,
and without in any way disturbing normal trade
patterns, accumulated stocks of food and fiber
which might otherwise constitute a threat to the
normal price structure of these commodities in
international markets may be usefully employed
in furthering the economic development through
projects which might not find the necessary
financing. This is a most attractive possibility
and would seem to warrant careful study and ex-
ploration. Public Law 480 has been enacted to
enable the United States to participate in this kind
of international cooperation.

Since the passage of Public Law 480 a little
over a year ago, 21 agreements have been signed
with 17 governments involving the purchase of
surplus agricultural commodities.^ The total
market value of these agreements has amounted
to $3G0.S million. The foreign currency resulting

' Uses of Agricultural Surpluses To Finance Economic
Development in Undo-dcfcloped Countries: A Pilot fitudy
m India, Fao Commodity Policy Studies No. 6, June 1!)5.5;
may be .secured from the International Documents Service,
Columbia University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27,
N. Y., price $1.

' For a progress report on the Agricultural Trade De-
velopment and Assistance Act, see Btjlleti.\ of Aug. 1,
1955, p. 197.

October 31, 1955

713

from the sale of the commodities has been devoted
to a variety of purposes, but a large percent has
gone to loans or grants to further multilateral
trade and economic development. In fact, 43
percent has gone for these purposes.

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy

The accelerating rate of progress in the field
of 23eaceful use of atomic energy offers promise
of new vistas which may profoundly' affect the
jjromises on which our ideas of development pos-
sibilities have hitherto been based. No one can
yet forecast the implications of these new dis-
coveries. My Government has already entered
into many agreements with other governments to
provide them witli equipment and fissionable ma-
terial so that they may be able to keep abreast of
work in this important field. It is our hope that
an agency for the peaceful uses of atomic energy
may shortly come into being to promote the peace-
ful uses of the atom for the benefit of all.

Discussions are currently under way or impend-
ing which, it is devoutly hoped, may lead to an
easing of past tensions and a resultant willing-
ness on the part of many countries to reduce their
armament burdens. Accomplishment of this aim
would, in the words of the President of the United
States,*

. . . lighten the burdens upon the backs of the people.
It would make it possible for every nation, great and
small, developed and less developed, to advance the stand-
ards of living of its people, to attain better food and
clothing and shelter, more of education and larger en-
joyment of life.

And, at San Francisco in June the President
stated,^

As some success in disarmament is achieved, we hope
that each of the so-called great powers will contril)nte
to the United Nations, for promoting the technical and
economic progress of the less productive areas, a portion
of the resultant savings in military exijenditures.

The widespread desire of the less developed
peoples for economic progress is one which we in
the United States share very sincerely with them.
The United States Government is contributing to
the economic progress of less developed countries
bilaterally. It is also proud to be associated with
other United Nations members in various multi-

' liid., p. 173.

" ma.. July 4, 1955, p. 3.

lateral endeavors toward the same goal. Even
with the aid of the new techniques now available
and the promise of achievement to come, the task
of eliminating poverty, disease, and ignorance will
be a long one. But it is a worthy one — an in-
dispensable one. To carry it forward with sound-
ness, with justice for all, and without loss of
precious human freedoms is worth our dedicated
effort.

Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography

General Assembly

Third Report of the United Nations Commission on the
Racial Situation in the Union of South Africa. A/2953
[transmitted August 26, 1955]. 304 ijp. mlmeo.

UXREF Executive Committee. Report on the First Ses-
sion of the Standing Programme Sub-committee (Ge-
neva, 12-14, September 1955). A/AC.79/18, A/AC.79/
PSC/2, September 21, 1955. 20 pp. mimeo.

Question of the Correction of Votes in the General As-
sembly and Its Committees. Report of the Secretary-
General. A/2977, September 30, 1955. 30 pp. minieo.

Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session of the General As-
sembly. A/29S8, October 3, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo.

Statement by Mr. Philippe de Seynes, Under Secretary for
Economic and Social Affairs, Before the Second Com-
mittee, 4 October 19.55. A/C.2/L.261, October 5, 1955.
11 pp. mimeo.

Report of the International Law Commission Covering
the Work of Its Seventh Session. Report of the
Secretary-General prepared in pursuance of General
Assembly resolution 6S6 (VII) concerning ways and
means for making the evidence of customary interna-
tional law more readily available. A/C.6/348, October
10, 1955. 26 pp. mimeo.

Economic and Social Council

Calendar of Conferences for 1956. Note by the Secretary-
General. E/2784, August 1, 1955. 6 pp. mlmeo.

Calendar of Conferences for 1956. E/2793, August 5,
1955. 3 pp. mimeo.

Report of the Ad Hoc Advisory Committee of Experts on
the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders.
8-17 August 1955. E/CN.5/319, Augu.st 18, 1955. 23
pp. mimeo.

Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on Pre-
vention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities.
Provisional agenda for eighth session. E/CN.4/Sub.2/-
171, September 22, 1055. 3 pp. mimeo.

United Nations Children's Fund, Executive Board. Re-
port of the Programme Committee on its Meetings Held
at United Nations Headquarters 9, 18, and 14 September
1955. E/ICEP/L.S30, September 15, 1955. 11 pp.

Secretariat

Statistical Office of the United Nations. Timing and
Interrelationship of Population Censuses with Censuses
of Housing, Agriculture, Industry and Distribution.
ST/STAT/P/L.16, August 8, 19.55. 15 pp. mimeo.

714

Department of State Bulletin

Administrative Progress and Problems in
the United Nations and Its Agencies

Statement iy Chester E. Merrow

V.S. Representative to the General Assembly '

As you know, it has become almost a tradition
in the United States for the President to appoint
at least two Members of the Congress to serve
on the United States delegation to the United
Nations. As in all countries, such an appoint-
ment is one of the highest honors which one can
receive. I accordingly consider myself most for-
tunate to have been asked by President Eisen-
hower to serve as a delegate to this Tenth General
Assembly.

In the course of these first days of the General
Assembly, I have had an opportunity to meet a
number of my fellow delegates from many other
countries. "We have exchanged views on several
topics. One of the favorite topics has been the
comparison of assignments. In the course of our
discussions, I have been struck by the fact that
the Administrative and Budgetary Committee, to
which we here have been assigned, is a central and
all-important committee. Although the functions
of the committee are comparable to the appropria-
tions committees of national Congresses and Par-
liaments, they also extend to broader problems of
administration.

You, Mr. Chairman [Hans Engen], as the re-
spected Ambassador of Norway, a country known
for its interest in administration and economy,
and the distinguished chairman of the Advisory
Committee, Ambassador Aghnides,- are among
those whom I have met who share my own view
of the importance of this committee.

' Made in Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary)
on Oct. 11 (U.S. delegation press release 2224). Mr.
Merrow is a Memlier of the U.S. House of Representatives.

^Thanassis Aghnides (Greece), chairman of the Ad-
visory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary
Questions.

Because it is essential that the importance of
this body, the counterpart of similar committees
in our national Parliaments, be fully understood,
I hope I may be pardoned if I express my views on
the work of the Administrative and Budgetary
Committee and on its place in the United Nations
structure.

First, and of special importance, is the fact that
the Administrative and Budgetary Committee is
the only place in the United Nations where the
I'epresentatives of governments can examine to-
gether the organizational, administrative, and
financial structure of the various parts of the
United Nations system to insure the development
of a sound and integrated whole. This oppor-
tunity is of particular interest to me. During my
service in the Congress of the United States, I
have had the privilege of serving as chairman of
the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on In-
ternational Organizations and Movements. This
subcommittee conducted hearings and studied the
operations of the United Nations and the special-
ized agencies, and other international oi'ganiza-
tions. I was also head of a mission that visited
all of the specialized agencies located in Europe,
as well as the branch office of the United Nations.
This mission discussed with the key officials of
these agencies many of the problems which con-
cern us here. The report of the mission to the
Congi-ess ^ has been printed and given public dis-
tribution. With Ambassador Aghnides, I share
the experience and memory of attending the 1945
conference in London that drafted the Unesco
constitution. All of this makes the opportunity
for an exchange of views in the General Assem-
bly especially welcome.

' H. Kept. 1251, 83d Cong., 2d sess.

October 3?, 7955

715

It is well, perhaps, in this 10th anniversary year
of the United Nations, to begin with an across-
the-board look at the developments in our major
fields of concern — organizational matters, budgets
and contributions, personnel policy, and coordi-
nation of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies.

Growth of the United Nations System

First, in the organizational field. The years
since the establishment of the United Nations have
seen a growth not only in the United Nations it-
self but also the development of 10 specialized
agencies of the United Nations. There is the In-
ternational Labor Organization, which was origi-
nally part of the League of Nations and is seeking
to raise labor standards and improve working
conditions. Tlie Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion has been established to improve food and
agricultural production and distribution. To
promote peace through collaboration in educa-
tional, scientific, and cultural matters, there is the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization. The International Civil
Aviation Organization aims at developing inter-
national air transport and improving standards
of international air navigation. The task of
facilitating exchange of mail and imf)roving
world postal services falls to the Universal Postal
Union, one of the oldest international organiza-
tions, dating back to 1875. The World Health
Organization is dedicated to raising world health
standards. The International Telecommunica-
tion Union, which stems from an organization
established in 18G5, is engaged in promoting the
rational and efficient use of telecommunication
facilities. Better weather reporting is the aim
of the World Meteorological Organization, a re-
cent outgrowth of the International Meteorologi-
cal Organization. The International Bank and
the International Monetary Fund undertake to
facilitate the investment of capital for productive
pui-poses and to promote currency stability.

In addition to these permanent and regularly
supported specialized agencies, there are now five
programs operating under United Nations aegis
with the assistance of voluntary contributions.
These are the International Children's Fund, to
promote maternal and child welfare; the Tech-
nical Assistance Program, to bring about higher
living standards ; the Palestine Belief and Works

Agency, to provide food, shelter, and gainful em-
ployment for nearly 900,000 refugees ; the Korean
Reconstruction Agency, to relieve the suffering
and repair the devastation caused by aggression;
and the Eefugee Fund, to find permanent solu-
tions for limited groups of refugees.

The activities of these agencies and programs
extend to nearly every part of the world — to ap-
proximately 90 countries and territories, in fact,
thus reaching far beyond the membersliip of the
United Nations itself. The result is a growth in
the size of the regular international secretariats
until they now total more than 9,000 persons. To
this must be added the internationally recniited
personnel required to operate the voluntary pro-
grams— a total of approximately 2,200 persons.
This is exclusive of local assistance which runs
into the thousands.

This trend has led to organizational decentral-
ization, and this in turn raises the most difficult
kind of management problems, many of which
have yet to be solved in a satisfactory manner.
Through his organizational survey extending over
the last 2 yeai-s, the Secretary-General has sought
to assess the character of the problems which the
United Nations faces in this area. He is now in
the process of instituting measures designed to
improve overall United Nations management and
control of its far-flung opei'ations. Whether cur-
rent measures are an adequate answer to this
problem remains to be seen. I am convinced that
efforts in the same direction should be continued
in the United Nations and should be undertaken
in the specialized agencies.

Total Cost of the U.N. System

The Information Annex to the Budget Esti-
mates for 1956 (doc. A/2904/Add.l) shows us
that the gross budgets of the United Nations and
its siJeciaJized agencies, exclusive of the Interna-
tional Bank and International Monetary Fund,
total $85 million in 1955. To this should be added
$102,500,000, representing the approximate 1955
operating level of the voluntarily financed United
Nations programs of the International Children's
Fund, the Expanded Program of Technical Assist-
ance, the Refugee Fund, the Palestine Relief and
Works Agency, and the Korean Reconstruction
Agency. The combined total of regular budgets
and voluntary programs for 1955 approximates
$187,500,000. This compares to a total expendi-

716

Department of State Bulletin

ture figure of approximately $122,500,000 in 1947,
the first fully operative year of the United Na-
tions, the Children's Fund, and the then existing
specialized agencies (inclusive of the International
Refugee Organization, but exclusive of the Inter-
national Bank and Fund).

For the period from 1946 to 1954 inclusive, the
total of the United Nations and the currently ex-
isting specialized agency expenditures (exclusive
of the Bank and Fund) amount to approximately
$601 million. If the budgets for 1955 are added,
the cumulative total to date is $686 million. Add
to this $665 million representing the amount spent
on the voluntarily financed progi-ams of the United
Nations for the same period, plus $412,700,000
expended by the International Refugee Organiza-
tion, and we see that a total of $1,764,000,000 has
been devoted by the international community to
the work of the United Nations agencies.

If these facts and figures are to be really mean-
ingful in terms of the task of this committee, it is
necessary to analyze them briefly. The 1947 fig-
ures represent the initial development stage of the
United Nations, the International Children's
Fund, and seven specialized agencies, one of which
is no longer in operation, namely, the Interna-
tional Refugee Organization. The 1955 figure
represents the going programs of the United Na-
tions, eight of the specialized agencies, and five
major operating agencies, supported by voluntary
funds.

Translated into activities, the growing figures
spell cooperative international endeavor to keep
the peace, to raise standards of living through
economic and social development, to feed the
hungry, to care for the displaced and homeless,
to fight disease and ignorance, to facilitate man's
efforts to communicate, and to enhance man's en-
joyment of work and life. Given these goals, the
funds expended can be easily justified, provided
this committee and its counterpart in other agen-
cies exercise the necessary vigilance to insure that
waste, inefficiency, organizational defects, and un-
necessary overhead are eliminated and that the re-
sults achieved are commensurate with the outlay
of funds. The fact that the United Nations
budget seems to have reached a stabilization point
does not mean that we should relax our efforts to
find ways and means of improving efficiency and
eliminating unnecessary activities. This is a con-
tinuing responsibility of good stewardship. The
budgets of the specialized agencies should likewise

be subjected to continuing and careful scrutiny by

govermnents.

Sharing of Costs

At the same time that these regular budgets
of the United Nations agencies have been increas-
ing, there has been a trend toward more equitable
sharing of costs, so that no one member pays
more than one-third of the total budget in any
agency. The payment recoi-d in all agencies
would indicate that with few exceptions, where
the circumstances are most unusual, assessments
upon governments have not exceeded their capac-
ity or willingness to pay. This presents a sharp
contrast to the situation existing in the programs
financed by voluntary contributions, viz, the
Uiiited Nations International Children's Fund,
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for
Palestine Refugees, United Nations Korean Re-
construction Agency, United Nations Refugee
Fund, and the Expanded Technical Assistance
Program.

We had a report last week from Mr. Cutts,* the
chairman of the special committee set up to negoti-
ate and collect contributions for these programs.
This report indicated that pledges in particular
lag far behind the financial targets which have
been set in order to operate an adequate program.
This is in spite of the fact that the larger contribu-
tors assume a higher proportion of the total costs
than is the case with the regidar budgets. In
the light of the important tasks assigned to these
agencies, I believe we should give serious attention
to the possible reasons for this situation — whether
targets are set too high or governments are ignor-
ing their responsibilities or both.

The support of all member governments — and I
stress the word "all" — for the causes served by
the programs of the United Nations agencies must
be sustained and indeed increased. The form of
such support, i. e., through an international agency
or otherwise, and the amount of money devoted to
it will require a continuing assessment of the fol-
lowing factors, among others :

(a) whether an international agency can be
demonstrated to be the best instniment for meeting
the needs which are justifiably the concern of the
international community ;

*T. \V. Cutts (Australia). The reiiort of the Negotiat-
ing Committee for Extra-Budgetary Funds is U.N. doc.
A/2945.

October 31, 1955

717

(b) the degree to which the members of such
an agency are willing to bear an equitable share
of the financial burdens entailed in assuming such
international responsibilities. It is an inescap-
able fact that, if the brimt of the costs fall upon
a few member states, the undertaking is not truly
international and misunderstandings will surely
result ;

(c) and lastly, whether international assistance
will be adequately supported and supplemented by
national endeavor.

Personnel Management

Another major area of continual concern to this
committee has been the development of sound per-
sonnel policies. The record will show, I believe,
that this has been one of the most challenging but
difficult aspects of the development of interna-
tional organizations. This is due not only to the
human and personal problems involved but also
to the vastly different national traditions and ap-
proaches in dealing with these problems. Nev-
ertheless, considerable progress has been made in
developing among the United Nations agencies
good, sound, and consistent conditions of service
in respect of such matters as salaries and allow-
ances, pensions, leave, sickness and disability ben-
efits. Past and current debate in this committee
and in the specialized agencies indicates, however,
the continued existence of numerous unsolved
problems connected with staff morale and with
the selection, development, and maintenance of
competent staff of the highest integrity.

For example, concern has been reiterated many
times on such problems as attracting high caliber
staff, equitable geographical distribution, elim-
inating incompetent or unsuitable staff, giving en-
couragement and recognition to competent staff,
and development of an esprit de corps within the
organization. These utterances together with ex-
pressed attitudes and actions of the various staff
councils indicate that far gi'eater attention and em-
phasis needs to be given to ways and means of
improving jiersonnel management. It would ap-
pear to be essential, for example, to develop rec-
ognized and accepted standards of competence for
selection and promotion and to evolve methods for
applying these as objectively as possible. Mem-
ber governments, the staff, and the public at large
must be assured that the controlling criteria are
the charter standards of the highest integrity,

competence, and efficiency, and that to the extent
that these standards are met, due regard is paid to
recruiting on as wide a geogi-aphical basis as pos-
sible.

A second consideration is that perhaps the time
has come to examine the concept of geographical
representation to see whether the interests of the
organization might be better served if this is in-
terpreted to be a fair representation of the vari-
ous cultures indigenous to the various member
states. A mere counting of heads by nationality
does not serve the purpose of enriching the organ-
ization by the provision of diversified training,
background, and traditions. Still another factor
requiring attention is mentioned by the Interna-
tional Civil Service Advisory Board, a group of
international experts in this field, when it empha-
sized that adequate staff induction and training,
as well as effective supervision, are especially im-
portant in an international organization. Yet
there appears to be little evidence throughout the
agencies of specific programs to insure that these
needs are met. These are but a few examples, but
I believe this recital serves to illustrate how much
more can and should be done in the interest of
improving effectiveness of the staff.

Coordination of United Nations and Specialized
Agencies

"\^niile I have sought to present an overall sum-
mary of administrative progi-ess and problems in
the United Nations and its specialized agencies,
such a survey would not be complete without men-
tion of the question of coordination, as such.^
Considerable progi'ess in coordination among the
United Nations and its specialized agencies has
been made in the administrative field. There are,
for example, a generally comparable salary allow-
ance and leave system, a common pension system,
comparable personnel and financial regulations,
and certain common administrative services.
This accomplishment has been primarily due to
the combined efforts of the Advisory Committee
on Achninistrative and Budgetary Questions, the
Administrative Committee on Coordination and
its subcommittees, and the consistency of positions
of many of the governments represented in the
various organizations.

■^ For a statement on this question by Walter M.
Kotsclmig, Deputy U.S. Representative in the Economic
and Social Council, see Bulletin of Aug. 22, li)o'\ p. 317.

718

Department of State Bulletin

In view of this and the -work beinj^ xindertaken
by the Economic and Social Council to insure
coordination and integration of program plan-
ning, it seems timely to my delegation to explore
what measures this committee might recommend
to improve the combined operations and effective-
ness of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies.

Before advancing the suggestions of my delega-
tion, let me state briefly what I believe the basic
relation of the United Nations and its agencies
should be. The central fact is that each agency,
regardless of its constitutional autonomy, is a
vital part of the whole United Nations system.
In the eyes of the world, the success of a special-
ized agency is considered the success of the United
Nations itself and vice versa. Likewise, the weak-
ness of a specialized agency is considered to be
the weakness of the United Nations. There is
a reality we should not ignore.

Recommendations

Against this backgromid of progress and prob-
lems, I shall proceed to outline the views of my
delegation on both the issues before us which
require immediate action and those on which at-
tention needs to be focused and an excliange of
views encouraged if solutions are to be eventually
developed.

(1) We are satisfied with the role of the Advi-
sory Committee and the Contributions Committee,
and we shall on most points support their recom-
mendations for the 1956 United Nations budget
and scale of assessment. We note that both com-
mittees are authorized by the Assembly to render
service to the specialized agencies. The Contri-
butions Committee has been called upon by nu-
merous agencies to provide factual and statistical
data. The Advisory Committee received authori-
zation last year to visit the specialized agencies,
upon their invitation, to continue the study of
administrative and budgetary coordination. It
is understood that at least one agency has extended
an invitation to the Advisory Committee. It is
to be hoped that others will do likewise, since
there is a very real need for the budget of eveiy
U.N. organization to have the careful and thor-
ough type of expert examination which is given
by the Advisory Committee on behalf of govern-
ments.

The advantage of having one group do the task

for all agencies is obvious. It is a means by
which the administration and governments in
each agency can obtain objective advice on ad-
ministrative improvements that would lead to
better results for the money expended. It offers
a means of identifying and focusing attention
on common problems and the solutions thereto.
The question arises, however, as to how the Advi-
sory Coimnittee can fulfill its responsibilities to
the Assembly and at the same time perform a use-
ful role on behalf of the agencies.

Since article 17 of the United Nations Charter
places upon the Assembly certain responsibilities
for review of specialized agency budgets, we can
all agree that from the standpoint of the General
Assembly as well as of the specialized agencies
it is important for the Advisory Committee to
undertake such a role. The problem therefore
boils down to one of practical arrangements. It
would appear to my delegation that there ai-e sev-
eral possible courses of action that would enable
the Advisory Committee to fulfill this enlarged
role satisfactorily to all concerned. Before ad-
vancing any specific suggestions on this matter,
however, I think it is more fitting that we should
profit from any views the Advisory Committee
itself may have on this point. I hope that Am-
bassador Aglinides with his usual wisdom can
point the way for a fruitful discussion among
delegations and representatives of the specialized
agencies.

(2) The second major suggestion which grows
out of my introductory analysis is in response to
the need for giving more attention to achieving
better personnel management. This, of course,
can only be done successfully if the head of each
agency recognizes the importance of this matter
and gives it his full support. Otherwise day-to-
day operations will tend to crowd out such a pro-
gram. We would urge that the Secretary-General
and the heads of the various agencies give this
matter high priority during the course of the next
few years. It is important that the U.N. organiza-
tions benefit from modern techniques in personnel
management. One rather concrete proposal which
suggests itself on the basis of current U.S. experi-
ence is the institution of an incentive award
system.

The President of the United States, with con-
gressional approval, initiated a program of this
kind last November, as a means of enlisting the
ingenuity and inventiveness of every member of

Ocfofaer 37, 7955

719

the United States Civil Service in the cause of
greater efficiency and productivity. The chair-
man of the United States Civil Service Commis-
sion reported recently that during the first 7
months of operation 138,000 suggestions were re-
ceived, 35,000 adopted, about $1,500,000 was paid
out in cash awards, and the taxpayer benefited to
the extent of savings of $40 million. While the
unique and complex character of personnel prob-
lems in international organizations may require
considerable modification of national experience,
it is still valid to expect that these organizations
can benefit from experience like that of the United
States.

We also believe that the International Civil
Service Advisory Board could play a useful and
more active role in this connection. To date the
Board has issued advisory reports covering re-
cruitment, training, and standards of conduct.
They provide basic policy guides which can and
should be used to better jiurpose by all agencies,
but there has been no followup. More could be
done by the Board, particularly in assisting those
organizations to plan and develop sound programs
of this kind, tailored to the agency's needs.

(3) My third major suggestion is directed to
both the secretariats and the governments repre-
sented here and in other agencies. I believe, and it
is the belief of my Government, that greater vigi-
lance and restraint are required in order to avoid
an unduly large proportion of international budg-
ets being used for administrative and overhead
services. There are a number of specific measures
which could and should be employed with greater
fidelity to curb this tendency and which should
lead to greater economy.

( a) In the absence of exceptional circumstances,
major meetings of international organizations
should be held at headquarters.

(b) Meetings should be scheduled to avoid peaks
and valleys in the workloads for secretariats and
governments.

(c) There should be strict publication and docu-
mentation control. In this connection, my delega-
tion would like to suggest that the Fifth Commit-
tee might set an example and establish a healthy
precedent by foregoing simimary records except
for important debates. For many items on the
agenda, such as those we have just disposed of, the
rejDort of the committee constitutes an adequate
account of the proceedings.

This is not solely a United Nations problem.

The following plaintive note is sounded in the re-
port of the Program Commission of the last Gen-
eral Conference of Unesco.

In conclusion, the Commission wishes to call the atten-
tion of the General Conference to certain problems which
have not only caused delay but have also, in many cases,
reduced the effectiveness of its work. First is the prob-
lem of paper work. Never before has the Commission
had to consider so many documents as this year. ... A
considerable number of important resolutions were hidden
in these piles of papers, from which they had to be sorted
out in order to be adopted, or more often than not held
over for another meeting, or amended, or reamended, until
one's head began to spin.

This has an all too familiar ring and has been
echoed in these halls as well as elsewhere.

(d) ]\Ieetings should start promptly. In this,
some of the technical agencies such as Who main-
tain a better record than the United Nations or-
gans. The International Scientific Conference
on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy in Geneva
last August was outstanding on this score. The
following excerpt from the closing address of the
president of the conference. Dr. Bhabha of India,
points to the fact that :

Its success is also due to the spirit and the manner in
which all the delegates have played their part. From
the very beginning meetings have begun and ended on
time, and all the speakers have adliered to the time limit
set in the program. I am told that this is by no means a
usual feature of international conferences. The difference
can perhaps be attributed to the circumstance that, in a
scientific conference such as this, each speaker has some-
thing concrete to communicate. I suppose that, when
one has nothing too concrete to communicate, there is no
inherent reason why, having started speaking, one should
stop.

My colleagues will be greatly relieved, I am sure,
to know that I have taken the last comment of Dr.
Bliabha to heart and that very soon I will stop.

Additional Special Items

]Mr. Chairman, I sliould like to indicate at this
point the United States position on several non-
recurring items which are important primarily in
the United Nations context.

My delegation strongly suj^ports the recom-
mendations of the Special Committee on Judicial
Review of Administrative Tribimal Judgments*
and hopes that the report of that committee will
enable the Fifth Committee to deal with this item
with a miniminn of debate.

' U.N. doc. A/2909.

720

Department of State Bulletin

The United States Government is also gratified
to note that the Secretary-General plans to com-
plete the headquarters construction in 1956 and,
in this connection, to erect a memorial plaque for
those who have died in the service of the United
Nations. We also consider it eminently just and
proper for the Fifth Committee to act favorably
on the proposal to establish a memorial cemetery
in Korea.

I could not close these general remarks without
expressing the appreciation of my delegation for
the work of the various standing committees which
serve the Fifth Committee so faithfully, such as
the Advisory Committee, the Contributions Com-
mittee, and the Board of Auditors.

My delegation would also like to associate itself
with the thanks expressed by the chairman of the
Advisory Committee, in the foreword to the com-
mittee's first report, to the persons who have con-
tributed to the work of the Advisory Committee.
This particularly applies to the valuable assist-
ance rendered by Mr. Watson Sellar, retiring
member of the Board of Auditors, and Mr. Hans
Cliristian xVndersen, retiring Controller, both of
whom have contributed so much to the sound
financial management of the United Nations.
The Fiftli Committee is indebted to Mr. Sellar,
who has served since the inception of the United
Nations, for his personal contribution to the de-
velopment of a thoroughgoing audit system and
for the enormous assistance rendered by the staff
of his Government department. Tribute is also
due the Government of Canada, which has made
this possible.

If, as on this occasion and others, we feel it
necessary to comment critically on certain details
of United Nations administration, we do so only
out of a desire to be helpful and consti'uctive. My
delegation is convinced that the United Nations
must continue to examine and improve its adminis-
trative practices if it is to fulfill the great hopes
that we — and I think the whole world — have for
its continued growth as an instrument working
for peace in this nuclear age. I have no doubt
that my colleagues on this committee are as con-
scious as I am of the great responsibility we bear
as overseers of an organization which embodies so
much hope and promise. If the United Nations is
to play the role expected of it in this disorderly
and uncertain world, those who carry out its man-
date will have to function with a high sense of
duty and teamwork.

Convinced as we are of the challenge and the
difficulty which this administrative task places
upon the Secretary-General, we stand ready
always to cooperate with him. His term of office
has been marked by accomplishments and im-
provements which merit our sincere pride and
gratitude.

I am confident that, if properly supported, the
United Nations system as it enters its second
decade will grow, develop, and increase in influ-
ence and effectiveness. We are engaged in waging
peace with an intensity and earnestness of purpose
never before experienced in the history of the
world. In that great effort the United Nations
system serves as one of mankind's major instru-
mentalities. The charter is a living organism and
has developed and must continue to develop as a
potent instrument for meeting the many complex
problems of international character which know
no boundary lines. As we trj- to project the fu-
ture, we can be certain that, with a concerted
effort on the part of all of us, the United Nations
system will succeed and help man realize his great-
est hope and that a new and peaceful world will
emerge through the instrumentality of the U.N.
structure. Toward that goal the Administrative
and Budgetary Committee, by making possible
more efficient use of available funds, can make a
major contribution.

U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences

Contracting Parties to GATT

The Dejiartment of State announced on October
20 (press release 610) that James C. H. Bon-
bright, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal, will be
chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Tenth
Session of the Contracting Parties to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt) , opening
at Geneva on October 27. The delegation also
includes the following :

Vice chairman

John M. Leddy, Special Assistant to the Deputy Under
Secretary for Economic Affairs, Department of State

Adtnsers

A. Richard DePelice, Chief, International Agreements

Branch, Trade Policy Division. Foreign .Agricultural

Service, Department of Agriculture

October 31, 7955

721

Ethel M. Dietrich, Director, Trade Division, U.S. Mission
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Euro-
pean Regional Organizations, Paris

Robert Eisenberg, Attach^, U.S. Embassy, Luxembourg

Morris J. Fields, Chief, Commercial Policy and United
Nations Division, Office of International Finance, De-
partment of the Treasury

Mortimer Goldstein, Assistant Chief, International Fi-
nance Division, Department of State

Walter Hollis, Office of the Assistant Legal Adviser for
Economic Affairs, Department of State

Eugene J. Kaplan, Chief, United Kingdom-Ireland Sec-
tion, British Commonwealth Division, Office of Eco-
nomic Affairs, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Depart-
ment of Commerce

Bernard Norwood, Trade Agreements and Treaties Divi-
sion, Department of State

Laurence G. Pickering, Trade Agreements and Treaties
Division, Department of State

George L. Robbins, Department of Agriculture

Joe A. Robinson, U.S. Consulate General, Geneva

Clarence S. Slegel, Assistant Director, European Division,
Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Department of Commerce

Leonard Weiss. Assistant Chief, Trade Agreements and
Treaties Division, Department of State

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
is a trade agreement in which the United States
and 34 other countries participate. Initially ne-
gotiated in 1947, its rules of trade now cover more
than 80 percent of the world's commerce.

The Tenth Session is expected to last about 5
weeks. It will be concerned with problems that
have arisen under the agreement since the last
meeting of its adherents, which began October 28,
1954, and ended March 7, 1955.

At the Tenth Session there will be consultations
about the discriminatory import restrictions of five
countries : the United Kingdom, Ceylon, Australia,
New Zealand, and the Federation of Ehodesia and
Nyasaland. The consultations will include a
broad examination of (1) the impact on trade of
the restrictions in question and (2) the basis for
their retention. During this review, the U.S.
delegation will have the opportunity to seek infor-
mation regarding the operation of the import con-
trols of these countries and to press for relaxation
of those which appear to be unduly or unneces-
sarily severe.

The U.S. delegation also intends to hold infor-
mal talks with the delegations of several other
countries with a view to securing a relaxation of
certain of their import controls adversely affecting
American products.

The Contracting Parties will also review the
first annual report by the United States on restric-
tions on agricultural imj)orts into the United

States. Such restrictions are made in connection
with domestic price-support legislation on farm
commodities. At the Ninth Session the United
States obtained a waiver of its obligations under
the agreement in order to eliminate conflict be-
tween the requirements of this legislation and the
provisions of the Gatt laying down the conditions
under which import controls may be imposed.

The Contracting Parties will also consider at
the Tenth Session applications by Belgium and
Luxembom-g for authorization to maintain a lim-
ited number of restrictions on imports of agricul-
tural products. These apjilications are expected
to be considered in the light of aiTangements made
at the Ninth Session whereby a Contracting Party
in the process of eliminating the import controls
protecting its monetarj' reserves may be permitted
in special circumstances to continue certain of the
controls for a limited period of time. Such au-
thorizations are designed to facilitate the transi-
tion to the complete elimination of such import
controls and would contain safeguards for the in-
terests of other Gatt countries.

The delegations of the 35 governments will con-
sider a report by the six Gatt countries which con-
stitute the European Coal and Steel Conununity.
Tliese countries, Belgium, France, the Federal Re-
public of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the
Netherlands, will describe recent Csc operations
as they affect the coal and steel trade of their Gatf
partners.

THE DEPARTMENT

Appointments

Robert C. Hill, as Special Assistant to the Under Secre-
tary of State for Mutual Security Affairs, effective Octo-
ber 12 (press release 616 dated October 21).

THE FOREIGN SERVICE

Recess Appointments

John J. Muccio, as Ambassador to Iceland, October 19.

722

Departmenf of State Bulletin

October 31, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 853

American Principles. Freedom, Kesponsibility,

and Law (Lodge) 696

Asia. The Problem of Peace — Ten Questions on
Communist Intentions in tlie Far East (Robert-
son) 690

China. Status of Geneva Talks With Red China

(Dulles) 689

Communism. The Problem of Peace — ^Ten Ques-
tions on Communist Intentions in the Far East
(Robertson) 690

Congress. Talks With Congressional Leaders Be-
fore Geneva Meeting 686

Disarmament. Disarmament and the President's
Geneva Proposal ( Stassen statement and text
of memorandum) 703

Economic Affairs

Meeting the Challenge for Economic Progress

(Hays) 711

U.S. Delegation to Contracting Parties to GATT . . 721

Europe

Dep.irture of U.S. Delegation to Geneva Foreign

Ministers Conference 686

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting (Dulles) . . . 687

Publication on Summit Conference 686

Talks With Congressional Leaders Before Geneva

Meeting 686

Foreign Service

Amendment of Tariff of Foreign Service Fees

(Eisenhower) 698

Recess Appointments (Muccio) 722

Guatemala. Termination of Guatemalan Trade
Agreement Proclamation (text of proclama-
tion) 695

Iceland. Recess Appointments (Muccio) .... 722

International Organizations and Meetings

U.S. Delegation to Contracting Parties to GATT . . 721
U.S. Delegation to Geneva Foi-eign Ministers Con-
ference 686

Military Affairs. Release of Stockpile Materials in

Event of Enemy Attack (Eisenhower) . . . 701

Mutual Security. The Task of NATO's Naval

Forces (Wright) 699

Near East

Middle East Question (Dulles) 688

United States Policy in the Middle East (Allen) . . 683
Nortli Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Task of

NATO's Naval Forces (Wright) 699

Presidential Documents

Amendment of Tariff of Foreign Service Fees . . . 698

National Olympic Day, 195.5 702

Release of Stockpile Materials in Event of Enemy

Attack 701

Termination of Guatemalan Trade Agreement Proc-
lamation (595

Publications

Current U.N. Documents 714

Publication on Summit Conference 686

State, Department of. Appointments (Hill) . . . 722

Treaty Information

Current Actions 702

Termination of Guatemalan Trade Agreement

Proclamation (text of proclamation) .... 695

U.S.S.R. Exchanges With Soviet Union (Dulles) . 689

United Nations

Administrative Progress and Problems in the United

Nations and Its Agencies (Merrow) .... 715

Disarmament and the President's Geneva Proposal

(Stassen statement and text of memorandum) . 703

Freedom, Responsibility, and Law (Lodge) . . . 696

Meeting the Challenge for Economic Progress

(Hays) 711

Name Index

Allen, George V 683

Dulles, Secretary 686, 687

Eisenhower, President 695,698,701,702

Hays, Brooks 711

Hill, Robert C 722

Lodge, Henry Cabot, .Tr 696

Merrow, Chester E 715

Muccio, John J 722

Robertson, Walter S 690

Stassen, Harold E 703

Wright, Jerauld 699

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 17-23

Releases may be obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Subject

Dulles : transcript of news confer-
ence.

Exchange of medical films with
U.S.S.R.

Death of Carlos Davila.

Hollister : Colombo Plan meeting.

Delegation to GATT (rewrite).

Communique on congressional brief-
ing.

Representatives to Ethiopian Silver
Jubilee.

Dulles : departure for Geneva con-
ference.

Hoover: death of Carlos Davila.

Wilcox : "The U.N. After Ten Years."

Hill appointment (rewrite).

U.S. invitation on Atomic Energy
Agency.

Delegation to wheat agreement con-
ference (rewrite).

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bitlletin.

No.

Date

606

10/18

t607

10/18

*60S

t609

610

611

10/19
10/20
10/20
10/20

*612

10/20

613

10/21

*614

t615

616

t617

10/21
10/21
10/21
10/21

t6]S

10/22

the

Department

of

State

United States
Government Printing Office

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

Washington 25, D. C.

PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300

(GPO>

OFFICIAL BUSINESS

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The American Consul, a 14-page pamphlet, tells what a
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; FoZ. XXXIII, No. 854

i

November 7, 1955

OPENING OF GENEVA MEETING OF FOREIGN
MINISTERS

Statements by Secretary Dulles "27

Western Proposals for German Reunification and European

Security 729

Soviet Proposal on European Security 732

THE UNITED NATIONS AFTER TEN YEARS

Address by Assistant Secretary Wilcox 736

Address by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 736

USING THE ATOM FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL

PROGRESS IN ASIA * Statement by John B. Hollister . . 747

COMMUNIST CHINA AND AMERICAN FAR EASTERN

POLICY • Article by John M. H. Lindbeck 751

For index see inside back cover

Boston Public Library
juperintendeat of Documents

NOV 2 3 1955

^Ae z!/)efia/ytme7il: c^ tylate Vj W. 1 1 \J L i i 1

Vol. XXXIII, No. 854 • Publication 6053

November 7, 1955

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents

U.S. Government Printing OfHce

Washington 25, D.C.

Peice:

62 Issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25

Single copy, 20 cents

The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).

Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OP State Buixetin as the source will be
appreciated.

Tim Department of State BULLETIN,
a ujeekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. Tlve BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and tlie
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of tlie Department, as well as
special articles on various pluises of
international affairs and tlie func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which tlie United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative nuiterial in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.

Opening of Geneva Meeting of Foreign Ministers

Following are statements made by Secretary
Dulles at the Conference of Foreign Ministers at
Geneva on October 27 and 28; the text of the pro-
posals of France^ the United Kingdom^ and the
United States for German reunification and Eu-
ropean security dated October 28; and the text of
the Soviet proposal of the same date deali?ig with
European security.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
OCTOBER 27

We meet here charged with a heavy load of re-
sponsibility. Last July the Heads of our Gov-
ernments declared here their desire for a stable
peace and reduction of tensions. The four were
able to agree on three issues wliich must be re-
solved in pursuit of these ends.^

At the same time, tlie summit conference clearly
brought out deep differences as to the proper road
and means to achieve these objectives.

The problem is this : Each of our Govermnents
recognizes that tlie present situation is not a sat-
isfactory basis for a secure peace. At the same
time, each has a concern that any changes should
not impair its security. This is only natural.

The existing tension and distrust have deep
roots that cannot easily be eradicated. But we
have reached a critical point where we must either
move forward in a series of common actions which
will restore confidence or else tlie futiu-e might be
not merely like the past, but worse still, a deterio-
ration of the past.

The three topics on our agenda illustrate the
nature of this problem.

Taking first tlie problem of Germany, all rec-
ognize that the division of Germany is a gi'ave
injustice and a source of instability. We have all

^ For text of the July 23 directive to tlie Foreign Min-
isters, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 19.55, p. 176.

agreed that Germany should be reunified by free
elections. Yet to achieve German reunification at
this stage requires that we each be satisfied that
this step will not impair our security.

Recognizing this necessity, the United States is
prepared to join in assurances related to German
unity which will preclude any revival of German
militarism. These, we believe, take proper ac-
count of all legitimate security interests, includ-
ing those of the Soviet Union, and should permit
of proceeding promptly to achieve the reunifi-
cation.

The second item, disarmament, poses a similar
problem. All recognize that present levels of
armaments are a heavy burden on the various na-
tions and sliould be reduced, not merely as a meas-
ure of economy but because armaments designed
for security may in fact lead to war. But no one
of us can be expected to reduce our military capa-
bility materially except in step with similar reduc-
tions by others. Hence progress clearly depends,
not merely on agreeing to reduce but also on as-
surance that the agreed reduction will actually
take place. Otherwise none will feel that it can
safely carry out the agreed reductions.

That is why the United States, the United King-
dom, and France have placed such heavy em-
phasis on an adequate inspection and control sys-
tem as a prerequisite to genuine disarmament.
Meanwhile President Eisenhower's proposal for
the exchange of blueprints and aerial inspection
could create an atmosphere conducive to progress
in this field.

And touching on the third item of contacts, we
all agree that greater contact between us could
serve to promote mutual understanding. But in
this field also we cannot expect, all at once, far-
reaching action which will ignore all security con-
siderations. We must tackle first those areas which
on one hand do not seriously involve the security
of either side, and which on the other hand as-
sure reciprocal benefits.

November 7, 1955

727

statement by President Eisenhower

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 26

Three months ago Secretary Dulles and I, with
the governmental leaders of France, Great Britain,
and the Soviet Union, met at Geneva. The pur-
pose, as I said in opening that conference, was to
"create a new spirit that will make possible future
solutions of problems which are within our re-
sponsibilities." '

The world hopes that that conference did in fact
create that new spirit.

However, as I said to the American people on
my return, the "acid test" would come when the
Foreign Ministers would, in accordance with our
Geneva directive, tackle concretely these problems
for which our nations have responsibility and which,
if unresolved, create tension and danger.

Tomorrow the four Foreign Ministers meet at
Geneva to resume where we left off last July.
They will seek solutions which are possible if that
new spirit is real. Foremost among these measures
is the reunification of Germany within a frame-
work of European security.

Secretary Dulles and I think alike with respect to
these matters. We have often discussed them and
twice within the last two weeks he and I reviewed
together the positions and the proposals which will
be made at Geneva by the Western nations. These
will be designed to promote a peace of justice, with
increased security and well-being for all. They
will reflect a genuine spirit of conciliation and
accommodation. If the Soviet Union responds in
a similar spirit, much progress can be made. That
is my personal hope, as I am confident it is the
hope of the American people.

We shall all of us follow with eagerness the de-
velopments at Geneva, for they will go far to dem-
onstrate whether the "spirit of Geneva" marks a
genuine change and will actually be productive of
the peaceful progress for which the whole world
longs.

■ Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 171.

The United States comes to this meeting dedi-
cated to exploring patiently and sincerely all pos-
sible approaches to realistic solutions of these prob-
lems. We hope this spirit will be reciprocated.

We shall have various proposals on these mat-
ters which seek to meet legitimate Soviet concerns.
Our proposals aim to make possible the necessary
changes in present conditions on a basis which does
not impair the security of any other and indeed
would greatly enhance that security by the re-
moval of the existing sources of instability and ten-
sion. We hope that the Soviet Union will give

these proposals the serious and sympathetic con-
sideration which we believe they deserve.

The hope which I have expressed is the hope of
President Eisenhower, whose thoughts are much
with us, and I deeply appreciate your thought of
him. Even since his illness he has twice discussed
with me fully the problems which confront us here,
and he yesterday made a statement about our work,
a copy of which I should like to circulate as a con-
ference document.

We here shall, I know, all be conscious of the
fact that, as President Eisenhower says in the state-
ment of yesterday to which I alluded, the devel-
opments at Geneva will go far to demonstrate
whether the "spirit of Geneva" marks a genuine
change and will actually be productive of the
peaceful progress for which the whole world longs.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
OCTOBER 28

I would like now to address myself to some of
the observations that were made by Mr. Molotov,
and, in the first instance, to the condemnation of
what Mr. Molotov called "military blocs" but
which are in reality collective security associa-
tions.

I realize that there is a difference of opinion
between our Governments with reference to these
matters, and probably it will not be possible to
resolve all those differences at this time, but I
could not pass without comment the condemna-
tion of these collective defense organizations.

Why, indeed, should it be that nations should
not join together to help each other against what
they consider to be a common danger, or in pur-
suance of what they consider to be a sense of com-
mon destiny? Individuals do that. It is con-
sidered the appropriate way to get security. And
the charter of the United Nations, to which we
have all subscribed, defines that as an inherent
right of nations.

It is suggested that these collective defense
associations are a cause of increased military ex-
penditures, and in support of that these figures
are given showing that in the case of some of our
countries our military budgets went up very
sharply between the year 1948 and the year 1951.

But it should not be forgotten that some things
happened during that period other than the forma-
tion of collective security associations. There
were the events which took place in Czechoslo-

728

Department of State Bulletin

vakia, there was the blockade of Berlin, there was
the attack upon the Republic of Korea. Anyone
who examines history realistically must see that it
was such events as these that led to the increase of
military budgets, and not the creation of collec-
tive security associations.

Indeed, I think it is demonstrable that the mili-
tary budgets of each of the "Western powers would
have gone up much more sharply than they did
were it not for the fact that because of military
security we thought that we could help each other
out and, therefore, did not need, in each individual
nation, as large a military budget as would have
been felt necessary had we stood alone.

Mr. Molotov has said, and said with some reason,
that security pacts of themselves do not necessarily
provide adequate security, and I think he put the
question : how do we get security? Well, I think
that the way to get security is to try to end some
of the injustices which prevail in the world and
whicli sometimes drive people into acts of violence
which otherwise they would not commit. One of
those injustices, and one the responsibility for
which we liere are charged with, is the continued
division of Germany.

We have come here with proposals to deal with
each of these two problems, the solution of which
would serve the interests of consolidating peace.
We have put on the table yesterday,- through For-
eign Minister Pinay, the proposal for the unifica-
tion of Germany, which reflects in essence the
Eden Plan which was put forward at our Berlin
conference,^ and the new proposals to give secu-
rity assurance in connection with the reunification
of Germany.

The suggested treaty of assurance on the reuni-
fication of Germany is new, and it represents an
honest, sincere, painstaking effort to carry out the
directive in that respect and to meet what we rec-
ognize to be a legitimate preoccupation of the
Soviet Union and, indeed, of all of us, as against
the possibility that Germany might again become
a militaristic state.

I was very glad to hear Mr. Molotov say that he
would study these proposals more carefully, be-
cause it is quite obvious that his initial reaction is
based upon an inadequate understanding of the

' The proposals presented on Oct. 27 were circulated as
a conference document on Oct. 28.
' Bulletin of Feb. 8, 1954, p. 186.

document. As I understood Mr. Molotov, his basic
objections to the proposal, as he understood the
proposal, were in essence two : one to the effect
that the proposal required Germany to become a
party to Nato, and the other was that the sanc-
tions of the treaty were mere "consultations."

Dealing with the first point, let me say that there
is nothing whatsoever in the treaty proposal which
conflicts with the provision of the Eden Plan that
the all-German Government shall have authority
to assume or reject the international rights and
obligations of the Federal Republic and the Soviet
zone of Germany.

Let me make it perfectly clear and emphatic:

There is nothing whatsoever in the treaty pro-
posal which requires Germany to become a mem-
ber of Nato. It is recognized that a reunified
Germany will be free to accept or to reject existing
obligations with reference either to Nato, to Brus-
sels, or to Warsaw. That is a complete freedom,
and nothing in our proposals is in any way con-
trary to that.

We shall, of course, examine carefully the pro-
posal which the Soviet delegation has submitted.
In looking at it in the few minutes that have been
available, I think it will be found that some at
least of the provisions of our proposals coincide
with the i^roposals of the Soviet delegation.

The proposal of the Soviet delegation, so far
as I can see, is in no way connected with the re-
unification of Germany, and, therefore, it would be
difficult for us to consider it until we see the pro-
posal which the Soviet delegation says it intends
to submit for the reunification of Germany.
When we see the two together, then we shall be
able to appreciate them better.

PROPOSALS OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF FRANCE,
THE UNITED KINGDOM, AND THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA FOR GERMAN REUNIFI-
CATION AND EUROPEAN SECURITY

Press release 628 dated October 28

At the Geneva conference, the Heads of Government
recognized, in their directive to the Foreign Ministers,
the common responsibility of the Four Powers for the
reunification of Germany by means of free elections in
conformity with the national interests of the German
people and the interests of European security.

France, the United Kingdom and the United States of
America have striven unceasingly for the reunification
of Germany in freedom in order to promote real stability
in Europe. Last year they put forward, in the Eden
Plan, proposals which offer the German Nation the means

November 7, 1955

729

to recover its unity in accordance with the rights of
peoples and liberty of the individual. They renew these
proposals in the paper attached hereto.

Free elections leading to the formation of a single
government for the whole of Germany are the right way
of ensuring full participation of the German people in
the solution of the German problem, which the Soviet
Government says it also desires. If agreement in prin-
ciple is reached during the present Conference, it should
be possible to settle without delay questions concerning
the Electoral Law and the supervision of the elections,
which could take place as early as 1956.

Without German unity, any system of European
security would be an illusion. The division of Germany
can only perpetuate friction and insecurity as well as
grave injustice. France, the United Kingdom and the
United States of America are not prepared to enter into
a system of European security which, as in the Soviet
proposals put forward at Geneva, does not end the division
of Germany.

At the Geneva conference, the Soviet Government ex-
pressed concern about the policy and associations of a
reunified German Government. The Soviet Union ap-
pears to fear that a unified Germany, established by
free elections and free to choose its associates in collec-
tive defense, would constitute a threat to the security of
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The fact is that
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Western
European Union are strictly defensive organizations.
Far from constituting a threat to peace, they contribute
to the security not only of their members but of all
states. This is evident from the various limitations and
restrictions which the members of the Western European
Union have assumed and from the restraint on individual
action which the Nato system imposes on its members.
If a reunified Germany elects to associate itself with these
organizations, the inherent obligations of restraint and
control would enhance rather than detract from Soviet
security.

Nevertheless, to remove any possible grounds for Soviet
refusal to reunify Germany promptly, France, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America are prepared
to take further steps to meet the concern expressed by
the Soviet Government. They accordingly propose the
conclusion of a treaty in the terms set forth below, con-
currently with the conclusion of an agreement to reunify
Germany under the Eden Plan. This treaty would com-
prise undertakings to refrain from the use of force and
to withhold aid from an aggressor, provisions for the
limitation and control of forces and armaments, and the
obligation to react against aggression. The treaty would
enter into force only in conjunction with the reunification
of Germany. It would be carried out by stages. Its
signature would be concurrent with the signature of the
agreement on the Eden Plan. The final stage would be-
come effective when a reunified Germany decides to enter
NATO and the Western European Union.

France, the United Kingdom, and the United States
of America are convinced that these proposals could lead
to an agreement satisfactory to both sides. If the Soviet
Union's concern over immediate German reunification is

primarily security, these proposals should constitute an
acceptable basis for negotiation since they ijrovide a
system of control in which the Soviet Union would di-
rectly participate, and reciprocal assurances from which
the Soviet Union would directly benefit. Such a settle-
ment, by creating confidence in an area vital for world
security, would facilitate the solution of even wider
problems.

Outline of Terms of Treaty of Assurance on the
Reunification of Germany

The treaty, which would be concluded concurrently
with an agreement on the reunification of Germany under
the Eden Plan, would cover the following subjects :

1. Renunciation of the use of force —

Each pai'ty would undertake to settle, by peaceful
means, any international dispute in which it might be
involved and to refrain from the use of force in any man-
ner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.

2. Withholding support from aggressors —

Each party would agree to withhold assistance, mili-
tary or economic, to any aggressor, and any party could
bring the aggression to the attention of the United Na-
tions, and seek such measures as are necessary to main-
tain or to restore international peace and security.

3. Limitation of forces and armaments —

In a zone comprising areas of comparable size and depth
and importance on both sides of the line of demarcation
between a reunified Germany and the Eastern European
countries, levels for armed forces would be specified so as
to establish a military balance which would contribute
to European security and help to relieve the burden of
armaments. There would be appropriate provisions for
the maintenance of this balance. In iiarts of the zone
which lie closest to the line of demarcation, there might
be special measures relating to the disposition of military
forces and installations.

4. Inspection and control —

The parties would provide information on an agreed
progressive basis on their armed forces in the zone. There
would be agreement on progressive procedures of mutual
inspection to verify such data and to warn against any
preparation for surprise attack.

5. Special warning system —

In order to provide added depth to the surveillance
system on both sides and thus give further protection
agaiuBt surprise attack, provision could be made to
establish :

A) in the Western part of the zone mentioned in para-
graph 3, a radar warning system operated by the Soviet
Union and the other Eastern members of the treaty, and

B) a like system in the Eastern part of that zone oper-
ated by the Nato members of the treaty.

6. Consultation —

There would be suitable provision for consultation
among the parties to implement the Treaty.

7. Individual and collective self-defense —

It would be provided that nothing in the Treaty would
impair or conflict with the right of individual and col-
lective self-defense recognized by the United Nations

730

Department of State Bulletin

Charter and Treaties under it. No party would continue
to station forces in the territory of any other party with-
out the tatter's consent, and upon request of the party
concerned any party would withdraw its forces within a
stated period, unless these forces are present in the
territory concerned under collective defense arrange-
ments.

8. Obligation to react against aggression —

Each party would agree that armed attack in Europe by
any party which is also a Nato member, against any
party which is not a Nato member, or vice-versa, would
endanger the peace and security which is the object of
this Treaty, and that all the parties would then take
appropriate action to meet that common danger.

9. Entry into force by stages —

The provisions would come into effect progressively at
stages to be agreed.

Plan for German Reunification in Freedom

Method of Reunification

German reunification and the conclusion of a freely
negotiated Peace Treaty with a united Germany should
be achieved in the following stages :

I — Free elections throughout Germany.

II — The convocation of a National Assembly resulting
from those elections.

Ill — The drafting of a Constitution and the prepara-
tion of Peace Treaty negotiations.

IV — The adoption of the Constitution and the forma-
tion of an all-German Government responsible for the
negotiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty.

V — The signature and entry into force of the Peace
Treaty.

I— FREE ELECTIONS THROUGHOUT GERMANY

Free and secret elections should be held throughout
Germany including Berlin at the earliest possible date.
These elections must be held in conditions of genuine free-
dom. Safeguards must be agreed to assure this freedom
before, after and during the elections. The elections
must also be supervised in such a manner as to make
sure that these safeguards are observed and that the
elections are properly conducted.

(1) Preparation for the Elections

(a) The Electoral Law

The Electoral Law should be prepared by France, the
Unjdn of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United
States of America, In consultation with German experts,
taking into consideration the electoral laws already
drafted for this purpose by the Bundestag of the Federal
Republic and the Soviet Zone Volkskammer. When ap-
proved by the Four Powers it should be published
throughout Germany. Elections should take place as
soon as possible thereafter.

(b) Guarantees for Free Elections

The draft electoral law must contain provisions which

will guarantee the genuine freedom of the elections.
These include, amongst others :

Freedom of movement throughout Germany.

Freedom of presentation of candidates.

Immunity of candidates.

Freedom from arbitrary arrest or victimisation.

Freedom of association and pnlitical meetings.

Freedom of expression for all.

Freedom of the press, radio and television and free

circulation of newspapers, periodicals etc.
Secrecy of the vote.
Security of polling stations and ballot boxes.

(c) Supervision of the Elections

Supervision should be carried out by a Supervisory Com-
mission throughout the whole of Germany. There should
be a central body with subordinate bodies at Land and
local levels. All votes should be counted and verified at
local headquarters in the presence of the Supervisory
Commission.

(i) Composition of Supervisory Commission — The
Commission should be composed of representa-
tives of the Four Powers with or without the
participation of neutrals, assisted by Germans in
a consultative capacity,
(ii) Organisation of the Commission — The Commis-
sion should work on a Committee basis. Its de-
cisions should be taken by majority vote,
(iii) Functions and Powers of the Commission — The
principal task of the Commission will be to en-
sure that the elections take place in genuine free-
dom and in strict conformity with the provisions
of the Electoral Law.

(2) Method for Completing the Above Preparations

The Foreign Ministers must in the first place agree on
the principles contained in this Plan. They will then
give instructions accordingly to a Working Group, con-
sisting of the principal representatives in Germany of the
Four Powers, or members of their staffs, which will work
out the necessary details and submit a report.

This report should include, in particular :

(1) the draft of the all-German Electoral Law;

(2) detailed recommendations regarding the super-
vision of the elections.

The Working Group should begin work not later than
two weeks after the Foreign Jlinisters have agreed on the
principles contained in this Plan. It .should submit its
report to tlie Four Governments not later than one month
after beginning its work.

II— THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

The all-German elections will establish an all-German
National Assembly.

During the period between the end of the elections and
the full assumption of control by tlie all-German Govern-
ment, it will be desirable for part of the supervisory ma-
chinery to remain in operation, in order to prevent action
after the elections which would impair the conditions of
genuine freedom under which they will have been held, as

November 7, 1955

731

provided in Section I (1) (b) above. Recommendations
on tliis subject should be included in tlie report of the
Working Group.

Ill— DRAFTING OF A CONSTITUTION AND PREPARATION OF
PEACE TREATY NEGOTIATIONS

The National Assembly vpill begin drafting a Constitu-
tion as soon as possible after its first meeting. Mean-
while, it may form a provisional all-German Authority
charged with as.sisting the Assembly in drafting the Con-
stitution and with preparing the nucleus of the future all-
German executive organs. The Authority may also open
with the Four Powers preliminary negotiations for the
Peace Treaty.

IV— ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION AND FORMATION OF
AN ALL-GERMAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE
NEGOTIATION AND CONCLUSION OF THE PEACE TREATY

The draft of the Constitution will be submitted to the
Assembly as soon as possible. Immediately after it has
been adopted an all-German Government will be formed.
This Government will then be responsible for the nego-
tiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty. At the same
time, sucli other institutions as may be provided for in
the Constitution shall be established.

As soon as the all-German Government has been formed,
the National Assembly will determine how the powers of
the Federal Government and the German authorities in
the Soviet Zone shall be transferred to the all-German
Government, and how the two former shall be brought to
an end.

The all-German Government shall have authority to
assume or reject the international rights and obligations
of the Federal Republic and the Soviet Zone of Germany
and to conclude such other international agreements as
It may wish. The Four Powers will support any applica-
tion of the all-German Government to accede to the United
Nations Organization.

Each of the Four Powers will exercise, with respect to
the National Assembly, the provisional all-German Author-
ity and the all-German Government, only those of its rights
which relate to the stationing of armed forces in Germany
and the protection of their security ; Berlin ; the reunifi-
cation of Germany ; and a Peace Treaty.*

Decisions of the National Assembly, the provisional all-
German Authority and the all-German Government in
carrying out this Plan will not require the approval of the
Four Powers. Such decisions may not be disapproved
except by a majority vote of the Four Powers.

V— SIGNATURE AND ENTRY INTO FORCE OF THE
PEACE TREATY

The signatories to the Treaty should include all States,
or the successors thereof, which were at war with Ger-
many. The Treaty should enter into force when ratified
by the Four Powers and by Germany.

SOVIET PROPOSAL OF OCTOBER 28<

General European Treaty on Collective Security
in Europe: Basic Principles

For the purpose of ensuring peace and security and of
preventing aggression against any state in Europe,

For the purpose of strengthening international coopera-
tion in conformity with the principles of respect for the
independence and sovereignty of states and noninterfer-
ence in their internal affairs.

Striving to achieve concerted efforts by all European
states in ensuring collective security in Europe instead of
the formation of groujiings of some European states di-
rected against other European states, which gives rise to
friction and strained relations among nations and ag-
gravates mutual distrust.

Having in view that the establishment of a system of
collective security in Europe would facilitate the earliest
possible settlement of the German problem through the
unification of Germany on a peaceful and democratic
basis,

European states, guided by the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations, conclude a General
European Treaty on Collective Security in Europe the
basic provisions of which are as follows :

1. All European states, irrespective of their social sys-
tems, and the United States of America as well, may be-
come parties to the Treaty provided they recognise the
jmrposes and assume the obligations set forth in the
Treaty.

Pending the formation of a united, peace-loving, demo-
cratic German state, the German Democratic Republic
and the German Federal Republic may be parties to the
Treaty enjoying equal rights with other parties thereto.
It is understood that after the unification of Germany the
united German State may he a party to the Treaty under
general provisions hereof.

The conclusion of the Treaty on Collective Security In
Europe shall not affect the competence of the four pow-
ers—the U. S. S. R., the U. S. A., the United Kingdom and
France — to deal with the German problem, which shall
be settled in accordance with decisions previously taken
by the Four Powers.

2. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to refrain
from aggression against one another and also to refrain
from having recourse to the threat or use of force in their
international relations and, in accordance with the Charter
of the United Nations, to settle any dispute that may
arise among them by peaceful means and in such a way
as not to endanger international peace and security in
Europe.

3. Whenever, in the view of any State-party to the
Treaty, there is danger of an armed attack in Europe
against one or more of the tStates-parties to the Treaty,
they shall consult one another in order to take effective
steps to remove the danger and to maintain security in
Europe.

* The provisions of this plan are subject to any pro-
visions of a security agreement concluded in connection
with the reunification of Germany. [Footnote in original.]

' For text of the identical proposal introduced at the
"summit" conference, see The Geneva Conference of
Heads of Oovernnient, July 18-2S, 1955, Department of
State publication 6046, p. 48.

732

Department of State Bulletin

4. An armed attack in Europe against one or several
States-parties to the Treaty by any state or group of
states sliall be deemed to be an attaclv against all the
Parties. In the event of such an attack, each of the
Parties, exercising the right of Individual or collective
self-defence, shall assist the state or states so attacked
by all the means at its disposal, including the use of
armed force, for the purpose of re-establishing and main-
taining international peace and security in Europe.

5. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake jointly
to discuss and determine as soon as possible the procedure
under which assistance, including military assistance,
shall be provided by the States-parties to the Treaty in
the event of a situation in Europe requiring a collective
effort for the re-establishment and maintenance of peace
in Europe.

6. The States-parties to the Treaty, in conformity with
the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, shall
immediately inform the Security Council of the United
Nations of any action taken or envisaged for the purpose
of exercising the right of self-defence or of maintaining
peace and security in Europe.

7. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake not to
participate in any coalition or alliance and not to con-
clude agreements the objectives of which are contrary to
the purposes of the Treaty on Collective Security in
Europe.

S. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to pro-
mote a broad economic and cultural cooperation among
themselves as well as with other states through the de-
velopment of trade and other economic relations, the ex-
pansion of cultural ties on a basis excluding any
discrimination or restrictions which hamper such coop-
eration.

9. In order to implement tlie provisions of the Treaty
concerning consultation among its Parties and to consider
questions arising in connection with the task of ensuring
security in Europe, the following shall be provided for :

(a) Regular or, when required, special conferences at
which each State shall be represented by a member of its
government or by some other specially de.signated repre-
sentative ;

(b) The setting up of a permanent consultative political
f committee the duty of which shall be the preparation of

appropriate recommendations to the governments of the
States-parties to the Treaty ;

(c) The setting up of a military consultative organ the
terms of reference of which shall be specified in due
course.

10. Recognising the special responsibility of the per-
manent members of the United Nations Security Council
for the maintenance of international peace and security,
the States-parties to the Treaty shall invite the Govern-
ment of the Chinese People's Republic to designate repre-
sentatives to the organs set up in accordance with the
Treaty in the capacity of observers.

11. The present Ti-eaty shall not impair in any way tlie
I obligations of European states under international trea-
' ties and agreements to which they are party, provided the

principles and puriX)ses of such agreements are in con-
formity with those of the present Treaty.

12. The States-parties to the Treaty agree that during
the first period (two or three years) of the implementa-
tion of measures for the establishment of the system of
collective security in Europe under the present Treaty
they shall not be relieved of the obligations assumed by
them under existing treaties and agreements.

At the same time the States-parties to existing treaties
and agreements which provide for military commitments
shall refrain from the use of armed force and shall settle
by peaceful means all the disputes that may arise between
them. Consultations shall also take place between the
parties to the corresponding treaties, and agreements in
case any differences or disputes arise among them which
might constitute a threat to the maintenance of peace in
Europe.

i:;. Pending the conclusion of agreements on the reduc-
tion of armaments and the prohibition of atomic weapons
and on the withdrawal of foreign troops from the terri-
tories of European countries, the States-parties to the
Treaty undertake not to take any further steps to increase
their armed forces on the territories of other European
states under treaties and agreements concluded by them
previously.

14. The States-parties to the Treaty agree that on the
expiration of an agreed time-limit from the entry into
force of the present Treaty, the Warsaw Treaty of May
14, 195.5. the Paris Agreements of October 23, 1954, and
the North Atlantic Treaty of April 4, 1949 shall become
ineffective.

15. The duration of the Treaty shall be 50 years.

Secretary To Visit Austria
and Yugoslavia

Press release 621 dated October 25

The Department of State announced on October
25 that the Secretary of State plans to take ad-
vantage of his presence at the Geneva Conference
of Foreign Ministers to pay a visit to President
Tito of Yugoslavia. The Secretary will fly to
Brioni on November 6, vphere he will confer with
President Tito and be the latter's guest at luncheon.
The Secretary of State is particularly pleased to
be able to make this visit since he has never been
to Yugoslavia and has not had the opportunity
previou.sly to meet President Tito. The visit will
afford an opportunity for a general exchange of
views on problems of current interest.

En route to Yugoslavia the Secretary of State
hopes to be able to stop at Vienna, Austria, for an
unofficial visit on November 5 in order to attend
the opening of the Vienna State Opera that night
as tlie guest of Ambassador Thompson. These
plans are, of course, dependent upon developments
at the Foreign Ministers Conference at Geneva.

November 7, 1955

733

President Sends Greeting
to People of Berlin

FoUoioing is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Eisenhoioer to the people of Berlin, read hy
John J. McCloy, foriner U.S. High CoTrmiissioner
for Germany, at a ceremony held at Berlin on
October 2]^ to observe the fifth anniversary of
the- installation of the Freedom Bell.

I send my personal greetings to the people of the
City of Berlin, whose indomitable courage
throughout the airlift and through many other
trying experiences has meant so much to the people
of the Free World. The steadfastness of the City
and its people has always produced the warmest
response in the hearts of the people of the United
States.

I give you my assurance of the continued con-
cern of my country for the well-being of the City,
and our firm support for the miity of Berlin, and
of all Germany.

Soviet Obligations Concerning
Germany

Following is the text of a note delivered hy the
Am,erican Embassy at Moscow on October 27 to the
Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs in reply to
a Soviet note of October 18, together with the
text of the Soviet note.

U.S. NOTE OF OCTOBER 27

Press release 627 dated October 28

The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Ailairs, and, with reference to the Ministry's
note of October 18, 1955, concerning the agree-
ments concluded on September 20, 1955, between
Marshal Bulganin and Mr. Grotewohl, has the
honor to state the following views of the Gov-
ernment of the United States.

As the Govermnent of the United States has
already made clear in its note of October 3, 1955,^
these agreements can in no way be regarded as re-
leasing the Soviet Government from its obliga-
tions under existing Four-Power Agi'eements, and
in particular its responsibility for ensuring the

• Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1955, p. 616.
734

normal fimctioning of communications between
the different parts of Germany, including Berlin.
For its part, the United States Government can-
not accept the allegation contained in the Minis-
try's note that, in treaties it has concluded with
the Federal Government of Germany, it has vio-
lated the obligations it had assumed under quadri-
partite agreements.

SOVIET NOTE OF OCTOBER 18

The Ministry of Foreign AfCairs of the Uniou of Soviet
Socialist Republics presents its compliments to the Em-
bassy of the United States of America and In connection
with the latter's note of October 3 has the honor to state
the following:

On September 20 of this year the Government of the
Soviet Union and the Government of the German Demo-
cratic Republic concluded "A Treaty on Relations Be-
tween the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the
German Democratic Republic," which after ratification
by the Parliaments of both countries has come into force.
According to the treaty, relations between the Soviet
Union and the German Democratic Republic are settled
on a basis of full e<iuality, mutual respect of sovereignty,
and noninterference in internal affairs. The treaty pro-
vides for the cooperation of the Soviet Union and the Ger-
man Democratic Republic in the interests of guaranteeing
peace and security in Europe, and the reestablishment of
the unity of Germany on a peaceloving and democratic
basis.

In concluding the treaty with the German Democratic
Republic, the Soviet Government at the same time made
the decision on the abolition of the function of the High
Commissioner of the U.'S.S.R. in Germany, and also on
the termination of the validity on territory of the Ger-
man Democratic Republic of laws, directives, and decrees
of the former Control Council in Germany issued by the
occupying powers in the course of exercising rights of
occupation of Germany.

At the same time, considering the actual situation
which has come about at the present time, when on the
territory of Germany there exist two independent sov-
ereign states, the Soviet Union established diplomatic
relations with the German Federal Republic. Thus, the
Soviet Union has at the present time diplomatic relations
with both states existing on the territory of Germany.

The Government of the United States of America has
diplomatic relations with one German state — the German
Federal Republic — with which it has concluded well-
known treaties in violation of the obligations which it
assumed under the four-power decisions in relation to
Germany. Absence of normal relations of the United
States of America with the other part of Germany — with
the German Democratic Republic — cannot, naturally,
serve as an obstacle to the proper regulation of relations
between the Soviet Union and the German Democratic
Republic.

In signing the treaty on the relations between the
U.S.S.R. and the German Democratic Republic, the parties

Department of State Bulletin

proceeded from the premise that the German Democratic
Republic exercises its jurisdiction on territory under its
sovereignty, which, of course, also applies to communica-
tions on that territory.

As for control over the movement between the Gennan
Federal Republic and West Berlin of military personnel
and freight of fiarrisons of the U.S.A., Great Britain, and
France, quartered in West Berlin, in negotiations between
the Governments of the D.S.S.R. and the German Demo-
cratic Republic, it was stipulated that this control would
henceforth be carried out by the command of the Soviet
military forces in Germany temporarily until the achieve-
ment of a suitable asreement.

It is self-understood that, in concluding the above-men-
tioned treaty, the Governments of the Soviet Union and
the German Democratic Republic took into consideration
the obligations which both have under existing inter-
national agreements relating to Germany as a whole.

In connection with the foregoing, the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. has the honor to send the
Embassy for its information texts of the "Treaty on Re-
lations Between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
and the German Democratic Republic" and documents con-
nected therewith."

NATO Fellowship and Scholarship
Program

Press release 626 dated October 28

The North Athxntic Council has approved ar-
rangements for the Nato Fellowship and Scholar-
ship Program announced last July. This action
was taken in implementation of article 2 of the
North Atlantic Treaty, which provides for coop-
eration in nonmilitary fields. The Fellowship and
Scholarship Program is designed to promote the
study of historical, political, constitutional, legal,
social, cultural, linguistic, economic, and strategic
problems which will reveal the common heritage
and historical experience of the Atlantic countries,
as well as the present needs and future develop-
ment of the North Atlantic area considered as a
community.

The sum of 13,500,000 French francs has been
set aside for the 1956-57 program.

Arrangements have been made to provide two
categories of awards :

'■ Not printed here.

Nato research fellowships to be awarded to
established scholars for a period of a few months ;

Long-term scholarships to be awarded to
younger scholars for the 1956-57 academic year.

Candidates must be nationals of a member state
and must undertake to pursue their research or
study in one or more member countries. They
will be selected by a Selection Committee under
the chairmanship of Ambassador L. D. Wilgress,
the Canadian Permanent Eepresentative to Nato,
who is also chairman of the Nato Committee on
Information and Cultural Eelations.

The following have agreed to serve on the Se-
lection Committee :

James B. Conant, United States Ambassador to the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany and formerly President of
Harvard University

Robert Marjolin, Professor at Nancy University and for-
merly Secretary-General of the Organization for Euro-
pean Economic Cooperation

Alberto Tarchiani, formerly Italian Ambassador to the
United States

H. U. Willink, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge,
and formerly vice chancellor of Cambridge University

U.S. citizens wishing to be considered for these
awards should communicate with the following
agencies, which are cooperating with the Depart-
ment of State in administering the program in this
country :

For research fellowships — Conference Board of
Associated Research Councils, Committee on In-
ternational Exchange of Persons, 2101 Constitu-
tion Avenue, N.W., Washington 25, D. C.

For long-term scholarships — Institute of Inter-
national Education, One East 67th Street, New
York 21, N. Y. Requests for consideration in this
category must be received by December 1, 1955.

Fellows and Scholars will be required to pre-
pare a report on their research or study and sub-
mit it to Nato, in English or French, not later
than 3 months after the expiration of the fellow-
ship or scholarship.

It is expected that this progi'am will point the
way to new means of cooperation among Nato
member countries in the nonmilitary sphere.

November 7, 1955

735

The United Nations After Ten Years

Following are texts of addresses made in observance of United Nations
Day hy F7'ancis 0 . Wilcox, Assistant Secretary for International Organiza-
tion Affairs, and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representative to the United
Nations.

ADDRESS BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WILCOX > ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR LODGE'

Today we are celebrating an important birth-
day— the United Nations is 10 years old. It is
rounding out its first decade of existence as man-
kind's most successful effort to harmonize the
actions of nations and "to save succeeding genera-
tions from the scourge of war." Born from the
holocaust of the Second World War, its first 10
years has been an era of uneasy peace and re-
stricted conflict. Yet its existence is perhaps our
best guaranty against a third general war, which,
in this nuclear age, could mean the destruction of
our civilization.

Like most liirthdays when we grow a little older,
this is a time for sober thought as well as
celebration.

President Eisenhower has called the United
Nations "sheer necessity." Let us I'eview the
10-year record and see why this is so. '\'\niat is
the importance of the United Nations to us and
what part do we play in it? ^Yhat are some of
its main problems? "Wliat are its prospects for
the future?

The Role of the United Nations

To me, one of the most impressive things about
the LTnited Nations is the number and variety of
problems it deals with — problems that we couldn't
handle alone if we wanted to. The 50 nations who

^ Made before the Cincinnati Council on World Affairs,
Cincinnati, Ohio, on Oct. 24 (text as delivered; the ad-
vance text of the address was issued as press release
615 dated Oct. 21).

[Continued on page 740)

To be in Salt Lake City is inspiring to anyone
who has read American history and who has thus
learned of the faith of the pioneers who, with
classic courage, braved every hardship to get here
and to found this beautiful city. They were men
and women who valued their freedom and who
were profoundly religious.- They were, therefore,
men and women who were ready to try new de-
vices and to take adventurous steps if need be.
They knew that they could not achieve these great
goals by looking back.

This same pioneer courage must animate all
Americans today — in whatever part of the country
they may live — if they are to achieve peace with
justice. Certainly we cannot organize peace by
looking back or by clinging to obsolete ways of
thinking. But if we inspire ourselves with the
courage and the faith and the adventurousness of
our j^ioneers, we have a good chance of making a
better world.

The pioneer spirit has helped the United Na-
tions achieve its past successes. More of that same
spirit will make it succeed again in the future.

This is a big year in United Nations history —
and not merely because this happens to be the
tenth year of the United Nations' existence.

It is big because so much concrete accomplish-
ment has been crowded into the last 10 years in
si:)ite of many obstacles.

This reflects credit on the United Nations.

It is a big year because the number of Ameri-
cans who expect miracles to be wrought by the
United Nations has dwindled to an insignificant
number, just as the number of those who fear that

'Made on Oct. 2.3 at Salt Lake City, Utah (U.S./U.N.
press release 2229 dated Oct. 17).

736

Department of Slate Bulletin

the United Nations is a threat to our sovereignty
has also dwindled.

Both of tliese dwindlings reflect credit on the
American people.

Two truths sliould be set down : One is that the
age of miracles will not be brought about by any
manmade international organization ; the other is
that what we have now at the United Nations is
no conceivable infringement of or threat to any
nation's sovereignty, including our own. It is
interesting in this connection that the polls show
that slightly more Americans wish to merge the
United States Government into a world govern-
ment than wish to get out of the United Nations.
The first course would be fantastic and the second
course would be imprudent. It is well that only a
small number think either of these things. I am
against both of them. Between them they add up
to only 11 percent, which can be compared with
the 74 percent who, at the latest count, thought the
United Nations was doing a good job. This was an
alltime high.

So there has been progress in the last 10 years
both at home and at the United Nations.

The Achievements of Ten Years

"We can best assess the progress of the United
Nations by remembering, first, that the basic as-
sumption at San Francisco 10 years ago was that
there would be big-power unity, notably between
the United States and the Soviet Union — an as-
sumption which broke down scarcely before the
ink on the United Nations Charter was dry.

With this fact in mind, we can next ponder the
following record :

That, in spite of this lack of big-power unity,
the United Nations has in the last 10 years played
a decisive part in

— extinguishing the threatened Communist ag-
gression in Iran and causing withdrawal of Soviet
troops there;

— ending the Communist war against Greece;

— preventing open warfare over Kashmir be-
tween India and Pakistan ;

— bringing about the advent of Israel into the
family of nations and the ending of war in the
Holy Land;

— the emergence of Indonesia as an independent
nation; and

— the successful fight of IG free nations to repel
the bloody Communist aggression in Korea.

In Korea the United States contribution was,
of course, overwhelming and indispensable.
Nevertheless, our United Nations allies sent the
equivalent of two divisions of troops to fight be-
side the forces of the United States and the Re-
public of Korea. Measured in money, this effort
saved us at least $600 million a year (which can
be compared with our $13 million contribution to
the United Nations) . Measured by the far graver
arithmetic of human life, it meant 17,000 casual-
ties, including over 3,000 dead.

Of course these contributions from other United
Nations members were not big enough. It is cer-
tain that they would have been considerably
bigger and would have included troops from still
other nations if it hadn't been for the policy which
prevailed at that time. This policy was that any
nation contributing troops in Korea had to equip
and maintain those troops itself or reimburse the
United States for their equipment and mainte-
nance. Naturally there were a number of coun-
tries who had many good and brave soldiers but
who did not have the resources to equip them.
This was, therefore, a mistaken policy. If ever
an occasion similar to Korea occurs again — which
God forbid I — this is a mistake which will not be
repeated.

In the past 3 years, still over fierce Soviet ob-
struction, the following new achievements have
been added through United Nations action :

We achieved the Korean Armistice, retaining
the vital rule that no prisoner could be sent back
to coinmunism against his will.

We placed the Soviet Union on the Communist
side at the Korean Political Conference, instead
of allowing it to attend as a "neutral."

We condemned the Communist atrocities
against our troops in Korea and fully exposed
their brutal methods of getting false germ war-
fare "confessions."

We stopped the Soviet plot to use its United
Nations veto to torpedo the Monroe Doctrine and
take over Guatemala, and thereby we achieved a
great victory for freedom.

We constantly used the United Nations forum
to fight the cold war against communism, to ex-
pound communism's horrors, and to proclaim the
merits of the free system.

We continued to keep Communist China out of
tlie United Nations — thus keeping the United Na-
tions faithful to its character as an organization

November 7, 1955

737

of "peace-loving" nations, and also preventing an
immense gain in prestige and influence for world
communism.

A particularly vivid example of what an inter-
national organization can accomplish which no
individual national government can in all proba-
bility do for itself was the liberation of the 15
American fliers who were illegally detained by
the Chinese Communists. We have many to thank
for this result : our allies who stood by us from the
very beginning, other governments which helped,
the tireless eilorts of Secretary-General Ham-
marskjold who put his own reputation on the
chopping block and left no stone unturned, even
going to Peiping in person ; and to the patience and
forbearance of the American jseople, under the
leadership of President Eisenhower whose judg-
ment on how to handle this anguished question
was thus so clearly vindicated. But the under-
lying fact is that the passage of a General As-
semblj' i-esolution by an overwhelming vote last
December created a state of world opinion which
made the release of these prisoners desirable, not
only from our viewpoint but from that of their
captors. Any person can look at these 15 young
men and say to themselves, "One of these might
have been my child — or my brother — or my
friend" and then reflect on the direct value of the
United Nations to him or her.

The United Nations opens many doors and
builds many bridges and creates many ojipor-
tunities which would not exist otherwise. The
international scientific conference which was held
at Geneva last summer under the terms of a Gen-
eral Assembly resolution, which in its turn was
passed in response to the suggestion of President
Eisenhower in December 1953, has led to the free
exchange of much information which, until then,
had been considered highly secret by all sides.

Then for the first time since the end of World
War II there is real hope that some progress can
be made toward disarmament — and, what is
equally fundamental, toward real inspection,
without which true disarmament cannot exist.
President Eisenhower's projaosal at Geneva last
smnmer for aerial inspection should, if agreed to,
go far to make surprise attack impossible, and
this, of course, is a boon to the whole free world,
who would never be aggressors in any war. If
tliis Tenth Session of the General Assembly can
adopt the President's "open sky" proposal as a
world policy, humanity will have taken one of its

great forward steps and the Assembly will stand
in history as a major milestone away from bar-
barism and war.

Experience has taught us that if the world can
only know — if light can be thrown into dark
places — many of the principal causes of tension
and of war are eliminated. That is another merit
of President Eisenhower's aerial inspection
scheme. If we know what is being done behind
the Iron Curtain, it is better for us — and it is bet-
ter for them, too, in the long run.

The United Nations deals with more than war
and conflict. For years it has carried on small but
effective programs of technical assistance to help
people grow more food, cure disease, and leai'n to
read ; programs of aid to children whom war and
chaos have made homeless and hungry ; programs
of aid to refugees from communism, war, and po-
litical oppression. These programs help suffer-
ing people wherever they operate and show dra-
matically that we care what happens to them.

All this has been done even while we reduced
our American share of the costs of the United Na-
tions, while we increased the Soviet share, and
while we worked out a program in which all Am-
erican citizens holding important office at the
United Nations have been screened in accordance
with Civil Service Commission and FBI pro-
cedures.

New Approach to World Peace

Let me now submit a very large question. In
addition to this tabloid review of recent specific
accomplishments of the United Nations, can it be
said that in the last 10 years we have learned any
new truth concerning the cure for war, as doctors
have in the past discovered new truths which lead
them on to the cure of hitlierto deadly diseases ?

I think we have. The United Nations has ac-
quired huge influence, not by using legal power
but by becoming the most effective engine in the
world for influencing public opinion. In most
of the sjjecific achievements which I have enumer-
ated, this played the decisive part ; in all of them
it played a big part. Therefore, the new truth
which we have learned about finding a cure for
war in these first 10 years of the United Nations'
existence is that influence which grows naturally
and rapidly in accordance with events is more ef-
fective than law which is not obeyed. Influence
often underlies law and, in fact, if the forces of
opinion which make influence are contrary to the

738

Department of State Bulletin

letter of the law, the law becomes a dead letter.

Thus, the United Nations has not really essen-
tially sufTered in its work of war prevention be-
cause of an inadequate supply of legal power. I
say this in spite of the fact that the Soviet abuse
of the veto is reprehensible; violates the spirit of
the charter ; and, by its use against the admission
of 14 well-qualified member states, prevents the
United Nations from growing as it should.

But this abuse in blocking the admission of new
members is distinct from the question of using
legal power to prevent war.

Thirty years ago many favored the "hitch your
wagon to a star" approach, whereby governments
made legal commitments in the vague hope that
this would somehow improve matters, even though
it was plain that such commitments would not be
lived up to when the test came.

It is clear today that the approach to world
peace does not lie in surrendering sovereignty and
in making commitments in disi'egard of future
military, strategic, and p)olitical realities (which
commitments would become a dead letter when in-
voked). To do so is actually a disservice to the
cause of peace, leads to disrespect for law, and is
immature.

The right approach is to work on world opin-
ion— to create and then operate an organization
which can mobilize to the maximum all the will-
power and all the ability to resist aggression which
may exist in the world at the moment the aggi'es-
sion is committed. The amount of resistance thus
mobilized may well be smaller than that which is
theoretically possible under the old-fashioned ap-
proach of unrealistic (and extravagant) legal
commitment — or it might be larger. But it would
at least be real.

At the United Nations it has become clear that
it is always futile — and often dangerous — to try
to force world opinion into a legalistic strait-
jacket because the amount of public support for
common international action varies widely from
year to year, from issue to issue, and from one
political regime to another.

Contrast With League of Nations Covenant

In harmony with the United Nations Charter,
there is in such regional organizations as Natq,
for example, no guaranty of territorial integrity.
Instead the parties declare that an attack on one
is an attack on all and that, when such an attack

occurs, the parties will consult. This is a far cry
indeed from article X of tlie I^eague of Nations
Covenant with its rigid advance requirement of
support of specific terrain, regardless of military,
strategic, or political realities.

It is interesting today to recall the furor which
was caused because a majority of the Senate in
1920 wished to change the League of Nations
Covenant — and how did they want to change it?
Merely so that the United States would be the sole
judge of whether a matter involving its interests
was or was not a domestic question ; merely so that
the United States would sit in the League as a
great power and not have merely equal power with
tiny nations; and merely so that United States
military actions to preserve the territorial integ-
rity of a nation would first have to be approved
by the Congress.

These ideas are all commonly accepted today
and are implicit in the LTnited Nations Charter.
No one even questions them any more.

Those few, therefore, who today wish to give
up our national sovereignty and the other few
who charge that the United Nations is jeopardiz-
ing our sovereignty are debating a question which
is 35 years old and has actually been as dead as a
herring for at least 10 years and maybe more. It
is a debate which disregards what we have learned
about international politics in the air-atomic age,
which has made world opinion — and not sur-
render of sovereignty — the effective, and domi-
nant, force for peace.

In the United Nations Charter the one part
which is other than recommendatory is the part
which gives the Security Coimcil power to is-sue
what lawyers call "action orders," which are
legally binding on all member nations. Yet, when
the United Nations confronted the largest and
most dangerous aggression in its 10-year history —
in Korea, in 1950 — did it use this legal power to
repel the aggression ? It did not. Could it have
done so? It could have, because the Soviet Union
(with its veto) was not present at that time.
Wisely, however, it was decided to appeal to the
world and to seek to mobilize world opinion, rather
than to order the world. And the aggi'ession in
Korea was repelled.

The release of the fliers because of the mobiliza-
tion of world opinion by the United Nations is,
as I mentioned earlier, a most striking illustration
of the effectiveness of this new engine for affecting
public opinion.

Noyjemher 7, 1955

739

It is indeed so striking that it leads me to ex-
press this thouglit in conclusion: that the effec-
tiveness of the United Nations' mobilization of
world opinion for the fliers in this year of 1955
must give us great hope for the future. I say this
because their release naturally prompts us to ask
ourselves this question: If this mobilization was
so effective in bringing about the immediate and
specific goal of releasing these men, why cannot
public opinion be mobilized equally effectively to
bring about the long-range and general goal of
developing a common idea of justice in the world?

We know that peace can only be organized de-
pendably on the basis of justice. We also know
that there is no idea of justice which is commonly
held throughout the world by all the human race
today. (The Communist idea of justice, for ex-
ample, is radically different from ours.) To build
such a sense of justice one must work on world
opinion.

That is what the United Nations forum does.
That is what it did in the past in preventing wars
in widely scattered parts of the world. That is
what it did recently in bringing about the release
of our fliers. That is what it can do in the future
for the general goal of lasting peace — if we have
the ideas, if we have the vision, and if we have
the wisdom to use it properly. That is the chal-
lenge which the United Nations holds out to us
today. In all truth the United Nations is as good
as we, the members, are at any given moment
capable of being. Its only limitations are those
of the human spirit, and no American, certainly,
will set limits on that.

(Continued from page TS6)

wrote the charter purposely made its terms of ref-
erence broad enough to include a great range of
problems. The charter had to reflect the economic
and political interdependence of nations in the
midtwentieth century. Modern communication of
all kinds had made the comparative isolation and
freedom of action of even a generation ago forever
outmoded.

People sometimes think that the United Nations
by its mere existence creates the problems brought
before it. Actually, institutions are a product of
our needs and are created to meet those needs.
In this sense the United Nations exists simply be-
cause of sheer necessity. If it were disbanded to-

morrow, we would have to begin the creation of
a similar organization the day after.

This is why our people at the United Nations
find themselves concerned with such widely differ-
ent matters as the welfare of peoples on remote
Pacific islands; with human rights; with the '
oi^ium trade; with the Arab-Israel controversy
in the Middle East; and, yes, with the question
of French policies in North Africa. For in this
closely knit world of ours there is often disagree-
ment as to whether a problem is domestic or in-
ternational in character. The United Nations is
prohibited by its charter from interfering in a
country's domestic affairs. It is not meant to be a
busybody organization which intervenes in other
people's business uninvited.

These are a few examples to illustrate the scope
of the problems coming before the United Nations.
Most of these problems are not new. Few are
solved in any given year. Many will remain with
us for a long time. For the United Nations re-
flects the world and mankind as it is — its virtues
and its imperfections.

I do not mean to suggest that all problems can
be brought nearer to solution merely by throwing
them into the United Nations. But in a great
many cases the United Nations does give an op-
portunity to bring matters out in the open and
discuss them in a constructive manner. By this
process, pent-up pressure is released, dangerous
tensions eased, and, sometimes, temporary or
permanent solutions arrived at.

On the other liand, there are times when United
Nations consideration of a problem may not con-
tribute to its solution. That is why, for example,
we voted against discussion of the Cyprus ques-
tion and the Algerian question in the current ses-
sion of the General Assembly.- In the first case,
the General Assembly agreed with us. In the
latter, it did not; as a result, the French delega-
tion walked out. This French action, I assure
you, had a very sobering effect on many members
of the General Assembly. It was a warning of the
serious consequences that might flow from United
Nations interference in what a state might con-
sider its domestic affairs. France has contributed
much to the United Nations, and her absence from
the Assembly is most regrettable. We hope for
her early return.

^ For U.S. statements opposing inscription of these ques-
tions, see BuxiETiN of Oct. 3, 1955, pp. 545 and 546, and
Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582.

740

Department of State Bulletin

During these first 10 years, the United Nations
has shown a remarkable amount of flexibility.
Somehow or other, in spite of unforeseen circum-
stances, it has found effective ways to deal with
many of the problems referred to it.

Consider, for example, the role of the United
Nations as peacemaker. The United Nations is
not a superstate. It cannot compel us to take
action which we do not believe to be in our national
interest. It cannot pass laws binding on its mem-
bers. Its role where quarrels between nations or
real thi-eats to the peace are involved is, therefore,
a difficult one. But this does not mean that the
United Nations is a powerless organization. Its
real power derives from the vibrant force of world
opinion and its ability to marshal this opinion in
support of a given course of action.

Problems Before the United Nations

The record shows impressive results. Let me
illustrate. The Communist invasion of the Re-
public of Korea is the classic example of United
Nations resistance to aggression. Here the
North Koreans refused a United Nations appeal
to cease their attack and withdraw to their orig-
inal positions. The object of the attack was, in
effect, the United Nations itself. At stake was
, the prestige and veiy existence of the United
I Nations as an effective international organiza-
tion. The Security Council, boycotted at the
time by the U. S. S. E., called for and got the
support of the majority of United Nations mem-
bers to take action to throw back the aggi'ession.
It took 3 long years and its cost was great in
blood and in wealth. But it worked. Since the
Korean war no aggressor nation has directly de-
fied the United Nations.

The historians of tomorrow will record that
the Korean incident marks a great turning point
in our efforts to stem the aggressive tactics of
world communism. For it was in Korea that the
free world demonstrated, laeyond any shadow of
doubt, its determination to stand together against
armed attack.

One of the present members of the United Na-
tions is Indonesia. It was elected last week to the
Economic and Social Council, and yet only a few
years ago the United Nations was called upon
to settle the fighting between the Netherlands and
the people of Indonesia. First it called for and
obtained an armistice. Then it got the two sides

together in a negotiating conference at The
Hague. The result was the creation of the new
state of Indonesia. The pressure of world public
opinion played an important part in urging both
parties to negotiate a settlement after they had
stopped shooting at each other.

You are all familiar, I know, with the fighting
which broke out between Israel and the Arab
States in 1948. Here the United Nations was
faced, in yet another instance, with open warfare.
It called for a cease-fire, negotiated a truce, and
has supervised that ti'uce for 7 years. To be sure,
this is an armed, uneasy truce. No permanent
solution has yet been found, but neither side has
wished to venture a new war or be stigmatized
as an aggressor. In any event, the United Na-
tions has succeeded in preventing a renewal of
major hostilities.

In still another case, the Burmese complained
about the presence of foreign forces in the north-
east provinces of Burma. They strongly felt that
this was a threat to the peace in the area. The
United Nations did not take any concrete action,
but it did focus world attention on the situation
and this brought about the removal of most of the
forces from Burma. This peaceful solution was
arrived at by cooperation of the parties princi-
pally concerned — Burma and the Eepublic of
China, with the assistance of Thailand and the
United States. A good deal of the credit must go
to the United Nations, which was acting as a
watchdog over the situation.

Suppose in all these cases there had been no
United Nations. I can assure you the outcome
in these cases would have been very different.
Communism and defeatism would have spread un-
checked in the Far East. "Weak nations would
have been overwhelmed by strong ones. The voice
of peoples aspiring to self-government would have
gone unheard.

But these things did not happen. In each case
the United Nations was brought into action at
various critical stages in the evolution of these
international problems. Otherwise, we might al-
ready liave been plunged into World War III.

The record of the first 10 years is one of strug-
gle, trial and error, triumphs and discourage-
ment. But the United Nations has emerged as a
vital and effective organization in man's long
quest for world harmony. As President Eisen-
hower said at San Francisco last June:

November 7, 1955

365190 — 55 3

741

That there have been failures in attempts to solve in-
ternational difficulties by the principles of the charter,
none can deny. That there have been victories, only the
willfully blind can fail to see. But clear it is that with-
out the United Nations the failures would still have been
written as failures into history. And, certainly, without
this organization the victories could not have been
achieved; instead, they might well have been re-
corded as human disasters. These the world has been
spared.

Now, let us test the organization from the stand-
point of American self-interest by taking a look at
some current problems before the United Nations.

There is the problem of disarmament.

There is the problem of peaceful uses of atomic
energy.

There is the problem of increasing the member-
ship of the United Nations.

There is the problem of charter review.

What can be done to advance American interests
in each of these areas ?

Disarmament

Man's search for a workable system of disarma-
ment is not new. "Wliat is new is the atomic arms
race, the danger of a nuclear war and the destruc-
tion of modern civilization. The United Nations
has been grappling with the problem of disarma-
ment since 1946. By last summer we seemed to be
hopelessly deadlocked with the Kussians. For it
had become clear that disarmament without ade-
quate inspection would be a sham, and yet the
stockpiling of nuclear weapons by both sides had
exceeded any known detection devices. Surely
there must be an answer to this dilemma if only
the mind of man could be given the time to work
it out. In the meantime, what steps could be
taken to guard against a surprise attack? It was
this situation which led President Eisenliower at
Geneva last July to make his bold and simple pro-
posal designed to break the deadlock in the dis-
armament field.

The President called for an exchange of mili-
tary information between the United States and
the Soviet Union and unrestricted aerial recon-
naissance over the territories of our two countries.
He made this proposal as a first step toward re-
moving those mutual suspicions and fears which
stand in the way of disarmament. This, he be-
lieved, would open the door to further agreement
on the details of an effective inspection system and
reduction of armed forces. It would insure

742

against great surprise atomic attack by either the
United States or the Soviet Union ; it would be a
first test of inspection ; it would rebuild that mu-
tual confidence and trust which must be the basis
of a permanent system of inspection and control.

The people of the world grasped the meaning
of the President's proposal eagerly and enthusias-
tically. The four Heads of State meeting at Ge-
neva agreed that it should be given priority study
by the United Nations. Accordingly, the Sub-
committee of the United Nations Disarmament
Commission met in New York on August 29 and
worked toward agreement. We set forth plans
for putting the President's proposals into im-
mediate effect. But the Soviet delegation held
back. They reverted to their earlier proposal for
stationing inspection teams at strategic points on
each other's territories. They seemed, whether
intentionally or not, to miss the real significance
of our proposal. The first step must be to re-
store confidence and to help develop a sense of
security from surprise attack — this the President's
aerial inspection plan would do.

In an exchange of letters between Soviet Pre-
mier Bulganin and President Eisenhower,^ the
United States offered to include the Soviet inspec-
tion team proposal as another means, in company
with the President's plan, of creating that atmos-
phere of trust necessary to agreement on disarma-
ment.

The Disarmament Subcommittee recessed its
meeting in New York without securing Soviet
agreement to the Eisenhower proposals.

But this was not just another in a long history
of stalemates on disarmament. Some significant
progress has been made. Specifically, there were
these hopeful signs :

The deliberations were conducted in the "spirit
of Geneva" and there was a definite improvement
in the climate of the debate ;

There was a common awareness of the danger of
annihilation which nuclear weapons pose to every
country ;

There was general acknowledgment that nuclear
weapons can be secretly accumulated and hidden
from any present detection technique ;

Finally, all agreed on the urgent importance of
finding a method to guard against great surprise
attack.

• Ibid., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 643.

Department of State Bulletin

Meanwhile, the President has demonstrated in
yet another way our determination to do our ut-
most to resolve the issue. Only 2 weeks ago eight
Nuclear Task Forces were created, under the chair-
manship of distinguished American leaders, to
tackle the problem of detecting concealed nuclear
weapons or weapons materials.* The assistance
and cooperation of all nations and all scientists
in this quest were invited.

There are some signs that we are emerging from
under the shadow of the atomic cloud that threat-
ens all of us. But there is still a long and difficult
road ahead.

Three days from now the Big Four Foreign
Ministers will meet in Geneva. On their agenda
will be the vitally important and related problems
of European security, German unification, and
disarmament. It is hoped that progress there will
include agreement to put the President's plan into
effect.

There is a Chinese proverb which reminds us
that "a journey of a thousand miles starts with a
single step." We may not have traveled far down
the difficult road toward disarmament, but we are
on the way.

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy

Until 2 years ago atomic energy was virtually
synonymous with atomic weapons, and synony-
mous with fear in the minds of most of us. That
is no longer the case. On December 8, 1953, before
the Eighth General Assembly, the President an-
nounced our Govermnent's determination to
launch a program to bring the unpredictable bene-
fits of atomic energy to the service of mankind.
He invited all countries to explore this great new
frontier with us. In boldness and vision it
matches his Geneva proposals for aerial inspection
as a first step toward disarmament. Now, less than
2 years later, the peaceful uses of atomic energy
are a powerful prospective force for human wel-
fare.

The Tenth Assembly has heard heart-warming
reports of the progress made: the peaceful uses
conference in Geneva last summer in which 73
countries participated, the greatest scientific
conference ever held; the training of dozens of
foreign scientists in our atomic laboratories; the
negotiation of agreements with 24 countries to

provide them with atomic reactors for research
purposes; proposals for the study of the efi^ects
of atomic radiation ; and lastly, the completion of
a draft statute for an International Atomic En-
ergy Agency .°

This agency will be entirely concerned with the
peaceful uses of atomic energy. We hope it will
become one of the most important of the United
Nations specialized agencies. We hope it will be-
come the center for encouraging and assisting all
nations and all peoples to use atomic energy for
creative and humane purposes — in medicine, in
health, in industry, in science. It will be respon-
sible for allocating for such purposes the fission-
able materials contributed by member countries.
It will stimulate scientists everywhere to develop
new and yet undreamed-of benefits and to ex-
change their knowledge with other scientists.

The President's initiative of 1953 should result
in one of the most constructive and most promis-
ing uses to which the United Nations has been put.

Membership in the United Nations

The United Nations now has 60 members. But
there are about a score of sovereign nations which
remain outside. The United States takes second
place to none in advocating the principle of uni-
versality of membership. We realize that if the
organization is to be a center for harmonizing the
action of nations it must have representation from
every government able and willing to carry out
the purposes and principles of the charter. Fur-
thermore, the United Nations needs the advice and
participation of all peace-loving countries in its
deliberations. The United Nations, like any other
representative body, will lose its force and effec-
tiveness if it does not represent adequately the
family of nations. However, in considering the
applications of nonmember candidates, we hold
that the terms of the charter should be observed :
namely, that "the United Nations is open to all . . .
peace-loving states which accept the obligations
contained in the . . . Charter and, in the judg-
ment of the Organization, are able and willing
to carry out these obligations."

To date 14 applicants have been declared eli-
gible under these standards by the General As-
sembly. Yet they remain outside the United

* lUd., Oct. 31, 1955, p. 70e.
November 7, 1955

' For a U.S. statement on peaceful uses, together with
the text of the draft statute, see iMd., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 660.

743

Nations because of the use, or abuse, of the veto
in the Security Council by the U. S. S. K. The
reason for this is not far to seek. There are five
Communist-sponsored states which have never
been declared eligible for admission. These the
U. S. S. R. would swap for a majority of the eli-
gible states in a package deal. "We continue to
believe that each candidate should be considered
on its own merits.

I strongly believe that a just solution consistent
with the principles of the United Nations must be
found. New states coming into being or becom-
ing eligible for admission continue to add to the
list. They cannot be left indefinitely waiting
outside the door.

One possible proposal is that the permanent
members of the Security Council forego the use
of the veto on membership and that applicants be
approved for admission by a vote of 7 of the 11
members. Great powers wishing to express dis-
approval of a candidate, under this proposal,
could abstain from voting.

The United States Government has frequently
urged that agreement be reached among the per-
manent members to refrain from using the veto
on the admission of new members. This was the
position taken by the Senate in the Vandenberg
resolution, which it approved in lOiS by a vote
of 6J— i. Meanwhile, various proposals have been
put forward in New York. We shall continue to
explore these proposals with the hope that some
solution can be found.

I should like to make clear here that, in speak-
ing of membership, I do not include the question
of seating Communist China. There is a distinct
difference between the admission of a new member
to the United Nations and the question as to which
government should represent a state already a
member. For the past 10 years the Republic of
China has been a member of the United Nations.
As such it has been ably represented bj' the Na-
tionalist Government. On more than 150 oc-
casions the various agencies and organs of the
United Nations have voted against the seating
of Communist China. We must remember that
the Chinese Communists remain accused as an
aggressor against the United Nations, that they
have defied the authority of that organization, and
that they have not accounted for a large number
of American soldiers lost in the Korean action.
In sum they have fallen far short of the commonly
accepted standards of international conduct.

744

Charter Review

Now let us turn to the United States position on
charter review. This is a question of particular
interest to me because of my association with the
special Subcommittee on the United Nations
Charter of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee. This subcommittee, as you may know, has
held a number of public hearings in cities through-
out the country to determine the views of private
groups and individuals. In a recent interim re-
port "^ the subconnnittee stated tliat they had found
no strong body of opinion against holding a re-
view conference and that such a conference would
seem desirable if and when there was a good
chance of accomplishing something by it.

Let us look back 10 years and see why a review
of the charter is in order. It may be useful to
recall three of the basic assumptions on which the
charter was drafted in 1915 : First, it was assumed
that the major powers would cooperate in peace
as they had worked together to win the war ; sec-
ond, it was assumed that the peace treaties would
soon be concluded and the United Nations would
be able to function in a relatively peaceful world ;
and third — since the terrible explosive power of
the atom bomb was unknown at the time — it was
assumed that any future wars would be fought
with conventional weapons and would be no more
dangerous to civilization than those of the past.

As events turned out all three of these assump-
tions proved erroneous. Given these miforeseen
and unpredictable developments, it is remarkable
that the United Nations has operated as well as
it has. Moreover, they lend support to those who
say we have a "pre-atomic" charter which needs
revision to bring it into line with present-day
thinking.

Very soon the question of wliether or not to
call a charter review conference will come formally
before the United Nations Assembly. It will be
recalled that in 1945 when the charter was drawn
up it included a special provision placing the
matter of review on the agenda of the Tenth As-
sembly. At that time a number of countries, par-
ticularly the smaller member states, accepted
certain articles in a spirit of compromise but with
serious mental reservations. They did so on the
understanding that they would have an oppor-
tunity to reconsider these provisions after a period
of trial and in the light of experience. The

» S. Rept. 1305, 84th Coug., 1st sess.

Department of Slate Bulletin

United States delegation at San Francisco in 1945
supported the inclusion of article 109 providing
for a review conference.

Now the allotted period of trial has elapsed.
The charter is both a bold experiment and a his-
toric innovation in diplomacy. The organization
it created has become a new and vital force in
world affairs. We believe that much good may
come from collective study, at the proper time, of
the accomplishments, the problems, and the po-
tentialities of this great instrument for harmon-
izing the action of nations. The first decade has
shown that the United Nations derives its greatest
strength and wields its widest influence from the
support and understanding of the peoples of the
world and from the moral force of world opinion.
We believe that a charter review conference could
greatly strengthen that public understanding. To
achieve optimum I'esults, however, that review
should be held under favorable international cir-
cumstances, and only after careful and thorough
preparatory work.

With all these considerations in mind our dele-
gation to the Tenth Assembly plans to support and
cosponsor a resolution favoring a review confer-
ence and establishing a broadly representative
preparatory commission to report its recommenda-
tions to the Twelfth Session of the Assembly.

In looking forward to a review conference our
Government is thinking in terms of improvmg the
charter we have. We are not thinking of a world
government, nor of locking out the U.S.S.R.,
nor of quitting the organization ourselves. What
we want to do is to strengthen the United Nations.
In the words of Secretary Dulles, we do not pro-
pose "to lose the good that is, in the search for
something better."

A few words need to be said regarding the so-
called "spirit of Geneva" as it relates to the cur-
rent session of the Assembly. There has been
wide speculation that this would provide a series
of tests by which to judge the real substance of the
gestures of cooperation which the U.S.S.R. made
at the Geneva "summit" meeting and in the weeks
that followed.

Both the President on his return from Geneva
and the Secretary of State have cautioned that a
new spirit is not enough — that it must be re-
flected in concrete acts to lessen international ten-
sions and restore those foundations of mutual
trust which the Soviet Union and international
communism had so seriously eroded over the last

10 years. Actually the spirit of Geneva is not an
end in itself. It is a means to an end.

The Tenth Assembly has indeed proved some-
thing of a test. There has been a refreshing re-
duction in Soviet exploitation of the session for
propaganda purposes and an absence of the vitri-
olic attacks on the United States which we have
had to bear in the past. But thex'e is also an ab-
sence of the concrete assurances we seek. In
other words, even though the manner of spealdng
in New York has changed somewhat, the sub-
stance of Soviet speeches remains pretty much the
same. One recalls somehow the Biblical reminder
that "the voice is Jacob's voice, but the hands are
the hands of Esau."

For our own part we have sought to clarify
and direct attention to the causes of tension and
we have acted to reduce them. The President's
overflight "open sky" plan is certainly a major
contribution on our side — from which we have re-
ceived from the Soviets only a negative return.
Meanwhile, certain Communist actions outside the
United Nations have a discouragingly reminiscent
pattern. For example, the sale of arms to Egypt
and Soviet overtures to other Middle Eastern
countries can only heighten tensions and threaten
the peace in the area.

It is clear that we must continue to pursue a
policy of watchful waiting with regai'd to the
meaning of Geneva. We must not let our opti-
mism outrun our good judgment. It would be
foolish to expect an easy accommodation of the
basic differences which separate the Communist
and non-Communist world. A just peace, which
is the goal of our efforts, cannot be won easily.

The Specialized Agencies

No review of the first decade of the United Na-
tions would be balanced without some considera-
tion of the role of the specialized agencies. The
work of these agencies has effectively advanced
the economic and political objectives of our
foreign policy by raising the productivity and
living standards of underdeveloped countries and
removing the conditions which encourage the
spread of communism. Countries which are
prosperous and stable make reliable allies and
good customers. Our support of the specialized
agencies has been very much in our national self-
interest. Their work supplements our bilateral
aid programs and at much smaller cost, since two-

November 7, J 955

745

thirds or more of their annual budgets are borne
by the other members of the United Nations.

Our Government has taken special pains to in-
sure that our participation in the specialized agen-
cies is in full accord with our social and economic
principles and that our citizens in and out of
public life are informed on this participation. To
this end, we always include on our delegations
to the conferences of these agencies, as we do to
the General Assembly, members of Congress and
other prominent leaders in American life. It is
at these conferences that programs are reviewed,
policies set, and budgets approved.

With regard to the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco),
because of its broad terms of reference, Congress
took particular care that interested organizations
would have a continuing voice in this agency's
policies and programs. With this in mind, it es-
tablished a National Commission for Unesco, to
which 60 of our leading national educational,
scientific, and cultural organizations appoint
members. This Commission is advisory to the
Department of State on all aspects of our partici-
pation in Unesco.

In view of this fact, I find it difficult to under-
stand the few individuals and organizations who
fear that the United Nations or its specialized
agencies are leading us down the road of world
government, invading States rights, or dictating
our school curricula. None of the specialized
agencies, for example, has the power to commit
the United States to any treaty or agreement with-
out our express consent. We should never forget
that the United Nations is an association of sov-
ereign states, and acceptance of treaties or con-
ventions is up to each government in accordance
with its constitutional processes — in our own case,
approval by two-thirds of the Senate. I have
worked long enough with that body to know that
anyone who believes it is possible to slip a treaty
through the Senate without its members being
aware of what is going on is simply unfamiliar
with the careful procedures the Senate has worked
out to consider such matters.

Next week the National Commission for Unesco
will hold its annual meeting and national confer-
ence in Cincinnati. The Department of State is
very appreciative of the cooperation and fine sup-

port of the people of Cincinnati in preparing for
this conference. It is made up of distinguished
fellow citizens meeting here to carry out the man-
date of Congress. One of its responsibilities will
be to review and assess the fii^st 9 years of Unesco.
In this connection, I am reminded of a recent
observation of Secretary of State Dulles. He
said : "Those who know the United Nations best
are those who have the highest opinion of it, and
the few wlio disparage the United Nations are, in
the main, people who know nothing about it at
all." We all have a responsibility to understand
the United Nations. It needs our interest and our
criticism, but tMs criticism should be informed
and constructive.

Ten years is a very short time on which to judge
the potential effectiveness of the United Nations.
It has been operating under many difficulties,
which include the hazards and tensions of the
atomic age, the aggression in Korea, the cold war
between the Communist and non-Communist
world, and the fact that some states still remain
outside the organization.

A Vital Force for Peace

Of course, the United Nations is not a panacea,
it is not a cure-all, it is not a remedy for all the
world's ills. But it is a vital force for peace and
it deserves our full support. That it has survived
so well should give us all cause for encouragement.

Tlie major powers are now seeking to get at the
causes of tension and distrust which divide the
world. If they succeed in doing so, we will then
be entering an era which would "permit the United
Nations to exercise more effectively its responsi-
bility for harmonizing the actions of nations. For
the United Nations has no power to impose har-
mony on its member nations. But when condi-
tions of mutual trust are established, then it can,
and I am sure it will, capitalize on this new en-
vironment.

The role of the United States in the United
Nations is clear. The vast majority of Americans
support the organization and our membership in
it. They realize it is here to stay. The Congress
has given it strong and consistent support from
the beginning. Its second decade may well record
the history of man's success or failure to live to-
gether in peace, freedom, and mutual security.

746

Department of State Bulletin

Using the Atom for Economic and Social Progress in Asia

Statement by John B. Hollister

Director^ International Cooperation Administration ^

For 5 successive years the United States has
participated in the annual meeting of the Consult-
ative Committee. We take pride in this pai'ticipa-
tion in a common undertaking which concentrates
on the problems, progress, and prospect of eco-
nomic development in this important area of the
world. A brief account of United States partici-
pation in Asian development over the past years
is included in the report now before us.

Rather than expand upon the report, however,
I should like now to talk of a problem of impor-
tance to all of us and of what we together can do
about it in a common effort.

I should like to talk to you about atomic energy
and to consider what we can do, within the frame-
work of the Colombo Plan, to use the atom for
economic and social progress in Asia.

The whole world is stirred by the promise held
out by the benign uses of atomic energy. We do
not know the full potentialities of this great force
that we have mastered, nor can we foresee the
profound changes it will bring in our lives. AVe
do have firm basis for confidence in its potential
for good — in medical diagnosis and therapy, in
agriculture, in biology, in industry, and, in partic-
ular, in the field of power. We know from the
conference on atomic energy held in Geneva this
past August ^ that men of many nations are mak-
ing a magnificent effort to push back the bound-
aries of knowledge. We know that, as a result of

' Made at the Ministerial Meeting of tlie Consultative
Committee for Economic Development in South and South-
east Asia (Colombo Plan) at Singapore on Oct. 20 (press
release 609). Mr. Hollister was U.S. representative at
the Ministerial Meeting.

' For a report on the conference by Lewis L. Strauss,
chairman of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, see
Buu.ETiN of Oct. 10, 195.5, p. 555.

the pooling of information at Geneva, the rapid
advances that have already been made will be
exceeded in the years immediately ahead.

We learned from the Geneva conference that
within 2 to 5 years the first full-scale nuclear power
stations will be generating substantial amoimts of
electricity. On the basis of the operating experi-
ence of these stations we will learn more of the
economics of nuclear power and more about the
safety and reliability of different types of stations
in operation. We know as a matter of certainty
that as the years go by atomic power will play an
increasingly important role.

Complexity of Atomic Research and Operations

Atomic energy research and operations have
characteristics which we must bear in mind as we
prepare to engage in them on an increasing scale.
Most important is the complexity of atomic
energy, which is not a single science but a special
way of using many sciences. In the field of re-
actors, for example, whether we speak of research
reactors or power reactors, we must use the tal-
ents of chemists, phj'sicists, mathematicians,
engineers of many kinds, health physicists, instru-
ment makers, and many technicians and skilled
workers. Not only must an adequate number of
these men of diverse skills be available, but they
must work together as a team in order that re-
actors can be designed and ojaerated safely and
efficiently.

In the use of atomic energy also many fields of
science and industry come into play. The tech-
niques of atomic energy, including particularly
the use of isotopes, have fruitful application in
medical research and diagnosis, in agricultural
research, in biology, in industrial controls and

November 7, 1955

747

processes, in food sterilization, and in many other
fields. In such applications atomic energy may
well come to have an importance equal to that of
atomic power, but it can only assume this impor-
tance if the machines and materials are made
available in a convenient way to the experts from
allied fields.

Another special characteristic of atomic energy
research and training is the elaborate and expen-
sive equipment which is necessary. Not only the
nuclear reactors which we particularly associate
with atomic energy but also the particle accelera-
tors with which we have been familiar for a longer
time are essential to much basic research and
training in this field. For a well-rounded re-
search program, several of these machines should
be located at a single installation so that problems
can be undertaken with the equipment best
adapted to each phase. Furthermore, special
equipment and laboratory facilities are necessary
for handling radioactive materials and these also
must be brought together with the reactors them-
selves for the most efficient work.

It is clear from these special requirements that
a sound and thorough atomic research and train-
ing effort is a very costly program indeed. In
my country we have found it necessary to handle
the atomic energy development and application
programs at special regional laboratories which
have in a single location the men of many fields
of specialization and the expensive laboratory
facilities and machines.

Shortage of Skilled Manpower

In view of the complexity of an atomic energy
program, the demands for trained men are very
great. One of the chief obstacles to the develop-
ment of the peaceful iises of the atom is the short-
age of skilled manpower. There is need every-
where for scientists and technicians trained to
deal with nuclear materials; for qualified engi-
neers who know how to design and operate plants
fed by nuclear fuel ; for specialists trained in the
use of radioisotopes; for labor skilled in the vari-
ety of arts that this new medium requires. This
is an age of expanding dependence upon science
and technology.

No country can hope to participate full}' in the
benefits of the atom that does not have a corps of
trained persons who can work safely and effec-

tively with atomic materials. This is as true for
the United States as it is for Asia. In a recent
statement before the American Nuclear Society,
Admiral Strauss, chairman of the U.S. Atomic
Energy Commission, pointed out that the United
States is turning out of its colleges and universi-
ties only about half the number of engineers it
requires today .^ The problem of training scien-
tists, engineers, and tecluiicians is increasingly
engrossing our attention, and, unless we take
measures now to meet the need, the limiting factor
in the years ahead will be the human factor.

It is for this reason that President Eisenhower's
"atoms for peace" program has from its inception
emphasized the need for training and experience.
My Government has tried to meet the problem by
a threefold program: (1) we have offered courses
of instruction in the United States to foreign
students in radioisotope and reactor technology as
well as in other atom-related fields; (2) we have
assembled extensive libraries of information about
the atom and furnished them to countries and uni-
versities all over the world; (3) we have devel-
oped a program of bilateral agreements with other
countries to encourage and support the installa-
tion of research reactors. In addition to being a
tool for research, the research reactor will famil-
iarize engineers and technicians with the types of
problems they will encounter in the operation of
power reactors.

We have not been alone in offering training
programs to nationals of other states. "We look
forward to the establishment of the International
Atomic Energy Agency as an important instru-
ment for making widely available nuclear tech-
nology in all its asj^ects. The agency will also be
an instrument through which fissionable mate-
rial will be allocated for projects for training
and research, and for the generation of power.
However, the requirements of the new age of
atomic energy demand an approach on all fronts.
There is need of national programs and of inter-
national programs. There is need as well for re-
gional programs. The woild cannot realize the
benefits of nuclear energy until the number of
qualified persons who can live with and use the
atom is increased many fold.

The question of adequately trained people poses
a particular challenge to all of us represented here
today. If Asia is to benefit to the fullest possible

' Ibid., p. 559.

748

Department of State Bulletin

extent by the general advance of mankind into the
atomic age, this challenge must be met. There is
developing a strong interest among Asian nations
in meeting it on a regional basis. One of the
delegates from Pakistan to the recent Geneva
conference on atomic energy suggested that Asian
resources might be called upon to meet these re-
quirements in this way.

If such a cooperative Asian effort is to be made,
the first object would seem to be to build up as
rapidly as possible the necessary human skills.
The logical beginning would be to establish under
the auspices of the Colombo Plan a center for
nuclear research and training. I am proposing
that such a regional center be established, and my
Government is prepared to contribute substan-
tially toward it. This center could supplement
existing facilities for basic training of engineers,
chemists, and physicians at the college level. It
could offer facilities for training and for research
in the field of medicine, agriculture, and in his-
tory, applying the new techniques of atomic en-
ergy. Such a center would make available at a
single site the various laboratories and major types
of equipment required for advanced research, in-
cluding laboratories for handling radioactive
materials and major research equipment such as
accelerators and cyclotrons. This center could
help in developing instructors and teachers in
nuclear science and engineering for Asian educa-
tional institutions. It might be a logical place
to locate a cancer hospital. It could become a
place where government officials and industrialists
could assemble for conference to consider the place
of atomic energy in their own national and indus-
trial plans. By the diversity of its facilities it
could supplement training that individual Asian
countries may be able to offer to their own citizens.

At such a center the scientists of Asia in many
fields could undertake their work with the neces-
sary equipment to match the rapid progress in
other areas of the world. They would be able to
use isotopes and other tools of atomic research to
study and cui-e the diseases endemic to Asia and
to improve the crops most important to it. If
atomic energy is to make its full contribution to
the health and economic program of Asia, you who
are most aware of your problems and possibili-
ties must adapt it to the particular needs and op-
portunities of this great area.

It is our view that, if such an institution is to
come into vigorous life and to serve well the needs

of tlie Asian world in this new field, it must rest
firmly on Asia's interest and support. The center
as we see it would be established for students of the
region, staffed largely by scientists from the re-
gion, supervised by administrators from the re-
gion, and supported by governments of the region.
The burden of setting up the center and carrying
it forward, and the obligation of staffing it, would
rest with the Asian members of the Colombo Plan.
The fruits of the effort would also belong to Asia.

U.S. Prepared To Contribute Reactor

The United States contribution would provide
funds for the training of Asian students and for
laboratoi"y facilities and equipment for research
and training. In particular the United States is
prepared to contribute to such a center a reactor
suitable for research and training.

We believe that in the next few years power re-
actors will be available for export from the United
States. If this proves to be the case and the nec-
essary safeguards can be provided, then the United
States contribution to the center Avould include a
small power reactor. The power reactor would
produce electricity for the center, but its princi-
pal purjDose would be to provide experience in the
maintenance and servicing of a proven type of
atomic power plant and its components.

We note with interest and appreciation that the
Government of Canada has offered and is now
negotiating for the transfer of a research reac-
tor to the Government of India. We believe that
the United States and Canadian offers mutually
complement each other and multiply the potential
benefits to be derived from such research. It is
envisaged that the Colombo Plan center proposed
by the United States would endeavor to develop,
particularly for countries which do not now have
such programs, the essential skills and technical
knowledge in the atomic field. We also foresee
the center as a means for preparing technicians
and scientists of Colombo Plan countries so that
they may be able to pursue more advanced training
in countries of the area as well as elsewhere.

We hope that the members of the Colombo Plan
will study this proposal. If on consideration they
conclude that it merits support, my Government
will then consider what further steps may be neces-
sary to carry the proposal forward, including the
question of the location of such a center. In sur-
veying possible sites there must be taken into ac-

November 7, 1955

749

count available local facilities, ease of access and
communication, and other pertinent factors. The
guiding purpose must be the complete availability
of the center to all the Colombo Plan countries on
an equal basis.

If such a regional effort should materialize, it
would prove an outstanding milestone in the co-
operative efforts of the world to prepare for a fu-
ture in which atomic energy will play an increas-
ingly vital role in human welfare.

Question of China's Immunity
in National City Bank Case

In the Bulletin of April 4, 1955, reference was
made to the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court
on March 7, 1955, in the case of National City
Bank of New York, Petitioner v. The Republic of
China et al., Respondent.

Recently in coimection with two other suits
instituted in the U.S. District Court for the South-
ern District of New York by the Republic of China
against First National City Bank of New York
(new name for National City Bank), the bank
interposed the same counterclaims on defaulted
Treasury notes of the Chinese Government held by
the bank as had been made in the case decided by
the Supreme Court on March 7, 1955. The Chi-
nese Ambassador asked the Department to inform
the court that the Republic of China was immune
from suit on the counterclaims. The Depart-
ment's reply of September 26, 1955 reads in part
as follows :

"The two actions pending in the District Court
are said to be based upon demand deposits in the
respondent bank. It is further stated that in each
case the defendant bank has set forth two counter-
claims based upon obligations of the Government
of China which the City Bank holds. The first
counterclaim is based on a Chinese Govermnent
Treasury Note given by the Chinese Government
as security for a loan made in 1920, by a syndicate
of member banks in which the National City Bank
participated. The second counterclaim is based
on the ownership by the Bank of Chinese Govern-
ment Treasury notes issued in 1947 and purchased
by the City Bank in 1947 and 1948. The obliga-
tions of the Chinese Govermnent on which the
counterclaims are based are alleged to be due and
unpaid.

750

"The Embassy's note states that the Govern-
ment of China has never consented to be sued on
the counterclaims and that it feels that to allow
the City Bank to put forward these counterclaims
is tantamount to permitting an individual suit to
be brought against a friendly foreign state without
its consent. The Embassy requests that if the
Department considers it appropriate, it transmit
the view of the Chinese Government to the District
Court for the Southern District of New York, to-
gether with a suggestion that the Republic of
China is entitled to immunity from the counter-
claims inteq^osed by the National City Bank in
these two actions.

"The Department regrets that it is unable to
comply with the Embassy's request. The law of
sovereign immunity as the Department under-
stands it is that, in certain types of cases at least,
a sovereign cannot without its consent be made a
respondent in the courts of another sovereign.
There has been a growing tendency to restrict the
area of immunity and as indicated in the Depai-t-
ment's letter of May 19, 1952,^ to the Acting At-
torney General it has been its policy since that date
to follow the restrictive theory of sovereign im-
munity in the consideration of requests of foreign
governments for recognition of such immunity.
That is, the Department recognizes the immunity
of the foreign sovereign with respect to its public
acts (jure imperii) but not with respect to its
private acts (jure gestionis).

"In the two actions with respect to which the
Embassy seeks the Department's assistance, the
Chinese Government is not the respondent to an
action brought against it without its consent but
as the Embassy's note indicates the Chinese Gov-
ernment has sought the assistance of a United
States court to recover its deposits with the de-
fendant bank. The Chinese Government is,
therefore, within the jurisdiction of the court not
against its will but on its own initiative. The im-
munity, if any, which it had in the existing cir-
cumstances has thus been waived. Having sought
the application to the defendant of American law,
it is in no position to contend that any defenses
available under that law to the defendant should
be denied. And it would be most inappropriate
for the Executive Branch of the Government to
suggest /to the courts what defenses are available.

"BuiiETiN of June 23, 1952, p. 984.

Department of State Bulletin

The Department is unaware of any principles of
international law which would make it inappropri-
ate to apply to a foreign sovereign which has sub-
mitted to the jurisdiction of domestic law any
provisions of that law which would be applicable
to any other litigant.

"In the view the Department takes of this case,

it is unnecessary for it to decide whether the activ-
ities of the Chinese Government which are in-
volved in the counterclaims to the two pending
actions are in the nature of public acts concerning
which it would be entitled to immunity if made a
party respondent in the courts of the United
States without its consent."

Communist China and American Far Eastern Policy

hy John M. H. Lindbeck

The Communist conquest of China has com-
pelled the United States radically to readjust its
approach toward the problems of the Far East.
Manifestations of mutuality and friendliness be-
tween tlie American and Chinese peoples have been
terminated by the fiat of Communist rulers on the
China mainland. Instead of being an Asian con-
tributor to the development of peaceful interna-
tional cooperation and a cornerstone of Far East-
ern political stability and military security, the
China mainland now has been converted into the
major base of military aggression and Communist
subversion in Asia.

The problem that has faced U.S. policymakers
since the Chinese Communists took over the China
mainland has required two concomitant and re-
lated efforts: (1) meeting and repelling the hos-
tile thrusts of Chinese Communist power in Asia
and (2) rebuilding non-Communist Asian
strength and stability. The direction and sub-
stance of United States policies since 1949 have
been developed increasingly along lines directed
toward the achievement of these ends.

The emergence of Communist power in China
has violently changed the balance of power in the
Far East and vastly increased the tasks and prob-
lems of the free countries of Asia in seeking the at-
tainment of their national objectives of domestic
progress and national independence. In the mid-
thirties, China itself, under the leadership of the
Nationalist Government at Nanking, was gradu-
ally emerging from a long period of weakness and
instability. But the Chinese Government then
was committed to special treaty provisions and for-

eign rights which prevented it from exercising un-
fettered control over its own people and resources.
Japan already controlled Manchuria, and Russia
exerted large influence in Sinkiang. War lords
fragmented the authority of the Central Govern-
ment, and Chinese Communist rebel forces created
large islands of chaos and suffering in the rural
hinterland. Although the general picture was one
of progress and hope, China was still an area of
weakness and instability.

In the rest of Asia at that time, Japan stood
preeminent in military and industrial might.
Japan was the center of control, order, and sta-
bility in northeast Asia. Throughout the rest
of Asia, except in Thailand, Western powers main-
tained establishments which provided order — the
United States in the Philippines; the French in
Indochina ; the Dutch in Indonesia ; Great Britain
in Malaya, Burma, and lesser areas, as well as in
the lands lying to the west.

This prewar Asian world of Japanese power,
colonial order, and Chinese recovery was shat-
tered during the course of the Second World War
and its aftermath. First, Japan's advancing
columns of aggressive armies and administrators
destroyed Western colonial power and adminis-

• Mr. Lindhech, author of the above arti-
cle, is Public Affairs Adviser, Chinese Af-
fairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs. This
article is based on an address made at Ohio
State University on July 21, 1955.

November 7, 1955

751

trative systems under which millions of people
lived in the Far East. In China, they cut the
Chinese Government off from its major areas of
economic and political strength and supplanted
its authority with puppet regimes. Japan thus
undermined order and brought the chaos of war
to those parts of Asia which lay outside her
boundaries. In turn, the Allied victory over
Japan brought about the destruction of the
Japanese Empire. By the end of the war no
part of Asia had escaped chaos and the radical
changes precipitated by war.

Power Vacuum in Asia

The defeat of Japan immediately created a
major power vacuum in Asia. Manchuria, Korea,
and Formosa, cut adrift from Japanese control,
required the establishment of new administrative
systems, both local and central. Japan itself lay
exhausted and impotent. The extensive eco-
nomic network which Japan had created to bind
Asia to herself was torn asunder as parts and
pieces were repossessed by the countries she had
occupied. Not only did Asia lose 8 million tons
of Japanese shipping sunk during the war, but
it was deprived, as well, of the large regional net-
works of Japanese marine insurance, warehousing,
banking, and communications which had provided
the Far East with essential trading services. The
destruction of the Western commercial and trad-
ing institutions and Japan's network of trading
organizations and facilities made Far Eastern
economic recovery a slow and costly undertaking.

Economic paralysis was paralleled by political
instability and weakness. Driven by nationalism,
fed by wartime resistance movements, and encoiu--
aged by American and European nations, seven
new states emerged in the Far East — nine alto-
gether in Asia — to supplant prewar colonial or
Western-supported governments. Korea was
freed from Japan; the Philippines, long encour-
aged to prepare for self-government, was granted
independence by the United States ; Indonesia be-
came independent of the Netherlands; Burma
was restored to independence by Great Britain;
and the three states in Indochina — Viet-Nam,
Laos, and Cambodia — gradually secured their in-
dependence from France.

To replace the relatively efficient administra-
tion provided by the Western metropolitan
powers and Japan prior to the war, these newly

independent countries had to develop from meager
resources their own administrative systems. In
the process of governing themselves, each of these
countries was confronted with enormous problems
as it tried simultaneously to recover from war-
inflicted wounds, to control dissident and sub-
versive groups, to develop new and workable po-
litical organs, to create conditions favorable for
economic development, and to furnish the local
and national services required by its people. Not
the least of these problems was the creation of
political parties capable of providing political di-
rection and winning the support and safeguarding
the interests of their own peoples.

Emerging of CFiinese Communist Party

In this Far Eastern scene of new and untried
governments and the chaos and weakness of war-
time destruction, an effective and ruthless Com-
munist Party established its power on the China
mainland. It rapidly developed and organized
its political and economic resources, and with
Russian help emerged as the strongest military
power in Asia. And the party itself overshad-
owed all others in Asia in size, experience, dis-
cipline, and resources.

This aggressive Chinese Communist regime be-
came a more insidious threat to Asia and the free
world than Japanese imperialism had been. For,
in effect, the Chinese Communist conquest of the
China mainland extended Communist power and
the Soviet world into the heart of Asia. The rela-
tive power of Communist China in an Asia weak
from the ravages of war and in the throes of a
major political revolution and economic readjust-
ment in itself represented a basic alteration in
the balance of Asian power as it had existed prior
to the war. With this Communist regime linked
directly to the Soviet world, the shift in power
acquired drastic dimensions. The prospects of
communism in Asia were completely altered, and
the task of the free world was immeasurably in-
creased. American policymakers had to reckon,
therefore, with Communist China as a threat to
Asia and the free world, on the one hand, and with
the vulnerabilities of Far Eastern countries to
Chinese communism, on the other hand.

Despite shifts in tactics from time to time, the
Chinese Communists have given no evidence of
abandoning their ultimate objectives — within
China, the establishment of totalitarian (or, in

752

Department of State Bulletin

their terms, "democratic centralist") socialism,
and outside of China, the extension of Communist
power througli the jiromotion of the world Com-
munist revolution. In international politics, as in
internal politics, the Chinese Communists have,
when expedient, accommodated those whom they
regard as their enemies ; but Avhen occasion offered
or circmnstances changed, the Peiping regime has
undertaken, like other Communist parties, to de-
stroy its enemies or erstwhile friends.

Communist attitudes toward India and Burma
illustrate this tactical shift. Depicted at the Pe-
king Trade Union Conference in 1949 as coun-
tries which terrorized workers and stood in need
of liberation, they are now called "peace-loving"
states with whom coexistence is not only possible
but also highly desirable. Every effort now is be-
ing made by Peiping to turn these and other coun-
tries against the United States and to persuade
them to forego as unnecessary individual and col-
lective measures for their self-defense. At the
same time, however, the Chinese Communists con-
tinue their active efforts to strengthen subversive
movements within each of these coiuitries for the
time when they may make a bid for power. Mean-
while, the Chinese Communists push ahead their
program of modernizing and enlarging their own
military establishment, already the most powerful
in Asia. There is every evidence of continuing
dedication to the expansionist goals of interna-
tional communism.

Military Strength of Chinese Reds

1 The threat of Chinese Commmiist military
power looms dark over Asia. The Chinese Com-
munists have over 3I/2 million men in their field
and public security forces. In addition, it is esti-
mated that there are between 6 and 10 million men
in the militia units which the Chinese Communists
use to maintain domestic control. The field forces
clearly are trained and equipped to engage in mod-
ern warfare. During and following tlie Korean
war these field forces have undergone progressive
modernization. With the help of the Soviet
Union the Chinese Communist Army has acquired
increasing numbers of mechanized and armored
military units. The Cliinese Connnunist Air
Force has an estimated 2,000 aircraft, of which
over 1,600 are believed to be combat types, includ-
ing jet fighters and bombers of recent Soviet de-
sign. A small Chinese Communist Navy is being

steadily strengthened by the addition of naval
vessels from the Soviet Union, probably including
some Soviet-type submarines.

The intentions of the Chinese Communists have
been clearly and repeatedly stated. The Chinese
Communist Defense Minister Peng Teh-huai said
to the National People's Congress at Peiping on
July 16 :

The Chinese People's Liberation Army must, in the
internal situation, strive to consolidate the People's Dem-
ocratic Dictatorship, and vigorously build up strength
for the liberation of the Chinese territory of Taiwan. . . .
To undertake [this] sacred mission . . ., we must speedily
build up powerful, modernized armed forces. We must
have not only a mighty army but also a mighty air force
and a mighty navy.

All available information indicates that the Chi-
nese Coimnunist military forces will continue to
gi'ow in power and improve in efficiency. This
military program is intended to assure the Chinese
Communist regime of its position as the dominant
Asian power in terms of military strength. It
coidd also widen the already enormous gap be-
tween Conmimiist China and other Asian nations
with respect to military strength.

Dangers of Subversion

It is not military power alone, however, which
makes Communist China a menace to Asia. Its
threat to the Far East is far more varied. Skilled
in the manipulation of political movements and
pojjular discontent and trained to organize and
utilize subversive groups whose activities can be
coordinated with the political, military, and eco-
nomic weapons of Peiping's foreign policy, the
Chinese Communists have vastly increased the
dangers of subversion in the Far East. Since
Mao Tse-tung's triumph on the mainland, the
Chinese Communists systematically have sought
to weld the various Communist movements in non-
Communist Asia into a coherent and unified re-
gional force capable of acting under their central
direction.

Acting alone, the Communist movement in each
of the non-Communist Far Eastern countries has
only limited capabilities. The abortive efforts of
several Asian Communist parties — in Burma,
Malaj'a, Indonesia, and the Philippines — to seize
political power by direct action during the period
fi'om 1948 to 1950 demonstrated their lack of in-
digenous strength. At the present time, no Corn-

November 7, 7955

753

munist Party in the non-Communist countries of
the Far East possesses sufficient military strength
of its own to attempt to seize power from the exist-
ing government. If the problem of subversion
were a purely domestic problem, each of the non-
Communist countries of Asia could probably cope
successfully with the disloyal and subversive
Communist elements within its own borders. But
Mao's victory on the China mainland has provided
Asian communism with a firm base and exposed
each of these countries to increased hazards from
externally supported Communist groups.

Prior to the establishment of a Communist base
on the China mainland, Asian Communists lacked
regional unity and central direction. They were
divided by diverse historical origins, backgrounds,
and experience. The Korean and Japanese
parties were founded through the direct efforts
of the Comintern. Others, such as the parties in
Indonesia and India and, to a degree, in Indo-
china, owed their origin to mother parties in
Europe. The parties in Indochina, Malaya,
Thailand, and the Philippines were created
largely through the efforts of Chinese Com-
munists.

There were also other factors which limited the
effectiveness of the Communist parties in the Far
East. Their efforts to use Soviet strategies and
tactics primarily designed to further Communist
objectives in the West at times resulted only in
frustration. Soviet plans often had little rele-
vance to the problems of the Asian parties. Be-
ing remote from the Kremlin, the Communist
parties of South and Southeast Asia often re-
ceived little attention or direction from Moscow,
with the result that they sometimes operated in
relative isolation from the worldwide Coimnunist
movement. Under these conditions it is under-
standable that Asian Communist movements were
plagued and divided by problems of factionalism,
dissidence, and rivalry for leadership.

The Chinese Communists have moved rapidly
to correct this disorganized situation. Their in-
fluence, prestige, power, and location have placed
the Chinese party in an overwhelmingly dominant
position in the Asian Communist scene. Asia's
Communists now see a Chinese Communist Party,
claiming a membership of about 7 million, in con-
trol of Asia's largest army, with vast territories
populated by more than 500 million people and
with a party leadership unrivaled in experience
and prestige in the Asian Communist world. It

is obvious to the estimated 124,000 party members
and their 3 to 4 million disciplined supporters
scattered through the non-Communist countries
of the Far East that their future is bound directly
to Communist China and to the support they re-
ceive from over 814 million party members in the
Chinese party and its North Korean and Viet
Minh affiliates.

Ties With Other Asian Communists

To extend its influence and control over the
Communist movements in free Asia, Peiping has
been developing organizational ties with each of
the Far Eastern Communist parties. From Ko-
rea and Japan in the north to Burma and Indo-
nesia in the south ideological direction is provided
through varied channels. In some countries the
Communist Bank of China and Chinese Commu-
nist diplomatic and consular officials act as agents
of the Chinese Communist Party. In other areas
only clandestine connections are available. Pe-
riodic conferences in Peiping with representatives
from all or most of the countries of the Far East
provide occasions for developing coordinated re-
gional plans and programs under Chinese guid-
ance. Daily broadcasts to the countries of the Far
East from mainland China in every major Far
Eastern language convey Peiping's up-to-the-min-
ute interpretation of current events and its guid-
ance on major issues for Communist groups
throughout the region. From Peiping go funds,
propaganda materials, and agents. To the main-
land come foreign agents for training, foreign mil-
itary units to be equipped and trained, and poten-
tial leaders of revolutionary movements for har-
bor against the time when their services may be
needed. Through organizational ties, ideological
guidance, the development of operational meth-
ods, and central direction, Peiping is converting
local Communist parties into a regional force.
These parties increasingly demonstrate their abil-
ity to act in unison to exploit regional develop-
ments, to advance Chinese Communist objectives,
to attack special targets, and to disrupt regional
cooperation among the non-Communist countries
of eastern Asia.

Reactions to Communist Power

Communist China has made its threatening
presence unmistakably felt throughout the Far
East and in the world. Each country of the Far

754

Department of State Bulletin

East has reacted in some way to the menace and
lodgment of Communist power, both military and
subversive. The sharpest reactions have come
from the two states whose continued existence has
been most directly jeopardized by Communist suc-
cess and ambitions — the Republics of China and
Korea. Both have already faced the possibilities
of extinction by the aggressive military forces of
Communist China. Both Governments seek the
fulfillment of their national aims through policies
which will enable them to free from Communist
oppression the lands and the peoples conquered
by the Communists. Both Governments believe
that their security and that of Asia depend on
military strength to save them until the aggres-
sive, militarized Chinese Communist totalitarian
system is destroyed. In effect, the leaders of Free
China and Free Korea maintain a posture of de-
fensive hostility toward Communist China. They
have little alternative, for they have been singled
out as avowed objects of Communist destruction.
As a result, both countries have bent every effort
to build up their military strength and now pos-
sess the strongest military forces in free Asia.

Neither of these Governments has political or
economic relations with the Peiping regime, and
both consistently oppose any recognition of the
political claims and any extension of the political
and economic influence of that regime. More-
over, alert to the dangers of subversion, they have
resolutely rooted out within the areas under their
control all known Communist agents and organs.
There is no place for the subversive or the fellow
traveler in these embattled coimtries. Aggression,
not subversion, is the major Communist threat they
fear, for the vast majority of their peoples have
experienced and rejected communism.

More recently a third divided country has ap-
peared on the Asian scene — the Eepublic of Viet-
Nam. The Geneva agreements of July 1954 par-
titioned Viet-Nam at approximately the I7th par-
allel, pending an ultimate settlement of political
problems. "Wliile it has agreed not to use force to
bring about reunification, the Government of the
Republic of Viet-Nam is not a party to the Geneva
agreements and neither recognizes nor deals with
the Communist Viet Minh, which is in control
north of the 17th parallel. Nor does it recognize
the Peiping regime, which not only encouraged
and supplied the Viet ]\Iinh in its strike for power
but also extended to its leader. Ho Chi Minh, and
his Communist regime diplomatic recognition and

November 7, 1955

international status even before the conclusion of
an armistice in the summer of 1954. Since the
Free Vietnamese are under increasing Commu-
nist pressure, their only hope for survival seems
to be on a basis of continuous resistance to all
forms of Communist power. This means a costly
investment of Viet-Nam's energies and resources in
military strength and in an effort to achieve po-
litical control over dissident and subversive
elements.

Two other countries, the Philippines and Thai-
land, reacted to the emergence of a powerful Chi-
nese Communist regime by striving to root out
domestic affiliates and potential agents — the local
Communists — and cutting them oft' from any con-
nections with China and the outside. Resistant
to Communist China's claims and distrustful of
its objectives, both Governments have broken po-
litical, diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties
with the China mainland. But in each of these
countries there is still an operative Communist
Party organization maintaining an illegal exist-
ence, encouraged and defended by the voice of
Peiping. In Thailand the party is, in effect, a
Chinese party with perhaps 50,000 supporters and
large influence in at least one of the Chinese re-
gional fraternities. The subversive threat cannot
be ignored here any more than it can be ignored
to the south, in Malaya, where the party has a
warring guerrilla army and a supporting Minh
Yuen mass organization, virtually all Chinese.
Fearful of Communist China's military power,
Thailand and the Philippines have undertaken to
develop their defensive military strength and to
join in collective security arrangements with each
other and with other Asian and Pacific powers
in the Manila Pact. Both countries sent military
contingents to Korea to assist in repelling Com-
munist aggression.

Wliile Cambodia and Laos have not had much
time in their newly acquired independence to re-
act fully to the threat of Chinese Communist
power, they have taken initial steps to protect
themselves. There is no doubt that they sense their
weakness and vulnerability in the face of the Chi-
nese Communists and their Viet Minh partners.

Communist Party in Japan

The reaction of the Japanese people to Com-
munist China presents another situation. While
Japan has neither diplomatic nor formal economic

755

relations with Coniiminist Cliina, the Japanese
Government has submitted to a certain amount of
so-called "people's diplomacy" with unofficial Jap-
anese groups and organizations in the interests
of securing the repatriation of thousands of Jap-
anese nationals and the release of captured and
castaway fishermen. Perhaps because, until re-
cently, they have had little responsibility for their
own military security and historically have been
concerned with the threat of Eussian rather than
of Chinese power, some Japanese do not appear
to have awalcened fully to this new Chinese Com-
munist threat. They seem still to be living in the
neutralist and pacifist dream which came upon
them after their defeat in war.

The desire of some Japanese for accommodation
with the Communist regime on the China main-
land rests perhaps more on economic motivation
than political preference, but it also reflects the
social and economic frustrations and military im-
potence which have engendered a mood of ac-
commodation. Here the Communist Party
enjoys a quasi-legal existence. It has an under-
ground directorate and a membership of about
80,000, supported by controlled organizations with
over 360,000 fellow-traveling members. Once one
of the weakest of all Communist parties in Asia,
the Japanese Communist Party has now become
one of the largest Communist parties in the non-
Communist part of eastern Asia, possessing obvi-
ous capabilities to move both directly and
indirectly against the Government. The Japa-
nese Government and jjeople have adopted meas-
ures, however, which have increasingly restricted
the subversive potentialities of the Japanese Com-
munist Party and movement.

Burma and Indonesia reacted to the emergence
of Communist China by adopting external poli-
cies of accommodation while at the same time un-
dertaking internal measures to check the activities
of local and Chinese Communists. They appear
to hope that Chinese Communist domestic preoc-
cupations, the restraints on Peiping of United Na-
tions influence and world opinion, the power of
other international groufDings, and a friendly at-
titude on their part will save them from external
Communist attack. However, diplomatic, eco-
nomic, and cultural intercourse, reinforced by the
ties to the China mainland of large minorities of
resident Chinese, provide the Peiping regime with
a tempting and exploitable oi^portunity to encour-
age and support those gi'oups which seek to sub-

vert the power o f these Governments. By their ef-
forts to suppress Chinese Communist-supported
activities in their own countries, Burma and Indo-
nesia show that they have recognized the subver-
sive threat of Chinese communism. The Gov-
ernments of both countries, in fact, have success-
fully crushed Communist revolts by drastic mili-
tary measures — revolts which had the explicit
blessings of the Chinese Communists.

Thus, in varying degrees, these exposed coun-
tries of eastern Asia have been concerned with
their vulnerability to the military, political, and
economic activities of the Chinese Communists.
After the Chinese Communists conquered the
mainland, their military vulnerability was imme-
diate and acute, and they turned to the West, par-
ticularly the United States, for assistance in re-
sisting the aggressive thrusts of Communist
Cliina's military might. The United States, al-
ready possessing military forces and having mil-
itary commitments in the Far East — in Korea,
Japan, the Philippines, and the Pacific Trust Ter-
ritories— as a result of the defeat and occupation
of Japan, undertook the primary task of assist-
ing countries of free Asia to redress the military
balance of power.

U. S. Security and Defense Policies in Far East

The development of the security and defense
policies and programs of the United States in the
Far East was in response to the needs of free
Asian countries imperiled by hostile Communist
power and the result of direct provocations of the
Chinese Communists toward the United States and
its friends. Immediately after the North Korean
Communists launched their attack, the Chinese
Communists demonstrated their support of Com-
munist aggression. As a result, on June 27, 1950,
President Truman ordered the Seventh Fleet to
guard Taiwan and to prevent Chinese Nationalist
air and sea operations against the China main-
land as a measure designed to protect the flank of
United Nations forces in Korea. In October the
Chinese Communist military forces intervened
massively in Korea. This caused the United
States to drop its proposal of September 21, 1950,
that the United Nations General Assembly study
and make recommendations on the problem of the
future of Taiwan. Also, after this intervention,
the United States undertook to provide military
assistance to the Government of the Republic of
China on Taiwan. Even at that time, the mili-

756

Department of State Bulletin

tary assistance agreement with the Chinese Gov-
ernment, formalized in an exchange of notes of
January 30 and February 9, 1951, specified that
the military assistance was to be used by the Chi-
nese Government only "to maintain its internal
security or its legitimate self-defense." In May
1951 a small United States military advisory
group was established on Taiwan.

Communist aggression in Korea, coupled with
the obvious and growing hostility of Russia to-
ward the West and its seizure and fortification of
Japan's northern islands, made the security needs
of Japan especially urgent. The peace treaty
with Japan was accompanied by a security ti'eaty
between the United States and Japan. When
these two treaties were approved by the Senate of
the United States on March 20, 1952, two addi-
tional security treaties were also ratified by the
Senate: the mutual defense treaty between the
United States and the Philippines and the se-
curity treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and
the United States. These four treaties, taken to-
gether, provided an initial foundation for secur-
ity in the Far East. In the words of the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations, they

. . . constitute an important contribution toward clarify-
ing the position of the United States in the Pacific. They
are logical and desirable steps in liquidating the old war
and strengthening the fabric of peace in the Far East
against the danger of a new war.

The continuing menace of Communist aggres-
sion in Korea resulted in the signing on October 1,
1953, of a mutual defense treaty between the
United States and the Republic of Korea. In the
words of the Korean Foreign Minister, this de-
fense treaty was concluded to "conserve the fruits
of our joint efforts so far made to check aggres-
sion and contribute toward putting a final stop
to encroachments upon freedom." Secretary
Dulles, concerned with the future, pointed out
that this treaty recognized that "in a world where
the foi'ces of aggression still constitute a threat,
constant preparedness and constant vigilance are
the price of our freedom."

Meantime, the consolidation of Communist
gains in North Viet-Nam underscored the need for
united action to deter further Communist-spon-
sored aggression in Asia. As early as April 16,
1953, President Eisenhower foresaw that the ap-
proaching cease-fire in Korea would allow Com-
munist China to increase its aid to Viet Minli
forces in Indochina. At Manila, therefore, on

September 8, 195-1, the Southeast Asia Collective
Defense Treaty was signed by Australia, New
Zealand, France, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thai-
land, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
The treaty not only provided for meeting collec-
tively external armed attack against any state
within the treaty area but also provided for the
adoption of measures to be taken for the common
defense from other than armed attack. A protocol
to the treaty makes the treaty applicable, upon
request, to the territories of Free Viet-Nam, Laos,
and Cambodia.

Republic of China

The mutual defense treaty between the United
States and the Republic of China, a further step
in securing the peoples of Asia from Communist
aggression, was signed on December 2, 1954,
against a background of mounting Chinese Com-
munist belligerence. The Peiping regime had
made its hostility unmistakable. In July 1954 it
had launched a major propaganda campaign
threatening to "liberate Taiwan." On September
3, Quemoy Island had been sijbjected to the heavi-
est bombardment sustained by the Chinese Na-
tionalist forces in 5 years. On November 23 the
Chinese Communists had sentenced 13 Americans
to long imprisonment, including 11 airmen of the
United Nations Command who were held in viola-
tion of the Korean Armistice.

Following the signing of this defense treaty,
the Chinese Communists increased their hostili-
ties against the territories and forces of the Re-
public of China by intensively bombing the Tachen
Islands and seizing Ichiang Island on January
18-20. This led the Congress of the United States
to adopt a joint resolution on January 29 authoriz-
ing the President:

to employ the Armed Forces of the United States as he
deems necessary for the specific purpose of securing and
protecting Formosa and the Pescadores against armed
attack, this authority to include the securing and pro-
tection of such related positions and territories of that
area now in friendly hands and the taliing of such other
measures as he judges to be required or appropriate in
assuring the defense of Formosa and the Pescadores.

This authority was granted to the President in
recognition of the fact that certain territories of
the Republic of China —

are now under armed attack, and threats and declara-
tions have been and are being made by the Chinese Com-
munists that such armed attack is in aid of and in

November 7, 7955

757

preparation for armed attack on Formosa and the
Pescadores.

Thus gradually, and under the compelling
threats of Chinese Communist power, Asian na-
tions and peojiles have joined their efforts to ours
to meet the hostile power of Communist arms and
aggressive actions. Collectively and by persistent
effort on the part of many nations, Asia and the
free world have undertaken to develop the mili-
tary power necessary to meet and counter the
threatening military strength of Communist
China. At the same time, the United States has
continued to use its influence in favor of renounc-
ing the use of force to settle the issues raised by
the Communist regime in Peiping. In the United
Nations Security Council the United States sup-
ported the New Zealand proposal for considering
with the Chinese Communists the question of end-
ing hostilities among the islands along the coast
of China. Secretary Dulles has repeatedly stated
the willingness of the United States to discuss the
question of a cease-fire with the Chinese Com-
munists. In this way the United States has sup-
ported the development of a regional system of
collective security within the terms of the United
Nations Charter and in support of its principles.
The defensive character of these security pro-
grams and policies is evident in the very nature
of their development.

U. S. Economic Policies in Far East

These military defense policies have been sup-
plemented by related economic actions. The
United States and the nations of the free world
through the United Nations have adopted eco-
nomic measures to restrict the warmaking capa-
bilities of the Cliinese Communists. Wlien
Communist China intervened in the Korean war,
the United States on its part revoked all general
licenses for all exports to Communist China. [ We
imposed a ban on imports from Communist China
and established strict license controls on all finan-
cial transactions between the United States and
tlie Communist China mainland. In July 1950
other free world countries also adopted measures
for controlling free world trade with Communist
China and North Korea. Finally, some 45 coun-
tries, including several who are not members of the
United Nations, have supported the United Na-
tions resolution of May 18, 1951, which recom-
mended an embargo on the shipment to Com-
munist China and North Korea of

arms, ammunition and implements of war, atomic energy
materials, petroleum, transportation materials of stra-
tegic value, and Items useful in the production of arms,
ammunition, and implements of war.

The United States also has taken other related
actions against the Chinese Commimist aggressor.
We have joined with other nations to oppose the
efforts of the Chinese Communist regime to extend
its political influence and the orbit of its political
activities. This it has attempted to do through
tlie establishment of diplomatic relations and by
its efforts to preempt China's seat in the United
Nations. We recognize not the Peiping regime
but the Goveimment of the Republic of China on
Taiwan as the Government of China; and the
United States has taken the lead in opposing the
claim of the Peiping regime to represent China,
in place of the Republic of Cliina, in the United
Nations.

Need for Strengthening Local Governments

Another major effort of American policy has
been to assist in the rebuilding of strength and
stability in the Far East. The establishment of
Communist power on the Cliina mainland has
given special urgency to this effort, for the vul-
nerabilities of the Far East to Cliinese Communist
subversive activities are a major source of danger
in the area. Tlie security of non-Communist coun-
tries of the Far East must rest on a platform of
political and economic strength. Major strides
have already been made toward this end.

Time will be needed to reduce the vulnerabilities
of our friends in Asia to the local and subversive
activities of the Communists. The most effective
means, perhaps, of curbing and extinguishing
communism is the development of strong and effi-
cient local and national goveriunents. In many
countries of the Far East a dangerously large field
of exploitation still remains open to the Commu-
nists and other dissident groups. In some coun-
tries the majority of the people do not partici-
pate in organized political activities and are iso-
lated from the processes of government. In the
absence of effective local and national political
organizations to draw these people into the politi-
cal life of their nation and their localities, the
time, resources, hope, and energies of millions
of peoi^le can be organized by politically subver-
sive groups for their own purposes. It is this
political vacuum, especially at the village and

758

Department of State Bulletin

local level, which has enabled the Communists in
many areas to mobilize supiwrt by exploiting pop-
ular distress and uncertainty. Time, education,
political experience, the extension of democrati-
cally organized activities and groups, economic
progress, and the growth of community services
are some of the developments which are needed
to bring political stability and constrict the field
of activity open to subversive groups. Given time
and security from Conununist aggression, these
problems can be solved.

I Meanwhile, the United States has embarked on
extensive programs to encourage the development
of conditions which will produce political and
economic strength. Aside from providing weap-
ons and essential military components and support
to our Asian allies under the military assistance
lirogi-am, the United States proposes to use this
year $825 million for defense support in Asian
countries to enable them to build a strong eco-
nomic base for mutual defense efforts. Beginning
with the Act for International Development of
1950, the United States has sought to help the less
developed areas of the Far East to raise their
standard of living through the exchange of tech-
nical kiiowledge and skills. To continue this pro-
gram in 1956, $39.5 million was requested from
Congress. Under this progi'am — point 4, as it was
originally called — the United States has sent hun-
dreds of American technical specialists to Far
Eastern countries and brought Asian technicians
to the United States for training in private organ-
izations, industry, educational institutions, and
govermnent agencies.

One of the most promising features of techni-
cal cooperation has been the progi'am for arrang-
ing contracts between American and Far Eastern
universities. These progi'ams now cover prob-
lems of food, health, education, transportation,
industry, conditions of labor, and public admin-
istration.

A further major effort will be undertaken with
the President's Fmid for Asian Economic Devel-
opment, for which $100 million has been appropri-
ated by Congress. This fund will support a long-
range program designed to serve as a catalyst for
economic progress in a region which is the main
focus of Communist pressures.

Through our information programs we liave
sought to strengthen the forces of progress and
freedom in the Far East. In these programs we
share with Asians our assessment of the Commu-

nist menace, and, despite Communist-inspired dis-
tortions, we help them acquire an understanding
of the policies of the United States with respect
to this danger. In the Pacific Charter and by our
actions we have expressed our determination to
forward their national hopes and aspirations.
Since confidence in each other and confidence in
us is of major importance in frustrating the divi-
sive efforts of Communist propaganda and agita-
tion, we have worked to extend understanding and
mutual respect among the peoples of the Far East.
The United States, in brief, has responded to
the needs of these Far Eastern countries which
are imperiled by the threats of a headstrong Chi-
nese Communist imperialism firmly bound to the
Soviet orbit. The United States has developed
policies and programs to help these countries meet

U the threat of Chinese Communist military power
by acting to repel direct Communist aggression,
by helping them develop tlieir own military forces,
and by joining them in mutual and collective mil-
itary security arrangements. To enable the coun-
tries of the Far East speedily to develop the neces-
sary economic and political strength to overcome
the efforts of Communist China to subvert them,
we have embarked on a variety of teclmical aid
programs and substantial programs of reconstruc-
tion and development. Meantime, tlirough eco-

y nomic control measures and political actions, we
have sought to restrict the growth of Chinese Com-
munist strength and to limit its political influence
and activities.

Tlie final objective of all our policies is peace.
In as many ways as seemed open to us, we have
attempted to make the Chinese Communists re-
spect the intei'ests, rights, and legitimate a.spira-
tions of their neighbors and the other peoples of
the free world. In this effort we have sought to
develop close and enduring relations with the free
countries and peoples of the Far East. We shall
continue to promote, in association with them,
the cause of independence, security, and progress.
Our liope is that the Chinese Communist regime
will recognize the strength of the countries of the
non-Communist Far East and will be convinced
of their own need to live in peace and security.
Peace can come, liowever, only as the Chinese Com-
munists are willing to accept or accommodate
themselves to the existence of free countries and
the rights and legitimate aspirations of free peo-
ples. We stand in firm support of these rights
and aspirations of our friends in the Far East.

November 7, 7955

759

Results of Referendum
in Viet-Nam

Press release 622 dated October 26

On October 26, the Government of Viet-Nam
sent the following communication to the Ameri-
can Embassy at Saigon :

"The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the honor
to inform the United States Embassy that by ref-
erendum October 23 the Vietnamese people have
pronounced themselves in favor of the deposition
of Bao Dai and have recognized President Diem as
Chief of State. It is hoped that the Government
of the United States will continue as in the past
to entertain diplomatic relations with the new
Government of the State of Viet-Nam."

U.S. Ambassador G. Frederick Reinhardt, un-
der instructions, has replied as follows :

"The Government of the United States looks
forward to maintaining with the new Govern-
ment of Viet-Nam the same cordial and friendly
relations which have in the past so happily existed
between the two governments."

The United States affirms its intention to main-
tain friendly relations with the Government of
Viet-Nam. We are glad to see the evolution of
orderly and effective democratic processes in an
area of Southeast Asia which has been and con-
tinues to be threatened by Communist efforts to
impose totalitarian control.

Transmittal of Lend-Lease Report

White House OflBce (Denver) press release dated October 21

The President sent to the Congress on October
21 the 36th report to Congi-ess on lend-lease opera-
tions ^ as required by the Lend-Lease Act of March
11, 1941.

In his letter of transmittal the President in-
formed the Congress that during 1954 — the period
covered by the report — more than $49 million has
been paid to the United States by other govern-
ments in the process of liquidating their World
War II lend-lease accounts. Brazil and Nica-
ragua made final payments, while significant pay-
ments on their balances due were made by the

' H. Doc. 221, S4th Cong., 1st sess.
760

United Kingdom, France, and the Netherlands.

Partial payment on one of its accounts, in which
the amount of the principal debt has been deter-
mined, was made by the U.S.S.R.

Peru signed a lend-lease settlement arrange-
ment, and this brought the grand total of all
formal settlement obligations to $1,577,4.58,847.50.
Against that figure cumulative receipts, including
interest of $139,366,479.88, amounted to $527,-
119,272.16, leaving for future payment principal
accounts totaling $1,189,706,055.22 and interest
where applicable.

Progress made during the year toward working
out settlement terms with the U.S.S.R., China,
Poland, and others is reported by the President.

The U.S.S.R. returned to the United States 38
small lend-lease naval vessels and agreed to re-
turn 27 more during 1955.

The report also reveals that, through a medium
known as "Cash Reimbursement Lend-Lease,"
war-emergency requirements of other allied gov-
ernments, not otherwise available in the open mar-
ket or through lend-lease itself, were met through
U.S. procurement channels at a cost to those gov-
ernments of $1,333,764,146.66, of which $1,300,-
744,426.44 has so far been repaid.

Property Claims by U. S. Citizens
Under Austrian State Treaty and Laws

Press release 619 dated October 24

Restoration of Property Rights and Interests and
Return of Property of United Nations Nationals

The Austrian State Treaty was signed on May
15, 1955, and came into force on July 27, 1955.
Article 25 of the treaty concerns the restoration of
property, rights, and interests in Austria of the
United Nations and their nationals as they existed
at the time hostilities commenced between Ger-
many and the United Nation concerned. An
English-language text of the treaty is contained
in the Department of State Bulletin of June 6,
1955 (vol. XXXII, No. 832, publication 5882),
which is obtainable for the price of 20 cents from
the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C.

American claimants who qualify as U. N. na-
tionals under article 25 of the treaty and who
claim property in Austria which has not been re-
tui-ned to them should apply directly to the

Deparfmenf of Sfofe Bulletin

Austrian Federal Ministry of Finance,

Himmelpfortgasse 8,

Vienna I.

The last day for tiling such claims is July 26,
1956.

For most types of American claims falling un-
der the relevant clauses of the treaty, the Austrian
Restitution Laws are probably applicable. These
laws were enacted by the Austrian Government
between 1946 and 1949 to enable persons who were
deprived of or forced to dispose of their property
during the German occupation to recover such
property in judicial proceedings. A summarj' of
the restitution laws is available upon request from
the Department of State, Washington 25, D. C,
or from the American Embassy, Boltzmangasse
16, Vienna IX, Austria.

The time limit for the institution of restitution
proceedings under these restitution laws generally
expired on June 30, 1954. However, where prop-
erty was under public administration on June 30,
1952, or where such proceedings could not be in-
stituted by reason of "conditions existing outside
of Austrian law," the time limit as to the 1st, 2d,
3d, and 5th Restitution Law was extended to De-
cember 31, 1955. Extension of the time limit in
such cases to July 26, 1956, is contemplated. How-
ever, reliance should not be placed on this possible
extension and such claims should be filed prior to
December 31, 1955.

Recovery under the restitution laws now in ef-
fect in Austria is limited to identifiable property
still in existence. Proceedings are formal and are
commenced by the filing of a petition or complaint
with the F inamlandesdirektion (State Finance
Otfice) where the property is located, or with the
RuecksteUungshommission ( Restitution Commis-
sion) for the district in which the present owner
of the property resides. It is suggested that
claimants who wish to file claims under the Aus-
trian Restitution Laws should consider obtaining
Austrian legal advice to ensure that their claims
are correctly filed and processed with the appro-
priate restitution authority.

Refund of War or Occupation Taxes

Article 25, paragraph 6, provides that U.N. na-
tionals and their property shall be exempt from
any exceptional taxes imposed on their capital
assets in Austria by the Austrian Govermnent be-
tween May 8, 1945, and July 27, 1955, for tlie spe-
cific purpose of meeting charges arising out of the

war or of meeting the costs of occupying forces.
Any sums which have been so paid shall be re-
funded. American individuals and corporations
to whom the exemption applies who desire to ob-
tain a refund of the tax should communicate di-
rectly with the Austrian Finanzamt (Finance
Office) which imposed the assessment.

Property of Former Persecutees

Return of Property and Restoration of Rights and

Interests

Article 26 of the state treaty provides that all
property, legal rights, and interests in Austria
which, since March 13, 1938, had been subject to
forced transfer or means of sequestration, confis-
cation, or control on account of the racial origin
or religion of the owner shall be returned and re-
stored to the owner (insofar as such action has not
already been taken) .

Time Limit for Filing Claims and Place of Filing

The Austrian Restitution Laws referred to
above already provide a practical means of ob-
taining satisfaction for this type of claims.
Claimants whose property has not already been
returned to them under existing Austrian laws
should file their claim for restitution in accord-
ance with such laws, or, if the laws are not appli-
cable, directly with the

Austrian Federal Ministry of Finance,
Himmelpfortsasse 8,
Vienna I.

The last day for filing such claims is January 26,
1956.

Where Return or Restoration Is Impossible

Article 26 also provides that, where return or
restoration is impossible, compensation should be
granted for losses incurred by reason of such meas-
ures of sequestration, confiscation, or control, to
the same extent as is, or may be, given to Austrian
nationals generally in respect of war damage.

Austrian legislation presently in effect does not
provide for such compensation and no indemnifi-
cation is granted to Austrian nationals for war
damage other than certain assistance given under
the Austrian Housing Reconstruction Law.

Heirless or Unclaimed Property

Article 26, paragraph 2, provides that all heir-
less or unclaimed property after January 26, 1956,

November 7, 1955

761

belonging to persons or groups which were the
object of racial, religious, or other Nazi measures
of persecution, will be transferred to special or-
ganizations to be created pursuant to the state
treaty, and is to be used for the relief and rehabili-
tation of victims of persecution by the Axis
Powers.

The Austrian Government will probably enact
legislation implementing this provision of the
treaty after January 26, 1956.

Denmark Further Liberalizes
Dollar Imports

Press release 629 dated October 28

The Department of State has received word
from our Embassy in Copenhagen that Denmark
is about to make a further relaxation of import
restrictions on United States goods. The De-
partments of State and Commerce hereby mdke the
foUoioing joint statement on this important trade
development.

The U.S. Govermnent is pleased to note that
Denmark is further liberalizing imports from the
dollar area by adding a significant number of com-
modities to the general free list. This means that
these goods inay now be imported from the dollar
area (the United States, Canada, and certain
Latin American countries) without an import
license.

It is expected that the action will become effec-
tive about November 1. The items added to the
general free list include such commodities as:
soybeans, rice, undressed hides and skins, oil
cakes, motor vehicle spare parts (except batteries
and motors) , office machines, and new tractors and
parts. The Department of Commerce will pub-
lish the complete list as soon as it is released by
the Danish Government.

Although import licenses were being granted
quite readily by the Danish authorities for many
of the items that have been added to the general

free list, the U.S. Government and the business
community regard this action as an important for-
ward step since it removes the importation of these
goods from administrative control.

The first dollar liberalization measure taken by
Denmark early in 19.55 ^ gave Denmark a liberali-
zation jjercentage of 38 percent. (This means that
imports which had been formally freed accounted
for 38 percent of private imports from the dollar
area in 1953.) The addition of items to the gen-
eral free list in July 1955 and this forthcoming
step will raise the liberalization percentage to 55
percent.

Thus, it appears to the U.S. Government that
the benefits to the Danish economy of dollar lib-
eralization, such as its favorable effect on import
prices and the cost of living index, coupled with
Denmark's desire to move in the direction of freer
international trade, have resulted in this further
relaxation of restrictions on imports of U.S.
goods. The new action constitutes welcome evi-
dence of the intention of the Danish Government
to take dollar liberalization measures as soon as
conditions permit.

U.S. merchandise exports to Denmark in 1954
totaled $46.3 million. In the first half of 1955,
U.S. exports increased sharply and were valued
at $27.1 million as compared with $18.9 million
for the same period in 1954. U.S. imports from
Denmark in 1954 amounted to $50.8 million with
imports for the first half of 1955 reaching $28.6
million, an increase of $3.8 million over the same
period in 1954.

Other Western European countries which have
significantly liberalized imports from the dollar
area include Belgium-Netherlands-Luxembourg
87 percent; Greece 99 percent; Portugal 53 per-
cent; Sweden 58 percent; Switzerland 98 percent;
Western Germany 68 percent; and the United
Kingdom 56 percent.

' Bulletin of Dec. 27, 1954, p. 990.

Correction

In the Bulletin of October 17, 1955, p. 634, foot-
note 5, the vote on the nine-power draft should be
"42-0-14."

762

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of Meetings '

Adjourned During October 1955

U. N. Disarmament Commission: Subcommittee of Five .... New York Aug. 29-Oct. 7

Negotiation of a South Pacific Fisheries Conservation Convention . Santiago Sept. 14-Oct. 6

ILO Textiles Committee: 5th Session Geneva Sept. 26-Oct. 8

U. N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: 3d Session . . Geneva Sept. 26-Oct. 1

U. N. ECE Committee for the Development of Trade and East- Geneva Sept. 26-Oct. 14

West Trade Consultations.

Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South Singapore Sept. 29-Oct. 15

and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan): Officials Meeting.

FAO Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council: 6th Meeting Tokyo Sept. 30-Oct. 8

FAO Meeting To Consider Report on Stabilization of the Inter- Bangkok Sept. 30-Oct. 8

national Trade in Rice.

FAO Center on Land Problems in the Near East Baghdad Oct. 2-20

U. N. Conference on Olive Oil Geneva Oct. 3-21

FAO Latin American Forestry Commission: 6th Session Caracas Oct. 4-15

ICEM Executive Committee: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 6-17

FAO European Forestry Commission: 8th Se.sslon Rome Oct. 10-15

ICAO Facilitation Division: 4th Session Manila Oct. 10-25

FAO European Forestry Commission: Working Party on AfFores- Rome Oct. 12-15

tation and Reforestation.

International Rubber Study Group: 12th Meeting Monrovia (Liberia) Oct. 17-21

Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South Singapore Oct. 17-22

and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan): Ministerial Meeting.

ITU International Telegraph Consultative Committee (CCIT): Geneva Oct. 17-25

Studv Group IX.

ICEM Council: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17-26

FAO Technical Meeting on Poultry Production in Asia and the Poona (India) Oct. 17-27

Far East.

ILO Committee on Work on Plantations: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17-29

UNESCO Conference on the Dissemination of Science Madrid Oct. 19-22

UNESCO International Advisory Committee on Marine Sciences Tokyo Oct. 19-25

and Regional Symposium on Physical Oceanography.

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 26th Session Rome Oct. 20-26

World Modern Pentathlon Championships Macolin (Switzerland) .... Oct. 21-26

U. N. Disarmament Commission New York Oct. 21 (1 day)

GATT Intersessional Committee Geneva Oct. 24-27

U. N. ECE Committee on Housing Geneva Oct. 24-29

U. N. ECAFE Inland Waterwav Subcommittee: 3d Session . . . Dacca (Pakistan) Oct. 24-31

ITU International Telegraph Consultative Committee (CCIT): Geneva Oct. 26-28

Study Group VIII.

In Session as of October 31, 1955

U. N. General Assem.bly: 10th Session New York Sept. 20-

Postal Union of the Americas and Spain: 7th Congress Bogotd Oct. 12-

South Pacific Com.mission: 14th Session Noumea (New Caledonia). . . Oct. 22-

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 43d Annual Copenhagen Oct. 24-

Meetiiig.

International Wheat Council: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 26-

Inteniational Wheat Conference Geneva Oct. 26-

U. N. Technical Assistance Conference: 6th Meeting New York Oct. 26-

ICAO Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting Manila Oct. 27-

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Oct. 24, 1955. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following is
a list of abbreviations: U.N., United Nations; ILO, International Labor Organization; ECE, Economic Commission for
Europe; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration;
ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; CCIT, Comit6 con-
sultatif Internationale t^l^graphique; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; GATT,
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; NATO, North
Atlantic Treaty Organization; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; WHO, World Health Organization.

November 7, 1955 763

Calendar of Meetings — Continued

In Session as of October 31, 1S55 — Continued

Meeting of Foreign Ministers of France, Vnion of Soviet Socialist Geneva Oct. 27-

Eepufclics, United Kingdom, and United States.

Inter-Air.erican Indian Institute; Meeting of Governing Board . . Mexico, D.F Oct. 27-

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: 10th Session of Con- Geneva Oct. 27-

tracting Parties.

JAG Council: 22d Session Rome Oct. 28-

Ad Hoc Working Party on Draft Convention for the Protection of Geneva Oct. Si-
Performing Artists, Manufacturers of Phonograph Records, and
Broadcasting Organizations.

International North Pacific Fisheries Com.m.ission: 3d Meeting . . Tokyo Oct. 31-

U. N. ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Bangkok Oct. 31-

Planning: 1st Meeting.

Scheduled November 1, 195S-January 31, 1956

International Exposition on "The Child in the \\'orld" Rom.e

FAO Conference: Sth Session Rome

Silver Jul ilee Fair in Celebration of the 25th Anniversary of the Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) . . .

Coronation of the Emperor.

International Wool Studv Group: 6th Meeting London

UNESCO Executive Board: 42d Session. . / Paris

U. N. ECAFE Working Party on Small-Scale Industries and Handi- Bangkok

craft Marketing: 4th Meeting.

ILO Governing Body: 130th Session Geneva

U. N. ECAFE Highway Subcommittee: 3d Session Manila

1st International Congresson Documentation of Applied Chemistry . London

2d International Fair and Exposition of Colombia Bogotd

FAO Council: 23d Session Rome

ILO Asian Technical Conference on Vocational Training for In- Rangoon

dustr}'.

North Pacific Fur Seal Conference Washington

1st European Civil Aviation Conference Strasbourg

U. N. ECE Electric Power Committee Geneva

UNESCO Conference on Cultural Relations and International Co- Paris

operation.

Caribbean Commission: 21st Meeting Aruba (Netherlands Antilles). .

FAO International Rice Commission: Sth Meeting of Working Penang (Malaya)

Party on Fertilizers and 6th Meeting of Working Party on Rice

Breeding.

U. N. Seminar on Population Problems in Latin America .... Rio de Janeiro

V. N. ECAFE Railway Subcommittee: 4th Session New Delhi or Bombay ....

U. N. ECE Steel Committee Geneva

ILO Inter-American Regional Technical Meeting on Cooperatives . Mexico, D. F

Ciudad Trujillo International Fair Ciudad Trujillo (Dominican Re-
public).

American International Institute for the Protection of Childhood: Montevideo

Biannual Meeting of Directing Council.

Conference of Geologists in British West Indian Territory .... Antigua (Leeward Islands) . .

NATO: Ministerial Meeting of the Council .".... Paris

U. N. Economic and Social Council: Resumed 20th Session . . . New York

U. N. ECOSOC Human Rights Commission: Subcommission on New York

Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of INIinorities.

U. N. Trusteeship Council: Standing Committee on Administrative New York

Unions,

U. N. Trusteeship Council: Standing Committee on Petitions . . . New York

U. N. Trusteeship Council: 17th Session New York

Agricultural and Food Exhibition Colombo (Ceylon)

Inter- -American Travel Congresses: 2d Meeting of Permanent Lima

Executive Committee.

Inter-American Council of Jurists: 3d Meeting Mexico, D. F

WHO Executive Board: 17th Session Geneva

Caribbean Commission: Technical Conference on Cooperatives Georgetown (British Guiana) .

(with FAO).

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: 4th Round of Tariff Geneva January

Negotiations.

U. N. Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 12th New Delhi January

Session.

U. N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Trade: Sth Session . . India January

U. N. Refugee Fund: 2d Session of Executive Committee .... Geneva January

Pan American Highway Congress: Committee on Financing . . . Caracas January

764 Department of State Bulletin

Nov

1-

Nov

4-

Nov

. 5-

Nov

8-

Nov

9-

Nov

14-

Nov

15-

Nov

21-

Nov

22-

Nov

25-

Nov

2&-

Nov

28-

Nov

28-

Nov

29-

Nov

30-

Dec.

1-

Dec.

5*-

Dec.

5-

Dec.

5-

Dec.

5-

Dec.

5-

Dec.

7-

Dec.

20-

December

December

December

December

Jan.

3-

Jan.

3*-

Jan.

3*-

Jan.

9*_

Jan.

12-

Jan.

16-

Jan.

17-

Jan.

17-

Jan.

24-

U.S. PcsBtion on Disarmament

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}

The United States wants real debate on dis-
armament— and we want it in this Commission,
at the earliest feasible time, and with the fullest
ventilation of the problem. But we agree with
our colleagues from Peru, New Zealand, Canada,
the United Kingdom, and France that this is not
the time. The conditions for an illuminating and
mutually helpful discussion are not present.

The members of the Commission have not been
able to study the report.^ We are supposed to
discuss some 3,000 pages of it covering 47 meetings
of the subcommittee. Moreover, an impoi'tant
event which is bound to affect our approach to
the problem and, indeed, the problem itself, is just
about to take place — the Foreign Ministers' meet-
ing at Geneva.

The members of the subcommittee and the mem-
bers of the Commission know this. The Soviet
representative knows it. He made no objection
when we all planned to meet after the Foreign
Ministers meeting.

Mr. Sobolev is, of course, within his legal rights
in calling for a meeting. But strictly legal con-
duct is not necessarily the best. In this instance,
the effect is to hustle the Disarmament Commis-
sion, to make it difficult for its members to weigh
the record which has been made or for their gov-
ernments to form decisions. Yet disarmament in-
voh'es directly the very survival of all the peoples
in the world, and their representatives should have
the best chance to deal with it.

Now, Mr. Chairman, it is very important for us
who represent the so-called great powers at the

' Made in the Disarmament Commission on Oct. 21
(U.S./U.N. press release 223S) . Mr. Lodge is U.S. Repre-
sentative on the Commission.

The Disarmament Commission met on Oct. 21 at the
request of the Soviet representative but adjourned the
same day without setting a date for its next meeting. In
Committee I (Political and Security) on Oct. 28 the So-
viet representative proposed that the question of disarma-
ment be the next item for discussion, concurrent with the
Soviet item on further relaxation of international tension.
However, the committee voted, 40-5 (Soviet bloc) -2
(Indonesia and Syria), to take up as its next item the
question of the effects of atomic radiation.

' U.N. doc. DC/71 dated Oct. 7. The discussions at the
meetings of the subcommittee during the period covered
by the report are contained in U.N. docs. DC/SC.1/SR.21
and DC/SC.1/PV.22-C8.

United Nations, or who are the so-called perma-
nent members of the Security Council, or who are
represented on the subcommittee of the Disarma-
ment Commission, to remember that most of the
people of the world live in small countries — or at
any rate in countries which, if not small in size or
in population, are not in these particular groups.
The people living in these countries have as great
a stake in peace and as great a stake in disarma-
ment as anyone else.

It is indispensable therefore that every member
nation play its full part in meeting the issue of
disarmament. For this reason, the United States
opposes now, as it will always oppose, any attempts
to stampede the members of this Commission and
of the General Assembly who are not members of
the subcommittee.

A practical schedule has been worked out
whereby the Disarmament Commission will con-
sider the report of the subcommittee after the For-
eign Ministers meeting and whereby the General
Assembly will then receive the report of the full
Commission. This is the orderly way to proceed,
and we should adhere to that order. To do other-
wise is to hold this Commission in disregard and
to turn it into a device — a propaganda device.

The Soviet representative in his remarks tried
to make it appear that the United States has gone
back on its position and has turned its face away
from the goals of disarmament. I do think it is
fair to say that that is the impression he sought
to create. He makes this inference before my col-
leagues in the Commission have had a chance to
check the record.

Let me therefore say, for the record, that these
inferences have gone far enough — indeed they
have already gone much too far. I think I would
know it if the United States had abandoned dis-
armament. I not only know of no such abandon-
ment, but, speaking as President Eisenhower's
representative, I know there is no subject on earth
that is closer to his heart and to liis mind than
disarmament. He has told me repeatedly that he
will embrace any program of disarmament which
is fair and workable and which is equipped with
a trustworthy inspection system.

The United States has already given steady, yet
spectacular, evidence of its intentions by reducing
its armed strength from a wartime peak of 12,-
302,830 men to 2,935,107 on June 30 of this year.
Additional cuts in the United States armed forces
of about 75,000 are contemplated by June 30, 1956.

November 7, 1955

765

You will find these figures, year by year, Mr.
Chairman, in the record before you.

You will not find in that recoi-d, or any record,
the strength of the Soviet forces for this year or
any year.

You will find a report that the Soviet Union is
making cuts in its armed forces. You may want
to know from what level this reduction is made.
But you will not find it in the record.

Now, I do not wish to join my Soviet colleague
in trying to push this debate further before you
have perused this record. I limit myself there-
fore to things wliich have been in the public do-
main for a long time.

When the United States speaks of reserving cer-
tain positions, everyone should remember these
things :

First, stockpiles of nuclear materials have been
accumulating in several countries for several
years. All of these materials cannot be detected
by any scientific means presently known. They
are now so sizable as to constitute a major threat
if any significant proportion of them are made se-
cretly into weapons. This is a new problem — new,
that is, since the current theories of disarmament
were formed. It sets new limits to any disarma-
ment progTam.

Second, this situation requires a new study of
the pi'oblem of inspection. The United States has
told the world about the study project it has under
way.^ We assume the Soviet Union and other
countries are making similar studies. We must
determine just what the possibilities of inspection
are — what support it can give to a disarmament
program.

Third, not only science but also the state of in-
ternational relations — in a word, the facts of life —
have placed a reserve on disarmament. One par-
ticularly obvious reserve is the simple fact that
the powers have been unable to agree on even the
first steps. When the United States, therefore,
speaks of reserving certain positions, it is merely
being honest with the world. It is better to be
frank and to recognize how little progress has been
made in the i^ast years than to be hypocritical and
political about a matter such as this which, speak-
ing in essential and in nontechnical terms, is a
deeply human question and not one of political

^ For an announcement by Harold E. Stassen in the
subcommittee of tlie Disarmament Commission on Oct. 7,
see BuiXETiN of Oct. 31, 1955, p. 706.

tactics. And, of course, recognition of the truth
not only does not mean abandonment of the goal ;
it is essential to our ever reaching the goal.

Fourth, the United States has been looking for
some way to break the logjam both in science and
in international relations. I think I can say with-
out going into substance that we are looking for
a means of insuring the peace while we do so.

We are convinced that President Eisenhower's
proposal for aerial inspection for peace will fill
the bill. We think that everyday people all over
the world, who have the real stake in peace, are
similarly convinced that it would reduce the
chances of nuclear war to the vanishing point. We
thank Mr. Martin of Canada for all that he said
in support of this plan in the course of his note-
worthy statement, a statement which is sure to
have far-reaching effect and which we deeply
appreciate.

The United States certainly does not disavow
or reject tlie past work of the subcommittee.
Neither can we reaffirm it in blanket fashion. We
believe such a course is honest and realistic, con-
fronted as we are with a new technical situation,
new proposals made at Geneva, and an evolving
political situation.

We believe it is more constructive not to try
to commit governments to a whole series of de-
tailed steps vitally affecting their national security
without providing the means, by adequate inspec-
tion, to make sure that these measures are carried
out equally by all.

We have asked Premier Bulganin about the
Eisenhower plan. The President has said we
would accept certain parts of the Soviet proposals
having to do with ground observers. We have
asked whether the Soviet Union would accept
aerial inspection as part of the President's plan
or any plan. The Soviet representative has not
yet answered. I assume, Mr. President, that he
is reserving liis position.

Gentlemen, Mr. Stassen, who represented the
United States in the subcommittee, has reported
to the U.S. Government that one of the hopeful
signs of the subcommittee sessions has been the
effort on the part of each government to under-
stand the attitude of all the others. Wliat a pity
it would be if this spirit were to disappear ! We
must continue in that spirit in all our delibera-
tions and treat the whole subject with the serious-
ness that it deserves.

766

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

" U. S. Delegations to
International Conferences

Conference on International Wheat Agreement and
18th Session of International Wheat Council

The Departiiient of State amiounced on Octo-
ber 22 (press release 618) that Marvin L. McLain,
director of the Grain Division of the Commodity
Stabilization Service of the Department of Agi'i-
culture, will be the U.S. delegate at an interna-
tional conference to open at Geneva, Switzerland,
on October 26, 1955, to consider the renewal or
replacement of the International Wheat Agree-
ment. The agi-eement will expire on July 31,
1956. At the request of the chairman of the Inter-
national Wlieat Council, the Secretary-General of
the United Nations has issued invitations to all
states members of the United Nations to partici-
pate. During the course of this conference, the
International "VVlieat Council will also hold its
18th Session at Geneva. Mr. McLain will be the
U.S. delegate at both the conference and the 18th
Session of the Council.

Two alternate delegates have been designated :

Arnold A. Garthoff, Chief, Wheat Agreement Branch,
Grain Division, Commodity Stabilization Service, De-
partment of Agriculture

L. lugemann Highby, International Resources Division,
Department of State

The other members of the delegation are :

Anthony R. DeFelice, Chief, International Agreements
Branch, Foreign Agricultural Service, Department of
Agriculture

Robert L. Gastineau, Assistant Agricultural Attach^,
American Embassy, London

Herbert J. Hughes, Vice President, National Association
of Wheat Growers, and Member, Advisory Board, Com-
modity Credit Corporation

Stanley D. Metzger, Assistant Legal Adviser for Economic
Affairs, Department of State

George A. Sallee, Deputy Director, International Re-
sources Staff, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Depart-
ment of Commerce

Martin Sorkin, Office of the Secretary, Department of
Agriculture

International wheat conferences were held at
London in 1947 and at Washington in 1948 and
1949 for the purpose of negotiating an interna-
tional wheat agreement to assure supplies of wheat
to imjjorting countries and markets for wheat to
exporting countries at equitable and stable prices.
The 1947 conference failed to produce a generally
acceptable draft agreement but did establish the

principle that such an agreement should be in the
form of a multilateral long-term contract. At the
1948 conference, an international wheat agreement
was negotiated and signed, but it was not ratified
by enough countries to bring it into force. Rene-
gotiation of the 1948 agreement at the Washing-
ton conference in 1949 resulted in an International
WHieat Agreement which remained in force until
July 31, 1953. An agreement revising and renew-
ing the 1949 agreement was concluded in 1953.
The administration of the 1949 agreement was
entrusted, by the terms of the agi-eement, to an
International Wheat Council. The Council was
continued in being under the terms of the 1953
agreement.

THE DEPARTMENT

Establishment of ICA and Delegation of
Functions: Amendments

Public Notice 143 >

Establishment of International Cooperation Admin-
istration AND Delegation of Certain Related Func-
tions

miscellaneous amendments

By virtue of the authority vestetl in me in Executive
Order No. 10610, the Mutual Security Act of 1954 (68 Stat.
832), as amended, and section 4 of the Act of May 26,
1949 (63 Stat. Ill, 5 U. S. C. sec. 151c), and in accord-
ance with the requirements of section 3(a) (1) of Public
Law 404, 79th Congress (60 Stat. 238, 5 U. S. C. sec. 1002
(a) (1)), Delegation of Authority No. 85 ("Establish-
ment of International Cooperation Administration and
Delegation of Certain Related Functions") (20 F. R.
4825) - is amended as follows:

1. Section 2 is amended by adding at the end thereof
the following new sentence : "The Director of the Inter-
national Cooperation Administration may, to the extent
consistent with law, delegate or assign any of his func-
tions to his subordinates."

2. The title of section 3 is amended to read : "Func-
tions of the International Cooperation Administration or
the Director Thereof."

3. Section 3a (3) (d) is amended to read:

(d) The function of determining the value of the pro-
gram for any country under so much of chapter 2 of

' 20 Fed. Reg. 7950.

" Bulletin of July 18, 1955, p. 124.

November 7, 1955

767

title I of the Mutual Security Act of 1954 as pertains to
the functions transferred to the Secretary of Defense
and the Department of Defense by section 201 of Execu-
tive Order No. 10610 or delegated to the Secretary of
Defense by section 102 (a) (4) of Executive Order \o.
10575 as amended by Executive Order No. 10625;

4. Section 3a is further amended by adding after sub-
paragraph (3) the following new subparagraph :

(4) Subject to the concurrence of the Secretary of
State, the function referred to in section 107 (b) of Execu-
tive Order No. 10575 a.s amended by Executive Order
No. 10625 of agreeing with the Department of Defense
on a division of the sum of $300,000,000 provided for in
gection 402 of the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as
amended (relating to the export and sale of surplus agri-
cultural commodities).

5. Section 3 is further amended by adding after para-
graph b the following new paragraphs :

c. The Director of the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration may from time to time, to the extent con-
sistent with law, promulgate such rules and regulations
as may be necessary and proper to carry out any of his
functions. The Director of the International Cooperation
Administration is hereby designated as the person who
shall issue regulations relating to travel expenses paid
out of appropriations which have been or may be made
under the Mutual Security Act of 19.54, including the
regulations referred to in the second proviso of section
102 of the Mutual Security Appropriation Act, 1956.

d. The Director of the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration is designated as the person who shall make
certificates of the amount of expenditures of a confidential
character made out of funds allocated to the Interna-
tional Cooperation Administration whenever any provi-
sions of law, including section 102 of the Mutual Security
Appropriation Act, 19.56, require such certificates to be
made by the Secretary of State or such person as he
may designate.

6. Section 7 is amended by adding after paragraph b
the following new paragraph :

c. References in this order to the Mutual Security Act
of 1954 shall be deemed to be references to the Mutual
Security Act of 1954 as amended from time to time.

Dated : October 12, 1955.

[seal] John Fostee Dxjlles,

Secretary of State.

Designations

William B. Macomber, Jr., as Special Assistant to the
Secretary of State, effective December 1 (press release
620 dated October 24).

Orville H. Transtrum, as Director, Executive Staff, Bu-
reau of International Organization Affairs, effective
October 24.

Revised Agreement With Philippines
on Trade and Related IVIatters

Press release 623 dated October 27

The President on October 26, 1955, proclaimed
the revised agreement with the Philippines regard-
ing trade and related matters. The revised agree-
ment, which was signed on September 6, 1955, will
enter into force on January 1, 1956^

Text of Proclamation

Whereas section 201 of the act of Congress of the
United States of America entitled '•Philippine Trade
Agreement Revision Act of 1955," approved August 1,
1955 (69 Stat. 413), authorizes the President of the United
States of America to enter into an agreement with the
President of the Philippines revising the executive agree-
ment concerning trade and related matters entered into
by the President of the United States and the President
of the Philippines on July 4, 1946, which executive agree-
ment entered into force on January 2, 1947, pursuant to
the provisions of the Philippine Trade Act of 1946 (60
Stat. 141), and Presidential proclamations of December
17, 1946, and January 8, 1947 ;

Whereas the President of the United States of America,
acting pursuant to the provisions of the said section 201
of the Philijipine Trade Agreement Revision Act of 19-55,
through his duly empowered Plenipotentiary, signed an
agreement on September 6, 1955, with the President of
the Philippines, through his duly empowered Plenipoten-
tiary, revising the said agreement of July 4, 1946, so that
such agreement, as so revised, including a protocol and
annexes is in words and figures as follows :

[Text of revised agreement.] ^
Whereas on September 6, 1955, the two Governments
exchanged notes clarifying certain provisions of the said
revised agreement, which notes are in words and figures
as follows :

[Text of notes.] »
And whereas section 301 (a) of the said Philippine

' For an announcement of the signing, a summary of the
modifications contained in the agreement, statements
made at the signing, and the text of the agreement, with
the accompanying exchange of notes, see Bulletin of
Sept. 19, 1955, p. 463.

■lUd., pp. 466-475.

' Ihid., pp. 475-476.

768

Department of State Bulletin

Trade Agreement Revision Act of 1955 provides as fol-
lovj's:

"If the agreement authorized by section 201 has been
entered into before January 1, 1956, the President of
the United States shall so proclaim, and the revised agree-
ment shall be effective in the United States in accordance
with its terms."

Now, THEREFORE, be it known that I, DWIGHT D.
EISENHOWEIt, President of the United States of Amer-
ica, acting under and by virtue of the authority vested in
me by the Constitution and the statutes, particularly the
said section 301 (a) of the Philippine Trade Agreement
Eevision Act of 1955, do hereby proclaim that on Sep-
tember 6, 1955, the President of the United States and
the President of the Philippines, through their duly em-
powered Plenipotentiaries, entered into an agreement,
■effective January 1, 1956, revising the said agreement of
July 4, 194G, which revised agreement, including a proto-
col, annexes, and a related exchange of notes, is in words
and figures as authorized by the said Philippine Trade
Agreement Revision Act of 1955 ; and I do further pro-
claim the said revised agreement to the end that the
same and every part thereof may be observed and ful-
filled with good faith by the United States of America
and the citizens thereof and all other persons subject to
the jurisdiction thereof on and after January 1, 1956.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
aflaxed.

Done at the city of Washington this 26th day of Oc-
tober in the year of our Lord one thousand nine
{seal] hundred fifty-five and of the Independence of
the United States of America the one hundred
•eightieth.

By the President :

Herbert Hoover, Jr.

Acting Secretary of State

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Commerce

ilnternational convention to facilitate the importation of
1 commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
! I at Geneva November 7, 1952.'

Accession deposited: Denmai'k, October 5, 1955.

Copyright

Universal copyright convention. Done at Geneva Sep-
tember 6, 1952. Entered into force September 16, 1955.
Ratification deposited: France, October 14, 1955.

Customs Tariff

Protocol modifying the convention signed at Brussels
.In'.y 5, 1S90 (26 Stat. 1518), creating an international
union for the publication of customs tariffs. Done at
Brussels December 16, 1949. Entered into force May 5,
1950."
Adherence deposited: Bulgaria, August 26, 1955.

International Court of Justice

Statute of International Court of Justice (59 Stat. 1055).
Declaration recognizing cotnpulsory jurisdiction depos-
ited: ' Union of South Africa, September 13, 1955.

Postal Matters

Universal postal convention, with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail and final protocol thereto. Signed at Brussels
July 11, 1952. Entered into force July 1, 1953. TIAS
2800.
Ratification deposited: Burma, October 2, 1955.

Slave Trade

Convention to suppress the slave trade and slavery.*
Si,gned at Geneva September 25, 1926. Entered into
force March 9, 1927. 46 Stat. 2183.
Accession deposited: Pakistan, September 30, 1955.

Trade and Commerce

Declaration on the continued application of .schedules to
the Geneva Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done
at Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force March
10, 1955.
Signature: Haiti, October 3, 1955.

Protocol on terms of accession of Japan to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annex A (sched-
ules of the Contracting Parties) and annex B (schedule
of Japan ) . Done at Geneva June 7, 1955. Entered into
force September 10, 1955.

Notification of intention to apply concessions received:
Peru (effective September 10, 1955).

BILATERAL

Bolivia

Agreement providing guaranties authorized by section
413 (b) (4) of the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as
amended. Effected by exchange of notes at La Paz
September 23, 1955. Entered into force September 23,
1955.

Brazil

Agreement providing for continuation of the Joint Brazil-
United States Military and Defense Commissions. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro August 1
and Seiitember 20, 1955. Entered into force Septem-
ber 20, 1955.

' Not in force.
November 7, J 955

- Not in force for the United States.

'■ Withdrawal also deposited Sept. 13, 1955, of declara-
tion (with reservations) made Apr. 7, 1940, under article
36 of the Statute of the Permanent Coui-t of International
Justice accepting its compulsory jurisdiction, which decla-
ration, in consequence of paragraph 5 of article 3() of the
Statute of the International Court of Justice, was deemed
an acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the latter
court.

' As amended by the protocol opened for signature at
New York Dec. 7, 1953. This protocol is not in force for
the United States.

769

Canada

Convention on Great Lakes fisheries. Signed at Wash-
ington September 10, 1954. Entered into force Oc-
tober 11, 1955.
Proclaimed by the President: October 20, 1955.

Colombia

Agreement providing for a medical education project pur-
suant to the general agreement for technical coopera-
tion of March 5 and 9, 1951 (TIAS 2231). Effected by
exchange of notes at Bogotd May 10 and June 14, 1955.
Entered into force June 14, 1955.

El Salvador

Agreement extending to August 18, 1955, the fislieries
project agreement of July 19, 1951, as extended (TIAS
2337, 2717, and 2763). Effected by exchange of notes
at San Salvador September 13, 1954, and July 25, 1955.
Entered into force July 25, 1955.

Agreement extending to August IS, 19.56, the fisheries proj-
ect agreement of July 19, 1951. as exxtended (TIAS 2337,
2717, and 2763). Effected by exchange of notes at
San Salvador July 25 and August 26 and 31, 195.5. En-
tered into force August 31, 1955.

Ireland

Agreement relating to guaranties against risks respecting
inconvertibility of currencies and expropriation author-
ized by section 413 (b) (4) of the Mutual Security Act
of 19.54, as amended. Effected by exchange of notes at
Dublin October 5, 1955. Entered into force October
5, 1955.

Liberia

General agreement for technical assistance and coopera-
tion, and memorandum of understanding. Signed at
Monrovia October 6, 1955. Enters into force on date of
receipt by the United States of notification or ratifi-
cation by Liberia.

Yugoslavia

Agreement relating to a special program of facilities
assistance pursuant to the military assistance agree-
ment of November 14, 1951 (TIAS 2.349). Effected by
exchange of letters at Belgrade September 30, 1955.
Entered into force September 30, 1955.

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale by the Snperintenilent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washinr/fon 25, D.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents ex-
cept in the case of free publications , which may be
obtained from the Department of State.

The Bangkok Conference of the Manila Pact Powers,
February 23-25, 1955. Pub. 5909. International Organi-
zation and Conference Series II, Far Eastern, 5. 46 pp.
25(».

A publication containing the public record of the Confer-
ence held at Bangkok, Thailand, in February 1955 among
the powers allied in the Southeast Asia Collective De-
fense Treaty (the Manila Pact).

International TraflSc in Arms, Regulations — 10th Edition.

Pub. 5992. General Foreign Policy Series 105. 30 pp.
20^.

Regulations issued on August 26, 1955, by the Secretary of
State governing registration and licensing under section
414 of the Mutual Security Act of 1954 and related laws.

Jordan. Pub. 5907.
11 pp. 100.

Near and Middle Eastern Series 19.

A background summary of the political, economic, and
social factors affecting Jordan.

The Union of Burma. Pub. 5913. Far Eastern Series 69.
16 pp. 100.

A backgrounder containing a discussion of the political,
economic, and social conditions in Burma and a short;
summary of our relations with that country.

Technical Cooperation, Vocational and Industrial Crafts
Program. TIAS 3027. Pub. 5621. 6 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa May IS and June
12, 1954. Entered into force June 12, 1954.

Consular Officers, Free Entry Privileges. TIAS 3028.
Pub. 5627. 3 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Panama. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Panamd January 7 and 31,
1935. Entered into force January 31, 1935.

Relief Supplies and Equipment, Duty-Free Entry and
Exemption From Internal Taxation. TIAS 3030. Pub.
5629. 4 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Afghanistan.
Exchange of notes — Dated at Kabul April 29 and May 29,
1954. Entered into force May 29, 1954.

United States Educational Commission for France.

TIAS 3031. Pub. 50.30. 4 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and France — amend-
ing agreement of October 22, 194S. Exchange of notes —
Dated at Paris June 18 and 30, 1954. Entered into force
June 30, 1954.

Relief Supplies and Equipment, Duty-Free Entry and
Exemption From Internal Taxation. TIAS 3033. Pub.
5641. 6 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Bolivia. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at La Paz June 3 and 16, 1954.
Entered into force June 16, 1954.

Defense, Offshore Procurement Progi-am.

Pub. 5642. 24 pp. 150.

TIAS 3034.

Agreement between the United States and Greece. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Athens July 30, 1954. En-
tered into force July .30, 1954.

Archives of Allied High Commission for Germany and
Connected Tripartite Agencies, Storage of. Access to, and
Release of Information. TIAS 3036. Pub. 5644. 19 pp.
150.

Agreement and exchanges of notes between the United
States and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and France — Signed at Bonn June 30,
1954. Entered into force June 30, 1954.

Noncommissioned Foreign Service Personnel, Free Entry
Privileges. TIAS 3040. Pub. 5648. 3 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Cuba. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Habana March 23 and May 16,
1932. Entered into force May 16, 1932.

770

Deparfment of State Bulletin

November 7, 1955

Ind

ex

Vol. XXXIII, No. 854

Agriculture. Conference on International Wheat
Aureement and 18th Session of International
Wheat Council 767

American Principles. Question of China's Immu-
nity in National City Bank Case 750

Asia

Commimist China and American Far Eastern Policy

(Lindbeck) 751

Using the Atom for Economic and Social Progress

in Asia (Hollister) 747

Atomic Energy. Using the Atom for Economic and

Social Progress in Asia (Hollister) .... 747

Austria

Property Claims of U.S. Citizens Under Austrian

State Treaty and Laws 760

Secretary To Visit Austria and Yugoslavia . . . 733

China

Communist China and American Far Eastern Policy

(Lindbeck) 751

Question of China's Immunity in National City

Bank Case 750

Claims and Property. Property Claims by U.S.
Citizens Under Austrian State Treaty and
Laws 760

Communism. Communi.st China and American Far

Eastern Policy (Lindbeck) 751

Congress, The. Transmittal of Lend-Lease Report . 760

Denmark. Denmark Further Liberalizes Dollar Im-
ports 762

Disarmament. U.S. Position on Disarmament

(Lodge) 765

Economic Affairs

Denmark Further Liberalizes Dollar Imports . . 762
Que.stion of China's Immunity in National City

Bank Case 750

Revised Agreement With Philippines on Trade and

Related Matters (text of proclamation) . . 768
Transmittal of Lend-Lease Report 760

Educational Exchange. NATO Fellowship and

Scholarship Program 735

Europe. Opening of Geneva Meeting of Foreign

Ministers (text of statements and proposals) . 727

Germany

Opening of Geneva Meeting of Foreign Ministers

(texts of statements and proposals) .... 727
President Sends Greeting to People of Berlin . . 734
Soviet Obligations Concerning Germany (texts of

notes) 734

International Organizations and Meetings

Calendar of Meetings 763

Conference on International Wheat Agreement and

18th Session of International Wheat Council . 767

Mutual Security

Establishment of ICA and Delegation of Functions :

Amendments 767

Opening of Geneva Meeting of Foreign Ministers

(texts of statements and proposals) .... 727

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO Fel-
lowship and Scholarship Program 735

Philippines. Revised Agreement With Philippines
on Trade and Related Matters (text of procla-
j mation) 768

Presidential Documents

Greetings to People of Berlin 734

Revised Agreement With Philippines on Trade and

Related Matters (text of proclamation) . . 768

Statement on Geneva Conference 728

Publications. Recent Releases 770

State, Department of

Designations (Maeomber, Transtrum) .... 768

Establishment of ICA and Delegation of Functions :

Amendments 7(57

Treaty Information

Current Actions 769

Revised Agreement With Philippines on Trade and

Related Matters (text of proclamation) . . 768
U.S.S.R,
Soviet Obligations Concerning Germany (text of

notes) 734

Soviet Proposal on European Security 732

United Nations

The United Nations After Ten Years (Wilcox,

Lodge) 736

U.S. Position on Disarmament (Lodge) .... 765

Viet-Nam. Results of Referendum in Viet-Nam

(text of notes) 7(50

Yugoslavia. Secretary To Visit Austria and Yugo-
slavia 733

'Name Index

Dulles, Secretary 727 767

Eisenhower, President 728, 734, 768

Hollister, John B ' 747

Lindbeck, John M. H . . 751

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr . 736, 765

Maeomber, William B., Jr 768

Reinhardt, G. Frederick . . 760

Transtrum, Orville H ' 76s

Wilcox, Francis O '. 73(5

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases October 24-30

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Wa.shington 25, D.C.

Press releases issued prior to October 24 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 609
of October 20, and 618 of October 22.

Subject

U.S. property claims under Austrian
State Treaty.

Maeomber appointment (rewrite).
Dulles to visit Vienna and Brioni.
Viet-Nam referendum.
Proclamation of revised Philippine

trade agreement.
Itinerary for President Castillo

Armas.

Mexican note of gratitude for disaster
relief.

NATO scholarship program.

Note on U.S.S.R.-East German agree-
ment.

Text of Geneva proposals.
Liberalization of dollar Imports into
Denmark.

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bitlletin.

No.

Date

619

10/24

620

10/24

621

10/25

622

10/26

623

10/27

*624

10/27

t625

10/28

626

10/28

627

10/28

628

10/28

629

10/28

U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I9E5

United States
Government Printing Office

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS

Washington 25, D. C.

PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300

(GPO)

OFFICIAL BUSINESS

The Department of State, 1930-1955: Expanding
Functions and Responsibilities

Publication 5B52

40 cents

ipartmen

0

The role of the United States in world affairs has increased
in importance in the past 25 years to an almost incredible
extent. The momentous developments of the period since 1930
have demanded new approaches to the problems of foreign
policy and have required a considerable expansion of the re-
sources of diplomacy. The nature and extent of what was
required of the Government in the new international environ-
ment were suggested by the Brookings Institution in 1951 in
the statement that the administrative problems of the United
States in the field of foreign relations at that time bulked larger
and were more difficult than those of the entire Federal Gov-
ernment in the mid-1930's.

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\ovember 14, 1955

FOUR FOREIGN MINISTERS DISCUSS EAST-WEST
CONTACTS AND EUROPEAN SECURITY

Statements by Secretary Dulles 775, 780

Three-Poicer Proposal on East-West Contacts 778

Soviet Proposal on East-West Contacts <79

Soviet Proposal on European Security 783

DEVELOPING MORE FAVORABLE OPPORTUNITIES

FOR WORLD TRADE • by Ambassador Winthrop W.
Aldrich 793

U.S. RELATIONS WITH THE NEW AUSTRIA • by

Deputy Assistant Secretary Elbrick '88

U.N. ACTION ON AGENDA ITEM CONCERNING
PEACEFUL USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY

Statements by Senator Pastore 796

Text of Resolution 801

For index see inside back coivr

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November 14, 1955

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Four Foreign IVIinisters Discuss East-West Contacts
and European Security

Following is the text of a statement on East-
West contacts made hy Secretary Dulles at the
Geneva Conference of Foreign Ministers on Octo-
ber 31, together with proposals submitted on the
same date by the three Western delegations and by
the Soviets; also two statements by the Secretary
on a second Soviet proposal on European security
and the text of the latter proposal.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES ON EAST-
WEST CONTACTS, OCTOBER 31

U.S. delegation press release

The Heads of Government meeting here last
July directed us to study measures, including those
possible in tlie United Nations, for the progressive
elimination of barriers interfering with free com-
munication and peaceful trade and for the estab-
lishment of freer contacts and exchanges which are
of advantage to both East and West.'

The reductions of barriers and greater human
contacts that we seek are not merely ends in them-
selves. They are designed to help to assure that
the peace we seek is not passive, but a curative and
creative force which enables men and nations
better to realize those individual and national
aspirations which conform to moral law.

The United States apjiroaches hopefully, even
though guardedly, a study of measures to elimi-
nate barriers to free communications and peaceful
trade. We know that, in an atmosphere of ten-
sion, communications are not readily made free nor
trade made normal. But we must break at some
point a vicious circle in M'hich lack of freedom in
communications and the absence of normal trade
relations and personal contacts lead to further
misunderstanding between peoples and increased
tension.

We have already begun discussion of one of the
fundamental causes of international tension, the

'BuiiETiN of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 176.

division of Germany, and we shall go on to discuss
the world's vast armaments. However, as agi-eed
between the four Ministers at New York, we are
willing, simultaneously with our own considera-
tion of European security and Germany, and dis-
armament, to proceed through a committee of ex-
perts with a study of the elimination of barriers to
free communications and trade and the establish-
ment of freer contacts.

Upon conclusion of their study these experts
should, I assume, report back to the four Ministers,
so that we may consider tlie results of their study,
both upon individual topics and in the aggregate,
and so that we may be in a position likewise to
coordinate our observations, proposals, and con-
clusions under item 3 of our agenda with the
results of our work on the other items.

In this matter of "contacts," the United States
delegation will ask that specific measures be con-
sidered with the faith and optimism that were
brought here last July by the President of the
United States. Wlien I saw President Eisen-
hower in Denver, just before leaving for Geneva,
he reaffirmed his high hopes for progress at this
conference, not only with respect to the reunifica-
tion of Germany within the framework of Euro-
pean security and disarmament but also in the
development of contacts between our peoples.

The U.S. Heritage

Contacts between peoples is not a new thing
for the United States. It is part of our heritage.
Our Nation itself is composed of people from
every land, who have brought with them ideas and
have made valuable contributions enriching our
society.

We are naturally a friendly people, who like
to know and be known. We have long wanted to
learn more about the Soviet Union and its people,
and we have hoped that they would come to know
us and what we say and think and do. There

November 14, 1955

775

is a solid basis for good will between us. It is
a fact of history which should be remembered
now that our peoples have never fought each
other.

So we did not understand it when the rulers of
the Soviet Union sought to seal off their people
from outside contacts. But when this happened
and strains developed, the United States, in its
turn, placed restrictions on exchanges with the
U. S. S. R. But these restrictions were solely in
response to the actions initiated by the Soviet
Government in this period.

Recently, we have noted that the attitude of the
Soviet Government may be changing. We wel-
come this development. It provides a basis of
hope for accomplishment in this item of our
agenda.

The subject of contacts can be divided into three
parts: (1) freedom for exchanges of information
and ideas; (2) freedom for exchanges of persons
and travel; (3) development of trade between
East and West.

In the field of exchanges of information, we im-
mediately encounter basic obstacles.

There is an all-embracing Soviet censorship of
press and radio. There is systematic jamming of
radio broadcasts from other countries. We hope
that steps will be initiated at this conference look-
ing to the removal of these obstacles.

In addition to the removal of obstacles, the
United States will encourage specific projects in
this field, such as an exchange of radio broadcasts
between the United States and the Soviet Union.
For example, there might, as a beginning, be a
monthly exchange of commentaries on world de-
velopments as seen from Soviet and Western
points of view. In the United States, radio
broadcasting is not controlled by the Govern-
ment and our Government cannot bind American
broadcasting companies to any particular course of
action. However, our major radio companies tell
us that they are prepared to provide regular radio
time in the United States for Soviet broadcasts if
this is compatible with our national policy. The
United States Government would welcome this,
provided that reciprocal privileges are granted to
the United States on the Soviet radio. Through
such an exchange, the peoples of both our coun-
tries would have the benefit of free discussion,
criticism, and debate on outstanding issues of the
day.

Proposed Magazine Exchange

A concrete ste}) promoting a mutually useful ex-
change of information and ideas was taken by the
United States on September 9 of this year. The
United States proposed to the Soviet Government
that it permit the renewed circulation in the So-
viet Union of an official Russian-language maga-
zine entitled Amenka. We are prepared to
permit the comparable circulation of an official
Soviet magazine in the United States.

We wish also to advance proposals for the dis-
tribution of American films in the Soviet Union
and for the establishment, on a reciprocal basis,
of information centers in the respective capitals.

In the field of exchanges of persons and travel,
another basic obstacle is immediately encoun-
tered. The arbitrary rate of exchange of the
ruble makes all travel in the Soviet Union exces-
sively expensive for foreigners. The ruble rate
also has an adverse effect on many aspects of the
exchange of information and the development of
trade. It is important that steps should be taken
to eliminate this obstacle.

The United States has played an active role in
recent months in effecting exchanges of persons
with the Soviet Union. A group of Soviet agri-
culturists toured the United States and a group of
American farmers visited the Soviet Union.

Groups of Soviet construction experts and news-
papermen are now traveling widely throughout
our country. Two outstanding Soviet musical
artists have been invited to make concert tours in
the United States, one of which has already begun.
These visitors will bear witness to the wide range
of facilities and opportunities which they enjoy
in the United States in line with the purposes of
their visits.

We shall continue to consider such proposals
favorably to the extent to which they accrue to
the mutual advantage of both countries and con-
tribute to and reflect a spirit of real cooperation.

It is to be hoped that, in general, visits between
the United States and the Soviet Union will grad-
ually become more normal occurrences in the fu-
ture. Americans are fond of travel, and many
people from other countries visit us each year.
In 1954: almost 1 million Americans went abroad.
Four hundred and fifty thousand foreign travel-
ers entered the United States.

In the general area of travel, the United States
has specific proposals to advance. Among them is

776

Department of State Bulletin

a proposal for an agreement in principle on recip-
rocal civil aviation rights, which Great Britain
and France as well as the United States desire
to support. If accepted, this would mean in so far
as the United States is concerned that Soviet com-
mercial airplanes, for example, might land at Idle-
wild, the international airport near New York,
and United States airplanes might similarly land
at the airport serving Moscow.

We also hope that the controls which now are
imposed on the movements of foreigners in the
Soviet Union will be reduced. The United States
is prepared to reduce, on a basis of reciprocity,
the controls which we imposed on Soviet citi-
zens as a result of the restrictions in the U.S.S.R.

Passport Restrictions Modified

Due to the lack of adequate protection afforded
to American citizens in the Soviet bloc countries,
the United States Government imposed passport
restrictions in 1952 on the travel of Americans to
the countries of East Europe.- These are being
removed today.'' Hereafter, American passports
will be valid for the Soviet Union and all the coun-
tries of Eastern Europe with which the United
States maintains relations.

The third aspect of contacts relates to 'peaceful
trade. So far as strategic trade is concerned, I
support fully the observations which Mr. Mac-
millan and M. Pinay have already made. Stra-
tegic trade is a matter of security concern and is
clearly outside the purview of item 3 of the direc-
tive, which speaks of "peaceful trade." The re-
strictions which govern strategic trade are a
consequence, not a cause, of tensions and involve
only a very narrow jiortion of the wide area of
potential trade.

To a trading nation such as the United States,

= Ihid., May 12, 1952, p. 736.

"According to a Departiuent announcement of Octobei'
31 (press release 680), U.S. passports will henceforth not
requii'e special validation for travel to the following coun-
tries in the European Soviet bloc: Czechoslovakia, Hun-
gary, Poland, Rumania, and the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics. Instead of the previous endorsement necessi-
tating special validation for travel in those areas pass-
ports will now carry the following stamp:

THIS PASSPORT IS NOT VALID FOR TRAVEL TO THE FOLLOWING
ARICAS UNDE31 CONTROL OF AUTHORITIES WITH WHICH THE
UNITED STATES DOES NOT HAVE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS : AL-
BANIA, BULGARIA, AND THOSE PORTIONS OF CHINA, KOREA AND
VIET-NAM UNDER COMJIUNIST CO.N'TROL

peaceful foreign trade is most important. How-
ever, it is conducted by the United States pri-
marily as a matter of individual enterprise in
response to commercial motivation.

United States exporters and importers buy and
sell a tremendous range of diverse things. Judg-
ing from our limited knowledge of the present
conditions of life within the Soviet bloc, there
woidd seem to be a greater number of United
States materials and products, as well as those of
other Western countries, which could till immedi-
ate needs.

The state of trade, however, stands in marked
contrast to this appraisal. Although the Western
countries continue to ofl'er Eastern Europe ready
access to an enormous area of potential trade, the
level of trade between them is still low as com-
pared with the prewar years and is only a very
small proportion of total world trade and of the
trade of most Western countries.

Plainly the reason for the continued low level of
East- West trade has been an unwillingness or lack
of i nterest on the part of the Soviet Union. While
talking generalities about trade, the Soviet Gov-
ernment has continued to confine its international
trade, even in the case of peaceful goods, Mithin
strict controls and the rigidities of bilateral,
barter-type arrangements.

Contrast in Trade Policies

It has pursued a jiolicy of economic nationalism
and regionalism which ignores the benefits of free
exchanges. In contrast, the Western nations have
sought to widen the multilateral base of their
trade and to increase the extent to which each of
tlteni shares in the international division of labor.
Trade in peaceful goods between the members of
the non-Communist world has risen to an unprece-
dented level. The same opportunities have been
and are now offered by the Western nations to the
Soviet-bloc countries.

The general question of Soviet interest in peace-
ful international trade can only be answered in
specific terms. Is the Soviet Union now prepared
to expand its exports sufficiently to make possible
a much higher level of trade with the West? If
so, wjiat goods will bo available? If the U.S.S.R.
believes that serious obstacles to peaceful trade
exist on the Western side, we want to know wliat
they are.

Before coming here to Geneva, I consulted with

November ?4, 7955

777

the heads of the appropriate departments of my
Government and arranged for progressively sim-
plifying certain of our operating procedures con-
cerning exports to the Soviet-bloc countries so that
the pathway to commercial enterprise might be-
come smoother.*

These measures can facilitate trade, but they
cannot produce trade wliere commercial incentive
is lacking or where Western interest in trade is not
reciprocated in Eastern Europe. The discussions
here, it is hoped, will disclose the specific steps
which can be taken to increase the peaceful trade
between the AVest and Eastern Europe. We shall
await with sympathetic interest the suggestions
which the representatives of the Soviet Union may
make upon this subject.

We agreed at New York that detailed discussion
at Geneva of East- West contacts would be left to
our experts. As the United States expert, I have
appointed Mr. William H. Jackson. He is serv-
ing not merely at my request but at the pereonal
request of President Eisenhower.

I hope that the experts may begin their impor-
tant task without delay. I would suggest that
they make a careful study of specific projects in
the field of improved contacts and prepare recom-
mendations concerning their implementation, in-
cluding procedures which could be developed
thi'ough the organs and agencies of the United
Nations.

We shall eagerly await the results of the experts'
work, which contains so much of hope and promise
for a better and more peacefid world.

THREE-POWER PROPOSAL CONCERNING
EAST-WEST CONTACTS, OCTOBER 31

The Foreign Ministers of Great Britain. Prance, and
the United States, mindful of the directive issued at
Geneva by the Heads of Government, express their desire
to explore, together with the Foreign Minister of the
Soviet Union, measures designed to bring al)out a pro-
gressive elimination of barriers which interfere with
free communications and with peaceful trade between
peoples and to bring about such freer contacts and
exchanges as are to the mutual advantage of the coun-
tries and peoples concerned.

The three Ministers wish to point out that their
Governments have consistently favored free communi-
cation of information and ideas, free exchange of persons,
and the development of peaceful trade, as constructive
means of promoting an atmosphere of confidence among

* See p. 784.
778

states and a better understanding among peoples. Their
Governments have always sought to foster free expression
of thought, to promote the free development of individual
conscience, and to encourage, through a free competition
of ideas, the development of objective opinion. The
three Western Governments are confident that a con-
structive development of contacts with the Soviet Union
together with the progressive resolution of those substan-
tive issues which constitute the true causes of interna-
tional tension, can contribute to the establishment of the
durable peace desired by aU mankind.

It is the view of the Western Powers that the four
Governments must contribute actively to the establish-
ment of a better understanding between the peoples of the
West and the peoples of Eastern Europe. It is hoped
that future contacts will expand in such a way as to cor-
respond to the natural desire of men to understand each
other and to search for that which unites them. For
their own part the three Foreign Ministers are convinced
that this work of mutual understanding, which must
eventually lead to peaceful changes enlarging the area
of those freedoms which mankind holds dear, will receive
the moral approbation of the peoples of Eastern Europe
as well as the peoples of the West.

Accordingly the Western Powers consider that it is
essential, in agreement with the Soviet Union, to determine
forthwith the areas in which it appears most appropriate
to proceed with exchanges that are to the mutual advan-
tage of the peoples of Eastern Europe and the West.

It is with this intention that the three Western Gov-
ernments submit a program of action. Cognizant of the
fact that the evolution of free societies has produced
individual traditions and processes, it is understood that
arrangements made by the three Western countries aimed
at the implementation of this program would be in
accord with their national traditions and procedures.
The program of the Western Governments comprehends
the following concrete propositions.

1. Freer exchange of information and ideas should be
facilitated. All censorship should be progressively elimin-
ated. The obstacles which hamper the flow of full factual
information and varied comment between the peoples of
the West and those of the Soviet Union should be removed.

2. Arrangements should be made for the four powers
to open information centers, on a basis of reciprocity, in
each other's capitals where these do not already exist.
Everyone should be allowed full use of these centers
without hindrance or discouragement from their own
government.

3. The four powers, where they do not already do so,
should permit the publication and facilitate the distribu-
tion to public institutions and private individuals in each
other's countries of oflicial periodicals printed in English,
French or Russian.

4. Exchanges of books, periodicals and newspapers
between the principal libraries, universities, and profes-
sional and scientific bodies in the Soviet Union and the
three Western countries should be encouraged. Such
books, periodicals and newspapers should also be avail-
able for general and unimpeded public sale in the Soviet
Union on the one hand and the three Western countries on
the other.

Depor/menf of Stafe Bulletin

5. There should be a substantial increase in the ex-
change of government publications and full lists, catalogs
and indexes of sucli publications should be made available
by governments where they do not already do so.

6. The film producers of tlie three Western countries
are ready to malie films available to the Soviet Union
at normal commercial prices and on normal commercial
terms. Soviet films are already accepted in the West
on these terms.

7. There should be exchanges of exhibitions between
the Soviet Union and the three Western countries.

8. The systematic jamming of broadcasts of news and
information is a practice to be deplored. It is incom-
patible with the directive from the four Heads of Gov-
ernment and should be discontinued.

9. The Soviet Union and the Western Powers should
consider the desirability of exchanging monthly uncen-
sored broadcasts on world developments. This could take
the form of half hours for the Soviet Union on the West-
ern broadcasting systems with reciprocal arrangements
for the Western Powers on the Soviet system.

10. Tlie censorsliip of outgoing press despatches and
the denial to journalists of access to normal sources of
information are serious barriers to the free circulation
of ideas. The four Governments, where appropriate,
should take immediate steps to remove such barriers.

11. Private tourism should be increased. This will re-
quire more liberal procedures as regards travel restric-
tions and other administrative practices. Above all it
will require reasonable rates of currency exchange.

12. There should be further exchanges of persons in
the professional, cultural, scientific and technical fields.

13. Meetings of outstanding scientists and scholars of
the four countries at reputable international congresses
should be facilitated.

14. There should be cultural and sporting exchanges
on a reciprocal basis, drawing on the best each has to
offer under the auspices of the principal cultural insti-
tutions and sporting organizations on both sides.

15. A beginning should be made with exchanges of
students particularly those engaged in language and other
area studies. It should be possible for the students to
share fully and freely the student life of the country
they visit.

16. Restrictions on the ability of the members of the
diplomatic missions of the four Governments to travel
in each other's countries should be removed on a basis
of reciprocity.

17. Agreement should be reached in principle for recip-
rocal exchanges of direct air transport services between
cities of the Soviet Union and cities of the three Western
countries.

So far as trade is concerned the Western Powers sin-
cerely desire to see an improvement in commercial re-
lations between the countries of Eastern Europe and
themselves, leading to an increase in mutual trade in
peaceful goods. To this end they have made freely
available to the countries of Eastern Euroi^e a wide area
of trade with respect both to exports and Imports. That
only small advantage has so far been taken of these
opportunities is, in their view, basically a reflection of

November 74, J 955

policies and conditions within the countries of Eastern
Europe. While they feel, therefore, that the major initia-
tive in securing an increase in East-West trade must be
taken by the countries of Eastern Europe, they are, for
their part, prepared to consider sympathetically any pro-
posals which seem likely to lead to a mutually beneficial
development of peaceful trade.

In particular the Western Powers would urge the So-
viet Government to make it less difficult for Western pri-
vate traders to engage in and to develop opportunities for
East-West trade to the advantage of both sides.

If tlie Four Powers can agree on the above propositions
a great step forward will have been made towards
better understanding between nations. This might in due
course serve as the foundation for a further expansion of
contacts on a broader international basis.

SOVIET PROPOSAL ON EAST-WEST CONTACTS,
OCTOBER 31

lUnofflcial translation]

The directives of the Heads of Government of the
Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom and
France on the development of contacts between East and
West point out the necessity to study "measures, including
those possible in organs and agencies of the United Na-
tions, which could (a) bring about a progressive elimina-
tion of barriers which interfere with free communications
and peaceful trade between people and (b) bring about
sucli freer contacts and exchanges as are to the mutual
advantage of the countries and peoples concerned."

In accordance with the above, the Foreign Ministers of
the four powers, guided by the desire to promote the
strengthening of peaceful cooperation among states, have
agreed on the following :

1. It is recognized that measures should be taken to
facilitate the development of international trade with a
view to eliminate the existing obstacles and restrictions
in international trade between East and West and to
apply the principle of most-favored-nation treatment in
the fields of trade and navigation.

2. The four powers shall do their utmost to facilitate
free passage of merchant ships of all countries through
sea straits and canals of international importance and
to remove the existing restrictions in sea communications
with certain states.

3. Measures shall be taken to widen international scien-
tific and technical relations and, in particular, in the field
of peaceful uses of atomic energy ( technology, agriculture,
medicine etc.) through holding conferences with the par-
ticipation of respective specialists and so on. Appro-
priate steps shall be taken by the representatives of the
four powers in international organizations dealing with
international cooperation in the field of science and
technology.

As an immediate measure, to consider it desirable to
convene in 1956 an international conference on the use of
atomic energy in the field of public health.

4. The four powers declare themselves in favor of the

779

participation in international specialized agencies (Ilo,
Dnesco, Who, Itu, etc.) of all states desiring to cooper-
ate in the work of these organizations.

5. The following measures shall also be encouraged,
including those possible in organs and agencies of the
United Nations, which could facilitate the strengthening
of contacts between East and West in the sphere of in-
dustry, agriculture, cultural relations and in the develop-
ment of tourism :

(a) Mutual exchange of delegations and reciprocal
visits of representatives of industry, agriculture and trade
for the punwse of exchanging exi>erience and learning
of the achievements of respective countries in these fields ;

(b) Development of cultural relations between coun-
tries for the puiTXJse of broader intercourse of men of
science and culture and of the exchange of cultural values,
having in view the desirability of concluding appropriate
agreements between states on cultural cooperation ;

(c) Expansion of mutual exchange of publications
(books, magazines, newspaper.*;, etc.) between the insti-
tutions of scientific research, libraries, scientific and cul-
tural associations, social organizations and individuals ;

(d) Measures for a broader development of interna-
tional touri.sm and siwrting relations between nations ;

(e) Measures for the elimination of the existing
artificial barriers in the field of immigration and other
regulations which hamper the expansion of the above-
mentioned contacts between states.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES ON
AGENDA ITEM 1, NOVEMBER 2

Press release 634 dated November 3

Mr. Chairman, I feel that the discussions which
we have had on one-half of item 1, namely, the
question of security, has brought about a con-
siderable rapprochement of our positions. I am
encouraged to think if we could make comparable
progress on the other half of item 1 that we would
have fulfilled the expectations which the world
placed in this conference.

As I have examined, in parallel columns, the
proposals which were put forward by the West-
ern powers on the first working day of the con-
ference, document No. 7,° and compared them with
the proposals and positions which Mr. Molotov
advanced last Monday,'^ I found that there was a
very considerable parallelism in our thinking. I
do not mean to suggest that our form of relations
is alike or that important difl'erences do not sub-
sist but that there does seem to be a large measure
of similarity in the approach. For example, ar-
ticle 1 of the Western security proposal dealing

" For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 7. 19.55, p. 729.
" See p. 784.

with renunciation of force has its counterpart in
article 1 of the suggested security treaty which
the Soviet Union put forward on Monday.

The principle that there should be no help given
to an aggressor appears in article 2 of the Western
proposal and in article 3 of the draft Soviet
treaty.

The idea that there should be a substantial zone
within which special measures would be taken
appears in article 3 of the Western proposal and
in the first proposition which Mr. Molotov out-
lined in his presentation on Monday.

The idea that within this zone there should be
agreed limits of forces appeared in article 3 of
the Western proposal and in the second of the
propositions which Mr. Molotov outlined in his
presentation of Monday.

The idea that within this zone there should be
reciprocal inspections to verify the agreed limi-
tations appeared in article i of the Western pro-
posal and in the fourth proposition which Mr.
Molotov outlined in his presentation of Monday.

Another special measure which the Western
powers suggested — that is, overlapping radar —
does not have any counterpart in the Soviet pro-
posals, but this is a detailed proposal not touching
on the substance.

The concept of consultation appeared in article
6 of the Western proposals and appears in articles
4 and .5 of the Soviet draft treaty.

Recognition of the inherent right of collective
self-defense is found in article 7 of the proposed
Western treaty and in article 7 of the draft Soviet
treaty.

The concept that foreign forces not forming
part of agreed collective security should be with-
drawn on demand appears in article 7 of the
Western proposals and perhaps, although this is
somewhat ambiguous, may be found within the
context of the third of the propositions which Mr.
Molotov made in his exposition of Monday when
he speaks about the exercise of sovereignty.

The concept that there should be reaction
against aggression appears in article 8 of the
Western powers' j^roposal and is also found in
article 2 of the draft Soviet treaty.

As I have said, the expression of these concepts
is not always identical and there are sometimes
quite important differences in the manner of ex-
pression. But broadly speaking, we have, I think,
achieved a quite remarkable degree of parallel
thinking with respect to the concept of European

780

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

security- ^^Hien I say "parallel thinking"' I am
not using that word in the geometric term, which
means two lines which never meet. I think there
is reason to hope that these parallel lines may meet,
and may meet shorter than infinity.

So where are we? It seems to me that we have
reached a ]^oint where as a result of constructive
thinking on both sides we can see a realizable vi-
sion of security in Europe through means of a
treaty which would conform to the directive which
the Heads of Government have given us.

We have, however, made no progi'ess at all with
reference to the other half of the first item, namely,
the reunification of Germany, and I would like to
endorse all that Mr. Macmillan has said with ref-
erence to the importance, if not the urgency, of the
Soviet Union now making its proposals with re-
spect to the reunification of Germany, the pro-
posals that Mr. Molotov has indicated some days
ago he has ready but which so far he has not sub-
mitted. It is the view of the delegation of the
United States that security proposals of the kind
that we are considering could, indeed, provide
security and the assurance of a durable peace in
Europe if they were predicated, as the directive
indicates they should be, upon the reunification of
Germany. "We do not believe that any proposals,
however resourceful or ingenious, however but-
tressed, could provide durable peace for Europe if
they were predicated upon the unnatural division
of one of the great nations and one of the great
peoples of Europe. That, I think, was surely the
view of the Heads of our Governments and is the
view that is embodied in the directive under which
we are operating and which binds us.

I recall the statement by Premier Bulganin, his
opening statement to the summit conference,' in
which he said, "The unification of Germany as a
peace-loving and democratic state would be of
paramount importance both for the peace of
Europe and for the German nation itself. . . .''
In other words, Marshal Bulganin recognized that
the thing which was of "paramount" importance
was not a security treaty but the reunification of
Germany. That, he said, was of "paramoimt im-
portance" for the peace of Europe and that, I sup-
pose, is wliy the Heads of Govermnent in their
directive, having firet taken account, as they put
it, of the close link between the reunification of

' The Geneva Conference of Headu of Gorrninient, Jvly
18-23. 1953. Department of State pulilkatiou 6046. p. 40.

Germany and the problems of European security,
agreed tiiat "the reunification of Germany by
means of free elections shall be carried out."

In conclusion, let me say that I think we have
made progress, good progress, in our discussion
of the problem of European security. But I am
convinced of this, that it is not possible to make
any further progress until we know the views of
the Soviet Union with respect to the closely linked
l)roblem which we are directed, as part of the same
subject, to consider, namely, "the reunification of
Germany by means of free elections."

So I repeat the plea of Mr. Macmillan that Mr.
Molotov should give us his ideas on that subject.
And I am confident that, if we can bring our ideas
on that subject as close together as we have
brought our ideas together in relation to the prob-
lem of European security, then, indeed, we will
have made this conference successful.

SECOND STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 2

Press lele.ise 035 dated November 3

Mr. Chairman, I am glad to have the opportun-
ity to comment on the presentation which has just
been made by the head of the Soviet delegation.
I shall, of course, look forward to the opportun-
ity to study closely his remarks when I have the
e.xact transcript, but I can make some preliminary
observations at this time.

jYs I recall, Mr. Molotov first commented on our
security proposals and made objections on two
grounds, principally, the first being, as I recall, and
I quote now my notes of the English translation,
that "the treaty enters into force only simultane-
ously with the entry of Germany into Nato."

The second point, as I understood it, was that the
security proposals which we had submitted did
not operate for the benefit of the neighbors of
Germanj' who had in the past been the victims of
German aggression.

I was very glad that his objections are of a kind
which can readily be met.

The proposal as submitted by the three Western
powers provides that "the treaty would enter into
force only in conjunction with the reunification of
Germany." So it is not accurate to say that it
only comes into force when Germany enters into
Nato. That provision must be read in connection
with the provision in the Eden Plan, which is an-

November 14, 1955

781

nexed, which provides that the all-German gov-
ernment may either accept or reject membership
in Nato. It is quite true that our proposal says
that "the provisions would come into effect pro-
gressively at stages to be agreed." That agree-
ment we will seek from the Soviet Government at
an appropriate time.

With respect to the second point, it is certainly
the intent — and I think certainly the effect — of
the proposals that we submitted that they should
benefit all of the countries here in Europe which
have been subject to German aggression. For ex-
ample, article 8 says "armed attack . . . against
any party which is not a Nato member" and ob-
viously the limitation of forces and the special
measures within a treaty area which would em-
brace parts of Poland and Czechoslovakia would
give a very great measure of security to those coun-
tries.

I think it can be confidently said, as I said before
Mr. Molotov spoke this last time, that the progress
that we have made makes it apparent that we can
reach agreement on security provided we can reach
agreement on the reunification of Germany. Hav-
ing listened here to all the observations which Mr.
Molotov has made and having seen his own pro-
posals, I am confident that it is possible to find
agreement upon a security treaty which will meet
all the legitimate security preoccupations of the
Soviet Union and of the other countries who have
in the past suffered from German aggi-ession.
That is, I know, an optimistic statement, but I
hope it is not a crime to be optimistic.

So, after having made this good progress in the
area of security, we turn to the problem of reunifi-
cation of Germany. Mr. Molotov discussed tlie
question of who is responsible for the present di-
vision of Germany, and, as I understood it, he put
the responsibility on those who had created first
bizonia and then trizonia. Well, Germany was
originally divided into four parts, and I am not
sure that it is fair to put the responsibility for the
continued division of Germany upon those who
first reduced the four parts to three, and then re-
duced the three parts to two. If the Soviet Union
will join with us to bring about now the reduction
of the two to one, then we will no longer have to
argue about who is responsible for division.

But really the important thing is not who is
responsible for the division of Germany, but who
is responsible to put Germany together again, and

as to that, the decision has been made : "The Heads
of Government, recognizing their common re-
sponsibility for . . . the re-unification of Ger-
many. . . ." That is our directive. And, who-
ever was responsible for the past, we now have a
common responsibility for the future.

I confess that I was at first discouraged by the
Soviet proposals about Germany because they
seemed to me not only to be impractical but they
seemed to me to be a very clear departure from our
directive, but I did not remain discouraged long
because I thought to myself that the first proposals
which the Soviet Union had made about security
were very discouraging, and their second proposals
came much closer and showed a real approach to
those of the Western powers. So I hope that the
Soviet delegation, after we have had a discussion
on this question of the reunification of Gemiany,
may see its way to coming forward with proposals
which meet more clearly the directive and which
by so doing also meet more responsively the sub-
mission wliich we have made in this respect.

Our directive calls for the reimification of Ger-
many by means of free elections. Now Mr. Molo-
tov has pointed out that, if you have free elections,
somebody is going to win and somebody is going
to lose. This is, however, inherent, as I see it, in
the nature of free elections. Presumably that
fact was taken into account by tlie Heads of Gov-
ernment when they nevertheless directed us to
bring about the reunification of Germany by free
elections. I do not wish to go into a debate about
the merits or demerits of the social structure which
has been created in East Germany. It is not
really important what I think about it. The im-
portant thing is what the Germans think about it,
because they are the ones who are going to have to
live by their choice. Free elections, under the con-
ditions that are foreseen by the proposal of the
Western powers, will permit the Germans who
live in East Germany, if they wish, to go all about
Germany explaining the merits, if these are merits,
of the social system that exists in East Germany,
and they will have a full opportunity to explain it
to the Germans. It will also give the people in
West Germany an opportunity to find out, by per-
sonal investigation, by talking with the East Ger-
mans, what they think about it. And then, after
that period of electioneering has taken place, the
people will go to the polls and decide what they
want.

782

Department of Slate Bulletin

If they want this system, which to Mr. Molotov
seems so good, they will vote to take it. If they
don't like it, then they won't take it. But the
point I want to make is, it is not whether Mr.
Molotov likes it or I like it; that isn't what
counts. The essence of free elections is that the
Germans themselves will decide if they want it or
not. If they do like it, they will take it. If they
don't like it, they will get rid of it. And that is
the essence of free elections which we are required
to bring about.

I am really surprised that Mr. Molotov should
assume, as he apparently does, that under condi-
tions of free elections, where the people have the
right to see and examine what is going on, they
will reject tlie East German system. If the so-
cial and economic conditions which Mr. Molotov
would preserve are good, then they will survive the
test of free elections. I believe that the free sys-
tem of the West is good enough to survive free
elections. Apparently Mr. Molotov does not be-
lieve that the system of the East is good enough
to survive free elections. But, however that may
be, our directive says that the Heads of Govern-
ment have agreed on the reunification of Germany
by means of free elections, and I hope very much
that the Soviet delegation, in loyal performance
of the directive given us, will again examine the
matter and put forward either its own proposal
for free elections or, which would be much better,
accept the proposal which the Western powers
have made.

The four-point Soviet proposal which has been
circulated makes no provision whatever for free
elections in Germany, and I would hope that the
Soviet Union, I repeat, would submit a proposal
for free elections in Germany, which is what we
are directed to do.

SOVIET PROPOSAL ON EUROPEAN SECURITY,
OCTOBER 31

Draft Treaty on Security in Europe

[Unofficial translation]

Inspired by the desire to strengthen peace and recog-
nizins the necessity to contribute in every possible way
to reducing international tension and establishing confi-
dence in relations between states ;

Guided l)y the peaceful purposes and principles of the
United Nations,

The Governments have agreed to con-
clude the present Treaty.

The States-parties to the Treaty solemnly declare that
they assume the following undertakings :

Abticle 1

The Parties to the Treaty undertake not to use armed
force against one another and also to refrain from hav-
ing recourse to the threat of force in their relations with
each other and to settle any dispute that may arise
among them by peaceful means.

Article 2

In the event of any one or several States-parties to the
Treaty being sut)jected to an armed attack in Europe by
any state or group of states, the other States-parties to
the treaty shall immediately render the state or states
so attacked all such assistance, including military assist-
ance, as may be deemed necessary for the purpose of
re-establishing and maintaining international peace and
security in Europe.

Article 3

The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to refrain
from rendering under any pretext any direct or indirect
assistance to the attacking state in Europe.

Article 4

The States-parties to the treaty shall consult one
another whenever, in the view of any one of them, there
arises the danger of an armed attack in Europe against
one or more of the States-parties to the treaty, in
order to take effective steps to remove any such danger.
They shall immediately imdertake the necessary con-
sultations whenever agreed steps may be required for
the re-establishment of peace, in the event of an attack
on any State-party to the Treaty.

Article 5

The signatory states shall establish, by common con-
sent, a special body (or bodies) for the purpose of holding
the above-mentioned consultations and also of taking
such other steps to assure security as may be found neces-
sary in connection with the fulfillment by the states of
their undertakings under the present Treaty.

Article 6

The States-parties to the Treaty agree that undertak-
ings under the present treaty shall not infringe upon
the undertakings assumed by them under existing treaties
and agreements.

Article 7

The assumption by states of undertakings under the
present Treaty shall not prejudice the rirfits of the States-
parties to the treaty to individual or collective self-defense
in the event of an armed attack, as provided for in Article
51 of the United Nations Charter.

Article 8

The Treaty is of a provisional character and shall re-
main in effect until replaced by another, more extensive
treaty on European security which shall replace the
existing treaties and agreements.

November 14, 1955

783

Excerpt From Mr. Molotov's Statement

After introduciny the uhoi-e Soviet draft treaty, Mr.
Molotov spoke in part as follows:

In exjiressing a desire to approach Mr. Eden's proposal
favorably, in accordance with the directives of the Heads
of Government of the four powers, we would i)ropose to
come to an agreement on the following :

1. The zone of limitation and Inspection of armaments
in Europe must include the territory of the Cerman Fed-
eral Republic, of the German Democratic Republic, and of
states bordering on them, or at least certain ones of them.

2. The agreement on the zone shall envisage the maxi-
mum levels for the number of troops of the U.S.A., the
U.S.S.R., the United Kingdom, and Prance stationed
within the territory of other states in this zone. The
question of such limitation must be the subject of further
consideration.

3. Obligations pertaining to the limitation of arma-
ments and their control assumed by states under the re-
spective agreement shall be subject to agreement with such
states, which shall be free in making decisions on this
matter in accordance with their sovereign rights.

4. Joint inspections shall be established over the armed
forces and armaments of the States-parties to the agree-
ments for the fulfillment of ol)ligations on the limitation of
armaments within territories of the zone. If under-
standing on this subject is reached among us, and with
other states subsequently, it would be of great importance
for the consolidation of peace and would contribute to
lessening tension in Europe. Furthermore, the reaching
of such an agreement would facilitate the possibility of
solving the problem of disarmament, since the example of
a given region in Europe would indicate the possibility
of applying such disarmament measures as would in the
future be carried out on a wider scale.

The delegation of the U.S.S.R. would like to express
the hope that these new proposals of the Soviet Govern-
ment prepared, as we have already indicated, with con-
sideration of the respective proposals of the other partici-
pants of this meeting, will serve as a suitable basis for
the rapprochement of our positions and will facilitate
the reaching of the necessary agreement between the four
powers on tlie important problem of insuring European
security.

Easing of Controls on Trade
With Soviet Bloc

Department of Commerce press release dated November 3

Secretary of Commerce Sinclair Weeks an-
nounced on November 3 a plan to ease controls
on private commercial trade in peaceful goods
with the European Soviet bloc. In making the
announcement Secretary Weeks said:

^ Bulletin of Aug. 1, 19.55, p. 175.

This plan is designed to carry out further the objective
urged by I'resident Eisenhower at Geneva in July "to
create conditions which will encourage nations to increase
the exchange of peaceful goods throughout the world." '
At the Foreign Ministers Conference in Geneva on Octo-
ber ?A, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles Indicated
the intention of the U.S. Government to simplify export
control procedures on shipments of peaceful goods to the
Soviet bloc."

Secretary Weeks said that the Bureau of For-
eign Commerce is setting up an initial roster of
certain peaceful goods which will be exportable
to the European Soviet bloc under general license,
without prior application to the Bureau. Estab-
lishment of the new roster thus will relieve U.S.
exporters of the burden involved in applying for
individual licenses for commodities included on
the roster.

Strategic goods, which under present policy are
not licensed to the Soviet bloc, will be excluded
from the new roster. Only peaceful goods will be
included, such as are now being approved for
export to the Soviet bloc under individual licenses.
Examples of commodities recently licensed for
shipment to the bloc include tallow, hides and
skins, wool rags, cigarettes and tobacco, phosphate
rock, pencil .slats, and rosin.

Secretary Weeks indicated that the new ar-
rangements are expected to be in effect by the end
of the year.

The new procedure will not affect U.S. export
controls to Communist China and other Far East
Communist points.

Visas for Archbishop Boris
and His Secretary

Press release 636 dated November 4

The Department of State announced on No-
vember 4 that it has issued entry visas to Arch-
bishop Boris, representative of the Moscow
Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church,
and to his secretarj^ Alexander Fedorovich
Shishkin.

This action follows the issuance by the Soviet
Government of a visa to Father Louis Dion of the
Assumptionist Fathers, who will reside in Moscow
in order to minister to the religious needs of
American nationals in the Soviet Union.

In issuing visas to Archbishop Boris and his

' See p. 778.

784

Department of State Bulletin

secretary, the U.S. Government has acted in ac-
cordance with its note of June 27, 1955,^ to the
Soviet Government in which it offered to make the
provisions of the November 16, 1933, agreement
witli tlie Soviet Government recipiocal in nature.
As a resuh. Archbishop Boris will enjoy in the
United States the right to minister to the religious
needs of Soviet nationals.

Exchange of Medical Films
With Soviet Union

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

Press release 607 dated October IS

The Department of State on March 17, 1955,
transmitted a note to the Soviet Embassy in Wash-
ington proposing tlie exchange on a reciprocal
basis of medical films. This initiative arose from
discussions held between Maj. Paul W. Schafer,
Medical Corps, Walter Keed Hospital, and Prof.
B. V. Petrovsky, member of the Soviet Academy
of Medical Sciences, during the Second World
Congress of Cardiology held at Washington, D.C.,
in September 1954.

The Department received a note from the Soviet
Embassy September 5, 1955, expressing Soviet
agreement to participate in an exchange of medi-
cal films as proposed by the United States. It is
contemplated that for the initial exchange each
country will make available 10 technical films on
medical subjects.

U.S. NOTE OF MARCH 17

The Acting Secretary of State presents his com-
pliments to His Excellency the Ambassador of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and has the
lionor to refer to discussions that have taken place
concerning the possibility of arranging for ex-
changes of medical films between the Soviet Union
and the United States. Such discussions were held
by Professor B. V. Petrovsky, member of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Academy of
Medical Sciences, and ^lajor Paul W. Schafer,

' r.uLi.ETiN of July 18, 105.5, p. 102.

Medical Corps, Walter Reed Hospital, Washing-
ton, District of Columbia, during the Second
World Congress of Cardiology held in Washing-
ton, D. C, in September 195-4, and subsequently
between officers of the Soviet Embassy and Major
Schafer.

It is understood from the discussions referred to
above that the Soviet Union desires to exchange
medical films with the United States. On the
basis of such an understanding the United States
is prepared to participate in such an exchange
with the Soviet Union.

As a first step in effecting such an exchange
there is enclosed a list of films which can be made
available to the Soviet Union in the near future.
The Soviet Government is requested to indicate
which of the films on the attached list it desii'es :
following the receipt of such indication the re-
quested films will be transmitted to the Soviet
Government.

It is believed that the most feasible method of
effecting a reciprocal exchange of films would be
for the Soviet Government in presenting the list
of films which it desires from the United States
to submit a list of Soviet films which it is pre-
pared to make available to the United States. The
United States Govermnent would then indicate
which of the Soviet films it desires, and such films
would subsequently be transmitted to the United
States.

The proposal for an exchange of medical films
is made by the United States Government on the
understanding that the films made available by
both Governments will be on a six-month loan
basis and that the films made available by each
of the Governments during the six-month period
will be comparable.

Enclosure :

List of Uuited States Films.

List of United States Films

1. Combined Abdominal and Rij;ht Thoracic Approacli
to Carcinoma of the Mid Esophasus

2. CouReuital Malformations of the Heart
.3. Patent Ductns Arteriousus

4. Intravenous Anesthesia with Barbiturates

5. Ether Analgesia for Cardiac Surgery

6. Cancer: Problem of Early Diagnosis (Series)

7. Anemia

8. Diseases of the Ear, Nose, and Throat

9. Nephrosis in Children

10. Surgical Repair of Direct Inguinal Hernia

November 14, 7955

785

SOVIET NOTE OF SEPTEMBER 5

No. 12

The Embassy of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics presents its compliments to the Depart-
ment of State of the United States of America and,
referring to the note of the Department of State
dated March 17, 1955 concerning the establishment
of an exchange of medical films between the Soviet
Union and the United States of America, has the
honor to communicate the following:

The Soviet Government notes with satisfaction
the willingness of the United States of America
to start an exchange of medical films with the
Soviet Union.

The Soviet medical organizations consider ac-
ceptable the procedure of exchange proposed by
the American side and agree to accept for review
the American medical films enmnerated in the en-
closure to the note of the Department of State of
the USA dated March 17 of this year.

For their part, the Soviet medical organizations
are prepared to submit for review to the American
side the following Soviet medical films :

1. Surgical treatment of adhesive pericarditis.

2. Surgical treatment of mitral stenosis.

3. Anastomosis between the aorta and the pulmonary
artery in congenital heart diseases.

4. Local anesthesia In surgical treatment of mitral ste-
nosis.

5. Bandaging the low hollow vein.

6. Ablation of a lung In tuberculosis.

7. Surgical ablation of a tumor.

8. Surgery In connection with aneurism of the carotid
artery.

9. Formation of microbes resisting penicillin and in-
heritance of acquired characteristics.

10. Effect of antibiotics on dysentery bacteria.

The Soviet Government expresses hope that the
reaching of an agreement between the USSR and
the USA on the question of exchanging medical
films will promote the extension of scientific and
cultural ties between the Soviet Union and the
United States of America.

U.S. Position on
Israeli-Egyptian Hostilities

Following is a statement released on November
6 {press release 638) after the Ambassadors of
Israel (Ahba Eban) and Egypt {Ahmed Hussein)
had called on Assistant Secretary George V. Allen,
at the request of the Department.

During recent weeks, especially during the last
few days, the United States has noted, with deep
concern, the increasing tempo of hostilities be-
tween Israel and Egypt. According to our infor-
mation there have been violations of the General
Armistice Agreement by both Israel and Egypt
which have led to bloodshed and loss of life. The
United States deplores resort to force for the set-
tlement of disputes. The Secretary-General of
the United Nations and General [E. L. M.] Bums
have put forward proposals to Israel and Egypt
which are designed to ease the present situation
along their common border. The United States
strongly supports the United Nations efforts to
achieve settlement by peaceful means, especially
the current proposals of General Burns, who is the
Chief of Staff of the United Nations Truce Super-
vision Organization.

Recent reports have also been received that
United Nations observers who are under General
Burns' direction have been prevented from carry-
ing out their assigned functions. The United
States continues to believe that these United Na-
tions observers should have full liberty to perform
their peaceful functions.

Assistant Secretary Allen informed the Am-
bassadors of Israel and Egypt of the attitude of
the United States and asked for information with
respect to their Governments' intentions regard-
ing these matters.

Reported Death of Rumanian Leader

Statement by Lincoln White
Acting Chief, News Division^

The circumstances surrounding the press inter-
view last week in which Gheorghe Tatarescu, a
former Premier and postwar Foreign Minister of
Rumania, told of [ Juliu] Maniu's death in prison
is strong evidence that Maniu's death, frequently
reported throughout Europe, is a fact despite lack
of official confirmation by the Rumanian Govern-
ment.

You will recall that in November 1947 INIaniu
and several other members of the Rumanian Na-
tional Peasant Party were placed on trial in Bu-
charest. As Secretary of State Marshall said at

' Made to correspondents on Oct. 25 in response to ques-
tions concerning press reports from Bucharest of the death
of Juliu Maniu, leader of the National Peasant Party in
Rumania.

786

Department of State Bulletin

that time,= this trial, like that of Nikola Petkov in
Bulgaria a few months earlier, was a travesty of
justice of which the evident purpose was to elimi-
nate democratic opposition to the Communist-
dominated regime.

Juliu Maniu fought courageously against the
forces of reaction and tyranny in his country
throughout his long political career. A defender
of individual liberty and champion of the Ku-
manian peasants whom he represented for many
years, Juliu Maniu wdn the devotion of his fol-
lowers and admiration and respect everywhere.

His loss is felt not only by the peoples of Eastern
Europe but by friends of democracy throughout
the world.

President Eisenhower's Views on
Potential Uses of Atomic Energy

Following is the text of a message dated Octoher
24- from the President to the Conference on Atomic
Energy in Industry at New York City. The mes-
sage was read on October 27 hy Lewis L. Strauss.,
Chairman of the U.S. AtoTnic Energy Commission.

White House OflSee (Denver) press release dated October 27

Members of the Conference:

On December 8, 1953, before the General As-
sembly of the United Nations, our Government
pledged its determination to find ways by which
the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be
dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.
The pledge then voiced for the United States has
become the law of our land.

Our progress in the field of peaceful uses of
atomic energy is evident in many ways. Schools
have been established for training students and
professional men, including foreign nationals, in
the science and technology of the atom. Atomic
Energy Commission technical libraries, which
have grown to tremendous size as a result of de-
classifying actions and which represent a vast fund

' Bulletin of Nov. 23, 1947, p. 995.

of valuable information, have been distributed
within the United States and to many countries
abroad. The employment of radioisotopes has re-
sulted in agricultural and industrial savings of
hundreds of millions of dollars and even greater
savings are promised for the future. The medical
applications are increasing daily.

The establishment of an International Atomic
Energy Agency now seems reasonably assured.
Agreements for cooperation in the civil uses of
atomic energy have been negotiated with 28 coun-
tries, and we have made available 200 kilograms
of the rare isotope of uranium for use by those
friendly countries in research reactors. The In-
ternational Conference on the Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy in Geneva, the largest and most
important scientific gathering ever held, was ini-
tiated by the United States.

First fruit is in sight in the field of nuclear
power, and with the increasing leverage of the in-
genuity of American industry applied to the prob-
lem, economically competitive nuclear power will
become a reality.

There is no monopoly — and we seek no monop-
oly— in the harnessing of the atom for man's
benefit. Eather, we seek to encourage participa-
tion in that task. In particular, we want the
maximum participation of American industry.
Our standard of living is a product of its tools
and techniques. The magnitude of the return
which can be realized by the application of those
same tools and techniques to the new field of atomic
energy is immeasurable.

Beyond that, there are loftier implications of
the potential uses of atomic energy. The book of
history reflects mankind's unceasing quest for
peace. Wliat more effective contribution could be
made toward true world peace than the world-
wide supplanting of want with plenty?

And what finer role in world history can we wish
for our nation than that we seize our opportunity
to make that contribution to civilization ?
Sincerely,

DwiOHT D. Eisenhower

November 14, 7955

787

U.S. Relations With the New Austria

hy C. Burke Elhrich

Deputy Assistant Secretary for European Affairs '

It is a privilege and pleasure for me to join
you this evening in celebrating the restoration of
Austria's freedom and independence.

The Secretary of State would like to be here in
person this evening but he is, as you are aware,
currently attending a conference of Foreign Min-
isters in Geneva. This conference, as President
Eisenhower has indicated, will be the acid test
of the "Geneva spirit" and its promise of prog-
ress toward the settlement of outstanding prob-
lems, the prospect of which was heralded this
spring by the agi-eement these same Foreign Min-
isters reached on the Austrian State Treaty.- Sec-
retary Dulles hopes, however, that the Geneva
conference schedule will permit him to be present
at the reopening of the Vienna opera next week-
end and thus enable him to participate personally
in an event which serves to mark so appropriately
Austria's resurgence from the devastation of war
and occupation.

As the representative of the Secretary of State
at this celebration of Austrian independence, I
want you to know how sincerely all of us in the
State Department and its representatives abroad
share the spirit of this occasion. We have, in a
very real sense, the feeling of having been closely
identified with the Austrian people in the long and
often frustrating struggle for the attainment of
this objective. "We, therefore, rejoice person-
ally as well as officially that Austria is finally in a
position to resume her rightful place as a sovereign
member of the community of nations.

'Address made before the United States-Au.strian
Chamber of Commerce at New York, N.T., on Oct. 31.

^Por text, see Bulletin of .Tune 6, 1955, p. 916. The
treaty was signed at Vienna on May 15.

At this time, it may be appropriate to recall the
constant close cooperation which has character-
ized relations between the United States and Aus-
tria since the war.

The principal objective of both the United
States and Austria has been to achieve the restora-
tion of Austria's independence. Throughout al-
most 400 four-power meetings over a period of 8
years, the United States constantly pressed for
conclusion of a state treaty and maintained the
closest working relationships with the Austrian
Government throughout this time in order to as-
sure complete accord between our two countries
on all issues with which these protracted negotia-
tions were concerned. Meanwhile, Austria, with
patient diligence and courage, continued to
strengthen her political institutions and to assert
more and more control over her internal affairs
with the encouragement and assistance of the
United States, which constantly introduced and
supported measures through the Allied Commis-
sion at Vienna for the alleviation of occupation
burdens. As a result, the restoration of Austrian
independence by the state treaty now finds Austria
in a strong, stable political position with a govern-
ment well prepared and fully capable of carrying
out its domestic and international responsibili-
ties.

The reconstruction of the Austrian economy,
which was so badly devastated by the war, was
also the object of joint U.S.-Austrian efforts.
To assist in this effort, the U.S. provided hundreds
of millions of dollars — first in the form of relief
supplies and later as economic assistance — for the
rebuilding of a strong Austrian economy. At the
same time, the U.S. renounced as of 1947 all pay-

I

788

Department of State Bulletin

Austria Attains Two Postwar Goals — independence, and Reconstruction of Opera House

On his arrival at Vieuna on November 5 to attend
the opening of the reconstructed Vienna State Opera,
Secretary Dulles said :

"Six months ago I was here in Vienna to sign the
treaty which gave freedom to Austria. Novr that
this freedom has become a reality, I am happy to
be back to see that freedom enjoyed by the Austrian
people and to see people from all parts of the world
who have come here to honor the great contribution
to culture that Austria has made to all the world."

The first victim of Nazi asgression, Austria has
striven since the end of World War II to achieve
her political goal of independence and sovereignty.
During the same period, the people of Vienna, with
the help of their fellow countrymen and other music
lovers the world over, have striven to rebuild their
famed opera house, of which only the exterior shell
and the great staircase survived wartime bombings.
As the reconstruction progressed, excitement
mounted. Last March the Federal Government re-

ported that 22,000 applications for opening-night
seats already had been received. (The house
accommodates 2,200.)

Speaking before the Austrian Parliament on April
27, when it had become clear that the Soviets would
finally agree to join with the United States, Britain,
and France in signing the Austrian State Treaty,
Chancellor Julius Raab expressed the hope that the
four powers would complete the withdrawal of oc-
cupation troops in time for the reopening of the
State Opera. Such an act, he said, would be "a
flue gift to the Austrian nation."

The treaty, which si^ecified that all Allied troops
should be withdrawn within 90 days of the coming
into force of the treaty, was signed on May 15 and
entered into force on July 27. By October 25 the
last of the occupation troops had left Austria, and
the Viennese on November 5 could celebrate simul-
taneously their country's independence and its re-
turn to musical eminence.

ment by Austria of the occupation costs, which
continued to be collected by other occupying
powers. Meanwliile, the Austrians themselves set
about putting their own economic house in order
and so used this U.S. assistance that the Austrian
economy is now en a soimder footing than it has
been ever since the First World War. As a re-
sult, the Austrian Government has been able to do
without further direct U.S. economic assistance
for the last several years and has every prospect
of being able to meet the economic burdens of the
state treaty with the resources of its revitalized
economy.

In the cultural field, the U.S. has, since the
first years of the occupation, carried out an exten-
sive exchange of persons program which, aug-
mented by the renewed flow of information be-
tween our two countries through other media of
communications, has enabled Austrians in all
fields of endeavor to learn of developments and to
renew contacts in the field of their specialities
from which they had been cut off during the war.
Meanwhile, Austria has reconstructed her educa-
tional system and revived her institutions of music
and the arts to a point where Austria has once
again taken her place among the world leaders in
these fields where she had traditionally excelled.

November 14, 1955

365876 — 55 3

We are convinced that the reestablislunent of
Austrian independence increases rather than di-
minishes the potentialities and importance for
both countries of ever broader and deeper relation-
ships. Indeed, one of the principal reasons that
Austrian independence was so earnestly sought
by the U.S. was the belief that these relationships
would prosper even more to our mutual advan-
tage when carried out between two sovereign na-
tions rather than between an occupying and an
occupied nation.

Furthermore, I do not believe that the volun-
tary decision of a sovereign Austria to avoid mil-
itary alliances and not to permit foreign military
bases on its territory should alter this prognosis
in any respect. In the words of Chancellor Raab
in presenting the Austrian neutrality law to Par-
liament last week, "It does not imply an obligation
to observe ideological neutrality" and "does not
include any obligations or commitments in the
field of economics or culture."

There are, on the political, economic, and cul-
tural horizons, many new opportunities opening
up for future Austro-U.S. cooperation. Newly
sovereign Austria can now expect to resume her
rightful place in the councils of the world com-
mimity, including full membership in the U.N.

789

and participation in other international nonmili-
tary organizations — worldwide or regional — with
which Austria wishes to become associated. In her
efforts to exert the influence which should be hers
in international affairs, Austria can look forward
to the warm support of tlie United States.

Thus, we salute Austrian independence and look
forward with confidence to ever closer association
between our two countries in the future.

President of Guatemala
Visits Washington

Following are the texts of a telegram from
President Eisenhower to Carlos Castillo Ar?7ias,
President of the Republic of Chmtemala, presented
hy Vice President Nixon to President Castillo
Armas upon his arrival at Washington on October
31, and remarks made by Acting Secretary of
State Herbert Hoover, Jr., upon, the departure of
the Guatemalan President from Washington on
November 3.

TELEGRAM FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER

White House OiBce (Denver) press release dated October 31

Denver, Colorado

October 31, 1955
His Excellency

Colonel Carlos Castillo- Armas

President of the Republic of Guatemala

Though my illness prevents my being in Wash-
ington to greet you, let me assure you of a most
sincere welcome on behalf of the people of the
United States.

I hope that your sojourn in this country will be
most enjoyable and that you will have the oppor-
tvmity during your visit to various parts of the
United States to obtain vivid impressions of life
and activities here. There will be many mani-
festations, I am sure, of the warm friendsliip that
exists between our peoples.

IMrs. Eisenliower and I are indeed soriy that we
cannot be in Washington today to receive you and
Senora de Castillo-Armas. We sincerely hope
that you both will have many pleasant memories
of your visit to our country.

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower

REMARKS BY MR. HOOVER

Press release 633 dated November 3

Mr. President and Senora de Castillo Armas, on
behalf of President Eisenhower, Vice President
Nixon, and the Government and people of the
United States, I wish to express our feeling of
honor and pleasure at your visit to our National
Capital. I am sorry that the President was not
able to be here to welcome you, but we are all very
pleased that you will be seeing him in Denver.

We regret that your stay here was so short, but
we know that there are many of our fellow citizens
outside Washington who are eagerly awaiting the
opportunity of making your acquaintance.

Foremost among my thoughts as you depart is
that you have added new strength to our deep
conviction in the inter- American system. This is
because you have abundantly confirmed the fact
that our respective nations, as partners in the
system, share the fundamental belief that the
peoples of the hemispliere working together follow
the sure path to the greatest individual good.

We congi-atulate your people for their tenacious
faith in liberty, and we congratulate your admin-
istration for leading your people steadily toward
their objectives of more perfect justice and well-
being. ■

In yoiu" busy 3 days in our capital, Mr. Presi-
dent, you have won a special place in our respect
and affection. The qualities of courage, integrity,
and sincerity take an added dimension when, as in
your case, their possessor is the leader of a nation
united in a significant struggle to build its future
in the democratic way.

Mr. President, we sincerely hope that you,
Seiiora de Castillo Armas, and each member of
your distinguished party will have a thoroughly
enjoyable trip through oui" country; and to our
wishes of Godspeed we add om* hope that each of
you will some day visit us again.

ICA Approves $15 Million Assistance
Program for Guatemala

The International Cooperation Administration
on October 27 announced approval of a $15 mil-
lion development assistance program for Guate-
mala in continuation of its cooperation with the
anti-Communist Government of President Carlos

790

Department of State Bulletin

Castillo Armas. This money, to be used prima-
rily for road construction and rural development,
is in addition to the $1.5 million Ica has allocated
for its technical cooperation program in Guate-
mala this fiscal year.

The Pacific Slope and Atlantic highways will
be further advanced toward completion and
feeder roads, essential for providing access to
agricultural areas, will be constructed or im-
proved. Other projects provide for land clear-
ing and development to establish a sound rural
land resettlement program. Some 5,000 families
will be resettled this fiscal year, it is expected.

An aided, self-help housing project near Guate-
mala City, for which a number of workers will be
needed to develop utilities and access roads, will
provide employment for residents of that area.
Loans will be made to families in the form of
materials, wfth instructions supplied under the
technical assistance program for the actual con-
striiction of individual homes by the families.

U.S. Officials To Observe
Conditions in South America

Press release 631 dated October 31

Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- American
Affairs Henry F. Holland, Export-Import Bank
President Samuel C. Waugh, and Assistant Secre-
tary of Defense Robert T. Ross will visit 6 South
American countries November 17-December 4.
Other membei-s of the party will be Maj. Gen. Rob-
ert W. Douglass, Jr., U.S. Air Force, and other
officials of the Department of Defense ; Rollin S.
Atwood, director of Latin American operations
for the International Cooperation Administra-
tion ; Export-Import Bank Vice President Walter
Sauer; Maurice M. Bernbaum, director of the
State Department's Office of South American Af-
fairs; and Jack C. Corbett, director of the State
Department's Office of International Financial
and Development Affairs.

A primary purpose of the trip is to enable offi-
cials of the U.S. Government agencies represented
to discuss on the ground with our embassies, with
government officials, and with others in the coun-
tries visited various aspects of inter-American
problems. It will also make it possible for Mr.
Waugh, as newly appointed head of the Export-
Import Bank, and Mr. Atwood, as newly ap-
pointed Latin American affairs director for Ica,

to familiarize themselves at first hand with area
situations.

The group plans to depart from Washington
November 17, returning December 4. The itin-
erary includes Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colom-
bia, Ecuador, and Peru.

Disaster-Relief Aid
to Mexico

Following are the texts of a letter of October 2^
from President Eisenhower to Adolf o Ruiz Cor-
tines, President of the Republic of Mexico, and a
translation of an official note dated October 25
received by the Acting Secretary of State, Herbert
Hoover, Jr., from the Ambassador of Mexico,
Manual Tello.

PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S LETTER

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 28

Dear Mr. President: From my room here I
have followed closely and with great anxiety the
tragedy in Tampico. I am thankful that the crisis
has passed and that the task of reconstruction can
go forward.

I am deeply grateful, Mr. President, that you
gave us the opportunity to share those dark days
with you. It afforded our two peoples another
opportunity to demonstrate to each other and to
the world the brotherly bonds that exist between
your gi"eat country and my own.

Ambassador Wliite has informed me of your
government's generous offer to reimburse the
United States for expenses incident to the relief
operations. It was the intention that this should
be a contribution fi-om the government and the
people of the United States and an indication of
our solidarity and desire to alleviate in part the
distress of the Mexican people during this time of
suffering. I hope that you will, therefore, be able
to accept it in that spirit.
Sincerely,

DwiGHT D. ElSBNHOWKK

NOTE FROM AMBASSADOR TELLO

Press release 625 dated October 28

Mr. Secretary: On several occasions I have
had an opportunity to express verbally to high
officers of the Department of State our sincere

November 74, 7955

791

appreciation for the very valuable aid which was
given us by Your Excellency's Government in con-
nection with the emergency situation caused by the
hurricanes which recently struck several parts of
the east coast of Mexico.

The city of Tampico was one of the most af-
fected by the floods and was the area in which, to
the greatest extent, the cooperation of the Gov-
ernment and the peoples of the United States was
manifested. Now that Tampico and the neigh-
boring areas have undertaken the job of re-
building, I have the honor to repeat to Your
Excellency, on instructions of my Government, its
appreciation and that of the Mexican people for
the work which was so effectively carried out by
the aircraft of the Armed Forces of the United
States. In particular, may I express appreciation
to the crews of the launches and helicopters from
the aircraft carriers Saipan and S'thoney, who
worked so tirelessly on the noble task of saving
human lives and aiding those isolated by the flood
waters.

The Government of Mexico, on special instruc-
tions of the President of the Republic, Don Adolfn
Ruiz Cortines, expressed the sentiments of my fel-
low-citizens in awarding to Rear Admiral Milton
Edward Miles the Order of the Aztec Eagle.

For my part, I wish to convey to you our ap-
preciation for the interest — far beyond any nor-
mal compliance with obligations — which officers
of the Department of State took in ascertaining,
through my Government, the needs of the devas-
tated areas and the ways in which the Government
of the United States could best collaborate in the
task. Their actions speak not only for the deep
human sympathy which guided them but also for
the true spirit of international collaboration
which they have.

My very sincere thanks go also to the Depart-
ment of Defense and to the leaders of the Ameri-
can Air Force, who, in close cooperation with of-
ficers of the Department of State, executed the
plans of Your Excellency's Government.

Likewise, I wish to refer to the generous as-
sistance of the American Red Cross. From the
first day that news of the floods in Tampico was
received in AVashington, the President of the
American Red Cross, Mr. Ellsworth Bunker, per-
sonally assured me of the intention of that or-
ganization to cooperate with us. Its invaluable
assistance, for which we are profoundly grateful.

is a new testimonial of the ideals which have
guided the Red Cross since its creation.

I am convinced, Mr. Secretary, that this action
of the American Government and people, which
has been so warmly welcomed in Mexico, has con-
tributed to strengthening further the cordial rela-
tions between our two countries — in this it is of
long-lasting value. "Operation Friendship"
[^Operacion Amistad], as it was so properly called,
has left with us an indelible impression.

I repeat, Your Excellency, the assurance of my
highest consideration.

Manxtel Tello

President Will Not Request Study
on Tung Oil Import Quota

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 27

The President announced on October 27 that
he would not request the U.S. Tariff Commission
to investigate, pureuant to section 22 of the Agri-
cultural Adjustment Act, as amended, the advisa-
bilitj' of imposing an import quota on tung oil
during the marketing year beginning November 1,
1955.

The President's action was based on advice from
the Department of Agriculture indicating that the
Commodity Credit Corporation's tung-oil posi-
tion is improved, its holdings having been re-
duced by about 17 million pounds, and that pres-
ent domestic production, damaged by severe
March freezes this year, is such that the United
States will need to import almost half of its tung-
oil requirements during the coming marketing
year.

In view of these circumstances the Governments
of Argentina and Paraguay, this coimtry's major
foreign suppliers of tung oil, will discontinue their
existing limitations on exports of tung oil to the
United States. These limitations were voluntar-
ily undertaken by Argentina and Paraguay dur-
ing the current marketing year ending October 31
in an effort to assist this country in dealing with
a tung-oil marketing and supply problem which
had arisen in the United States.

The Department of Agriculture has assured the
President that it will maintain a continuing re-
view of the situation and will make further recom-
mendations should they be warranted by changed
conditions.

792

Department of State Bulletin

Developing More Favorable Opportunities for World Trade

hy Winthrop W. Aldrich
AmJ)assador to Great Bntain^

Glasgow is a stimulating city to visit. It is im-
possible to be. here without feeling the strong pulse
beat of worldwide trade and to have one's mind
filled with a picture of mighty ships carrying the
goods of the world around the globe. I am sure
that this picture is dwelt on fondly here in Glas-
gow, where so many of those ships were built,
wliere also James Watt developed the steam en-
gine and opened new horizons for ocean transport.

Today a still newer horizon has opened before
this city. An era has beg\ni which will see the de-
velopment of atomic-powered ships — ships which
will go prodigious distances before refueling and
will cruise at speeds undreamed of before the
harnessing of the atom.

We all recognize the advantage of making two
blades grow in the place of one, and we can equally
recognize the benefit of moving two cargoes in the
time formerly required for one. This is the kind
of arithmetic that is bound to appeal to any trade-
conscious Scot. I am not surprised, therefore, to
hear that the construction of an atomic-powered
ship in the Clyde shipyards is already under study
here in Glasgow. Glasgow men have long been
in the front rank of those who appreciate the fact
that modernization of ocean transport is one of
the most important factors in bringing about the
expansion of world trade.

Interest has always been strong here, as well, in
the development of more favorable opportunities
for trade, so that it is very appropriate for me to
talk to you on this subject tonight.

You all know tliat great progress has been made
in recent years. Not only has industrial and ag-

■ Address made on Oct. 12 at Glasgow, Scotland, at the
350th anniversary celebration of the Trades House of
Glasgow.

ricultural production increased enormously, but
Britain, the United States, the countries of Eu-
rope, and many other nations of the free world,
through various forms of cooperative effort, have
substantially lowered tariffs and other trade bar-
riers. The result has been to open up wider mar-
kets for all of us.

My own country is deeply interested and is an
active participant in these efforts. Indeed, I do
not believe that any nation is more actively or
earnestly working for the further liberalization
and expansion of world trade than the United
States.

In pursuing this policy — which is a major U.S.
policy strongly supported by the American peo-
ple— we are working on a number of different
fronts. First, we have assisted other countries to
expand their productive capacity. We have
done this in many different ways — direct, large-
scale aid tlu'ough the Marshall plan for the con-
struction of heavy industry, transportation, and
power facilities ; through technical assistance, both
in sending teams of American technicians to other
lands and in bringing teams of foreign teclinicians
to America to learn our methods in both industry
and agriculture ; through capital loans by the U.S.
Export-Import Bank to finance power and other
projects of countrywide significance; through our
support of the World Bank for the same purpose ;
through our offshore military procurement pro-
gram under which contracts for hard goods are
placed abroad, creating jobs and financing indus-
trial expansion ; and through a substantial flow of
American private investment in new productive
enterprises in other lands.

Many United States firms, for example, have
established plants in Scotland, and especially near
Glasgow. It is good to hear their reports on the

November 14, 1955

793

results they have experienced. For they uni-
formly express the greatest satisfaction with the
reception they have been accorded and with their
operations in Scotland.

These actions not only assist other countries to
provide more and better goods and services for
their own peoples but improve their ability to com-
pete in world markets with American producers
as well as with those of other countries.

Expanding the World Market

Has the United States been foolish in pursuing
a course which invites and strengthens competi-
tion from others ? We do not think so. We be-
lieve that there is room for everyone to grow in an
indefinitely expanding world market. We believe
that as the productivity of all nations increases
year after year, purchasing power will grow along
with it — that as more and better goods and serv-
ices are produced everywhere, and increasingly
traded by the producing countries, standards of
living will go up and up throughout the world.
Competition will aid this process, and therefore
we gladly help other countries wherever we appro-
priately can, for the good of all in an expanding
world economy.

Second : For many years we have worked closely
with representatives of Britain and other nations
to create in the market place of the world the con-
ditions which the merchants and industrialists of
Glasgow know are necessary to expanding com-
petitive trade and the strengthening of the free
world economy.

For over 20 years, the United States has steadily
and consistently reduced its own tariffs and other
barriers to imports. We have progressively
opened up the American market to competing
commodities from abroad and widened the oppor-
tunities for foreign producers with initiative and
good value to offer to sell their products to the
American people. We do this for the business-
man who wants to sell to Americans in the United
States by tariff reductions and improvements in
customs procedures. We do it for the business-
man who wants to sell to Americans abroad by
allowing each American tourist — and there are
millions of them — to bring home $500 worth of
foreign commodities absolutely duty-free. In
each of the past 3 years, the Congress has enacted
one or more pieces of legislation providing for the
liberalization of trade and encouraging imports,

including an extension of the Trade Agreements
Act.

The United States is ready to buy and is buying.

Our purchases last year were substantial, if I
may be permitted an understatement. From the
rest of the world, we bought over ten thousand
million dollars worth of goods and two thousand
million dollars worth of shipping and other serv-
ices. Military offshore procurement, troop pay,
and purchases by our tourists abroad added
another three and one-half thousand million dol-
lars to our imports. Our merchandise imports
alone were four times their value before the war.

Since 1951 the gold and dollar reserves of the
rest of the free world have risen by over six thou-
sand million dollars, or more than 27 percent.

Trade With Great Britain

What about our purchases from Britain ?

The figures speak for themselves.

In 1946 we imported $156 million worth of
goods from Britain. On the basis of actual trade
figures for the first 5 months of this year, we had
almost quadrupled these purchases. The rate
earlier this year was running at $550 million an-
nually, compared with the $156 million of 1946.
On the basis of still later figures, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, in noting only last week that
British exports generally are running 10 percent
by volume ahead of last year, added that "in par-
ticular, our exports to the U.S.A. seem likely to be
better than for some time past."

Now I am sure that as I have been talking many
of you have been thinking, "That is all very fine,
but what about the bicycle case and the latest
Chief Joseph Dam award and what do these things
mean for the future prospects of exports to the
U.S.?"

The answer is that these cases are unavoidable
and to my mind an entirely proper part of the
complex process of the widespread trade barrier
reduction in a great democracy. Paradoxically,
perhaps, they are themselves a part of the forward
movement.

It is perfectly obvious that when a government
undertakes, as my Government has done, to lower
its tariffs substantially over a wide range of trade,
and then to accept an international commitment to
maintain lower tariff rates or duty-free treatment
on about 95 percent of its total import trade, cover-
ing thousands of individual tariff rates, there is

I
I

794

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

bound to be a need from time to time to make some
adjustments. Such a commitment is so extensive
and so vitally affects individual business interests
that some safety valve is necessary. The original
negotiators may have made mistakes. Circum-
stances inevitably change. And without such a
safety valve, so extensive commitments and com-
mitments so important to other trading nations
could not be taken. It would also be quite con-
trary to the political philosophy in the United
States, as it would be in Britain, for the Govern-
ment to use its tariff powers to make major altera-
tions in the industrial or agricultural structure of
the economy or to put individual businesses or in-
dustries out of existence. These considerations
are the origin and raison d'etre of the escape clause,
which provides that a rate may be restored to its
former level or other protective action taken if,
as a result of tariff concessions, imports increase in
such a manner as to cause or threaten serious in-
jury to a domestic industry.

It is, however, characteristic of safety valves in
well-designed and well-operated machinery that
they are seldom used. This is true so far as the
escape clause is concerned. Legally and in terms
of our international commitments, this clause is
available for use in case of need with respect to
two or three thousand separate groups of products,
representing over four thousand million dollars
worth of import trade. In the 7 years during
which this clause has been in existence there have
been only 70 applications for its use. In fact it
has been used in only six cases, involving a tiny
percentage of our dutiable imports. These 7 years
have been the period during which the great in-
crease of imports into the United States which I
have just described has taken place.

The Bicycle Tariff

In the particular case of bicycles, the tariff on
the type of bicycle sent to the U.S. from the United
Kingdom had been reduced from 30 percent to
71/^ percent. Imports had increased from about
15,000 bicycles or about 2 percent of our domestic
consumption in 1949 to the rate of over a million
or more than 58 percent of the total American
market in 1955. It was found that this reduction
had gone too far. Injury and unemployment had

resulted. The rate was therefore restored to the
extent of six shillings and three pence per bicycle
to a rate of 11^4 percent, still only about a third
of the original tariff and I believe one of the lowest
bicycle tariffs in the world. It certainly is one
of the lowest of any country producing bicycles.

In the case of the Chief Joseph Dam award (I
should say the latest Chief Joseph Dam award,
since British transformers to a value of over
$1,700,000 are currently being installed in the
Chief Joseph Dam), the award was given to an
American firm rather than to the British low
bidder because of unemployment in the Pitts-
burgh area. Here again we should put this inci-
dent into proper perspective. A recent survey by
tlie U.S. electrical industry shows that in the last
several years about half of all U.S. Government
contracts for heavy electrical equipment had been
awarded to foreign bidders. In fact, this year
we are opening an additional office abroad to in-
spect and test foreign-built equipment on order
for U.S. Government projects.

No progress in national or international devel-
opments ever takes place continuously in a straight
line. Tills fact will apply in the future as it has
in the past. The results in the past have been
good.

In answer to your unspoken question, "Wliat of
the future?", I can say without hesitation that
it is the intention of the U.S. to continue the
steady, consistent process of selective trade barrier
reductions which I have described tonight. Fur-
ther tariff negotiations will begin in Geneva early
in the new year. Further trade legislation is to
be considered by the Congi-ess in the next session.
And if your British businessmen will continue
their increasingly successful sales efforts to over-
come what is the real obstacle to entry in the U.S.
market, namely, competition from U.S. and other
foreign firms, British exports to the U.S. should
continue to rise.

I particularly appreciate the opportunity to
discuss these matters in so great and historic a
business and trade center as this city and now
have the privilege of asking you on this occasion
of your 350th annivereary to rise and drink with
me to the health and prosperity of the city of
Glasgow.

November J 4, 7955

795

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Committee Action on Agenda Item Concerning Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy

Statements hy John 0. Pastore

U.S. Representative to the General Assemily'^

STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 19

U.S. delegation pre.ss release 2233

I have listened carefully to the statements made
liere during the past few days to see if I could
ascertain the consensus of views which we all agree
must form the basis of any resolution on this item.
It is my belief that a consensus of views can be
discerned with respect both to future technical
conferences on peaceful applications of atomic
energj' and on the International Atomic Enei'gy
Agency. We, along with our cosponsors, have
therefore consulted with other delegations and
have made certain changes in our draft resolution
which we believe reflect this consensus.-

Before I discuss the details of the changes in
our resolution, permit me, Mr. Chairman, to re-
call the spirit in which the proposal for an Inter-
national Atomic Energy' Agency was first placed
before the General Assembly. Wlien President
Eisenhower appeared before the General Assem-
bly on December 8, 1953, he said :

I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my
saying to you some of the tilings that have been in the
minds and hearts of my legislative and executive asso-
ciates and on mine for a great many months — thoughts
I had originally planned to say primarily to the American
people.

I know that the American people share my belief that

' Made in Committee I (Political and Security).

' For the original draft, see Bulletin of Oct. 24, 1955,
p. 665. The revised draft (U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 129/Rev. 1)
was cosponsored by Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Brazil,
Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Israel, Mexico, Norway,
Netherlands, Peru, South Africa, Sweden, U.K.. and U.S.

if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared
by all — and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of
one nation, that hope should be shared by all.

Later in the same address the President said :

So my country's purpose is to help us move out of the
dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by
which the minds of men, the souls of men everywhere,
can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-
being.

It was in this spirit that President Eisenhower
proposed that :

The Governments principally involved, to the extent per-
mitted by elementary prudence . . . begin now and con-
tinue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles
of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency. We would exi)ect that
such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the
United Nations.

It was in this spirit, then, that the United States
pledged itself, and here I again quote from the
President's address :

... to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma — to devote
its entire heart and mind to find tlie way by which the
miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to
his death, but consecrated to his life.

President Eisenhower spoke from the hearts and
minds of the American people. With this state-
ment, the United States undertook to make avail-
able the benefits of the peaceful atom as quickly
as possible.

It was in this spirit, Mr. Chairman, that the
United States initially proposed the International
Technical Conference on the Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy. It was in tliis spirit that we ini-
tiated our program of bilateral agreements, our

796

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

training progi'ams, and our distribution of tech-
nical atomic energy libraries.

It was in this spirit that we approached, and
continue to approach, the International Atomic
Energy Agency. Our primary concern is to bring
this agency into being as speedily as possible. In
order to do this, we have had to base ourselves
on the situation as we find it today with regard to
the production of raw materials and fissionable
materials, as well as the present sources of tech-
nical knowledge in this field. The sponsoring
governments have, accordingly, sought to devise
procedures which, while adaptable to changing
circumstances in the future, will enable those gov-
ernments now in a position to contribute to the
purposes of the agency to do so without delay.
This means that the agency must take into account
their existing laws and regulations regarding
atomic energy and national security.

Of course, we realize that the situation will
change, and we hope rapidly, as regards future
production of raw materials, of fissionable mate-
rials and finished industrial products, and as re-
gards the ever-widening sources of technical
knowledge. The draft statute ^ is designed to
assure that the agency's operations will be adapt-
able to such changing circumstances.

Agency's Principal Purpose

But, even more important, the principal purpose
of the agency is to speed this process of change, to
speed economic and industrial development every-
where. By placing training and research tools in
the hands of governments which do not now pos-
sess them, by training their technicians in our
schools and laboratories, and by sharing our great
store of technical knowledge, we are charting a
new course in the history of industrial and eco-
nomic development. We have rejected the pat-
tern of the past. We propose to see to it that as
many nations as possible share in the benefits of
these new discoveries from the very beginning.

Let me turn now to some of the specific views
which have been expressed in the debate on this
item.

From the debate so far, it is apparent that there
is imiversal acclaim for the success of the tech-
nical conference held in Geneva last August.
There also appears to be universal support for the

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 24, 1955, p. 666.
November 14, 1955

convening of another similar conference after a
suitable interval of time. I believe my distin-
guished colleague from the United Kingdom
[Anthony Nutting] suggested that it might be
desirable to concentrate the agenda of the next
technical conference on matters of the broadest
interest and that the more specialized aspects
of this subject might be dealt with in several
smaller technical conferences. In this suggestion
he was supported by a number of other delegations.
The United States delegation joins in supporting
this idea.

The next major United Nations conference
should have sufficient time for a more adequate
discussion of such broad topics as nuclear power
and the economic aspects of the peaceful uses of
atomic energy. We believe this should be the
objective of the Secretary-General and his Ad-
visory Committee when they consider the detailed
agenda of the next major conference. We believe
that the full resources of the specialized agencies
and other appropriate international scientific or-
ganizations should be employed for smaller con-
ferences in specialized fields.

All delegations that have so far spoken have
supported the continuation of the Secretary-
General's Advisory Committee. It has been of
invaluable service to the United Nations in pre-
paring the past conference, and we agree with the
views expressed, particularly by Sweden, Norway,
and Turkey, that continuation of this coimnittee
would be most useful in assisting the Secretary-
General in cari-j'ing out tasks specifically assigned
to him in this field. Our only concern is to see
to it that the Advisorj' Committee is given clear
and specific terms of reference.

The Soviet Union has made an interesting sug-
gestion for an international scientific periodical
on the peaceful uses of atomic energy. This may
be an excellent idea. However, if there is need for
such a periodical, it is our belief that it should be
undertaken by one of the established international
organizations in the field, either a nongovern-
mental scientific organization or tlie appropriate
specialized agency.

Discussion of Draft Statute

The International Atomic Energy Agency has
also received the endorsement of every speaker.
Some delegations have expressed concern over the
fact that the present procedures for negotiating

797

the draft statute of the agency would result in
their governments' being confronted with a final
text of the statute for ratification without adequate
opportunity for an exchange of views. This was

Eleven Powers Invited to Meeting
To Consider Text of Draft Statute

Press release 617 dated October 21

The U.S. Government on October 21 invited the
Governments of Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada,
Czechoslovakia, France, India, Portugal, Union of
South Africa, the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics, and the United Kingdom to participate in
a working-level meeting in Washington in Decem-
ber for the purpose of considering the text of the
draft statute for the International Atomic Energy
Agency. The establishment of such an agency was
originally proposed by President Eisenhower on
December 8, 1953.

Brazil, Czechoslovakia, India, and the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics are being invited to
participate in this meeting with the eight states
which negotiated the draft statute. This statute
was circulated on August 22, 1955, for comment to
all states members of the United Nations or of the
specialized agencies. It is expected that a prepara-
tory meeting will be held shortly in Washington to
agree upon an agenda and other procedural matters.

never the intention of the negotiating govern-
ments and this will not be the case.

As I said in my first statement,'' "We do not
regard [the draft statute] as a final document in
its present form. And in the same spirit that the
idea was originally advanced we welcome con-
structive suggestions."

The United States and the other sponsoring
governments are awaiting with great interest the
comments on the draft statute which are being
submitted through direct government channels.
We have listened with great interest to views
already expressed in this debate, and we shall
continue to take careful note of subsequent state-
ments on the agency.

We shall take all of these views into account
and give them the most careful consideration in
the next rotxnd of negotiations in an attempt to
reach the most satisfactory reconciliation of views.
We are confident that it will not be difficult to
reach agreement. Nevertlieless we are prepared

*/6<d., p. 668.
798

to give additional assurances that a final statute
will not be presented to governments without
adequate opportunity for an exchange of views.

Firsts we pledge that comments on the draft stat-
ute will not be rejected without careful considera-
tion and consultation with the governments mak-
ing the suggestions. By this method we believe we
can come forward with a draft statute based on a
consensus of views which will enjoy the widest
support. Without such wide support, the proposed
agency would fall far short of obtaining its major
objectives of expanding as widely and as quickly
as possible the benefits of the atom.

However, to insure that we have reached a wide
enough consensus, we would be willing to take a
second step. The sponsoring governments would
be prepared to invite all the members of the
United Nations or of the specialized agencies to a
conference on the final text of the statute of the
agency.

We realize that the calling of such a conference
will delay the establishment of the agency — a de-
lay which we had hoped to avoid. However, in
the interest of launching the agency with as wide
support as possible, we believe that some sacrifice
of time may be worth while.

The United States is still convinced that the
General Assembly is not the most effective or ap-
propriate place to attempt to draft a long and com-
plex technical document such as is required to es-
tablish this agency on a sound basis. Many inter-
esting comments have been made during the course
of this discussion on the draft statute. However,
in view of the procedure which has been estab-
lished for considering the comments of each inter-
ested government, I will not undertake to deal dur-
ing this debate with any of the specific comments
on the agency. The Soviet Union in particular has
made a series of detailed comments on the draft
statute during this debate. It has also submitted
comments directly to my Government. We will
undertake to discuss these comments directly with
the Soviet Union and with the other sponsoring
states.

As I said m my opening statement, the United
States continues to believe that the most appro-
priate relationship of the agency to the United
Nations would be one similar to that of the spe-
cialized agencies. But we also believe it is prema-
ture to decide this question prior to the establish-
ment of the agency, and therefore we do not pro-
pose to deal with this question at this time. How-

Department of Stato Bulletin

ever, we fully recognize the concern of some dele-
gations who do not wish to leave this matter en-
tirely in abeyance during the time remaining be-
fore the agency is established.

We therefore suggest that the Secretary-Gen-
eral, in consultation with the Advisory Commit-
tee, might undertake a study of the question of the
relationship of the agency to the United Nations.
The results of their study might be transmitted
to the states sponsoring tlie agency. Of course,
the final decision on the question of relationship
does not rest with either the sponsoring govern-
ments or the Secretary-General. It must be deter-
mined by the total membership of the agency, and
the agreement of relationship which they propose
must be approved by the General Assembly.

Now, Mr. Chairman, I should like to describe
briefly the revised draft resolution which the
United States together with other cosponsors has
submitted. We believe that tliis revised draft
takes into account the major suggestions made in
this committee which are appropriate for consid-
eration at this time.

In what is now part A ["Concerning Interna-
tional Conferences on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic
Energy"] of the revised draft, we have added new
language, to be found in paragi'aph 5, to meet the
suggestions of several delegations that some pro-
vision be made for smaller and more specialized
technical conferences. Since a number of special-
ized conferences may be convened, we feel it would
be desirable to provide some coordinating ma-
cliinei-y. Paragi-aph 5 provides a channel for co-
ordinating such smaller conferences as may be
called by the specialized agencies and their affili-
ated nongovernmental scientific organizations."

Turning now to part B ["Concerning an Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency"] * of the revised
draft, I would call your attention to paragraphs
2 and 3. Here we have tried to give expression to
our agreement with the desire to insure that the
procedure for completing the draft statute for the

° According to paragraph 5 of part A, the General As-
sembly would invite "the specialized agencies to consult
with the Secretary-General and the Advisory Committee
with a view to ensuring proper co-ordination between the
conference referred to in paragraph A 3 of this resolution
[i. e., a second international conference on peaceful uses,
to be held in about 3 years] and such technical conferences
as they or their afBliated non-governmental scientific or-
ganizations may convene on the more specialized aspects
of the peaceful uses of atomic energy."

agency should take into account the consensus of
views of all of its prospective members. To do so,
the negotiating states will study carefully the sug-
gestions made in tlie course of this debate as well
as the conunents which will be submitted directly
by governments, as provided in paragraph B 2.
It also appears desirable as provided in paragraph
B 3 to convene a conference on the final text of the
statute, where governments which are members of
the specialized agencies but not of the United Na-
tions can participate with the members of this
organization.

And finally, we have tried in paragraph 4 of
section B to meet the wishes of a number of dele-
gations that the question of the agency's relation-
ship to the United Nations should be studied be-
fore the agency is established. As I said earlier,
the United States is convinced that this relation-
ship can be worked out only after the agency is
created, for only then shall we know precisely
what the agency is to do and how it will do it.
But we agree it may be useful to initiate a study
of this question in the meantime so that, once the
agency is created, we shall lose no time in bringing
it into an appropriate relationship with the United
Nations. We believe that the Secretary-General
and the Advisory Committee should undertake
this preliminary study.

In making provision for this study, we believe
we have also taken into account the concern of

'[The General Asse7nl)ly,]

1. Notes with satisfaction that substantial progress has
been made toward nesotiation of a draft statute estab-
lishing an International Atomic Energy Agency and that
this draft has been circulated to Governments for their
consideratiort and comment ;

2. Recommcmls that the Governments sponsoring the
Agency take into account the views expressed on the
Agency during the present session of the General Assem-
bly, as well as the comments transmitted directly by Gov-
ernments, and that they take all possible measures to
establish the Agency without delay ;

3. Welcomes the announced intention of the Govern-
ments sponsoring the Agency to invite all Slembers of the
United Nations or of the specialized agencies to partici-
pate in a conference on the final text of the statute of
the International Atomic Energy Agency ;

4. Requests the Secretary-General, in consultation with
the Advisoi-y Committee referred to in paragraph A G of
this resolution, to study the question of the relationship
of the International Atomic Energy Agency to the United
Xations, and to transmit the results of their study to the
Governments sponsoring the Agency before the Confer-
ence referred to in paragraph B 3 of this resolution is
convened.

November 14, 7955

799

several delegations that we equip the Secretary-
General to carry out such new responsibilities in
this Held as the General Assembly may assign to
him.

Mr. Chairman, I hope the committee will agree
that tliis new draft adequately expresses the wishes
of the overwhelming majority. For its part the
United States delegation earnestly hopes that this
resolution will merit the unanimous support of the
General Assembly. In this way we shall again
demonstrate our joint resolve to work together in
a spirit of partnership for the welfare of mankind.

STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 25

D.S. delegation press release 2245

I should like to say just a few words about the
new revised draft resolution ^ which now stands in
the name of the following cosponsors : Australia,
Argentina, Belgimn, Brazil, Canada, Denmark,
Iceland, Israel, Mexico, the Netherlands, Norway,
Peru, Sweden, Turkey, the Union of South Africa,
the United Kingdom, and the United States of
America.' I shall have to reserve the right, wher-
ever my Government deems it appropriate, to com-
ment at a later meeting on the remarks made this
afternoon by the representatives of India and the
Soviet Union. I think in that way we will better
serve the convenience of this committee.

We are happy that it has been possible to make
additional revisions to our original text, and we
trust that in so doing, we have been able to give
expression to the views of the largest majority of
delegations. We believe our new text accurately
reflects the consensus of views which has emerged
from our debate. We hope that it will enjoy the
widest possible support.

Before I comment on the particular changes
incorporated into our new text, I should like to
call the attention of the committee to a new devel-
opment in the procedures for negotiating a draft
statute for the proposed atomic agency.

Last Friday [October 21], my Government is-
sued invitations to the Governments of Brazil,
Czechoslovakia, India, and the Soviet Union to
join the original eight negotiating states in their

'U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L. 129/Rev. 2. The resolution as
adopted by Committee I on Oct. 27 (see box) is identi-
cal with this revised draft except for the addition of para-
graph B 7, relating to a proposed international periodical.

' Luxembourg later was added as a cosponsor.

further negotiations on the draft statute for the
proposed International Atomic Energy Agency.
Acceptance of these invitations on the part of
these four governments will constitute, and this I
think is quite important, an expansion of the ne-
gotiating group from 8 to 12 states. It is hoped
that the first meeting of this expanded group can
be convened as early as December of this year.

My Government is pleased to be able to an-
nounce such an expansion, since we believe the
enlarged group will be representative of the wid-
est range of views and thus will insure a final
agreement on the text of a statute which wiU be
satisfactory to all.

Changes in Revised Text

Now, turning to the revised text of the resolu-
tion, I should like first of all to call your attention
to an entirely new paragraph which takes account
of the new development I have just described. I
am referring to jiaragraph 3 in part B of the new
text, which welcomes the fact that invitations have
been extended to the Governments of Brazil,
Czechoslovakia, India, and the Soviet Union to
join with the present sponsoring governments in
their further negotiations on the draft statute.

As a result of the new expansion of the nego-
tiating group of states, we have made a conse-
quential change in the text of paragraph 2 of part
B. You will recognize this as the language of
paragraph B 3 of our earlier revised resolution.
We have now deleted the word "the" before the
phrase "Governments sponsoring the Agency."
You will readily appreciate that tliis change is
made in the expectation that the group of states
committed to sponsoring the agency will have been
considerably expanded between now and the time
the conference on the final text of the draft statute
will be convened.

An additional consequential change appears in
paragraph B 4, a paragraph which in our former
text was number 2 of part B. In this revision,
we have substituted the phrase "Governments con-
cerned" for the earlier wording of "Governments
sponsoring the Agency." This change, I am sure,
makes clear the intention of tliis committee that
the views expressed here on the agency, as well as
those transmitted through direct government chan-
nels, should be taken into account by all the gov-
ernments concerned.

In this same paragraph, that is, paragraph B 4,

800

Department of State Bulletin

Text off Resolution '

The General Asfieiiiblu,

Desiring that mankind should be enabled to make
the fullest use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes.

Desiring to jjromote energetically the use of atomic
energy to the end that it will serve only the peaceful
pursuits of mankind and ameliorate their living
conditions,

Reeoynigiiig the deep intei-est of all Members of
the United Nations in achieving these ends,

Reealling its resolution 810 ( IX ) concerning inter-
national co-operation in developing the peaceful uses
of atomic energy, and recognizing that, in accordance
with this resolution, significant progress is being
made in promoting international co-operation feu-
this purpose,

Ha ring eonsidered the report of the Secretary-
General (A/21)(;7), submitted pursuant to paragraph
8 of the above resolution, on the Conference held in
Geneva from 8-20 August 1955,

Recognizing the necessity of ensuring that the fa-
cilities of the International Atomic Energy Agency
and 13s.sional)le material which may be placed at its
disposal are not used for, or diverted to, other than
peaceful purposes.

Believing that continuing International co-opera-
tion is essential for further developing and expanding
the peaceful uses of atomic energy :

Concerning International Conferences on the
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy

1. Expresses Its satisfaction with the proceedings
of the Technical Conference convened in accordance
with resolution 810 (IX), and commends the par-
ticipants therein for the high scientific quality of
papers and discussions, and for the spirit of co-opera-
tion which prevailed at the Conference ;

2. Notes the impressive results achieved by the
Conference in facilitating the free flow of scientific
knowledge relating to the production and peaceful
uses of atomic energy and in laying a foundation for
the fuller exchange of information on the develop-
ment of atomic energy for the ends of human welfare ;

3. Expresses its appreciation of the work of the
Secretary-General and the Advisory Committee in
preparing and organizing the Conference;

4. Reeomnienii.i that a second international con-
ference for the exchange of technical information re-
garding the peaceful uses of atomic energy should be
held under the auspices of the United Nations in two
to three years time ;

5. Requests the Secretary-General, acting upon the
advice of the Advisory Committee referred to in para-
graph A 7 of this resolution and in consultation witli
the appropriate specialized agencies, to determine
an appropriate place and date, to issue invitations to
the Conference in accordance with paragraphs .'1 and

7 of resolution 810 B (IX), to prepare and circulate
an agenda, and to provide the necessary staff and
services ;

6. Invites the specialized agencies to consult with
the Secretary-General and the Advisory Committee
with a view to ensuring proper co-ordination between
the Conference referred to in paragraph A 4 of this
resolution and such technical conferences as they or
their afljliated non-governmental scientific organiza-
tions may convene on the more specialized aspects
of the peaceful uses of atomic energy ;

7. Deeides to continue the Advisory Committee es-
tablished under paragraph 5 of resolution 810 B (IX)
in order that it may assist the Secretary-(!eneral in
carrying out the provisions of this resolution.

B

Concerning an International Atomic Energy
Agency

1. Notes with satisfaction that substantial progress
has been made toward negotiation of a draft statute
establishing an International Atomic Energy Agency
and that this draft has been circulated to Govern-
ments for their consideration and comment ;

2. Welcomes the announced intention of Govern-
ments sponsoring the Agency to invite all Members
of the United Nations or of the specialized agencies
to participate in a conference on the final text of the
statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency;

3. Further welcomes the extension of invitations
to the Governments of Brazil, Czechoslovakia, India
and the U.SSR to participate as Governments con-
ceriK'd with the present sponsoring governments in
negotiations on the draft statute of the International
Atomic Energy Agency ;

4. Recommends that the Governments concerned
take into account the views expressed on the Agency
during the present session of the General Assembly,
as well as the comments transmitted directly by
Governments, and that they take all possible meas-
uivs to establish the Agency without delay bearing
in mind the provisions of this resolution ;

5. Requests the Secretary-General, in consultation
with the Advisory Committee referred to in para-
graph A 7 of this resolution, to study the question of
the relationship of the International Atomic Energy
Agency to the United Nations, and to transmit the
results of their study to the Governments concerned
before the Conference referred to in paragraph 15 2
of this resolution is convened ;

6. Requests the Governments concerned to report
to the General Assembly as appropriate;

7. Suggests that the International Atomic Energy
Agency when established consider the desirability of
arranging for an international periodical d<'voted to
the peaceful uses of atomic energy.

'U.N. doc. ,VC.1/7()S, adopted by Committee I on
(Vt. 27 by a vote of .53 to 0 ; Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon.
Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen abstained.

November J4, J955

801

we have added at the end of the earlier text the
new phrase "bearing in mind the provisions of
this resolution." The concluding phrase of this
paragraph now reads : "take all possible measures
to establish the Agency without delay bearing in
mind the provisions of this resolution."

A third consequential change occurs in para-
graph B 5, formerly paragraph B 4. Here we
have substituted the phrase "Govenmients con-
cerned" for the phrase "Governments sponsoring
the Agency." This change is identical with that
of the change in paragi'aph B 4. We feel that the
results of the efforts of the Secretary-General and
his Advisory Committee should be formally trans-
mitted to all governments in the new expanded
negotiating group.

A final change in part B involves the addition
of an entirely new paragraph at the end of the
resolution. This paragraph B 6 requests the Gov-
ernments concerned, and here we again have in
mind the group of 12 negotiating states, to report
to the General Assembly as appropriate. This
would quite naturally be done in any event.

Now, Mr. Chairman, I should like to refer
briefly to part A of the revised resolution.

We have revised paragraph 4 to recommend that
the next teclinical conference be convened in "two
to three years" time. This replaces our earlier
language which read "in about three years time."
This change takes account of the views of a num-
ber of delegations, particularly the Soviet Union,
that the interval of time between the next teclini-
cal conference need not necessarily be as long as
three years.

We have also added a new paragraph, nmnber
2 in our revised text, which stresses an important
result of the Geneva Conference, namely, that it
facilitated the free flow of scientific information.

Mr. Chairman, two final changes in our resolu-
tion occur in the preamble, and take the form of
two additional paragraphs. They are the second
and sixth paragraphs of the preamble of the re-
vised text.

The first of these new paragraphs reflects the
interest of every member of this committee that
the utilization of atomic energy will be promoted
to the end that it will serve only the peaceful pur-
suits of mankind. You will all recognize that this
language is taken from the text of the resolution
adopted unanimously last year.^

' BuixEiiN of Dee. 13, 1954, p. 919.

The second new paragraph which we are adding
to our preamble expresses a similar thought in
connection with the activities of the proposed
atomic agency. It reads as follows: "Recogniz-
ing the nexjessity of ensuring that the facilities
of the International Atomic Energy Agency and
fissionable material which may be placed at its
disposal are not used for, or diverted to, other
than peaceful purposes." Safeguarding the peace-
ful uses of atomic energy will be, as we all recog-
nize, a major technical responsibility of the pro-
posed agency, and I believe the thought expressed
in this paragraph has an entirely fitting place in
our resolution.

This completes my brief description of what ap-
pear to be the more important changes in our reso-
lution. In its revised form, this resolution, now
sponsored by 17 governments, constitutes a major
effort to insure the speediest progress toward a
goal which we all share, namely, establishing a
sound basis for international cooperation for the
peaceful uses of atomic energy and particularly
the establislmient of the International Atomic
Energy Agency at the earliest possible date.

Flexibility Shown by Cosponsors

In considering this revision, I hope that the
committee will bear in mind that the new text
represents a considerable change from the original
resolution. We and our cosponsors have, I believe,
shown the greatest degree of flexibility, consistent
with the need to maintain the support of govern-
ments whose contributions to the atomic energy
agency are essential to its success.

The new resolution provides a basis for speedy
action within a fi-amework that insures that the
final statute of the agency will reflect a practical
balance of the interests and views of all states.

It has been the expressed intention of my Gov-
ernment to bring about if possible complete una-
nimity on the part of the member nations on the
item before us. It was indeed the hope of Presi-
dent Eisenhower when he announced his plan for
"atoms for peace" that this idea should become
a reality and should be a success. Otherwise, the
President of the United States would have never
announced that idea to tlie United Nations. It is
in this spirit, therefore, that we have made tliis
fm'ther revision of our draft resolution. We have
always maintained that all of us who are inter-
ested in seeing the idea of an international agency

802

Department of Sfofe Bulletin

come to life can adjust our differences and make
proper adjuBtments so that the text will accu-
rately reflect the consensus of views wliich emerge
from our debate.

We therefore sincerely hope that this new re-
vised draft will enjoy unanimous support.

STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 26

U.S. delegation press release 2248

For the time being, I am going to confine my
remarlcs to several of the amendments that have
been submitted. I nevertheless reserve the op-
portunity to speak on other points that have been
raised here this afternoon, as we deem appro-
priate, according to the procedure as it develops.

Mr. Chairman, I should like to explain as briefly
as I can that the United States feels that it can-
not support the amendment submitted by the dele-
gations of Pakistan and the Philippines in docu-
ment L.135, and by the delegation of Czechoslo-
vakia in document L.137.

As the committee knows, the present group of
negotiating states, which now number 12, will
provide an efficient and representative mechanism
for conducting the next phase of negotiations con-
cerning the agency. It is a group sufficiently rep-
resentative of the views expressed in this com-
mittee, and as such it provides an assurance that
all that can be done will be done to find the
broadest possible basis for agreement on a statute
for the agency.

To expand this group further at this stage
would in all probability lower its effectiveness.
There is no clear-cut basis for limiting any such
expansion to any two or three states, and the re-
sult would be the establishment of a group of less
effectiveness than the present group of 12.

And I might say, in conjunction with that, the
very fact that the amendment was further
amended by a proposal made by Czechoslovakia
indicates pretty much that once we open up the
floodgates there is no telling where we can bring
this to a stop. And it would become so unwieldy
that I am afraid that it would lose all of the effec-
tiveness that the members of this committee admit
we should have.

Moreover, I must in all frankness remind this
committee of the very great lengths to which we
have already gone in trying to meet the views ex-
pressed during the debate. The present resolu-

tion, while not perfect, does exj^ress the clear
consensus of views as they have been expressed in
this committee.

With all due respect, Mr. Chairman, I think
that we have gone quite far in trying to accommo-
date as much as we possibly can the different
points of view. We believe the present text of
our resolution merits the unanimous support of
the General Assembly. To attempt to alter it
might very well make it very difficult for us to
achieve the result that we desire.

That is why I do hope — and I say this as seri-
ously as I can— that the delegations from Pakistan
and from the Philippines will not press their
amendment.

Now, with reference to the amendment sug-
gested by the Soviet Union— I now refer to
amendment L. 136— the Soviet proposal to amend
paragraph A 5 of this resolution by altering the
basis for issuing invitations to the second interna-
tional scientific conference would reopen an issue
which was thoroughly debated and settled at the
Ninth Session of the Assembly.

At that time, the Soviet delegation proposed a
similar amendment, which was rejected by the
membere of this conmiittee. The resolution as
adopted last year provided : "3. Invites all States
Members of the United Nations or of the special-
ized agencies to participate in the conference,"
and so forth. That is the language which we are
now incorporating by reference in paragraph A 5
of the resolution which is now before the
committee.

The United States is opi^osed to this Soviet
amendment, which would invite to the conference
States which are not now membei-s of the United
Nations or of the specialized agencies. As Ambas-
sador Lodge said last year in opposing a similar
Soviet amencbnent, "This is a technical confer-
ence and it is to be convened under the ausjiices
of the United Nations. That is why only mem-
bers of the United Nations system are being
invited."

Mr. Chairman, this reasoning is equally appli-
cable at this time. In the interest of maintain-
ing the very wide support which this resolution
has obtained, I would urge the committee not to
adopt any amendment along the lines of the Soviet
proposal.

And further, Mr. Chairman, just a word on the
other Soviet amendment, which would add the

November 14, 1955

803

words "bearing in mind that this Agency will be
established within the framework of the United
Nations." The United States is opposed to the
addition of this language because it constitutes
an attempt to prejudge the nature of the relation-
ship to be established between the agency and the
United Nations.

I shall not at this time discuss what we assume
the Soviet delegation has in mind in suggesting
this phrase. The fact is that this is not the time
to decide what the relationship should be, and
for that reason it would not be desirable to sug-
gest to the Secretary-General and the Advisory
Committee that they should be bound by any par-
ticular point of view on this matter. We have
asked the Secretary-General in our resolution and
the Advisory Committee to conduct the study.
Let us not bind them in advance nor circumscribe
their activities.

For these reasons, Mr. Chairman and members
of the committee, we are opposed to the three
amendments which I have mentioned.

STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 27

U.S. delegation press release 2253

May I first say a few words with regard to the
views expressed here yesterday bj' the represent-
atives of the Philippines [Jose D. Ingles] and
Pakistan [Mohammad ]\Iir Khan]. I can assure
them and any others who may share their anxi-
eties that their concern is fully understood by us
all. I am sure I speak for the other negotiating
governments in assuring them that due regard will
be paid to their views. The fact that we have
already expanded the negotiating group shows
that we do have the desii-e to see to it that all
points of view will be expressed in the negotiating
group.

And now one concluding word, Mr. Chairman.

The members will recall that when I addressed

mj'self to this august body for the first time on

October 7, I said:

Before beginning my formal remarks I want to say how
(leli^'hted I am to be hi this environment and to serve in
the presence of so ninny (Ustinsuisbed representatives of
the family of nations. This is a new experience for me,
yet I am no .strantrer to the atmosphere and the objectives
of the United Nations. As a United States Senator, as a
member of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy of the
United States Congress, and before then as the chief
executive of my ovpn State of Rhode Island, I liave always

believed that, with all of the inadequacies and deficiencies
that might be attendant on an agency trusted with the
solution of so many vexing and troublesome world prob-
lems, the Unitetl Nations, in this atomic age, is the one
remaining hope where men of good will can meet in open
forum, honestly and frankly discuss their problems, and
make in good conscience the compromises which will lead
to common understanding and Ining peace to ourselves
and to our children.

Now, Mr. Chairman, in the intervening several
weeks, that expression, that respect that I had for
this body has been sustained and has been reforti-
fied. I want to pay my respects to this august
body for the fine debate that has transpired on
this very important item for the past two or three
weeks. It has been a heavy responsibility, but
even as heavy as it was the debate has been of the
highest quality, in the highest tradition, and in
the proper spirit and temperament.

There has been something said here about the
words we use and what they mean, the phrases
that we employ. Naturally, in a function such as
this, we have to write down words, we have to
write down phrases, we have to pass resolutions.
But in the final analysis, the real objective, the
real purpose, the real efficacy of this gi-eat respon-
sibility will be found in the hearts of men and
nations.

Allien President Eisenhower spoke befoie the
United Nations on December 8, 1953, he did not
alone speak for himself. He talked from the
hearts of 165 million Americans. That is the
spirit in Mhich we will proceed on the task that
lies ahead. I believe that that is the spirit that
prevails here, and with that as our guide and that
as our standard I know that we can pass a resolu-
tion which will be almost unanimous if not en-
tirely unanimous, and that we can succeed on this
very afternoon.

United Nations Expanded Program
of Technical Assistance

Statement by Brooks Hays

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

One of the most difficult problems that face
the underdeveloped countries in their efforts to
improve the living conditions of their people is

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct. 18 (U. S. delegation press release 2234).

804

Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

the urjient need for acquisition and dissemination
of basic technical knowledge. In the process of
economic development, the solution of this prob-
lem ranks equally in importance with that of mo-
bilizing the resources necessary to carry out large
investment programs. Without such technical
knowledge, nations cannot really begin to extract
the potential benefits from capital investment.

Thus, the United Nations Expanded Program
of Technical Assistance goes to the very heart of
the problem of economic development. It is for
this reason one of the most satisfying aspects of
our eiforts in the United Nations. Here is an
undertaking that is bringing tangible results. It
is attacking the roots of poverty and misery which
are breeding grounds of international tension in
today's world. This program reminds me of the
sage observation made recently by a student of in-
ternational cooperation. He pointed out that,
while the Hague conferences a half century ago
dealt witli the manners of war and the League of
Nations was occupied with the acts of war, the
United Nations deals with the causes of war.

AMiile the technical assistance program still
faces its share of difficulties, the results have, on
the whole, been highly gratifying. On scattered
islands, in villages and valleys where the U.N. is
often known in no other way, the achievements
of this program are building a reputation of real
accomplishment. Many years ago, the people of
the United States began to recognize the impor-
tance of technical assistance in promoting the eco-
nomic development of underdeveloped countries.
In many ways, throughout our history, they have
demonstrated their readiness to share their knowl-
edge and skills with peoples of other countries.
The support of the technical assistance program
of the United Nations is now deeply rooted in our
foreign policy.

I would like to mention, in passing, a point that
is sometimes overlooked — and one that I have fre-
quently pointed out to my own countrymen. All
nations, including the so-called developed na-
tions— the economically favored, such as my own —
gain from the exchange of knowledge across na-
tional frontiers. We in America, for example,
have benefited in many ways from the research
and the great exertions of scientists and educa-
tors in various parts of the world. Many of the
miracle drugs, which have benefited millions of
my own people, were first produced in the labora-
tories of otjier countries — and we acknowledge our

Resolution on Technical Assistance '

The General Assembly,

Having considered Chapter III B of the Report
of the Economic and Social Council (A/2943) con-
cerning the Report of the Secretary-General on the
reguhir United Nations program of technical as-
sistance and the Seventh ReiKirt of the Technical
Assistance Board on the Expanded Program of
Technical Assistance ;

Having considered in particular the report of the
Economic and Social Council on questions raised
by the Advisory Committee on Administrative and
Budgetary Questions regarding the Expanded Pro-
gram of Technical Assistance, together with the
comments thereon of the Advisory Committee (doc-
ument A/2994) made in response to General As-
sembly resolutions 722 (VIII) and 831 D (IX) ;

Reafflimhig its confidence in the Expanded Pro-
gram as a means of furthering economic and social
progress and achieving higher standards of living :

Considering that technical training of nationals
of underdeveloped countries Is Indispensable to the
econouuc development of those countries ;

Noting with satisfaction the continued financial
support of the Program as shown in the contri-
butions for 1955 ;

Recalling the authority and responsibility for
technical assistance matters conferred upon the
Technical Assistance CVjmmittee by previous resolu-
tions of the Economic and Social Council and the
General Assembly ;

Recalling Its approval in Annex III to General
Assembly resolution S31 (IX) of the system of allo-
cation of funds to each of the Participating Or-
ganizations ;

1. Takes note of Chapter III B of the Report of the
Economic and Social Council :

2. Requests the Economic and Social Council to cim-
tinue its efforts to secure the maximum administra-
tive efficiency and coordination of activities of par-
ticipating organizations in order that the fullest
benefits of the Program may be brought to the coun-
tries served ;

3. Expresses its confidence that all pertinent com-
ments made by Member States in the General As-
sembly concerning the nature, operations and other
aspects of the regular and expanded programs of
technical assistance will be kept in mind when any
comprehensive review (if these programs and their
possibilities is undertaken;

4. Invites Governments to give the fullest support
to the Expanded Program of Technical Assistance
and to announce their pledges for the year 1956 at
the forthcoming Sixth United Nations Technical
Assistance Conference, in order to ensure the con-
tinued growth of the Program.

'U.N. doe. A/C.2/263/Rev. 1, approved in Com-
mittee II on Oct. 24, 4S-0-1 (Israel) and by the
General Assembly, without objection, on Oct. 25.

November 14, 1955

805

indebtedness for these discoveries. Some of my
fellow countrymen are alive today because of
knowledge shared with us. The great adversaries
of human pi'ogress make no distinctions between
nations. These adversaries attack upon a common
front, and resistance must be worldwide.

Because my occasional travels as a member of
the House Foreign Affairs Committee have taken
me into other lands, I have been privileged to wit-
ness some of the activities which I might call "re-
verse technical assistance." I refer, for example,
to the research work done at Chipingo near Mexico
City. While this project was inaugurated by and
is largely financed by the Rockefeller Foundation,
it involves contributions by the scientists and the
eager students of our sister republic. To the dis-
coveries made possible by the work at Chipingo,
the farmers of our "Western States owe certain
disease-resisting varieties of grain which now
grow in abundance. These illustrations can be
multiplied many times.

As I announced to the committee a few days
ago, my Government is now in a position to indi-
cate in advance its full contribution to the pro-
gram for the calendar year 1956. We shall be
making a formal statement of our pledge at the
annual technical assistance conference, which, I
understand, is scheduled to convene within the next
few weeks.^ We shall at that time pledge to the
program for 19.56 a larger amount than we have
pledged heretofore. This pledge will be subject
only to the condition that an equal amount be
made available by other contributing countries.
We hope that the general esteem which this pro-
gram enjoys around the world will be correspond-
ingly reflected in increased contributions.

Last year at this time the program was beset by
complex problems concerning its organization. At
the last session of the General Assembly we adopted
a resolution which established new program pro-
cedures designed to give the recipient countries a
stronger voice in the determination of their annual
technical assistance requirements.' Since these
arrangements were new, we had no way of knowing
how they would work out in practice. Now, 12
months later, we can be more optimistic and my
Government looks forward to the effective opera-

' For a .statement by Ambassador James J. Wadsworth
at the Technical Assistance Plediring Conference on Oct.
26, see U.S./U.N. press release 2246.

' Bulletin of Dec. 27, 1954, p. 1006.

tion of the program on this new basis. In this
connection, I should like to say that my Govern-
ment still feels that appropriate action should be
taken to expand the Technical Assistance Com-
mittee in order to bring additional contributing
countries into closer association with the program.

The primary purpose of the program we are
considering is to bring technical knowledge to the
countries which require it. It is, therefore, im-
portant that as much of its resources as possible
be put to operational use and that as small an
amount as possible be used for administrative
costs. The close attention that has been given in
all the organs of the United Nations system to the
question of administrative expenses seems to have
borne fruit. The executive chairman of the Tech-
nical Assistance Board has told us that the overall
figure for administrative expenses has been
brought down to the level of 12 to 14 percent of
total expenditures, a target which was recom-
mended by the General Assembly's own Advisory
Committee on Administrative and Budgetarj'
Questions.

Experience over the last year has shown that co-
ordination of the various elements participating
in the United Nations program is continuing suc-
cessfully. We are glad to note that coordination
in another area is also working well, that is, be-
tween the multilateral programs of the United
Nations agencies and the bilateral activities which
are a part of the program of my own Government.
Coordination is always a painstaking process. It
involves getting people accustomed to working to-
gether as well as elaborating regulations and prin-
ciples. It is obvious that continuous attention
must be given to this problem.

We must find out, if we carry the program for-
ward successfully, jui5t exactly what the technical
assistance program is accomplishing. At the same
time, we are all aware that the development of
techniques and procedures of evaluation should
not become an end in itself, or something which
would consume time and funds that should better
be devoted to other purposes. We are pleased to
note that the Technical Assistance Board last
spring completed a comprehensive evaluation of
the program's activities in six different countries.
This was a useful beginning, and I understand
that this study is now being sent to the six coun-
tries concerned for their own comments. From
these comments and from the replies to questions
which are also beinsr circulated to cei-tain other

806

Department of State Bulletin

countries receiving technical assistance we should
obtain a useful body of material. This will enable
us better to judge exactly what contribution the
program is making to economic development of
these countries.

We have before us a report by the Economic and
Social Council * on certain other administrative as-
pects of the expanded program, which the Council
has been asked to consider. The questions which
are discussed in this report arose out of a report
on the expanded program made over a year ago
by the Advisory Committee, which the General As-
sembly at its last session referred to the Economic
and Social Council for its consideration. We be-
lieve these questions were carefully studied by the
Council and that the Ecosoc report deals with the
various points raised in a satisfactory manner.
We would propose that the General Assembly note
this report and request the Council to continue its
consideration of the problems involved.

As I have said, a complex program of this kind
requires continuing attention to its administrative
problems and mechanics, if the United Nations is
to obtain the maximum return on its investment.
But the basic objectives of the program are being
achieved primarily by tlie men and women in the
field. "Wliat they are doing is big news, news
which ranks in importance with items that daily
fill the front pages of our newsijapers. It is fitting
that we here recall some of the results of their
labors.

For example, rinderpest, the scourge of the
world's cattle population in the Middle and Far
East, has in recent years claimed 2 million cattle
victims annually. The beginning of the conquest
of this disease has been one of the significant
achievements of the Food and Agriculture Or-
ganization under the technical assistance program.
Something important has happened when vaccines
which insure immunity against this disease for 2
years are now available at 2 cents an injection in-
stead of, as previously, at $1.00 an injection. It
does not take much imagination to translate this
achievement into terms of human nutrition and a
larger income for the farmers concerned.

The war against malaria has produced one of
the great victories of the World Health Organiza-
tion. It has been frequently described, yet each
new step in this struggle is the most important
news in the world to the families which no longer

* U.N. doc. A/2994.

have a malaria sufferer in their homes. In some
countries the rate of infant infection has been cut
almost to zero. In several countries it is now esti-
mated that all the people in malarious areas will
be under the protection of DDT within the next
few years. Starting from demonstrations by the
World Health Organization, governments have
been shown how simple the basic technique is and
by what means a continuous organization can be
maintained for surveillance against further out-
breaks.

It is also news that in one Latin American coim-
try, where teacher training had been almost non-
existent, there are now more than 2,000 teachers
who have attended vacation courses for teachers
organized by Unesco. Another Latin American
country can also claim an impressive achievement.
In that country, 18,000 farmers and 2,500 women
are listening daily in more than 6,000 radio schools
which the government has organized. These peo-
ple hear broadcasts on such subjects as reading,
writing, hygiene, crop cultivation, and care of
livestock. After the broadcasts are concluded,
each village grouj) discusses the lessons learned
with the help of illustrated material which the
government has distributed.

It is important and newsworthy that the pro-
ductivity demonstrations which the Ilo has ar-
ranged have in certain cases increased factory
output by as much as 20 percent and sometimes by
several hundred percent. In a Far Eastern coun-
try, at a training center established by the Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization, there are
now 300 students attending classes. Under the
plan established by the center, 50 licensed copilots
will be graduated eacli year and as many radiomen
and mechanics. This is a form of investment — in-
vestment in people — and there is no richer source
of wealth available to a country.

Mr. Chairman, it has been frequently said, and
it cannot be said too often, that no genuine eco-
nomic development can take place unless the peo-
ple concerned work for it themselves. The goal
of the technical assistance program is to bring out
latent aptitudes and skills. Sometimes this means
teaching completely new skills. At other times it
may mean only helping people recapture skills lost
or forgotten because of tlie tragedies of war, eco-
nomic misfortune, or physical adversities. In
either case technical assistance is the most direct
way of helping people help themselves to improve
their economic lot.

November 14, 1955

807

But technical assistance also contributes to the
acliievement of tlie moral and spiritual objectives
referred to by the distinguished delegate from
India [V. K. Krishna Menon] in the general de-
bate on economic development. I fully agree with
him that unless it is based on moral and spiritual
values mere economic growth is lacking in signifi-
cance. Measured purely in terms of money, the
technical assistance programs of all forms are of
small importance in relation to national incomes
and the world's total economic life. But meas-
ured in terms of human values and considered in
the light of our growing concern for the full de-
velo]5ment of every individual's potentialities,
teclmical assistance assumes a tremendous sig-
nificance in the life of our century. The stimu-
lating impact of technical assistance in all its
aspects is now being felt in every part of the globe,
and slowly but surely it is helping to build new
economic and moral strength in all the nations of
the world.

Self-Determination Article
in Human Riglits Covenants

Statement by Mrs. Oswald B. Lord

U.S. Representative to the General Axspmbly'^

The decision of the United States Government
not to sign or ratify tlie Covenants on Human
Rights, as well as the I'easons therefor, are well
known to this committee, and there is no neces-
sity for me to elaborate on them liere. In keeping
with this decision, the United States delegation
does not intend to play an active part in the discus-
sion of the various articles proposed for tlie draft
covenants, and we will, in general, abstain in the
voting.

In a few instances, however, there are provi-
sions in the draft covenants which have ramifica-
tions on other functions or organs of the United
Nations or with respect to general relations among
states which are of sufficient importance to the
United States that we will take a substantive posi-
tion. This is the case with respect to the third
paragraph of article I, and it is to this paragi-aph
that I would like to address a few remarks, wliich
I hope will be given the serious consideration of
the committee.

Paragraph 3 of article I states :

The risiht i)f peoples to self-determination shall also in-
elutle permanent .sovereignty over their natural wealth
and resources. In no case may a peojile be deprived of
its own means of subsistence on the t;rounds of any rights
that may be claimed by other states.

The adoption of this paragraph could have an
important effect on the extensive cooperative ef-
forts among the more highly developed and the
less higlily developed states, both tlirough the
United Nations and on a bilateral basis, to pro-
mote rapid economic development throughout the
world. This paragraph also has a close relation-
ship to the first resolution which will be considered
by this committee under agenda item 3 on self-
determination.

I do not wish at this point to elaborate on the
position wliich my delegation will take under item
3 in support of constructive action by the General
Assembly designed to further the application of
self-determination in a resolute and harmonious
spirit. I will only say that the United States dele-
gation is hopeful that we might cooperate in a
spirit of progress and moderation with representa-
tives from various parts of the world in reaching
agreement on a resolution which would materially
assist the General As.sembly in its future con-
siderations of this often explosive question. It is
our view that it is through item 3 and through
other means, rather than through the covenants,
that tlie cause of self-determination will be fur-
thered. It may be that none of the proposals set
forth under item 3 are, in their present form,
completely acceptable. Something along the gen-
eral lines of the third resolution, however, would
seem to be the best possibility ; ^ we are prepared to
consider changes wliicli might make it more gen-
erally acceptable.

'Made in Committee III (Social, Hnmanitarian and
Cultural) on Oct. 27 (U.S. delegation press release 2252).

" The Economic and Social Council has forwarded to the
General Assembly, without endorsement, two draft resolu-
tions adopted by the Commission on Human Riglits. These
resolutions recommend that the Assembly establish two
new commissions, one to survey the status of the right
of peoples and nations to "permanent sovereignty over
their natural wealth and resources" and the other to use
its good offices in rectifying "any situation resulting from
alleged denial or inadequate realization of the right of
self-determination." The Council approved and also for-
warded to the General Assembly a third draft resolution
(Ecosoc/Res. .586 D (XX) dated .July 29, in.55), intro-
duced by the United States, which proposed that the As-
sembly establish an nd hoc commission to study the whole
concept of self-determination.

808

Department of State Bulletin

The debates of this General Assembly, both in
this and in previous sessions, have jrencrated
sharply diti'ering opinions, not on the desirability
of promoting "friendly relations among nations
based on respect for the principle of equal rights
and self-determination of peoples*' but on the ap-
plicability of this article of the charter to particu-
lar situations. The United States, for example,
fully sympathizes with the desires of peoples to
achieve equal rights and self-determination at the
earliest possible moment. It also believes that
self-determination should be achieved in an or-
derly fashion and under circumstances which will
enable peoples to assume and maintain an equal
station among the free nations of the world. In
pursuing these objectives — which would undoubt-
edly be shared by most of the member states of the
United Nations — we have not always agreed in
specific instances with either ''colonial" or ''non-
colonial" states on the precise extent or apiilicabil-
ity of self-determination. The fact that various
proposals are before this connnittee under item 3,
including one which seeks to deal directly with the
problem of differing interpretations of the ap-
plicability and extent of self-determination, is a
reflection of the difficulties which we must face
and overcome in seeking to promote its realiza-
tion. I hope that in this debate on the covenants
we will not create such an atmosphere or so crys-
tallize our position that progress under item 3
might become very difficult.

The difficulties which the United States delega-
tion has with this expression of "permanent sover-
eignty over natural wealth and resources'' are not
new. They have been expressed on several occa-
sions in the past. The language was first used in
the resolution of the General Assembly of 1952,
which as initially introduced sought to obtain
General Assembly approval of the right of na-
tionalization.' That resolution, we feel, was a
serious error on the part of the General Assembly,
and it had important economic repercussions
among sources of capital available for interna-
tional investment. Now the same idea is being
linked up with the concept of self-determination.
We do not feel that this is justified, and we are
fearful that this attempt to combine the two ideas
will hinder both the efforts of those who wish to
supi^ort the progressive realization of the right of

peoples freely to determine their own political fu-
ture and of those who wish to .promote interna-
tional cooperation in world economic develop-
ment.

It is in general economic comiotations, e'ven
more than in a number of specific legal problems
which the paragraph could create, that its undesir-
ability becomes particularly apparent. The
phraseology is already regarded widely among
large elements of public opinion as implying en-
dorsement by the General Assembly of the right
of expropriation of foreign capital investment
■without compensation. The language of para-
graph 3 is quite similar to that of the 1952 "na-
tionalization" resolution and will be read in the
coritext of that resolution and its unfortunate his-
tory.

There is no question but that its reassertion now
would significantly affect the attitudes of private
citizens and corporations interested in interna-
tional investments. Such persons would ask them-
selves whether a country which voted for this
paragraph might not employ it to justify ter-
mination of a contract or expropriation without
compensation. In other words, its adoption would
affect the important "climate of investment"
among potential investors, regardless of the rea-
sons which might be cited in its support.

At the same session at which the "nationaliza-
tion" resolution — 626 (VII) — was approved, I
note that the General Assembly also passed a
resolution — 622c (VII) — to encourage the inter-
national flow of private capital. There is no ques-
tion, insofar as the reactions of jiublic opinion
in the United States demonstrated, that the ef-
forts of the General Assembly to promote the
international flow of private capital as expressed
in that resolution were heavily outweighed by
the alarm caused by resolution 626 (VII).

Again last year, the member states of the
United Nations showed through their support of
Resolution 824 (IX), which encouraged measures
to increase the international flow of jjrivate capi-
tal for the economic development of underdevel-
oped countries, and Resolution 823 (IX), which
requested the International Bank to prejiare draft
statutes for the establishment of an International
Finance Corporation, that they were interested
in attracting private capital and in removing tlie
impediments to its international flow.^ These

'Resolution 626 (VII).
November 14, 1955

* Bulletin of .Tan. 3, l'.)o't. p. 10.

809

were encouraging moves which seemed to improve
the climate of investment and international
financial aid.

We are also aware that many of the recipient
comitries have taken and are taking unilateral
steps to encourage investment, just as the United
States has adopted measures to encourage greater
private investments abroad. The economic con-
ference held in Eio de Janeiro last year and the
more recent investment conference held in New
Orleans provide other indications of the extensive
progress which is being made. The reassertions,
in effect, of the 1952 resolution could well reverse
these favorable developments and would un-
doubtedly cause even more serious reactions. Its
approval would create obstacles not only to the
flow of private capital but also to reaping the po-
tential benefits of the International Finance Cor-
poration and even to the availability of other
forms of international capital.

There are groups of people and individuals in
all countries who, one might say, are "isolationist"
in their attitude. They want to keep their coun-
try's skills, ideas, wealth, ability, know-how, and
other advantages to themselves. In a world in
which no state can be economically independent
we should not give any support to economic isola-
tion. The closing of borders and diminishing of
international trade could only impoverish all of us,
developed and underdeveloped alike.

On belialf of the United States I want to say
that this is not the direction in which we wish to
proceed. Quite the opposite. In the field of
skills and know-how we are sharing wliat knowl-
edge we have with other countries both through
our own and the United Nations programs of
technical assistance. In the field of finance we
have made generous contributions to the economic
reconstruction of Europe and for the economic de-
velopment of underdeveloped countries, again
both through the United Nations and otherwise.
The same is true in social and cultural fields such
as the Children's Fund and the various United
Nations refugee programs, and also in the fields of
trade and private capital investment. And I need
not elaborate to members of the General Assembly
on the proposal made by President Eisenhower be-
fore the General Assembly in 1953 for interna-
tional cooperation in the peaceful uses of atomic
energy for the mutual benefit of us all.

It is against this background that I enter an ap-
peal to those countries, both highly developed and

less liighly developed, who have cooperated
together through the United Nations to promote
the economic development of underdeveloped
countries. It is an appeal in the interests of all
of us not to take any action which would make it
more difficult for those who wish to help in the
economic development of the world to do so or
which might undo some of the progress already
made.

Mr. Chairman, I have sjjoken on this question
in some detail not out of any desire to intervene
in the drafting of an instrument which the United
States is not in a position to ratify. I would much
prefer to have been able to deal with this subject
solel}' under item 3 on the agenda. It has been
necessary for me to speak at this point because
this paragraph in the covenants has a broad im-
pact on many aspects of the work of the United
Nations and we did not feel that it would be pos-
sible for us to pass it by in silence. We do not be-
lieve that its adoption would pi'omote the basic
interests of any of us who are interested in the
development of friendly and harmonious economic
and trade relations among states and the rapid
progress of the world toward economic growth
and prosperity.^

Admission of Federal Republic of
Germany to ICAO

Statement hy Robert L. Brohenburr

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly *

The 25resent item on our agenda arises under
article 93 of the Convention on International
Civil Aviation and article II of the agreement of
relationship between the United Nations and the
International Civil Aviation Organization. The
Federal Republic of Germany has applied for ad-
mission to membership in the Aviation Organiza-
tion. The Assembly of the Aviation Organization

° On Nov. 7 Committee III appointed a working party-
composed of 9 representatives (Brazil, Costa Rica, Poland,
El Salvador, Greece, India, Pakistan, Syria, and Vene-
zuela) to consider article 1 of the draft covenants in the
light of amendments proposed and comments and sug-
gestions made during the debate and to submit a text not
later than Nov. 19 so that the committee might adopt an
article on self-determination "at the present session."
The vote was 35 in favor, 13 against, with 10 absten-
tions (U.S.).

'Made in plenary session on Oct 25 (U.S. delegation
press release 2243).

810

Department of State Bulletin

approved the Federal Republic's application
earlier this year by a vote of 51-0. Now the mat-
ter comes before the United Nations General As-
sembly for consideration, in accoi-dance with the
provisions I have just mentioned in the aviation
convention and the agreement of relationship.

The United States had the honor to propose
approval of the German Federal Republic's appli-
cation in the assembly of the International Civil
Aviation Organization. The proposal was sec-
onded by the United Kingdom delegation. My
delegation has now joined with the United King-
dom here in sponsoring the draft resolution pres-
ently before the General Assembly, to speed the
entrance of the Federal Republic into the Avia-
; tion Organization.

The Federal Republic of Germany is already
a member of eight of the specialized agencies of
the United Nations and is participating actively
in their programs for public health, improved
agricultural methods, and higher labor stand-
ards— to mention a few examples. The Federal
Republic's application for membership in the
Aviation Organization signifies a willingness and
V desire on the part of Germany to cooperate also
in a worldwide undertaking to promote the sound
growth of international civil aviation, accepting
the common obligations which devolve on all
members of the Aviation Organization.

The United States welcomes this step by the
Federal Republic of Germany and urges the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations to give its
hearty approval to the draft resolution appearing
in document A/L.196.'

Assembly Action on
U.N. Refugee Program

StateTnent hy Jacob Blaustein

U.S. Representafii^e to the' General Assenibly^

I wish to explain the reasons why the United
States delegation supports the resolution proposed
by the Third Committee.

' The draft resolution, informing the International Civil
Aviation Organization that the General Assembly "has
no objection to the admission of the Federal Republic of
Germany," was approved in plenary session on Oct. 25
without a vote.

'Made in plenary on Oct. 25 (U.S. delegation press re-
lease 2244).

The Report of the High Commissioner was be-
fore the Third Connnittee for eight meetings, dur-
ing which all of the issues were thoroughly de-
bated. At the end of that time, the committee
rejected the Soviet draft resolution, L.463/Rev. 1,
by a vote of 29 to 14 with 10 abstentions, and then
approved the resolution before the plenary today ,^
which the United States cosponsored with Aus-
tralia, Belgium, Costa Rica, Denmark, the Neth-
erlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United King-
dom, by a vote of 42 to none with 14 abstentions.

The High Commissioner for Refugees informed
the Third Committee, in the course of his remarks,
that he has always followed the principle that
the refugee should be left entirely free to choose
the solution to his problem, whether it be return
to the country of origin, resettlement in another
country, or integration in the receiving country.
This is the principle laid down in his statute
adopted by the General Assembly in 1950, and it is
this principle which the Third Committee has
jjreserved in the resolution recommended for
adoption here by the plenary.

The draft resolution of the U.S.S.R., even as
amended by Saudi Arabia, was significantly dif-
ferent in approach. We noted the statement of the
representative of the U.S.S.R. that his Govern-
ment has accepted the principle that any repatri-
ation should be "voluntary," a principle which
the Western powers have consistently held. But
the resolution would have required the High Com-
missioner to "urge" the refugees to return. In-
deed, in its original form it contained no mention
whatever of resettlement or integration, and in ef-
fect its revised form included these only as subse-
quent steps if "encouraged" repatriation failed.
This bore strongly in the direction of "forcible"
repatriation — even though labeled "voluntary."

It must be remembered that most of these Eu-
ropean refugees have endured the hardships of
refugee camps for many years in preference to
repatriation to their countries of origin. The
overriding responsibility of the High Commis-
sioner is to provide international protection for
them. And this the Third Committee has also
stressed in the resolution now before the plenary.

Ten years after the end of the Second World
War tliere are still some 70,000 in camps and
220,000 other refugees within the mandate of the

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1955, p. 633.

November 74, 1955

811

Higli Commissioner who need his assistance for
permanent settlement. There may still be some
limited voluntary repatriation possible, and we
hope a good deal of resettlement, but we must
realistically recognize that for most of these un-
fortunate pei-sons the most satisfactory solution,
and in many cases the only possible solution, is
some form of integration into their countries of
present residence. The program of permanent
solutions approved by the General Assembly last
year,'" which the United States Government firmly
supjiorted and which the resolution now before
the plenary reaffirms and would implement, is de-
signed to solve this particular refugee problem
within the next several years, primarily by inte-
gration with the help of rehabilitation.

The Congress has appropriated for the share
of the United States in this humanitarian under-
taking $1,200,000 for 1955, on the basis of one-third
of all governmental contributions. Of this we
have already paid $500,000 to the High Commis-
sioner. And assuming that other governments
give evidence of their continued interest in and
support of the United Nations Refugee Fund, the
executive branch of the Ignited States Government
intends to ask funds of the Congress for a further
substantial contribution to the program for 1956.

The United States believes that through this
program there exists the most constructive ap-
proach to solving the problem of these refugees,
and we Iiope that governments will, as the resolu-
tion urges, give early and serious consideration
to making contributions both for 1955 and for 1956.

Mr. President, the problems of tliese refugees
are human problems. These are people who had
to leave their own countries of origin through no
fault of their own but because of war, revolution,
and oppression — conditions beyond their control.
They are people with sorrows, pains, aspirations,
hopes, and needs. They are eager for a place
they can really call home, for the opportunity to
acquire some permanent position in life in which
they may again gain tlieir human dignity. They
are entitled to some peace of mind. And the
United States delegation hopes that at least in
some measure this resolution and the implementa-
tion of it will lielp.^'

"Ihiil., Nov. 8, 1054, p. 70.5.

" The resolution (U. N. doc. A/Res/305) was adopted on
Oct. 2.5 l)y a vote of 43-0-15.

812

U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences

Conference of Food and Agriculture Organization |

Tlie Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 4 (press release 637) that the U.S. Govern-
ment would be represented at the eighth session
of the Conference of the U.N. Food and Agricul-
ture Organization, which opened on that date at
Rome, by the following delegation :

United States member

Eail L. Butz, Assistant Secretary of Agriculture

Alternate United States member

Ralph S. Itoherts, Administrative Assistant Secretary of
Agriculture

Associate United States menitier
Francis Deak, American Embassy, Rome

Congressional ad risers

Victor L. Anfuso, House of Representatives

Clifford K. Hope, House of Representatives

Advisers

Andrew W. Anderson, Chief, Branch of Commercial E^s.li-
eries. Fish and Wildlife Service, Department of the
Interior L

Wendell 1!. Coote, Office of International Administration, (
Department of State V

Norris E. Dodd, Xational Farmers Union, I'hoenix, Ariz.

Ursula H. Duffus. Office of International Economic and
Social Affairs. Department of State

Tom Gill, Society of American Foresters, Washington,
D.C.

William Eugene Hamilton. Director of Research, Ameri-
can Farm Bureau Federation, Chicago, 111.

Charles E. Jackson, (ieneral JIanager, National Fish-
eries Institute, Washington, D.C.

Richard E. McArdle, Chief of Forest Service, Department
of Agriculture

W. Raymond Ogg, Agricultural Attache, American Em-
bas.sy, Rome

Joseph O. Parker, Consultant. Xational Grange, Wash-
ington, D.C.

Richard H. Roberts, Deputy Assistant Administrator,
Foreign Agricultural Service. Department of Agricul-
ture

Thoma.'s C. M. Robinson, International Resources Divi-
sion, Department of State

Byron T. Shaw, Administrator. Agricultural Research
Service, Department of Agriculture

John W. Sims, National Council of Farmer Coopera-
tives, Cohnnbus, Ohio

Walter W. Sohl, Economic Officer, American Embassy,
Rome

Hazel K. Stiebeling, Director of Human Nutrition aud
Home Economics Research, Agricultural Research Serv-
ice, Department of Agriculture

Department of State Bulletin

Thomas E. Street. luteniational Orsanizations Officer,
Foreiirn Agricultural Servu-e, Departnient of Agricul-
ture

Robert Lyle Webster, Director of Information, Depart-
ment of Agi-iculture

Oris V. Wells, Administrator, Ain'ieultural llarketing
Sei'viee, Department of Agriculture

Secretary of delegation

TlKimas .J. Hunt, Office of Inteiuational Conferences, De-
Ijartmeut of State

BILATERAL
Haiti

Agreement for the disposition of equipment ami materials
furnislied under the militar.v assistance agret>meiit of
.laiiuary liS, 19r),^i, and no longer required liy Haiti.
Effected by exchange of notes at Port-au-Prince Warch
21 and April 5, 1955. Entered into force April 5, 1!J.'')5.

Pliiiippines

Agreement revising the agreement of July 4, 194(;, as
amended (TIA.S 1588 and 8039), concerning trade and
related matters during a transitional period following
the institution of Philippine independence, with proto-
col and aimexes, and related notes. Signed at Wash-
ington September 6, 1955. Enters into force .January 1,
1!)5().
Proclaimed by the President: October 26, 19.55.

Current Actions

THE DEPARTMENT

MULTILATERAL
Germany

Charter of the Arbitral Commis.sion on proi>erty rights
and interests in Germany (annex to convention on the
settlement of matters arising out of the war and the
occupation signed at Bonn May 2(5, 1952, as amended liy
the protocol on the termination of the occupation
regime signed at Paris October 23, 1954).
.4cce.s.'jio)i deposited: Netherlands, September 6, 1955.

North Atlantic Treaty

Agreement between the parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty for cooi)eration regarding atomic information.
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.'

Notifi'ntion of beiny bound by terms of the ayreement:
United Kingdom, October 24, 1S>55.

Postal Matters

Universal postal convention, with final protocol, annex,
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air-
mail and ..nal protocol thereto. Signed at Briissels
July 11, 1952. Entered into force July 1, 1953. TIAS
2800.
Adherence: Monaco, Octolier 12, 1955.*

Trade and Commerce

International convention to facilitate the imijortation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
at Geneva November 7, 19.")2.
Ratification deposited: I'nited Kingdom, October 21,

1955.
Entered into force: November 20, 1955.^

Women — Political Rights

Inter-.\mei-ican convention on granting of political rights
to women. Signed at liogotA May 2, 1948. Entered
into force April 22, 1949."
Ratification deposited: Honduras, October 10, 19.55.

1 ' Not in force.

^Date of notitication by Swiss Federal Political Depart-
ment that application for admission of Monaco to Uni-
versal Postal Union bail received approval of more than
two-thirds of the menjbei- countries.

' Not in for<e for the United States.

Designations

William M. Itountree as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Near Eastern, South Asian and African Affairs, effective
Novenit>er 1 (press release (332).

Telecommunications, Transfer of Community Radio Proj-
ect to Greek Government. TIAS 3050. Pub. 5707. 50
pp. 20^.

Agreement between the United States and Greece — Signed
at Athens, August 18, 19-54. Entered into force August
IS, 19.54.

Mexican Agricultural Workers. TIAS 3054. Pub. .5670.
23 pp. 15^.

Agreement between the United States and Mexico — amend-
ing agreement of August 11, 1951, as amended. Exchange
of notes — Signe<l at Mexico August 6, 1954. Entered into
force August 6, 1954.

Technical Cooperation. TIAS 3068. Pub. .5698.
10«*.

17 pp.

Agreement between the United States and Guatemala —
Signed at Guatemala City September 1, 1954. Entered
into force September 1, 1954.

Defense, Application of NATO Status of Forces Agree-
ment to Ifnited States Forces at Leased Bases. TIAS
3074. Pub. 5715. 3 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Canada. Ex-

November J4, 1955

813

change of notes — Signed at Washington April 28 and 30,
1952. Entered into force September 27, 1953.

Economic Cooperation With China, Under Public Law
472— 80th Congress. TIAS 3077. Pub. 5808. 9 pp. 10<>.

Agreement between the United States and China — amend-
ing agreement of July 3, 1948, as amended. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Taipei January 21 and 31, 1950. En-
tered into force January 31, 1950 ; operative retroactively
December 31, 1949.

Defense, Offshore Procurement Program. TIAS 3085.
Pub. 5700. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States and Belgium. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Brussels May 13 and July 19,
1954. Entered into force July 19, 1954.

Defense, Facilities Assistance Program. TIAS 3110.
Pub. 5745. 4 pp. 5«(.

Agreement between the United States and Italy. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Rome June 24, 1954. Entered
into force June 24, 1954.

Military Mission to Iran. TIAS 3112. Pub. 5756. 3 pp.

5«f.

Agreement between the United States and Iran — extend-
ing agreement of October 6, 1947, as amended and ex-
tended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Tehran Septem-
ber 22 and November 22, 1954. Entered into force No-
vember 22, 1954.

Double Taxation, Taxes on Income. TIAS 3133. Pub.
5789. 48 pp. 20«f.

Convention between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany — Signed at Washington July 22,
1954. Entered into force December 20, 1954 ; operative
retroactively January 1, 1954. And exchanges of notes —
Dated at Bad Godesberg November 16, 1954, at Bonn De-
cember 20, 1954, and at Washington January 4 and 17,
1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3323.
Pub. 5971. 6 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Venezuela —
Signed at Washington July 21, 1955. Entered into force
July 21, 1955.

THE CONGRESS

Current Legislation on Foreign Policy:
84th Congress, 1st Session

Review of the United Nations Charter. Hearings before a
subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions on proposals to amend or otherwise modify exist-
ing international peace and security organizations, in-
cluding the United Nations. Part 13 : Index. 35 pp.

Investigation on Administration of Refugee Relief Act.
Hearings before a subcommittee of the Senate Commit-
tee on the Judiciary. April 13, 14, 15, 20, 21, 22, and
May 27, 1955. 375 pp.

Strategy and Tactics of World Communism : The Commu-
nist Battle Plan. Hearing before the Subcommittee To
Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Senate
Committee on the Judiciary pursuant to S. Res. 58. Part
13, April 28, 1955. 21 pp.

Status of Forces Agreement. Hearings before the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H. J. Res. 309 and
similar measures providing for the revision of the Status
of Forces Agreement and certain other treaties and in-
ternational agreements, or the withdrawal of the United
States from such treaties and agreements, so that for-
eign countries will not have criminal jurisdiction over
American armed forces personnel stationed within their
boundaries. Part 1, July 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, and 26, 1955.
450 pp.

Relating to the Calling of an Atlantic Exploratory Con-
vention. Hearings before the Senate Committee on For-
eign Relations on S. Con. Res. 12. July 25 and 29, 1955.
151 pp.

Refugee Relief Act of 1953, as Amended. Fourth Semi-
annual Report of the Administrator of the Refugee
Relief Act of 1953, as Amended. August 8, 1955. Com-
mittee print. 18 pp.

Viet Nam, Cambodia, and Laos. Report by Senator Mike
Manstield, Committee on Foreign Relations. October 6,
1955. Committee print. 19 pp.

Europe After the Geneva Conference. Report by Senator
Milie Mansfield, Committee on Foreign Relations. Octo-
ber 19, 1955. Committee print. 21 pp.

Human Rights, Domestic Jurisdiction, and the United Na-
tions Charter. .Subcommittee on the United Nations
Charter of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
Staff study no. 11, October 24, 1955. Committee print.
28 pp.

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 31-November 6

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Press releases issued prior to October 31 which
appear in this issue of the Buixetin are Nos. 607 of
October 18, 617 of October 21, and 625 of October 28.
No. Date Subject

630 10/31 Cliange in passport validation.

631 10/31 Holland— Waugh— Ross trip to S.

America.

632 11/1 Rountree appointment (rewrite).

633 11/3 Hoover : departure of President Cas-

tillo Armas.

634 11/3 Dulles : Nov. 2 statement at Geneva.

635 11/3 Dulles : second Geneva statement.

636 11/4 Visas for Archbishop Boris and secre-

tary.

637 11/4 FAO delegation (rewrite).

638 11/5 Statement on Israeli-Egyptian hostili-

ties.
*639 11/5 Itinerary for President Castillo Ar-
mas.

*Not printed.

814

Department of State Bulletin

November 14, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 855

Agriculture. Conference of Food and Agriculture

Organization 812

American Republics. U.S. OflBcials To Observe

Conditions in Soutli America 791

Atomic Energy

Committee Action on Agenda Item Concerning
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy ( Pastore, text
of resolution) 796

Eleven Powers Invited to Meeting To Consider

Text of Draft Statute 798

President Eisenhower's Views on Potential Uses of

Atomic Energy 787

Austria

Austria Attains Two Postwar Goals — Independence

and Reconstruction of Opera House .... 789
U.S. Relations With the New Austria (Elbriek) . 788

Aviation. Admission of Federal Republic of Ger-
many to ICAO (Brokenburr) 810

Congress, The. Current Legislation 814

Economic Afifairs

Developing More Favorable Opportunities for

World Trade (Aldrich) 793

Disaster-Relief Aid to Mexico (Eisenhower, Telle) . 791
Easing of Controls on Trade With Soviet Bloc . 784
ICA Approves $15 Million Assistance Program for

Guatemala 790

President Will Not Request Study on Tung Oil Im-
port Quota 792

Egypt. U.S. Position on Israeli-Egyptian Hostili-
ties 786

Europe

Easing of Controls on Trade With Soviet Bloc . . 784
Four Foreign Ministers Discuss East- West Contacts
and European Security (Dulles, texts of pro-
posals) 775

Germany. Admission of Federal Republic of Ger-
many to ICAO (Brokenburr) 810

Guatemala

ICA Approves $15 Million Assistance Program for

Guatemala 790

President of Guatemala Visits Washington (Eisen-
hower, Hoover) 790

Health, Education, and Welfare. Exchange of
Medical Films With Soviet Union (texts of
notes) 785

International Information

Exchange of Medical Films With Soviet Union

(texts of notes) 785

Four Foreign Ministers Discuss East- West Contacts
and European Security (Dulles, texts of pro-
posals) 775

International Organizations and Meetings. Con-
ference of Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion 812

Israel. U.S. Position on Israeli-Egyptian Hostili-
ties 786

Mexico. Disaster-Relief Aid to Mexico (Eisen-
hower, Tello) 791

Mutual Security. United Nations Expanded Pro-
gram of Technical Assistance (Hays, text of
resolution) 804

Presidential Documents

Disaster-Relief Aid to Mexico 791

President Eisenhower's Views on Potential Uses of

Atomic Energy 787

President of Guatemala Visits Washington . . . 790

Publications. Recent Releases 813

Refugees and Displaced Persons. As.sembly Action

on U.N. Refugee Program (Blaustein) . . . 811

Rumania. Reported Death of Rumanian Leader

(White) 786

State, Department of

Designations (Rountree) 813

Passport Restrictions Modified 777

Treaty Information. Current Actions 813

U.S.S.R.

Easing of Controls on Trade With Soviet Bloc . . 784

Exchange of Medical Films With Soviet Union

(texts of notes) 7S5

Four Foreign Ministers Discuss East-West Contacts
and European Security (Dulles, texts of pro-
posals) 775

Visas for Archbishop Boris and His Secretary . . 784

United Kingdom. Developing Alore Favorable Op-
portunities for World Trade (Aldrich) ... 793

United Nations

Admission of Federal Republic of Germany to ICAO

(Brokenburr) 810

Assembly Action on U.N. Refugee Program (Blau-
stein) gn

Committee Action on Agenda Item Concerning
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Pastore, text
of resolution) 795

Eleven Powers Invited to Meeting To Consider

Text of Draft Statute 798

Self-Determlnation Article in Human Rights Cove-
nants (Lord) 808

United Nations Expanded Program of Technical As-
sistance (Hays, text of resolution) 804

Name Index

Aldrich, Winthrop W 793

Blaustein, Jacob gll

Brokenburr, Robert L g\Q

Castillo Armas, Carlos 790

Dulles, Secretary 775, 7,so, 789

Eisenhower, President 787, 790, 791

Elbriek, C. Burke 788

Says, Brooks , 804

Hoover, Herbert, Jr 790

Lord, Mrs. Oswald B 808

Maniu, .Juliu 786

Pastore, John 0 796

Rountree, William M 813

Tello, Manuel 791

White, Lincoln 786

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Vol. XXXIII, No. 856

\'o,v>nih'r 21. 1955

DISCUSSIONS ON GERMAN REUNIFICATION AND
DISARMAMENT AT GENEVA FOREIGN MINIS-
TERS CONFERENCE 819

PROGRESS TOWARD EUROPEAN SECURITY • by Dep,uy

Under Secretary Murphy 834

THE GOALS OF THE UNIVERSITY IN THE FREE

WORLD • by Ambassador James B. Conant 837

THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTHEAST ASIA • by

Kenneth T. Young 843

THE IMPORTANCE OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC POLICY
TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE • Statement by

Thorsten V. Kalijarvi 846

STATUS OF GATT AGREEMENT AND PROTOCOLS •

Statement by Ambassador James C. H. Bonbright 860

COORDINATION AND DISSEMINATION OF INFORMA-
TION ON EFFECTS OF ATOMIC RADIATION •

Statements by Ambassador James J. Wadstvorth 851

INTERNATIONAL FINANCE CORPORATION • Statement

by Colgate Whitehead Darden, Jr 858

For index see inside back cover

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Note: Contents of this publication are not
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The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
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public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
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officers of the Department, as well as
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Discussions on German Reunification and Disarmament
at Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference

Folloxoing are texts of statements on the German
question made hy Secretary Dulles at the Geneva
Conference of Foreign Ministers on November 3,
4, and 9, together with a Soviet proposal on Ger-
tnany dated November 2, a tripartite proposal
of N ovemher 4 concerning German elections, and
a Soviet proposal of November 9 concerning Euro-
pean security; also, statements on disarmament
made hy the Secretary on November 10 and Soviet
and tripartite disarmament proposals submitted
on the sam^ date.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 3

U.S. delegation press release

I have, as I promised Mr. Molotov yesterday,
read very carefully his speech and the proposals
wliich accompanied that speech. About half of
the remarks of Mr. Molotov concern themselves
with the problem of European security, which we
have been discussing now for some days. As I
read that portion of Mr. Molotov's remarks, and
then read the further speeches that were made
around the table by President Pinay, Mr. Mac-
millan, and myself, it seemed to me that the
statements made gave a very full reply to the
questions which Mr. Molotov put in relation to the
matter of European security.

I would like to associate myself with the elo-
quent statement which was made by President
Pinay. It was, I felt, an answer of a statesman-
like character to the points that had been raised
by Mr. Molotov.

I feel, after having read the speech on behalf
of the Soviet delegation and the other speeches
that were made, that I can confidently reaffirm
what I said yesterday — that there is before us a
realizable vision of security in Europe by means
of a treaty which would conform to our directive,^
provided — and, of course, this proviso is of the

' For text of the July 23 directive, .see Bulletin of Aug.
1, 195.5. p. 176.

November 21, 7955

utmost importance — we can make similar progress
with respect to the reunification of Germany.
Therefore, as I see it, the urgent present task of
our conference is to concentrate, as closely as we
may, as intensely as we may, as constructively as
we may, on dealing with the other half of the
whole of our first directive ; namely, the problem
of Germany and the reunification of Germany.

The Western powers recognized what our direc-
tive calls "the close link between the reunification
of Germany and the problems of European se-
curity." So, in their proposals of last week, 6
days ago,= we submitted not only a proposal in
relation to the European security treaty but also,
as part of our proposal, the amended Eden Plan
dealing with the reunification of Germany by
means of free elections. That proposal, as I say,
was submitted 6 days ago. Yesterday, the Soviet
Union submitted a proposal of its own with refer-
ence to the German problem = and asked us to com-
ment upon it.

Perhaps it would not be unfair if we felt that
it would be useful if the Soviet Union would com-
ment upon our proposal which was submitted 6
days ago. That proposal was designed to con-
form carefully to our directive and I think de-
serves connnent and consideration which, so far,
has been lacking.

In the extensive remarks which Mr. Molotov
made yesterday on this subject of Germany, he did
not comment, either by way of criticism or by
way of approval, on the plan which we had sub-
mitted. We have a saying that "silence means
consent." I recall I suggested that once in the
past, but Mr. Molotov said that was not a Rus-
sian proverb.

I am, however, willing to oblige by commenting
upon the four-point proposal which Mr. Molotov
submitted yesterday. My first reaction was, and
my considered conclusion is, that that proposal

'IMd., Nov. 7,1955, p. 729.
' See p. 827.

819

is principally noteworthy in its complete failure
to comply at all with the directive under which we
are operating.

Four Elements of July 23 Directive

The directive of last July on this subject con-
tains four elements. The first is that Germany
shall be reunified; the second is that it shall be
reunified by means of free elections; the third is
that this shall be done in conformity with the
national interests of the German people; and
fourthly, in the interests of European security.

I deal first with the fact that it was agreed there
shall be a remiification of Germany. I would ob-
serve that whereas the proposal of the Western
powers contemplated an actual reunification of
Germany, and this we hope by next year, the So-
viet proposals do not contemplate at all the reuni-
fication of Germany.

The various proposals so far submitted by the
Soviet Union which touch on this topic seem to
presuppose not that Germany will be reunified
but that Germany will continue to be divided.
The four-point proposal of the Soviet delegation
submitted yesterday contemplates not the reuni-
fication of Germany but the cooperation of two
German states. This, apparently, is the Soviet
view of the most that can be expected — certainly
for the indefinite future.

I do not think that it is improper for us to ask
that the Soviet Union should submit a plan for
the reunification of Germany. After all, that is
the agreement of the Heads of our Governments ;
that is the directive they gave us. The Western
powers have submitted a plan for the reunification
of Germany, and it would seem to me that we are
entitled to expect from the Soviet delegation a
plan for the reunification of Germany.

Free Elections

Now I turn to the second element in our direc-
tive on the German problem. It says Germany
should be reunified "by means of free elections."
The proposal submitted by the Western powers
meets this requirement of the directive. It con-
templates that "free and secret elections should be
held throughout Germany including Berlin at the
earliest possible date." It contemplates an elec-
toral law which would be worked out in consulta-
tion with German experts, taking into account the
electoral laws already drafted for this purpose

by the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Ger-
many and in the Soviet zone by the Volkskanvmer.

Our jjroposal goes on to contemplate guaranties
to assure that the elections will be really free so
that those in any part of Germany who have social
programs or economic projects which they wish
to present to the German people will have a full
opportunity to do so. It contemplates that these
free elections will be so supervised that there will
be an all-German national assembly which will
draft a German constitution and prepare for peace
treaty negotiations.

In this way we try to comply with the directive
that Germany shall be reunified by means of free
elections.

The proposal submitted by the Soviet Union
makes no i^rovision whatsoever for the free elec-
tions for which our directive calls, and, indeed,
the remarks which accompany the proposal indi-
cate that it is the view of the Soviet delegation
that free elections are rather dangerous things
because it is pointed out no one can be sure in
advance what the results will be.

Now I have here the ballot which was used in
the elections in the East German Zone. One could
know in advance what would come out of that
election because there was only one set of names
on the ballot. There was no opportunity to vote
for anyone else, and the only freedom that was
had was the freedom to put this particular ballot
in the ballot box. Then, indeed, one could be sure
in advance what would come out, because it was
decided in advance what went in.

I admit that with free elections one cannot be
sure what the result will be before the elections
take place, and I realize that that is sometimes in-
convenient. It is particularly inconvenient if you
turn up on the losing side, as I sometimes have.
But that risk is inherent in free elections, which
are designed to ascertain the popular will, for no
one can be sure in advance what the popular will
may turn out to be. That, as I say, is a risk in-
herent in free elections. Surely the Heads of our
Governments, who agreed that there should be
free elections, must have taken that risk into ac-
count and nevertheless agreed that there should
be free elections in Germany.

Therefore, it seems to me that it is not in order
for us here to question free elections, to doubt
whether free elections are good or bad because the
results are unpredictable. We are under a direc-
tive which requires us to bring about the reunifica-

1

820

Department of Stale Bulletin

tion of Germany "by means of free elections."
That is the order of our Heads of Government,
which the three Western powers have complied
with by submitting a plan for free elections in
Germany, and I very much hope that the Soviet
delegation will also either accept our plan or sub-
mit a plan of its own.

German National Interests

The third element of our directive is tliat this
reunification through free eTfections shall be carried
out in conformity with the national interests of
the German people. I underline the words "na-
tional interests." The emphasis, you will see, is
upon a national Germany, not upon a sectional
or divided Germany.

The Soviet delegation has called attention to
what it believes to be social gains which have been
achieved in a certain portion of Germajiy, and also
it feels that there is grave doubt whether these
so-called "social gains" will be preserved if the
whole people were given an opportunity freely to
express their will. Therefore, it seems to be
argued by the Soviet delegation that a national
view shall not prevail but that some form of sec-
tionalism and the maintenance of a divided Ger-
many must be maintained as against a national
viewpoint in order to preserve these sectional so-
called "gains."

In this respect there seems to be a retrogression,
not merely from the directive under which we op-
erate but even from the condition wliich existed
at the time of the Berlin conference when the pro-
posals made by the Soviet delegation seemed to ac-
cept the view that the German people would de-
cide on a national basis what were the social con-
ditions which they wanted to have.

On the 4th of February 1954 the Soviet delega-
tion submitted a proposal which called for all-
German elections^ — I am quoting now — "as a re-
sult of which the German people would take their
decisions, without any interference on the part of
foreign countries, concerning the social and state
organization of a democratic Gei-many." In
other words, by that Soviet proposal it was con-
ceded that the German people acting as a whole
would take their decisions as to the kind of social
system which they wanted, and that they would do

' For text, see Foreign Ministers Meeting: Berlin Discus-
sions, January 25-Fehruary 18, 1954, Department of State
publication 5399, p. 228.

SO without any interference on the part of foreign
governments who might prefer to see the Germans
maintain one or another social system.

As Mr. Macmillan said yesterday, the language
and the spirit of the directive are that Germany
should again become a nation which would deter-
mine its own foreign policy and its own domestic
policy and decide on a national basis what kind of
social system it wanted. That feature of the di-
rective, it seems, is now abandoned by the Soviet
delegation even though that seems to involve also
an abandonment of the prior position which it
took in Berlin last year.

With respect to the right of Germans to deter-
mine their own foreign policy and foreign rela-
tions, I must observe the denunciation by the So-
viet Union of the exercise by 50 million Germans
in tlie Federal Republic of their right through a
free government, chosen by free elections, to assoc-
iate themselves with the North Atlantic Treaty
and with the Brussels Treaty for Western Euro-
pean Union.

I am not quite clear, nor has it been pointed out,
what are the specific features, for example, of the
Brussels Treaty which the Soviet Union finds
objectionable. Is it objectionable that by join-
ing that treaty the Federal Republic agrees closely
to limit its military forces, to limit them to a de-
gree far more modest than that which is the case
with respect to the so-called GDR? Is it objec-
tionable that the Federal Republic of Germany
foregoes the right to have atomic weapons, bacter-
iological weapons, and chemical weapons ? Is that
objectionable ? Is it objectionable that under the
Brussels Treaty the military establishments and
armaments of the Federal Republic are subject
to investigation and control through the Brussels
Treaty Council, representing predominantly states
which in the past have suffered fi'om German ag-
gression? Is it objectionable that by that treaty
and by the North Atlantic Treaty the Federal Re-
public of Germany solemnly is committed to a
purely defensive posture for the future ?

The Federal Republic of Germany in the exer-
cise of its sovereign rights has followed a foreign
policy which carries it into such a course designed
to assure that Germany will not be again a mili-
taristic country and that it will live peacefully in
association with its neighbors. That is a right
which we believe sliould be preserved for the uni-
fied Germany — not that we know or demand that
it should exei'cise its right in any particular way.

November 2J, J955

821

We provide that it should be entirely free. We do
recognize that Germany, operating as our directive
says upon a "national" basis, shall have the right to
determine its own foreign policy as well as its own
domestic policy.

In this connection I recall a provision of the
Eden Plan, which forms a part of the proposal
submitted here last week, which reads, "The all-
German Government shall have authority to as-
sume or reject the international rights and obliga-
tions of the Federal Republic and the Soviet Zone
of Germany and to conclude such other interna-
tional agreements as it may wish."

In consonance with the directive, our plan af-
firmatively provides and contemplates that in
terms of domestic policy — for example, the kind of
social system they want — and also in terms of
foreign policy, the German nation as established
through free elections will be in charge of its own
destiny and decide what it wants : whether it wants
to accept or to reject the kind of relations which
now exist between either the Federal Republic of
Germany and its neighbors to the West, or the
relations which exist between the so-called GDR
and its neighboi's to the East, "or other interna-
tional agreements as it may wish."

We believe that it is inadmissible and contrary
to our directive to try to decide for the Germans
what will be their future policy either internally
or externally.

Interests of European Security

That leads me to the fourth element in the direc-
tive to which I have referred ; namely, that Ger-
man reunification shall be carried out "in the in-
terests of European security."

Mr. Molotov suggested yesterday that perhaps
nations which "were not very close to the confla-
gration" were not very good judges as to how to
prevent a recurrence of such conflagrations for the
future. I assume that that had reference to the
United States, which is the only one of the four
of us whose land was not directly attacked by the
Nazi forces. I would say that, while the losses of
the United States in the First and Second World
Wars were not as great as some others, neverthe-
less, we did pour out a sufficient volmne of blood
and of treasure in both of those world wars so that
I would think that it could be assumed that we
would be anxious not to have to do so again.

But if that assumption is not entertained by the
Soviet Union, I would think at least that the Soviet

Union would recognize that France is a country
which is qualified to speak on that subject; and I
was deeply moved, as I think all of us must have
been, at the words of President Pinay yesterday
on this subject. He pointed out a fact which is so
clear that none of us who is interested in the peace-
ful future can be blind to it; namely, that the
greatest danger of recreating German militarism
is by perpetuating the division of Germany.

I was particularly struck by that because I was
at the Versailles peac© conference — I think I am
perhaps the only one here who can claim that
honor, if it be such — and I recall the well-inten-
tioned plans which were there evolved and em-
bodied in that peace treaty to prevent a second
world war by means of repressions, the division
of Germany, and a series of measures which, as it
turned out, merely provoked after a period of
pacificism a rebirth of fanatical nationalism.

Mr. Molotov has suggested that that rebirth
of militarism occurred because they had free elec-
tions in Germany. Well, in the first place, Mr.
Hitler did not come to power through free elec-
tions. The last free election held in Germany
showed a decline in Hitler's vote. But the fact that
he had any large vote at all was due to the pre-
existence of measures which aroused fanatical Ger-
man nationalism. As President Pinay said, any
of us who study history must see clearly the lesson
which it teaches as we face again the problem of
Germany. If we are capable at all of learning
from the lesson of history, we must realize that
to continue indefinitely the division of Germany
is the most dangerous thing that we can do. That
is surely the reason why our Heads of Government,
in their wisdom, saw and affirmed "the close link
between the reunification of Germany and the
problems of European security" and why they
said that Germany must be i-eunified by means of
free elections in accordance with the national in-
terests of the German people and the interests of
European security, because the last two considera-
tions coincide.

"Wlien we speak of the lesson of history, let us
not forget that the German people have learned
something too. We have all, in varying degrees,
suffered greatly from past Gennan aggi'essions,
but I do not think that any nation in history ever
suffered as severely as did the German nation as
it faced defeat during the closing period of World
War II. And if today we see, at least in the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, 50 million Germans

822

Department of State Bulletin

who are eager to promote European security by
associating themselves with others in a way which
will assure a limitation of their armaments, an
exclusion of their use of the most dangerous kinds
of weapons, and the acceptance of controls, that
is because the German people — certainly the Ger-
man people of this generation — want to make sure
that the lesson which they have learned will be
accepted and so riveted into the very warp and
woof of German life that there will never again
be the opportunity for a future generation to
conmiit the follies which have been committed by
Germans of the past over a good many generations.

So as we consider this fourth element in our
directive, "the interests of European security," let
us never forget what is said in the opening of our
directive, "the close link between the reunification
of Germany and the problems of European secu-
rity" ; and let us make sure that we do not perpetu-
ate what, in my opinion, could bring about a re-
birth of excessive nationalism in Gennany, that is,
the continued division of a great people.

So, Mr. Chairman, for the reasons I have given,
the explicit mandate we have from our Heads of
Government, the reasons for that mandate — rea-
sons which are indelibly marked on the pages of
histoi-y — let us in ti-uth try to bring about this
reunification of Germany. I ask the Soviet dele-
gation, which has every reason to be moved by
the same considerations as I think move us, to
submit to us a proposal for the reunification of
Germany by means of free elections to be carried
out in conformity with the national interests of the
German people and in the interests of European
security.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 4

U.S. delegation press release

We have now completed a week of discussion,
and we are about to proceed into three days of
recess, and it did occur to me that it might be
useful to try to sum up the position that we are
now in.

We are working still on the first item of the
directive, European security and Germany. In
that matter, I recall that we were instructed to
take account of the close link between the re-

unification of Germany and the problems of Euro-
pean security, and I furthermore recall that the
directive instructs us to consider various specific
proposals with reference to security, such as the
renunciation of force, the denial of assistance to
an aggi'essor, the limitation, control, and inspec-
tion of armed forces and armaments, and the es-
tablishment of a zone between the East and the
West in which the disposition of armed forces
will be subject to mutual agreement.
The directive then goes on to say that

The Heads of Government, recognizing their common
responsibility for the settlement of the German question
and the re-unification of Germany, have agreed that the
settlement of the German question and the re-unification
of Germany by means of free elections shall be carried
out in conformity with the national interests of the
German people and the interests of European security.

The three Western powers, in an effort faith-
fully to carry out the directive, submitted on
October 28 a proposal which did take account of
the close link between the reunification of Ger-
many and the problems of European security.
Our proposal ties the two together and comprises,
on the one hand, a proposal with reference to se-
curity on the assumption that Germany will be
reunified as our Heads of Government agreed,
and, on the other hand, a concrete proposal for
the reunification of Germany by means of free
elections, as our directive specifies.

The Soviet Union on October 28 submitted a
proposal for European security ^ which almost
wholly ignored the specifications of our directive
as to security features which we were instructed
to consider. Furthermore, it ignored the instruc-
tion to take account of the close link between the
reunification of Germany and the problems of
European security. This Soviet security pro-
posal did not recognize any link at all between
security and the reunification of Germany ; on the
contrary, it assumed the division and, apparently,
the indefinite division of Germany. Subse-
quently, on the 31st of October the Soviet Union
made new security proposals, which, although
they still disregard the link with German reuni-
fication, did more fully meet the specifications of
the directive as to the scope and nature of security.
Because of that, these new proposals approached
those which had been made on October 28 by the
Western powers in conformity with the directive.

In a statement which I made at our fifth session

' Bulletin of Nov. 7, 195.5, p. 7.32.

November 21, 1955

823

on November 2,® I made a comparative analysis of
the Western security proposals and the new pro-
posals of the Soviet Union and pointed out, item
by item, the extent to which, by conforming to the
directive, they coincided with each other.

Of course, there remains the fundamental and
critical difference — that our security proposal pre-
supposed a united Germany, while the Soviet pro-
posal presupposed a divided Germany. Never-
theless, the proposals did indicate a possibility
of significant progress once the Soviet delegation
complies, as we still assume it will, with the di-
rective with respect to the remiification of Ger-
many, and the directive as to the close link between
the reunification of Germany and European
security.

I do not minimize the serious problems which
will, no doubt, arise as we midertake the task of
converting our security proposals, now presented
in general terms, into concrete treaty clauses.
Nevertheless, it is encouraging that, subject to the
fundamental and critical difference which I have
referred to, there is a very considerable measure
of agi-eement in principle as to how to get security
in Europe.

Mr. Molotov has asked a good many questions
about our security proposals, questions which we
have answered even though Mr. Molotov does go
on asking them again. Perhaps his confusion
comes from the fact that it is indeed difficult to
have a complete meeting of minds until we know
we are both proceeding from the same premise,
namely, the reunification of Germany.

So, that is where we stand on European security.

Reunification of Germany

With respect to the reunification of Germany,
the Soviet delegation still continues to be totally
unresponsive to the specific directions under which
we are operating. The only proposal of the Soviet
Union is a proposal which says that "The German
people are deprived of the possibility of living in
a miited state," and which, accordingly, calls for
a consultative coiuicil to be formed by representa-
tives of the so-called "German Democratic Repub-
lic" and the German Federal Republic.

The Soviet Union has not submitted any pro-
posal for the reunification of Germany by means
of free elections and so far declines to consider

the proposal which the Western powers have made
in this respect.

So that is where we stand with respect to Ger-
man reunification.

I find it hard to believe that this rigid and
unresponsive position of the Soviet Union is final.

The Soviet delegation may now believe, as it
so ardently argues, that there is no close link be-
tween the reunification of Germany and European
security. But the four Heads of Government
agreed last July that there is a close link between
European security and the reunification of Ger-
many, and they instructed us to take that into
account.

The Soviet delegation may now believe that, as
its proposal says, the Germans do not now have
"the possibility" of living in a united state. But
the four Heads of Government determined last
July that Germany had that possibility and that
Germany should be reimified.

The Soviet delegation may now believe, as it
so ardently argues, that free elections are bad.
But the four Heads of Government agreed last
July that Germany should be reunified "by means
of free elections."

The Soviet delegation may now believe, as it
contends, that Germany should not be made a
national state because this would jeopardize al-
leged social gains in that part of Germany which
has been communized by the Soviet Commimist
Party. But the four Heads of Government agreed
last July that the reunification of Germany should
take place, and take place in conformity with
the "national" interests of the German people.
There was no precondition that there should be
preserved a sectional system which has been im-
posed from without and which the German people,
once they become again a whole nation, may, if
they wish, either accept or repudiate.

Tfie Acid Test

It may be tiresome that I repeat, again and
again, the refrain of adhering to our directive.
I cannot, liowever, in good conscience do other-
wise. The four Heads of our Governments reached
an agreement last July at Geneva which gave rise
to new hopes throughout the world.

President Eisenhower, on returning from Ge-
neva, made a radio and television broadcast^ to
the American people in which he referred to these

° For text of Soviet proposal of Oct. 31 and Secretary
Dulles' analysis, see ibid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 783 and p. 780.

' Ihid., Aug. 8, 1955, p. 215.

824

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

agreements that had been made and he said, "We
are profoundly hopeful that these assurances will
be faithfully carried out." Then he went on to
say,

. . . the acid test should begin next October because
then the next meeting occurs. It will be a meeting of
the Foreign Ministers. Its isrincipal purpose will be to
take the conclusions of this conference as to the subjects
to be discussed there and the general proceedings to be
observed in translating those generalities that we talked
about into actual, specific agi'eements.

We believe, Mr. Chairman, that our task here
is to carry out faithfully the assurances that were
given last July and to translate those assurances
into actual, specific agreements. That is why we
have joined with Britain and France in making
sjiecific proposals with reference to European se-
curity which took into account the close link be-
tween that security and the reunification of Ger-
many. That is why we submitted concrete pro-
posals for the reunification of Germany by means
of free elections.

We are, as President Eisenhower said, facing
the acid test. I hope that we shall pass it. Cer-
tainly, if we fail, it will not be because of any un-
willingness on the part of the three Western
delegations to see that the assurances of last July
will, in fact, be faithfully carried out.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 9

U.S. delegation press release

Yesterday Mr. Molotov, just returned from
Moscow, made a statement on behalf of the Soviet
Union. It had such grave implications that I
asked that we should suspend our meeting until
today so as to be able to give his statement deliber-
ate thought. I am now in a position to express
the views of my Goverimient.

My first observation is that the Soviet position,
if persisted in, will perpetuate conditions which
put in jeopardy the peace of Europe. My second
observation is that it strikes a crippling blow at
the possibility of developing relations of confi-
dence with the Soviet Union. I ask your permis-
sion, Mr. Chairman, to deal with these two points
in order.

The Soviet Union says in the most categorical
manner that the security of Europe is best assured
by a continued division of Germany, at least until
Germany can be unified under conditions which

would Sovietize the whole of Germany. Mr. Mol-
otov extolled the governmental regime which the
Soviet has established in the German zone, the so-
called "German Democratic Republic," and said it
has "a great future ahead of it because it is moving
along the main road of progress and because it has
strong and loyal friends." It is, he said, "im-
possible to accept" a reunification of Germany
which might jeopardize that "great future" for
this Sovietized segment of Germany.

But, Mr. Chairman, the directive which brought
us here, and wliich ought to guide us here, did not
ask us to judge of the relative merits of social
systems as between that of the Federal Republic
of Germany and that of the so-called "German
Democratic Republic." It told us to reunite
Germany in the "national interest." Thus, the
German people themselves will determine under
what system they want to live.

The problem which our Heads of Government
did direct us to study was how to assure European
security and German reunification, two problems
which the four Heads of Government agreed were
closely linked.

It is, I think, a fair interpretation of our direc-
tive that the four Heads of Government recognized
that European security would be endangered if
there was not a reunification of Germany. Cer-
tainly that is the view of the United States
Government.

As President Eisenhower pointed out in his
address which opened the Geneva conference
last July,^ the division of Germany prolonged for
over ten years

does a grievous wrong to a people which is entitled, like
any other, to pursue together a common destiny. While
that division continues, it creates a basic source of insta-
bility in Europe. Our talk of peace has little meaning if
at the same time we i)erpetuate conditions endangering
the peace.

Western Security Proposals

And because our directive specifically requires
us to take accoimt of the close link between the
reunification of Germany and the problems of Eu-
ropean security, the Western powers, loyally com-
plying with the directive, proposed a security sys-
tem based upon a reunified Germany. The pro-
posals which we made embody greater assurances
than have ever before been contrived to preserve
the peace.

' Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 171.

November 21, 1955

825

There would be not only solemn undertakings
to abstain from aggression, to withhold help to an
aggressor, and, in effect, to guarantee against ag-
gression, but there would be physical and material
safeguards, consisting of a level of forces to be
agreed upon and actual inspections to insure that
these levels were maintained. There would be
ample and dependable safeguards, in which tlie
Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia would
take part, against re-creation of a menacing mili-
tary force. There would be novel and effective
provisions to insure against any possibility of sur-
prise attack.

These provisions, based on a reunified Germany,
would give Europe a security which it has not
known for hundreds of years. Indeed, the merits
of the proposals we made were so obvious that the
Soviet Union itself, after studying them, intro-
duced supplementary security proposals of its own
which were closely modeled on ours.° However,
the Soviet proposals in this respect, as indeed every
proposal that the So^det Union has made, are pred-
icated upon the continued division of Germany.

As President Eisenhower said again and again
last July, "European security and the reunification
of Germany are inseparable." It is not possible to
have European security without the reunification
of Germany.

I recall that Mr. Molotov, speaking on October
31, 1939, after the outbreak of the Second World
War, referred to the relations between Gennany
and the other Western European States during the
preceding two decades and to what he called the
"German efforts to break the fetters of the Ver-
sailles Treaty." "This it is," he said, "that in the
long run led to the present war in Europe."

Injustice of Dividing German People

The Versailles Treaty did impose certain fetters
upon Germany. But nothing that the Versailles
Treaty did compares with the cruelty and injustice
of dividing the German people by the separation
from Germany of the Soviet zone comprising 17
million Germans. The anguish of this is demon-
strated by the fact that 2,704,680 Germans, at the
cost of great sacrifice and risks, fled from the So-
viet zone into West Germany. During the last
month of October there were 32,874 refugees.

The situation, thus dramatized, cannot be in-
definitely perpetuated without gi'ave risk.

" Ibid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 783.

Yet, it is to perpetuate this very risk that the
Soviet Union finds itself compelled to reject the
far-reaching and solid security proposals which I
referred to. Surely, better statesmanship than
that can be found.

We urge upon the Soviet Government that it
should not perpetuate the injustice of a divided
Germany with the menace which it carries to Euro-
pean security. Can we not learn from the lesson
of Versailles ? We make that plea, and we shall
go on making it, in the hope and indeed in the
exiDcctation that before it is too late wisdom will
prevail.

I turn now to the effect of the Soviet action
upon international relations generally. I recall
that Chairman Bulganin, in his opening statement
at the July conference, said that the purpose was
"to achieve a relaxation of international tension
and bring about a feeling of confidence between
nations." In his final speech he said what took
place in Geneva "has its positive significance for
the relaxation of tension in the relation between
states for the re-establishment of the necessary
confidence between them." ^''

Tlie Heads of Government had to reconcile many
differences before they reached the final agreement
which is embodied in the directive which they
gave us. But it was, after much debate, finally
agreed that there was a "close link between the
reunification of Germany and the problems of
European security." Furthermore, the Heads of
Government reaffinned their common responsibil-
ity "for the reunification of Germany." They
"agreed" upon "the reunification of Gennany by
means of free elections [to] be carried out in con-
formity with the national interests of the German
people and the interests of European security."

The United States Government believed that at
the very least this solemn agreement meant that
when the Foreign Ministers met there would be a
serious discussion both of European security and
of the reunification of Germany.

There has been such a discussion with reference
to European security ; indeed, it produced a con-
siderable measure of agreement on the component
elements needed for security. That fact has been
noted with satisfaction by both the Western pow-
ers and by the Soviet delegation.

It was. I think, demonstrated that there could

I

" For texts, see The Geneva Conference of Heads of
Government, July 18-23, 1955, Department of State pub-
lication 6046, pp. 35 and 77.

826

Department of State Bulletin

be put around a united Germany a dependable
framework of European security.

But when we turned to consider the reunifica-
tion of Germany, tlie Soviet delegation refused to
consider it at all despite the explicit words in the
directive under which we are operating. The
Soviet delegation refused to consider the pro-
jDosals of the Western powers — their serious and
detailed proposals for German reunification. The
Soviet delegation refused to make any proposals
of its own on the subject of German reunification.
The Soviet proposal for an "all-German council"
did not even purport to charge that council with
any responsibility to reunify Germany ; indeed, it
was calculated to perpetuate the division of
Germany.

Breach of Summit Agreement

The Government of the United States believes
that the refusal of the Government of the Soviet
Union even to discuss seriously the reunification
of Germany involves a gi-ave breach of the agree-
ment of the Heads of Government.

The effect of this is bound to affect adversely the
overall relations of the Soviet Union with other
countries, including the United States.

I would be less than frank if I did not say that,
so far as the United States is concerned, what has
hajipened here has largely shattered such confi-
dence as was born at the summit conference at
Geneva.

There can, of course, be peace and a limited de-
gree of working relations as between nations
which have no confidence that agreements between
them — even though made at the highest level —
will be honored. However, relations imder those
conditions are bound to be difficult and restricted.

Let me illustrate what I say by referring to
what remains to be discussed at this conference.
We are directed to go on to discuss liere the prob-
lem of disarmament and the development of con-
tacts between the East and the West. But I am
bound to say that I fear that these discussions will
profit us little when we feel that we cannot make
agreements between us which are dependable.

Mr. Chairman, the peoples of all the world were
heartened by the agreement of the Heads of Gov-
ernment reached here last July. But as President
Eisenhower said in his closing statement at that
conference, "only history will tell the true worth
and real values of our session together. The fol-
lowthrough from this beginning by our respective

governments will be decisive in the measure of
this conference." And he went on to say,

The work of our Foreign Ministers as they strive to
implement our directives will be of great importance, per-
haps even more important than what we have done here.

I greatly fear that what has been done here, or,
more accurately, what has not been done here de-
spite the explicit terms of our directive, will be
viewed with grave discouragement and concern
throughout the world.

It is not the desire or the intention of the United
States, so far as we can control it, to revert to the
conditions which existed prior to the meeting of
the Heads of Government last July. It is our
purpose to continue to strive by all the means in
our power for a just and durable peace. But I do
deplore the setback to European security and the
damage to the spirit of Geneva which has been
inflicted by the Soviet Union.

"WHien the issues are as great as those here at
stake, we shall not easily be discouraged. It is
still our hope that the Soviet Union, if not now,
then soon, may give loyal substance to the agree-
ment of the Heads of Government that Germany
shall be reunified by free elections.

Allien that day comes, European security can
be assured and the spirit of Geneva will have
borne a major part of the good fruit which it
seemed to offer to the world.

SOVIET PROPOSAL ON GERMANY, NOVEMBER 2

Guided by the desire to further the development of
full cooperation between the German Democratic Republic
and the German Federal Republic and the creation of
conditions for the settlement of the German problem and
for the reunification of Germany by means of free elec-
tions in conformity with the national Interests of the
German people and the interests of European security,
the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union, the United
States, the United Kingdom and France declare the
following.

Under tlie present conditions when the German people
are deprived of the possibility of living in a single state,
the need to bring about cooperation between the German
Democratic Republic and the German Federal Republic
which would facilitate the settlement of the problem of
Germany's national reunification is becoming ever more
urgent. That purpose would be met by the establishment
by agreement between the German Democratic Republic
and the German Federal Republic of an all-Germau body
to coordinate their efforts in the political, economic and
cultural life of the German jieople and in regard to co-
operation with other states in the consolidation of peace.

Such a representative body of tlie German people could

November 21, J 955

827

be an all-German council to be established on the basis of
the following principles :

1. An all-German council shall be formed, composed of
the representatives of the parliaments of the German
Democratic Republic and the German Federal Republic,
as a consultative body to discuss matters in the solution
of which the German Democratic Republic and the Ger-
man Federal Republic are interested.

2. Mixed committees shall be set up under the all-Ger-
man council composed of the representatives of the
Governments of the German Democratic Republic and the
German Federal Republic, in matters relating to economic
and cultural ties between the two German states, on mat-
ters relating to German currency and intra-German finan-
cial transactions, customs, post and telegraph, transport,
etc.

3. The all-German council shall bring about accord on
matters relating to the strength, armaments and location
of the units required to insure the defense of the frontiers
and territories of the German Democratic Republic and
the German Federal Republic.

4. The all-German council shall bring about accord on
matters relating to the participation of the German Demo-
cratic Republic and the German Federal Republic in
measures designed to consolidate European security and
shall consider by mutual agreement questions pertaining
to the bringing about of prerequisites for the unification
of Germany, as a peaceful and democratic state.

The Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union, the United
States, the United Kingdom and France express the hope
that the German Democratic Republic and the German
Federal Republic shall make the necessary efforts to
achieve agreement on the establishment of the all-
German council.

THREE-POWER PROPOSAL CONCERNING
GERMAN ELECTIONS, NOVEMBER 4

Rednitication of Germany bt Free Elections

On the joint initiative of the Governments of France,
the United Kingdom, the United States, and tlie Federal
Republic of Germany, the Foreign Ministers of France,
the United Kingdom, and the U.S. submit the following
proposal as the first step in order to carry out the re-
unification of Germany in freedom In accordance with
the plan presented by the Three Powers on October 28 :

Draft Decision of the Conference

In conformity with the common responsibility of their
governments for the settlement of the German question
and the reunification of Germany and in compliance with
the directive of their Heads of Government that the set-
tlement of the German question and the reunification
of Germany by means of free elections shall be carried
out in conformity with the national interests of the Ger-
man people and the Interests of European security, the
Foreign Ministers of France, the U.K., the U.S.S.R., and
the U.S. have agreed as follows:

1. Free and secret elections shall be held throughout
Germany during September 1956 for the selection of rep-
resentatives for an all-German National Assembly to
draft a constitution and to form a government there-
under for a reunified Germany.

2. Each of the Four Powers will designate a repre-
sentative to a commission to prepare, in consultation with
German experts, the electoral law for such elections, in-
cluding effective provisions for safeguards and supervision
to insure the freedom of such elections.

3. The commission shall undertalse its functions
promptly and shall submit its report to the Four Powers
by January 1956.

SOVIET PROPOSAL ON EUROPEAN SECURITY,
NOVEMBER 9

Guided by the desire to strengthen peace and recogniz-
ing the necessity to contribute in every possible way to
reducing international tension and establishing confidence
in relations between states,

The Governments of the Soviet Union, the United States
of America, France, and the United Kingdom have agreed
that the conclusion of a treaty between the member states
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the West-
ern European Union on the one hand, and the parties to
the Warsaw Treaty on the other, would be in the interest
of the maintenance of peace in Europe. Such a treaty
might be based on the following principles :

1. The member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization and of the Paris Agreements, on the one hand,
and the parties to the War.saw Treaty, on the other, un-
dertake to refrain from the use of armed force against
one another. This undertaking shall not infringe upon
the right of states to individual or collective self-defense

in the event of an armed attack, as provided in Article 51 I
of the UN Charter. "

2. The parties to the Treaty undertake to consult one
another in the event of differences and disputes which
might constitute a threat to the maintenance of peace in
Europe.

3. This Treaty is of a provisional nature and shall re-
main In efl'eet until it is replaced by another treaty for
the establishment of a system of collective security in
Europe.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES ON
DISARMAMENT, NOVEMBER 10

U.S. delegation press release

Despite the loss of confidence resulting from
Soviet action under item 1, we take up now the
second item of that directive, that is, disarma-
ment. We do so because it was so directed by the
four Heads of Government and we desire loyally
to comply.

The United States Government approaches this
topic, like the others, in the light of its overriding
objective of a just and durable peace.

828

Department of Stale Bulletin

The disarmament directive of the Heads of
Government sets out three tasks for the Foreign
Ministers: (1) to take note of the proceedings of
the Disarmament Commission, (2) to take ac-
count of the views and proposals advanced by the
four Heads of Government, (3) to consider
whether the four Governments can take any fur-
ther useful initiative in the field of disarmament.

The Heads of Government did not charge us
with conducting detailed negotiations on disarm-
ament proposals. This clearly was wise. Our
meeting is not a suitable time or place to engage
in complex and technical negotiations on this sub-
ject. Nevertheless, our tasks are still important
ones.

Let us then, in the first instance, look briefly at
the work of the subcommittee of the United Na-
tions Disarmament Commission during the meet-
ings it held in New York from August 29 until
its recess on the 7th of October, 1955.

It is clear that these sessions, which were con-
ducted in a cooperative spirit, have been useful.
It is also evident that they must be viewed as
I^reparatory and analytical. They have not yet
produced concrete results.

All of our Governments seem to be re-studying
the implications of the accelerated development of
nuclear science in its peaceful and its military as-
pects in order to take account both of new con-
structive opportunities and heightened dangers.
Once the reviews are completed, it is reasonable
to hope for more rapid progi'ess in the work of the
United Nations subcommittee.

During its recent sessions the subconmiittee
examined at some length the proposals of the four
Heads of Government. The Soviet Union stated
that it is continuing to study President Eisen-
hower's Geneva proposal for aerial reconnaissance
and the exchange of military blueprints. The
United States expressed its willingness to accept,
in conjunction with the President's plan, ground
inspectors as proposed by Chairman Bulganin.

President Eisenhower's Proposal

I turn now to some discussion of the initiative
of President Eisenhower. That is appropriate as
part of our second task under the directive.

Wlien the President made his proposal here on
July 21,'^ his purpose was simple and clear. It
was to help in creating conditions which would

" Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 174.

enable real progress toward disarmament to be
made.

Such progress will largely depend upon reviv-
ing confidence in the peaceful purposes of the
major nations. As I said at the United Nations
General Assembly this fall,

Loiifr experience makes it apparent that wlien there is
a sense of insecurity and when arms consequently seem
needed, limitation of armament is virtually unattainable.
Reductions of armament occur when fear is dissipated
and when arms seem less needed.

The proposal for exchange of blueprints and
aerial reconnaissance was designed to attack this
problem and lay a sound basis for inspection and
control and reducing armaments. Major aggres-
sion is unlikely unless the aggi-essor has the ad-
vantage of surprise and can hope to strike a blow
that will be devastating because it is unexpected.

But the jireparation of an attack of such magni-
tude could hardly be concealed from aerial inspec-
tion. This is not to say that inspection by air
would detect everything or that inspection by air
is a perfect instrument of inspection. Aerial in-
spection would, however, provide a warning
against a great surprise attack. Moreover, the ad-
dition of ground observation posts, as suggested
by the Soviet Union, to which President Eisen-
hower's letter of October 11 ^ agi'eed, would sup-
plement and reinforce this protection.

This combined system would constitute a de-
cisive initial step in providing against the possi-
bility of a great surprise attack. The opportunity
to know the status and location and extent of each
other's forces and armaments would provide con-
vincing evidence that our expressed peaceful in-
tentions are true. This would at once make the
atmosphere more favorable for armaments re-
ductions.

Aerial inspection would not solve our problems.
As President Eisenhower said, it would not be a
"cure-all" to the disarmament issue. It would not
conclude our work upon this matter. But it would
start it. It would be a first step, a first step un-
precedented in world history and peculiarly ap-
propriate in this nuclear age. It could end the
period of arms race ; it could signal the beginning
of the period of armaments reduction and control.

The United States felt able to make this propo-
sal because our purposes are peacefvU. Our firm
and unwaivering intent is never to use any weapon
or armament in any manner except in defense

" Ibid., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 643.

November 21, 1955

829

against aggression and in accordance with the
terms of the charter of the United Nations. We
hope that the Soviet Union will decide to accept
this initial step.

I have listened with interest to the observations
on this point which have just been made by the
head of the Soviet delegation. Obviously these
require closer study than is possible for me to have
given them at this point. It is, however, my ini-
tial impression that the Soviet Union does not ac-
cept the suggestion of President Eisenhower as an
initial step, but it does accept President Eisen-
hower's concept of aerial inspection as a possible
subsequent step.

It is suggested that, although President Eisen-
hower's intentions are good, he has misjudged the
value of his proposal as an initial step. It re-
mains, however, the opinion of the United States
that the proj^osal that President Eisenhower has
made would, in fact, help to create the atmosphere
of greater confidence which is an essential prelude
to a practical system for the control and reduction
of armaments which all desire.

The United States deeply wants to achieve such
reduction and control of armaments under proper
safeguards. We earnestly desire to make solid
advances toward our goal in reducing the present
diversion of the world's hmnan and economic re-
sources. The sincerity of our purpose is demon-
strated by our history in relation to armaments and
armed forces. The record of our earlier actions in
this respect is the best witness that our Nation will
never maintain undue military forces. Our ac-
tions are matters of public record.

When World War II ended, the Armed Forces
of the United States, including the Army, Navy,
Air Force, and Marine Corps, exceeded 12 million
men. By the middle of 1946 our total forces had
been drastically reduced by a total of 70 percent
down to 3,300,000 men. By mid-1947 tliis strength
was again cut by half, leaving total forces of only
1,500,000 men.

Only when the Korean aggression occurred
were our forces materially increased. By 1952
they stood at some 3,600,000. Since the Korean
armistice they have again been reduced by some
700,000 men, or 20 percent, to about 2,900,000.
Our expenditures for military purposes have fol-
lowed the same general pattern.

I am aware that since the Summit Conference,
and again today, the Soviet Union has questioned
whether or not acceptance by them of President

Eisenliower's proposal would in fact lead to a re-
duction of armaments.

The past conduct of the United States, tlie im-
pressive record which I liave just recited, and the
assurance of President Eisenhower personally
should be ample answer for this question. The
American people and their Govermnent much pre-
fer to use our tremendous productive capacity for
constructive and peaceful purposes, for advancing
the standard of living, and for the enjoyment of
a full life. It is only a strong sense of the neces-
sity for defense and a recognition of duty and
responsibility that leads us to devote resoui'ces of
materials and men to military purposes.

Thus the fact that we are not at this time uni-
laterally disarming does not mean that we have
become a militaristic nation. Far from it. It
means that we have learned, the hard way, that
one-sided weakness does not promote peace.
Therefore, we will remain strong unless and until
the Soviet Union by its actions helps to restore
confidence and joins in measux-es that make it
soimd and wise to reduce our armaments.

But if the Soviet Union will join in creating
these conditions, there need be no doubt about
the position of the United States. Our Govern-
ment continues to seek as a major objective a com-
prehensive system for the reduction of armaments
under effective inspection and control. Under
such conditions we will join in measures for M
prompt mutual reductions in the burden of arms, ■
military expenditures, and the size of armed
forces, and we shall devote more resources to the
well-being of people.

Role of Disarmament Subcommittee

Our third task under this item of our agenda is
to consider whether our governments can take any
further useful initiatives in this field. In our
opinion negotiations and detailed work on dis-
armament should continue to be carried on in
the subcommittee of the Disarmament Commis-
sion of the United Nations, although obviously
at a later stage the time will come when other
nations should be associated with this task.

We, the Foreign Ministers here, can best con-
tribute, I believe, to the success of these negotia-
tions by improving the atmosphere in which they
are conducted.

As I have said, adoption of President Eisen-
hower's proposal would serve this purpose. It

830

Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

would enable us to take an immediate and practi-
cal step, striking at the core of the disarmament
problem — the suspicion and fear which are the
great causes of international tensions. As the
President said in his letter of October 11, 1955, to
Pi'esident Bulganin, his proposal was intended

to show a spirit of non-aggressiveness on both sides and
so to create a fresh atmosphere which would dispel much
of the present fear and suspicion. This, of itself, would
be worthwhile. It would . . . make it more possible to
make progress in terms of comprehensive plans for in-
spection, controls and reductions of armament. . . .

Our four governments can also contribute to
practical results in another way. The discussions
of the subcommittee can lead to real reductions in
armaments and improve the prospects of peace
only if conducted as serious negotiations and not
as propaganda. For this purpose the discussions
must be based upon the facts of the nuclear age.
They must take full account of the essential con-
ditions for genuine reductions in armaments.

In practical terms this means the recognition
that progress on disarmament will depend upon
devising an effective system of inspection and
control. President Eisenhower emphasized this
at his meeting here on the 21st of July. "The
United States Government," he said, "is prepared
to enter into a sound and reliable agreement mak-
ing possible the reduction of armament." At the
same time he pointed out that "no sound and reli-
able agreement can be made unless it is completely
covered by an inspection and reporting system
adequate to support every portion of the agree-
ment. The lessons of history," he said, "teach us
that disarmament agreements without adequate
recifirocal inspection increase the dangers of war
and do not brighten the prospects of peace."

All of the members of the United Nations Dis-
armament Commission subcommittee have agreed
that inspection and control are the crux of the
disarmament problem. Thus Premier Bulganin,
on the 4th of August, 1955, told the Supreme
Soviet that "As the United States President cor-
rectly noted, every disarmament scheme comes
down to the question of control and inspection.
This inspection problem is extremely serious and
we must find a mutually acceptable solution for
it."

All members of the Disarmament Commission
subcommittee agree that there is no presently
known inspection control system which can guar-
antee that nuclear weapons can be eliminated.

Obviously a sound disarmament program must
take realistic account of the existing situation.
The United States is continuing intensive search
for methods which might make possible a thor-
oughly effective inspection and control system for
nuclear weapons material as part of a general dis-
armament program. We believe that each state
shall carry forward similar scientific research with
appropriate consultation between governments.

We may well find effective means to control
future output of nuclear-weapons-grade material,
including the byproducts of nuclear power re-
actors, despite the special problems of accounting
fully for past production. This would have ex-
treme significance. The aim of all of us should
be to develop the maximum feasible control which
would be effective and certain. The spreading of
nuclear weapons, without control or adecjuate re-
sponsibility, could greatly increase the danger of
a nuclear war. It may be that the new Interna-
tional Atomic Energy Agency, soon to be estab-
lished pursuant to action of the United Nations
General Assembly, can contribute to control in
this field. It is an urgent necessity.

If this could be done, it would jointly serve the
best interests of each of our states, and the other
states in the world. We could advance toward the
goal of a just and durable peace.

Given the proper spirit, there is reason to hope
for a sound agreement for open knowledge of
armaments, a reduction in limitation, the expan-
sion of peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and the
promotion of the well-being of the people.

Such hope can be justified, however, only if we
accept the fundamental scientific and military
facts, if we refrain from attempts at propaganda
and manifest genuinely peaceful purposes, and
if we join in a sincere endeavor to develop reliable
means of inspection and control.

THREE-POWER PROPOSAL ON DISARMAMENT,
NOVEMBER 10

Pbopo8-\l by the Governments of Fkance, the United
Kingdom and thk United States of America

The four Ministers of Foreign AfCairs

1. Note that their representatives on the subcommittee
of the United Nations Disarmament Commission, in the
pursuit of their efforts to establish a satisfactory system
of disarmament, have followed the directive given by the
four Heads of Government at Geneva on July 27, 1955 ;

November 2?, J 955

831

2. Take note of the work the subcommittee has accom-
plished in the spirit of the conference of the Heads of
Government during its meetings in New Yorlj from
August 29 to October 7, 1955, and express their appreci-
ation to the subcommittee for its efforts ;

3. Express their agreement on the following:

(a) The renunciation of the use of nuclear weapons and
all other weapons in any manner inconsistent with the
Charter of the United Nations,

(b) The need to arrive at limitations and reductions of
armaments and of armed forces,

(c) The need to devote to the peaceful economic de-
velopment of nations, for raising their well being, as well
as for assistance to less developed countries, the material
resources that would be released by agreements in the
disarmament field,

(d) The fact that an effective system of inspection and
control is the keystone of any disarmament program,
and, consequently, the need to establish an organ re-
sponsible for the inspection and control of agreed meas-
ures of disarmament under effective safeguards,

(e) The fact that there are possibilities beyond the
reach of international control for evading this control
and for organizing the clandestine manufacture of atomic
and hydrogen weapons even if there is a formal agree-
ment on international control,

(f) The need for continued scientific search by each
state, with appropriate consultation between govern-
ments, for methods which might be derived from evolv-
ing scientific knowledge that would make possible a
thoroughly effective inspection and control system of nu-
clear weapons material as part of a disarmament pro-
gram covering all kinds of armaments ;

4. Declare their intent to continue to seek agreements
on a comprehensive program for disarmament which wiU
promote international peace and security with the least
diversion for armament of the world's human and eco-
nomic resources;

5. Recognize tliat inspection, control, limitation and re-
duction of armaments can best be achieved in an atmos-
phere which is free of fear and suspicion ;

6. Propose accordingly that, as a contribution to such an
atmosphere and as a prelude to a general disarmament
programme, the states concerned :

(a) Should agree promptly to put into early operation,
in order to help prevent a surprise attack : ( i ) A plan for
exchange of military blueprints and aerial inspection on
the basis of the proposal of the President of the United
States of July 21, 1955, and (ii) A plan for establishing
control posts at key points, as suggested in the proposals
of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the
U. S. S. R. of July 21, 1955,

(b) Should also agree : (i) To arrange for the exchange
and publication of information regarding military ex-
penditures and budgets, as suggested in the proposals
made by the Prime Minister of France on July 22, 1955,"
and (ii) To study how best to gain practical experience
regarding the problems of inspection and control, as sug-

gested by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom on
July 21, 1955."

7. Direct their representatives on the United Nations
Disarmament Commission to request that its subcommit-
tee be reconvened at an early date and continue to seek an
acceptable solution to the problem of disarmament.

SOVIET PROPOSAL ON DISARMAMENT,
NOVEMBER 10

Decision op the Conference of the Foeeign Ministers

OP THE FOUK POWEBS ON THE RiaJtlCTION OF ARMAMENTS

AND Prohibition op Atomic Weapons

To lessen tension in the relations between states, to
consolidate mutual confidence between them and to re-
move the threat of a new war, the Governments of the
Soviet Union, the United States of America, the United
Kingdom, and France recognize the need to strive to
achieve the earliest possible conclusion of an international
convention on the reduction of armaments and the prohibi-
tion of atomic weapons.

As a result of the exchange of opinions on the reduction
of armaments and the prohibition of atomic weapons
they have agreed on the following :

1. The level of the armed forces of the U. S. A., the
U. S. S. R., and China shall be established at from 1 to 1.5
million men for each, that of the United Kingdom and
Prance, at 650,000 men for each, while the level provided
for China as well as other questions bearing on the armed
forces of China shall be the subject of consideration in
which the Government of the People's Republic of China
is to participate.

The level of the armed forces of all other states shall
not exceed 150,000 to 200,000 men and shall be agreed
upon at an appropriate international conference.

2. After the ;irmed forces and conventional armaments
have been reduced to the extent of 75 percent of the agreed
reductions, a complete prohibition of atomic and hydrogen
weapons shall come into effect. The elimination of such
weapons from the armaments of states and their destruc-
tion shall be completed in the course of the reduction of
armaments, covering the final 25 percent of the agreed
reductions. All atomic materials shall thereafter be used
exclusively for peaceful purposes.

3. Simultaneously with the initiation of measures to
effect the reduction of armaments and armed forces, and
before the entry into force of the agreement on the com-
plete prohibition of atomic and hydrogen weapons, the
four powers shall solemnly pledge themselves not to use
nuclear weapons which they shall regard as prohibited
to them. Exceptions to this rule may be permitted for
purposes of defense against aggression, when a decision
to that effect is taken by the Security Council.

4. As one of the first measures for the execution of the
program for the reduction of armaments and the prohi-

' The Geneva Conference of Beads of Oovemtnent, p. 60.

"Ibid., p. 59.

832

Department of State Bulletin

bition of atomic weapons, states possessing atomic and
hydrogen weapons pledge themselves to discontinue tests
of these weapons.

5. Effective international control shall be established
over the implementation of measures for the reduction
of armament and the prohibition of atomic weapons.

II

The Foreign Ministers of the four powers have recog-
nized the need to strive to achieve the necessary agree-
ments on the still unsolved questions of the above-
mentioned convention, subject to consideration by the
United Nations Organization.

Being guided by the desire to reduce international
tension, to strengthen confidence among states and to put
an end to the armaments race, the Foreign Ministers
have agreed that it is necessary in this connection to con-
sider first of all the following provisions :

(a) In tlie proposal of the U. S. S. R. of May 10 of this
year on the reduction of armaments, the prohibition of
atomic weapons and the elimination of the threat of a new
war ;

(b) In the proposal by the President of the United
States of July 21 on aerial photography and exchange of
military information ;

(c) In the proposals by the Government of the United
Kingdom on disarmament submitted on July 21 and August
29 ; and

(d) In the proposal by the Government of France on the
financial control over disarmament and on the conversion
of the resources thus released for peaceful purposes.

Ill

Simultaneously, the Governments of the Soviet Union,
the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and
France, being determined not to allow the use of atomic
and hydrogen weapons, which are the weapons of mass
extermination of people, and to relieve nations of the
threat of a destructive atomic war, solemnly declare:

Pending the conclusion of an international convention
on the reduction of armaments and the prohibition of
atomic weapons, the Soviet Union, the United States of
America, the United Kingdom, and France assume an obli-
gation not to be the first to use atomic and hydrogen
weapons against any country and they call upon all other
states to join this declaration.

Secretary Dulles Visits Yugoslavia

Announcement Concerning Visit '

On November 6, 1955, the United States Secre-
tary of State, John Foster Dulles, met with the
President of the Federal People's Republic of
Yugoslavia, Josip Broz-Tito, at Brioni. The
President of the Republic entertained the Secre-
tary of State and his party at luncheon.

'Released to the press at Geneva on Nov. 7 by the
U.S. delegation to the Foreign Ministers Meeting.

November 27, 7955

366463—55 3

Participating in the subsequent talks, held in
the spirit of friendship and mutual imderstand-
ing, were the Ambassador to Yugoslavia, James
Riddleberger, and the Counselor of the State De-
partment, Douglas MacArthur II, on the Ameri-
can side, and the Vice President of the Federal
Executive Council, Edward Kardelj, the State
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Koca Popovic, and
the Secretary General of the President of the Re-
public, Joza Vilfan, on the Yugoslav side.

Views were exchanged on the international sit-
uation and questions of mutual interest. The sub-
jects that had been discussed were later outlined
by the Secretary of State at his press conference.^

Agreement was noted on a series of issues, par-
ticularly as to the possibility and necessity of con-
tinued efforts to improve international relations
and with regard to the further broadening of the
friendly cooperation between the two countries.

The meeting proved once again the usefulness
of such personal contacts for a better understand-
ing of the mutual positions and for the promoting
of the cause of peace and international cooperation
under the charter of the United Nations.

Statement by the Secretary '

I am happy to be in Yugoslavia, which I visit
for the first time. I look forward with particular
pleasure to meeting and talking with your Presi-
dent. His leadership has been conspicuous in that
he has ardently sought to preserve the independ-
ence of his country, and in pursuit of that goal he
has shown great courage and tenacity. These
are qualities which command universal respect.

Oftentimes in the past and particularly during
and since the first World War, our peoples have
been associated when the independence of nations
has been endangered by external threats. From
that association has come mutual respect and re-
gard, and I am glad to manifest that feeling on
behalf of the United States by accepting the kind
invitation to call upon President Tito.

' Mr. Dulles said in part : "The final subject of our talk
was the problem of the States of Eastern Europe. We
reached common accord on recognizing the importance
of independence for these States, noninterference from
the outside in their internal affairs, and their right to
develop their own social and economic order in ways of
their own choice."

'Recorded on Nov. 6 for broadcast to the Yugoslav
people.

833

Progress Toward European Security

hy Deputy Under Secretary Murphy ^

B'nai B'ritli does not flourisli under dictator-
ship. Your constitution says: "B'nai B'rith has
taken upon itself the mission of uniting Israelites
in the work of promoting their highest interests
and those of humanity ... of inculcating the
purest principles of honor and patriotism . . .
of coming to the rescue of victims of persecution."
These are not principles that are encouraged
by dictatorships. Tyranny cannot abide such or-
ganizations. Free societies depend upon them.
The voluntary association of free men for pur-
poses such as those of B'nai B'rith is vital to
the world that we in the United States have been
attempting to build with our allies in the free
countries of Europe.

I am sure that our distinguished guests from
Europe will understand when I say that we take
pride that B'nai B'rith was foimded in the United
States. Its ideas and ideals have had an American
identification and we like to be known abroad
through an organization dedicated to the ideal
of service to mankind.

B'nai B'rith has been identified since it was
founded with something new in Jewish life. As
one of your own histories says, it has been a society
which, while based on the teachings of Judaism,
cut across all ritual and doctrinal lines and served
as a rallying point for Jews of various national
origins and economic status. This is why the re-
establishment of B'nai B'rith in Europe is such
an important measure of the growth of freedom
and security in the new Europe that has risen out
of the ashes of war. B'nai B'rith grows and ex-
pands when there is freedom of thought and com-
munication and when our peoples have fi-eedom

of access to each other. In Western Europe these
conditions exist today; unfortunately, these con-
ditions do not exist in all of the world.

Just this last week, the Secretary of State, Mr.
John Foster Dulles, said at Geneva : ^

The reductions of barriers and greater human contacts
that we seek are not merely ends in thcni- ; . os. They
are designed to help to assure that the peace we seek is
not passive, but a curative and creative force which en-
ables men and nations better to realize those individual
and national aspirations which conform to moral law.

Mr. Dulles was speaking at the Conference of For-
eign Ministers and he was addressing himself to
the third point of the agenda, which deals with
measures to bring about progressive elimination of ■
barriers to free communications and peaceful trade
and to promote contacts and exchanges between
peoples.

As you know, last Monday the Secretary of
State with the Foreign Ministers of Great Britain
and France presented the Soviet Foreign Minister
with a memorandum ' which outlined steps, which,
if taken, they believe will bring about a progi-essive
elimination of barriers to free communications,
trade, and contacts between our peoples. I will
not attempt to cover all of the points included in
the memorandum but I would like to call your at-
tention to some of them :

Freer exchange of information and ideas should be
facilitated. All censorship should be progressively elim-
inated. The obstacles which hamper the flow of full
factual information and varied comment between the
peoples of the West and those of the Soviet Union should
be removed.

Information centers should be opened in each
other's capitals on a basis of reciprocity.

' Address made before the Supreme Lodge of B'nai
B'rith at Washington, D. C, on Nov. 7 (press release 640).

' Bulletin of Nov. 14, 1955, p. 775.
» IWd., p. 778.

834

Department of Stale Bulletin

Exchanges of books, periodicals and newspapers between
the principal libraries, universities, and professional and
scientific bodies in the Soviet Union and the three West-
ern countries should be encouraged. Such books, peri-
odicals and newspapers should also be available for gen-
eral and unimpeded public sale in the Soviet Union on
the one hand and the three Western countries on the other.

Private tourism should be increased. . . .

There should be further exchanges of persons in the
professional, cultural, scientific and technical fields.

Many other points were covered, such as the
willingness of film producers in the Western coun-
tries to make films available and the problem of
censorship of press dispatches.

If the Foreign Ministers of the Western coun-
tries can secure Soviet agreement to the adoption
of these measures, it would be an important step to
furthering the spirit of the Geneva meetings last
summer between the Heads of States. The point,
however, for us to note is that we and our countries
take all of these things for granted. We consider
these principles as established in our society and
our civilization. We shall not forget that we had
to fight to preserve these principles in the days of
the madness of the last war even though today we
consider them integi'al to our own countries and to
our relations with each other.

Collective Security

If the peoples of our countries did not share
this belief in freedom of thought and expression
and communication we should not have been able
to build the collective security which has been one
of the outstanding developments of the 10 years
since the end of the war.

Let us consider some of the elements of the col-
lective security that we have built since the end
of the war. It became a possibility only because
of the vitality of our peoples and our institutions.
It is, today, the protection of our civilization, of
the ways of life we cherish, and of the future of
our children.

The principle of collective security is the key-
stone of American foreign policy. Our freedom,
our prosperity, and our national safety can be
protected best through cooperation with other
free nations. The security of the free countries
of Europe and the countries of the North Atlantic
must be mutual if it is to represent true security ;
and for our security to be mutual, we must cooper-
ate not alone in military matters but in economic
matters. Armament and armed forces ai-e de-
pendent upon the economic strength of the coun-

tries that must support them. Economic health
is an important condition of the social health of
a country. Where there is economic and social
health, totalitarian governments do not flourish.

Today the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
is the outstanding example of our collective secu-
rity. Its member countries extend in Europe from
Norway to Turkey and in the North Atlantic from
Great Britain to Canada and the United States.
Never before in the history of the world have so
many countries, sharing as many common princi-
ples, worked so closely together to build their col-
lective security.

To build the protective strength of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization has been to test the
capabilities, the will, and the vigor of all of our
peoples. I think it is fair to say that it has been
a test of the greatness of our countries and it has
been a test that has been met and passed.

Economic Assistance

When we started to build the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, the economic structure of
Europe was still shattered as a result of the war.
The United States had to make gi-eat contribu-
tions in the form of economic assistance, but even
with our vast resources, this would not have been
possible without the hard work, the technical
skills, the political talent, the determination, and
the ability to work in cooperation of the peoples of
all of the member states.

You may recall the language of the legislation
that originated our economic assistance. This
was the Economic Cooperation Act of 1948, and it
authorized a first program of 4 years of aid to 16
European countries. Western Germany, and the
Free Territory of Trieste. The language of the
Act said :

The restoration or maintenance in European countries of
principles of individual liberty, free institutions, and
genuine independence rests largely upon the establishment
of sound economic conditions, stable international eco-
nomic relationships, and the achievement by the countries
of Europe of a healthy economy independent of extraordi-
nary outside assistance.

Seven years later we can look with some satis-
faction at the progress that has been made. Indi-
vidual liberty, free institutions, and genuine inde-
pendence are firmly established in the Nato coun-
tries. An increasingly healthy economy exists,
industrial production in Western Europe is 50
percent greater today than it was before the war,

November 27, 7955

835

and with economic stability has come basic politi-
cal stability.

In the events of the postwar years, one of the
most significant developments has been the in-
creasing spirit of cooperation among the free na-
tions. It is here that we have especially seen the
rebirth of the European talent for political leader-
ship. It is evident not only in the close integra-
tion of Nato but also in the various international
agencies that have been evolved since the war.
Institutions like the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation, where goverimients act to
make voluntary agreements to remove trade bar-
riere, the European Payments Union that deals
with the complicated relations of currencies, and
the Coal and Steel Community are all examples
of new and successful thinking applied to inter-
national problems.

I have mentioned briefly some of the problems
that have been met successfully in the postwar
years. There are others wliich are extremely seri-
ous that we still face. The Foreign Ministers of
Great Britain, France, and the United States are
meeting now in Geneva with the Foreign Minister
of the Soviet Union. One of the principal prob-
lems they have been discussing is that of the con-
tinued division of Germany. Europe cannot know
real security until the problems relating to Ger-
man reunification are solved.

On the problem of Germany, on the problem of
European security, on the problem of the control
of armaments we cannot predict the time and man-
ner of eventual solution. We can say that in co-
operation with the other free nations we shall
pursue their solution with persistent determina-
tion.

We have seen much progress since the end of the
war; we have seen the world gradually becoming
a healthier and better place in which to live. We
must each assume responsibility to see that wc can
continue to make progress.

Foreign^Scientists To Study
U.S. Solar Energy Projects

The International Cooperation Administration
announced on October 22 that it has arranged for
nine foreign solar scientists to make an 18-day,
coast-to-coast, study tour of American solar en-
ergy activities. The group will include three
scientists from Egypt, two from India, and one
each from Thailand, Israel, Belgium, and Spain.
They are to meet with Ica officials in Washington
on October 28 for conferences before proceeding
to Phoenix, Ariz., where they will join other lead-
ing scientists, engineers, and industrialists from
November 1 to 5 for the World Symposimn on
Solar Energy.

The symposium has been called by the Associa-
tion for Applied Solar Energy, the Stanford Re-
search Institute, and the University of Arizona
in an attempt to hasten the day when the sun's vast
energy can be harnessed and put to work effec-
tively for mankind. Worldwide scientific par-
ticipation has been made possible by financial sup-
port from the National Academy of Sciences, the
National Science Foundation, the Ford Founda-
tion, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Office of
Naval Research, and the U.S. Air Force.

Ica is helping to finance the attendance of seven
scientists — from Egypt, India, Thailand, and
Israel — at the symposium. It arranged the tour
so that they, and two scientists from Belgium and
Spain, could spend an additional 18 days in the
United States observing firsthand some of the
work of American institutions in the development
and application of solar energy and solar engi-
neering, adding to the practical results which may
be anticipated from the symposium.

Ica said that the importance of solar energy to
the underdeveloped countries and other countries
with an acute fuel problem led to its decision to
sponsor the study trip.

836

Department of Stale Bulletin

The Goals of the University in the Free World

hy James B. Gonant

Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany ^

May I first of all congratulate most heartily the
German University Exchange Service. As you
all know, the German University Exchange Serv-
ice more than 5 years ago took up its work once
again and in this period of time has enabled
hundreds of foreign students to obtain scholar-
ships here in Germany and at the same time has
made it possible for German students to obtain
scholarships in foreign countries, has arranged
student trips, and in many ways has forwarded
the exchange of students, teachers, and professors
between Germanj' and other countries. This
highly significant work has done much to forward
the close connections between schools and universi-
ties in the countries that are involved. As the
representative of the President of the United
States here in Germany, may I express to the Ger-
man University Exchange Service my deep appre-
ciation for what it has accomplished and present
my best wishes for its success in the future.

In my present capacity as a diplomat it is very
clear to me how important it is to have good rela-
tions between different nations, particularly inso-
far as young members of an academic community
are concerned. Today, however, I have not only
the honor of speaking as Ambassador and thus
bringing the greetings of my Government, but also
the privilege of speaking to academic colleagues,
because I was once president of Harvard Univer-
sity. After nearly 40 years of service in an
academic community, first as professor and then as
president, I know how significant and stimulating
close contact can be between schools and universi-
ties in different countries. Therefore, today I

' Translation of an address made In German at the
annual meeting of the Deutsche Akademische Aus-
tauschdienst at Bonn, Germany, on Oct. 27.

Novembsr 21, 1955

have the double pleasure of taking part in this
yearly meeting of the German University Ex-
change Service in two capacities.

Our celebration today starts from two premises.
First, we realize that it is both important and
necessary to forge friendly links between nations.
Second, we realize that the work of colleges and
universities is in itself of fundamental significance.
To this audience both of these thoughts will ap-
pear so obvious that I need not take any of your
time to dwell on them longer. But because the
work of universities and colleges is of such fun-
damental significance it is perhaps worth while
from time to time to take account of what the
tasks of these universities and colleges may be and
how they are in fact carried out in different
countries.

In order to understand any human institution,
one must know something about its history.
Therefore, I hope you will allow me to say a very
few words about the history of universities. I
hardly need to call the attention of this audience
to the fact that universities are a European inven-
tion which was made in the Middle Ages. We
must remember that universities are not an arm of
a government or of a church or of any other cor-
porate body but are independent communities of
professors and students. The independence of the
members of these communities — independence
from both the state and from society — is a basic
premise for the development of the universities,
but I must admit also this independence has been
for many hundreds of years a bitterly disputed
problem.

Of course, the history of universities during the
last 900 years is not a history of an unbroken rise ;
on the contrary, it is much more a history of ups
and downs. There have been periods of sickness

837

and periods of health. Generally, periods of sick-
ness occurred when an attempt was made to limit
the freedom of the academic community by some
outside agency or when the miiversities themselves
failed to adjust their tasks and their methods to
the period in which they were operating. As an
example, perhaps I may call your attention to the
well-known history of the two leading universities
of England, Oxford and Cambridge, in the period
between the restoration of the Stuart monarchy in
the I7th century and the great reform movement
in the middle of the 19th century. An English
historian has called this period in the liistory of
Oxford and Cambridge a period of "corrupt
sleep."

The history of universities in the different Eu-
ropean countries and other countries is tremen-
dously fascinating, but I will not attempt to speak
in detail about it tonight. Let me say this much,
however, that from this history we can readily
see that the univei-sities have always striven to-
ward three cliief goals. The first goal has been
and still is the advancement of learning. The
second goal is the education and training of a
small percentage of the youth who wish to prepare
for certain professions. The third goal is the
education of men who later will have an important
position in society, although they may not prac-
tice a profession. When we come to talk about
this third goal, we at once run into tremendous
differences between universities in different coun-
tries and at different times. I am going to come
back later to these differences. We must never
forget, of course, that methods of education do
not exist in a vacuum but depend a great deal on
the structure of the society at the time in which
they are in force. Indeed, differences are to be
found even if the comitries in question are all free,
democratic countries. On the other hand, the first
two goals which I have referred to, namely, the
advancement of learning and the education and
training for a profession, are relatively constant
as between different countries and as between dif-
ferent periods.

For example, if one compares the methods of
training doctors 3 generations ago in the United
States and in Europe with the present methods,
one readily sees that the difference is relatively
slight. Of course it is true that in the meantime
there have been great developments in the sciences
and in medicine, but fundamentally the methods
of education and training have been little changed.

The same considerations apply to the training of
historians, philologists, or philosophers.

The same is true if one speaks about the first
goal, the advancement of learning. Today, as for
hundreds of years, almost without exception, mem-
bers of the academic community would agree that
it is the task of a university to advance continually
the frontiere of learning.

I have just spoken of the two main goals of the
universities which have remained constant over a
long period of time and do not differ in different
comitries. But unfortunately in this period in
which we live there is one great exception to
this generalization. Indeed, I have already re-
ferred to this fact in the title of my speech.
Surely, tolerance and freedom of thought are
necessary conditions for a healthy academic life;
the accomplishments of the universities have al-
ways been tlie greatest when the discussion among
professore was most violent. But fi'eedom of
thought and discussion is not to be found on the
other side of the Iron Curtain.

Universities in the Unfree World

If I were spealdng to an American audience
on today's topic, I would have to go into the dif-
ference between the universities in the free and
the unfree world in some detail. Here in Germany ■
this is not necessary. Every time I travel to Ber- "
lin and make a short trip through the East Sector,
I journey from the vicinity of the Fi'ee Univer-
sity, which is not far from my house, through the
Brandenburg Gate, and then pass by the old build-
ings of Berlin University. Every time I am re-
minded of the tragic history of the last 10 yeare.
I tliink of all that has happened in the German
universities the other side of the Iron Curtain.
But all this is much better known to you than to
me. You know that over there Marxism and
Leninism are the fundamental dogma on which
all science and learning must be based. A person
only has to turn the leaves of the journal Einheit
in order to read such nonsense as the following :

The philosophical starting point for Soviet astronomy
is dialectical materialism. Only if you understand this
fact can you understand how it has happened that re-
cently Soviet astronomy has had such great success in
spite of the destruction of aU the observatories.

I am sure that no one in this audience will con-
tradict me when I say that the Soviet system has

838

Department of State Bulletin

destroyed the basic premises on which a healthy
academic life must be built.

The difference between the academic life in the
free world and the academic life in the unfree
world was made very clear to me not long ago by
a somewhat naive foreign student. This student,
who had visited both the Free University and the
Humboldt University in East Berlin, thought it
praiseworthy that in the Humboldt University he
discovered no differences of opinion and heard no
discussions and further that in the Humboldt
University all the students and teachers supported
the same point of view with great enthusiasm.
What seemed to this naive observer as a happy
circumstance would appear to most people in the
free world as a serious threat to academic life.

According to our view a university can flourish
only in a climate of opinion which favors the de-
velopment of fundamentally new points of view,
fundamentally new theories, and the frank discus-
sion between the representatives of what is old and
what is new. In this connection may I cite the
words of Professor Hirsch, who, as Kector of the
Free University in Berlin, spoke as follows at the
opening of the academic year in June 1954 :

Certainly the transmission of knowledge from one gen-
eration to another is one of the tasks of a university, but
an institution which limited Itself to this task would lack
the essential hallmark of a true university. That is to
say, it would lack the never-ending and constantly re-
newed analysis and discussion of the knowledge which
has been transmitted to us from the past.

With these sentiments I heartily agree. It seems
to me clear that it is the task of the universities in
the free world to create a climate of opinion in
which a vigorous and serious questioning and dis-
cussion of the traditional content of learning must
take place. How one can best create such a cli-
mate is a matter on which opinions may differ in
different nations of the free world, but there can
be no disagreement that it is necessary not only for
the advancement of learning but for the education
and training of students.

Or am I wrong? Perhaps there is some differ-
ence of opinion. Perhai^s somebody will raise the
objection that, as far as the training of scientists,
engineers, and doctors is concerned, freedom of
thought and freedom of speech are not particu-
larly important. It would be possible, for ex-
ample, to point to the fact that education in mathe-
matics, physics, and chemistry in vuiiversities of
the Soviet Zone is not very different from educa-

tion in the same subjects in the Western universi-
ties. Furthermore, it could be pointed out that
scientific papers (if they don't touch on philosoph-
ical matters) which are published in the East are
essentially the same as scientific papers in the
West.

However, from my point of view it is completely
wrong to say that the history of science shows that
differences of opinion and vigorous questions and
discussions are not necessary for the advancement
of the sciences.

The Philosophy of Science

We are concerned here with a problem which
goes very deep. As everyone knows, science and
its methods are assigned a very important position
in the Soviet Union in accordance with the Marx-
ist dog-ma. The rulers of the Soviet Union love
to claim that their whole policy in politics and
economics is based on a scientific foundation. Of
course, what is called science in the Soviet Union
is, as a matter of fact, only an outworn philo-
sophic dogma which was developed from the 19th
century position in regard to the natural sciences.
Because such a misunderstanding of the nature of
the natural sciences prevails in the unfree world,
it is particularly important that the universities
in the free world busy themselves with the con-
sideration of this problem.

Let us ask ourselves the questions : Is it true that
advances in science have not been the result of dif-
ferences of opinion and vigorous questioning and
analysis? Is it true that the methods of natural
science are so different from the other methods of
scholars that the advancement of science and the
training of scientists can be the same in the free
and the unfree world ? These questions are both
so difficult and cut so deep that I venture to take
a little of your time in order to explain my own
position in regard to them. I must admit it has
been a hobby of mine for a long time that we should
develop a better understanding of science in our
schools and, in America, particularly in our col-
leges. Indeed, I considered this problem in some
detail in a book which was published 10 years ago.
There I wrote as follows :

One of the objects of the Terry Foundation is "the as-
similation of what has been or will be hereafter discovered,
and its application to human welfare." I like the word
"assimilation" ; its use in connection with science at once
brings to mind one of the unsolved problems of this age.
Is it not because we have failed to assimilate science into

November 21, 1955

839

our western culture that so many feel spiritually lost in
the modern world? So it seems to me. Once an object
has been assimilated, it is no longer alien ; once the idea
has been al>sorbed and incorporated into an integrated
complex of ideas, the erstwhile foreign intinjder becomes
an element of strength. And in this process of assimila-
tion, labels may well disappear. When what we now
roughly designate us science has been fully assimilated
into our cultural stream, we shall perhaps no longer use
the word as we do today. When that time arrives, as I
have no doubt it will, the subject of this book will be fused
into the age-old problem of understanding man and his
works.

I do not propose to go into details in regard to
my suggestions as to how one can develop a better
understanding of science among students in high
schools and colleges. These proposals were put
forward for American schools and colleges, and it
is an open question how much significance they
might have for European schools. I can attempt
to sum up my own point of view, however, some-
what as follows : It is only possible to understand
natural science if one knows something of the
development of science during the last 400 years.
In order to obtain an understanding of scientific
concepts and methods it is necessary to combine
historical studies and philosophical analyses.

I have only time to bring to your attention one
or two conclusions that follow from my thesis.
Above all, I should like to emphasize that from my
point of view much too much is made today of the
mathematical aspects of natural science. Of
course, these aspects of science (essential phys-
ics) and the corresponding technology have enor-
mously changed our daily life in this century. We
only have to think of the many applications of
electricity, of radio and television, of atomic
physics, either in connection with atomic bombs or
the peaceful application of atomic energy. But
the developments in biochemistry, in physiology,
and above all in biology itself during the last
century have been just as important. Indeed, per-
haps students could learn more of the methods of
natural science if they would consider the funda-
mental work of Pasteur rather than the work of
Clark-Maxwell, Helmholtz, and Planck.

A hundred years ago the questions which Pas-
teur undertook to investigate — for example, the
question of spontaneous generation — were vigor-
ously discussed. If today one tries to discover
why we accept as a matter of course the statement
that living cells cannot be artificially created, then
one can obtain a better understanding of the rela-
tion between experimental results and scientific

concepts. I may say I am not the only one who
has pointed to the significance of biology for the
theory of knowledge. Some years ago a book,
written in German by a Dr. Fleck, appeared with
the title The Origin and Development of a Scien-
tific Fact ( the title in itself is worthy of note) . In
this book the author emphasized that medical facts
are particularly suitable to illiuninate problems in
the theory of knowledge.

Experimental Science

A person who knows something of the history
of expervmental science sees clearly that in the case
of science we are concerned with a human activity
which is not fundamentally different from, for ex-
ample, the work of the architects and craftsmen
who built the cathedrals of the Middle Ages.

Possibly someone in the audience may consider
that this comparison is completely wrong. Per-
haps he would say the work of a scientist is much
more similar to the work of a mapmaker. If you
start from this standpoint, that is to say, if you
assume that the structure of the universe can be
gradually discovered and described in exactly the
same way a mapmaker can explore a previously
unknown area and delineate his results in all de-
tail on a map, then everything that I have been
saying is completely wrong. If you start from the
standpoint that the work of a scientist is compar-
able to the work of a mapmaker, then you at once
come to the conclusion that the concepts and ^
theories of science have not been the result of end- "
less series of questioning and discussions and that
the vigorous strife between scientists in the past
can only be regarded as a regrettable misunder-
standing between individuals.

"Wliat indeed is the difference between a work
of art that has been produced by many people
and a map which has also been the product of
cooperative labors ? Clearly, in the case of a work
of art, the creative powers of the artists play a
much greater role. I imagine that everybody
would agree with me when I say a building would
look quite different if one of the artists who had
been involved in its planning and construction had
died during the planning and construction. In
the case of a map, on the other hand, we would all
say that it was only a question of time until a final
correct map was drawn.

I am of the firm opinion that, in the case of the
origin and development of concepts, theories, and
many of the so-called facts of science, the creative

840

Deparfmenf of Stafe Bulletin

power of the scientist has played ahnost as great
a role as in the production of a work of art.

For example, if we follow the history of the
atomic theory during the last 150 years, then we
discover that the different versions of the theory
which have been accepted at different periods de-
pended in no small measure on what particular
leading scientist at that particular moment in-
fluenced most of the thinking of his colleagues.
We may also note that the scientists were more
than once on the point of giving up the atomic
theory.

Indeed the present atomic theory is so different
from the version which was taught in my youth
that one could question whether we were dealing
with the same complex of concepts. If I had time
perhai^s I might attempt to prove that the present
atomic theory might well have had another form
if certain discoveries had accidentally been made
in another sequence in time. That one can find
in our present theory traces of the spirit of in-
vention of at least a dozen experimental chemists
and physicists seems to me indisputable.

Now, I am well aware that the philosophy of
science is a field which is much fought over. One
can start from a number of different premises in
interpreting the methods and results of science.
This is true not only in regard to the nature of
experimental science but also in regard to the
nature of mathematical knowledge. Indeed, it
is not jjossible to separate completely the one prob-
lem from the other. My own point of view bears
considerable similarity to that current among a
group of young American philosophers. I am
thinking particularly of Professor Quine of Har-
vard, who wrote a short time ago the following:

The totality of what we know or believe, starting from
the most incidental details of geography or history to
the most profound laws of atomic physics or indeed of
pure mathematics and logic, is a structure created by
man which impinges on experience only at its edges.

The Task of the Scientist

From such a standpoint it is evident that in
science there can be no finally correct theories.
The scientist makes use of only those theories and
concepts which have been developed in his time
and which appear to be the most convenient and
most fruitful. According to my view it is not the
task of a scientist to discover the true stiiicture
of the world. His task is to construct new con-
cepts and new theories for one definite purpose;

namely, to guide experiments and to facilitate the
solution of technical problems. A piece of wood,
for example, is for a physicist really made up of
neutrons and protons and electrons. For a chemist
it is made up of atoms and molecules. But for a
woodcarver it remains what it has been for cen-
turies, a piece of material out of which he can
create a work of art. If one looks at science from
this point of view, then one must admit that analy-
sis and vigorous discussion were necessary condi-
tions for the development of the natural sciences
and must remain so.

One's position in regard to the nature of science
must depend on which of two standpoints is ac-
cepted; namely, whether one looks at the work
of the scientist as being similar to that of a map-
maker or similar to that of the creative artist.
If we think of the scientist's work as comparable
to that of a mapmaker, then discarded theories in
science and outdated concepts are hardly of any
interest. We can only regard these earlier ideas
as regrettable errors. If, however, we start from
the other standpoint, then indeed the history of
science must be the central point of our interest.
According to my view one can obtain a correct
understanding of science and mathematics only
if one considers the development of these sciences
as an accomplishment of the human spirit. So
regarded, one miderstands why science (I am not
speaking about technology) can flourish only in
a climate which favors differences of opinion and
vigorous discussion and questioning.

I have spoken too long about the philosophy of
science and perhaps some of my listeners are won-
dering what all this has to do with the title of my
speech. As I see it, it has a great deal to do with
the theme which I am discussing here today. For
if my analysis of the nature of science is correct,
then the universities in the free world must en-
deavor so to arrange matters that science in the
free world will not be regarded according to the
prescription of the unfree world. That is to say,
the free universities must clearly demonstrate that,
from the long-range point of view, the develop-
ment of science is possible only where a free so-
ciety exists and where freedom of thought, free-
dom of speech, and tolerance of different
standpoints is the order of the day. We must
avoid developing in our schools and universities
a point of view according to which in science we are
concerned only with questions to which there is
a single right answer and, therefore, vigorous

November 21, 1955

841

quarrels among scientists are only a sign of human
weakness. We must also avoid equating the meth-
ods of physics and chemisti-y with all the methods
by which learning can be advanced.

It is not enough to emphasize the necessity of a
development under conditions of freedom. As
I see the matter, we must, through an analysis of
the history of science and, as a matter of fact,
of all activities of the human spirit — that is, art,
music, and literature — show that what we consider
as progi-ess has been the result of both the coopera-
tion and the strife between talented men and
women who were dedicated to the increase of the
cultural heritage of mankind. In the past, uni-
versities have been conxmonly the home of many
such people, and it must remain so in the future.

Of course, today, in this period of history, uni-
versities must be concerned with many practical
problems, for example, with the training of ex-
perts in applied physics and chemistry and in
medicine. But the heart of their existence must
remain scholarly work of no immediate practical
importance. A scholar, like an artist or writer,
must hope that his results will be considered and
honored by later generations. In this respect his
work is to be contrasted to that of the applied
scientist, who works not for the future but for the
present.

Education for Public Life

Finally, in conclusion, may I come back to the
third of the chief goals of the univereities, namely,
the education of those individuals who later in
public life, particularly in politics and business,
will play an important role. As I have already
noted, attempts to accomplish this task in different
countries have been different. I am not thinking
of the difference between the free world and the
unfree world where all the goals of a university
have been melted down and ti'ansformed in an oven
heated by the flames of Marxist dogma. If in the
free world methods may differ, nevertheless the
goal remains the same. In all the countries of the
free world people are convinced that experience in
a society of scholars in a place where the climate
favors difference of opinion is a good preparation
for a later position of importance in politics and
in business. In order to accomplish this in uni-

versities there should be an opportunity for one
faculty to influence another so that students, for
example, who are studying engineering and medi-
cine can get some idea of the vigorous strife which
is more usual in departments of economics and
philosophy.

"^^Iiether here in the Federal Republic such an
ideal has been realized is not for me, a foreigner,
to judge, but in the United States we have come
to the conclusion that a student can best obtain
some experience with academic life and some sort
of final education in one of our colleges. There is
not time remaining for me to speak of the many
experiments which we have made in the United
States in the field of education of youth. As you
probably know, we attempt in our colleges to pro-
vide not only some understanding of American
society and of the American concept of democracy,
but we also endeavor to develop some understand-
ing for the essential cultural tradition in which we
live, which includes some understanding of the
significance of both cooperation and vigorous dis-
pute in the life of the spirit.

The contrast between the free and the unfree
world comes clearly to the fore when one compares
the roles of teachers, professors, and learned men
in the two halves of the divided world. And with
this consideration I return to my starting point,
that is, the significance of today's celebration.
That an exchange of students and professors is of
supreme importance follows as a matter of course
if my diagnosis has been correct. Let me attempt
once more to sum up what I have been endeavoring
to say. Two goals of the universities are the same
in different countries in the free world and have
not altered much during the course of history. The
third goal remains essentially the same, even if
different ways must be sought to reach it in differ-
ent nations. Since all this is true, we must rejoice
in the increase of good relations between the uni-
versities of the free world and particularly in the
fact that, in the 5 years which have elapsed since
the German University Exchange Service started
its work, ties with the Federal Republic of Ger-
many have been greatly increased. May I take
this occasion once more to congi-atulate the Ger-
man University Exchange Service and to wish all
concerned the best possible success in the years to
come.

1

842

Depar/menf of State Bulletin

The United States and Southeast Asia

by Kenneth T. Young

Director, Office of Philippine and Southeast Asian Affairs ^

We in the United States have always felt gi-eat
sympathy and kinship for the peoples of Asia in
their struggle for liberty. In one of the Federal-
ist papers Alexander Hamilton eloquently wrote
against foreign domination over Asia, America,
and Africa. He urged America to establish new
terms of the connection between the Old and the
New World. Southeast Asia is doing the same
today to find a new liberty.

For many centuries strong kingdoms and diverse
cultures flourished in Burma, Thailand, Cambodia,
Java, and elsewhere. The Chinese, the Indians,
and the Arabs brought their different religions
and varied customs to this area. Imperial China
was often a dominating force. During 400 years
of foreign colonization and control after 1500, the
people of Southeast Asia were for the most part
separated into tightly sealed colonial domains.
They had no say at all about their own affairs.
They knew little of each other. We saw little of
them, except for Thailand and the Philippines.

Since World War II the pattern has changed
abruptly and completely. Alien control has
ended. Our own Declaration of Independence in-
spired the leadei-s and peoples of Southeast Asia to
seek and win their own liberty. There are now
seven independent countries and the partly self-
governing colonies of Malaya and Singapore.
Each in his own way is trying to catch up with the
20th century in a decade or two. These govern-
ments and peoples are determined to succeed in this
colossal task. Today Southeast Asia is a critical
area in a divided world.

The guiding purposes of U. S. diplomacy in
Southeast Asia are :

' Address made before the Far East-America Council of
Commerce and Industry, Inc., at New York, N. Y., on
Oct. 20.

1. To support political independence and aid
economic development ;

2. To provide assistance of any kind only when
it is desired and requested, when it supplements
self-help, and when it looks toward eventual self-
supporting arrangements ;

3. To comprehend the attitudes and sensitivities
of the Southeast Asian countries, however much
they differ from ours ;

4. To encourage profitable and neighborly re-
lations with the United States, among themselves,
and with other friendly nations of the free world.

The United States has great sympathy for na-
tionalist movements in Asia which are free and
effective. We hope for their success in establish-
ing new governments, new constitutions, and new
administrations. During 1955 and 1956, elections
will have been held in Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos,
Free Viet-Nam, the Philippines, Malaya and
Singapore, and Burma, and Thailand in 1957.
This is a dramatic and exciting chapter in the
history of freedom. It reminds us of our Ameri-
can experience in establishing our own Republic.
It gives the citizens — the farmer in the field and
tlie worker in the cities and towns — participation
in village, municij^al, and national government for
the first time in this part of the world.

While jDolitical methods and institutions may
be peculiarly suited to each country and quite dif-
ferent from those in the West — as they should be —
the fundamental principle of consent of the gov-
erned is being practiced instead of squelched as in
other nearby parts of the world. This is no easy
matter after generations of alien control.

The elimination of illiteracy, the spread of adult
education, the enthusiasm for democratic proc-
esses— these are the guideposts in Burma, the Phil-
ippines, and Indonesia, for instance. In Viet-Nara
Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem and his colleagues,

November 27, 1955

843

with great courage in the face of tremendous odds,
have started to build a truly nationalist govern-
ment which can be increasingly stable, effective,
and responsive to popular wishes, although it has
a long way to go to fulfill the needs of political
and economic reconstruction. The Cambodians,
under the dynamic leadership of Prince Sihanouk,
have just begun a wholly new political experiment
in their own internal development.

Economic Needs

To survive, liberty in Southeast Asia must mean
a better life in economic as well as political terms.
Therefore, the United States is interested in the
economic welfare and development of Southeast
Asia. We would like to see a rising level of con-
sumption, fuller utilization of manpower, and a
genuine increase in that yeast of economic
growth — new investment in capital goods. We
urge community development at the village level
and a maximum emphasis on local enterprise and
skills.

The overall economic picture appears much bet-
ter than a year or two ago, although tough and
tricky problems face every country in Southeast
Asia. Fortunately, new investment in productive
enterprises is accelerating. Cambodia, Laos, and
Free Viet-Nam now with their own banks, cur-
rency, and other economic institutions are taking
over the management of their economies. Free
Viet-Nam has set up a Supreme Economic and
Monetary Council, which is examining the possi-
bilities for developing investment in productive fa-
cilities and other major economic questions. U.S.
aid of a large order can now go direct to these tliree
states to help them keep their new independence.
Thailand is, with a favorable trade balance, tak-
ing measures to strengthen its economy further.
Burma is finding means to meet temporary diffi-
culties in its balance of payments and its internal
budgeting. The Indonesians, while successfully
conducting the tremendous enterprise of their
first national election, are vigorously attacking
their economic problems. The Philippines are
making efforts to improve both the industrial and
rural sectors of their economy. The new trade
agreement with us goes into effect on January 1.^
But in all these coimtries there are still serious
economic shortages and deficiencies.

The Colombo Plan and outside aid will help the
efforts of the Southeast Asian countries reduce
their economic maladjustments and increase their
standard of living.' Japan, India, Australia, and
other countries can also help develop the Southeast
Asian economy. Private investors can contribute
much in this area.

Asian Approach to Economic Problems

In this regard, it is important for us to under-
stand the Asian approach to such complicated and
controversial issues as foreign investment, state
direction, and the pricing of their raw materials.
In this connection, American firms operating in
Southeast Asia have displayed broad vision and
are following helpful policies.

However, the political freedom and economic
welfare of these nations will vanish — and our own
will be endangered — if aggi'essive or subversive
forces succeed in overthrowing the democratic
nationalist elements in Southeast Asia.* They
are on the frontiers of freedom, face to face with
the real and present danger of violence and sub-
version. For example, in Laos the Commmiists
have grabbed the northern part of the country and
threaten the rest. In Singapore and Malaya the
Communists are pursuing a relentless campaign
of terrorism and infiltration. Many of these coun-
tries desire outside aid to increase their economic
and defensive capabilities. In the case of Thai-
land and the Philippines, we are allies in Seato a
[Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty],
which, since its formal establislunent last March,
is developing rapidly. If hostile elements took
over Southeast Asia, our security and our well-
being would be gi'avely disturbed. Therefore, we
must help Southeast Asia sustain and strengthen
its independence.

Closer Association Among Nations

As the Secretary of State said to the American
Legion on October 10th,' nations also need t« get

' For text, see Bulletin of Sept. 19, 1955, p. 466.

" For a statement made by John B. Hollister at the
Ministerial Meeting of the Consultative Committee for
Economic Development in South and Southeast Asia
(Colombo Plan) at Singapore on Oct. 20, see t6i(?., Nov. 7,
1955, p. 747.

■• For an article on "Commvmist China and American
Far Eastern Policy" by John M. H. Lindbeck, see iMd.,
p. 751.

'Ibid., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 639.

844

Department of Slate Bulletin

together on a community basis. One of our ob-
jectives is to help the countries concerned develop
an emerging pattern of closer association wherever
feasible. For example, there is now a new rail-
road line and ferry system between Laos and Thai-
land. It was opened a month ago by representa-
tives from Laos, Thailand, and the United States.
Buddliist priests selected the hour of the occasion
and officiated at the ceremony. Officials made ap-
propriate speeches, and a new Diesel train inaugu-
rated the first service. This new route will have a
real impact on the economy of Laos by lowering
prices and making trade much easier with the out-
side world. The Thai Government did an out-
standing job in pushing this railroad through so
rapidly. Cambodia and Thailand now have
through rail freight service between Bangkok and
Phnom Penh. The Mekong Eiver basin offers
many other possibilities for joint development.

As we see it, the more the countries of Southeast
Asia develop mutual points of contact and share
experiences in dealing with common problems, the
easier it will be for them to overcome the effects of
separation and isolation of colonial days. If such
friendly associations continue to grow, the coun-
tries of Southeast Asia will be better able to with-
stand economic strain and subversive pressui*e.
Communist conquest by disruption will be liin-
dered. The interests of the United States will be
furthered.

We should not and do not expect carbon copies
of American political, economic, or cultural insti-
tutions. What we can hope for, however, is that
the peoples of Southeast Asia will have the oppor-
tunity to develop and enjoy a liberty without fear.

Developments an the Near East

Statement Jyy President Eisenhower

White House Office (Denver) press release dated November 0

All Americans have been following with deep
concern the latest developments in the Near East.
The recent outbreak of hostilities has led to a
sharp increase in tensions. These events inevita-
bly retard our search for world peace. Insecurity
in one region is bound to affect the world as a
whole.

Wliile we continue willing to consider requests
for arms needed for legitimate self-defense, we
do not intend to contribute to an arms competition

in the Near East because we do not think such a
race would be in the true interest of any of the
participants. The policy which we believed would
best promote the intei-ests and the security of the
peoples of the area was expressed in the Tripar-
tite Declaration of May 25, 1950.^ This still re-
mains our policy.

I stated last year that our goal in the Near East
as elsewhere is a just peace. Nothing has taken
place since which invalidates our fundamental
policies, policies based on friendship for all of the
peoples of the area.

We believe that true security must be based upon
a just and reasonable settlement. The Secretary
of State outlined on August 26th ^ the economic
and security contributions which this country was
prepared to make toward such a solution. On that
occasion I authorized Mr. Dulles to state that,
given a solution of the other related problems, I
would recommend that the United States join in
formal treaty engagements to prevent or thwart
any effort by either side to alter by force the bound-
aries between Israel and its Arab neighbors.

Eecent developments have made it all the more
imperative that a settlement be found. The
United States will continue to play its full part
and will support firmly the United Nations, which
has already contributed so markedly to minimize
violence in the area. I hope that other nations of
the world will cooperate in this endeavor, thereby
contributing significaaitly to world peace.

Disposition of Enemy Property

White House Office (Denver) press release dated November 7

The President on November 7 issued an Execu-
tive order providing for the administration of
title II of the International Claims Settlement
Act of 1949. That title, which was added to the
International Claims Settlement Act by Public
Law 285, approved by the President on August 9,
1955, provides for the vesting of certain Bul-
garian, Hungarian, and Kumanian property still
blocked under Executive Order No. 8389, as
amended, and for the disposition of Bulgarian,
Hungarian, and Rumanian assets previously
vested under the Trading with the Enemy Act,
as amended.

' For test of declaration, see Bolletin of June 15, 1953,
p. 834, footnote 2.

= /6((7., Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.

November 2?, 1955

845

The Executive order designates the Attorney
General as the officer in whom property shall vest
under the said title II. It also designates the
Attorney General, and any Assistant Attorney
General designated by the Attorney General for
such purpose, to perform the functions conferred
by that title upon the President or upon any
designee of the President.

The Attorney General has indicated that he
intends to delegate his functions under the Execu-
tive order to Assistant Attorney General Town-
send, who is the Director of the Office of Alien
Property. That office is familiar with matters of
this kind by reason of its experience with respect
to the vesting and disposition of enemy property
in the United States during World War II.

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10644'

Administration of Title II of the Intebnational
Claims Settlement Act of 1949, as Amended, Relat-
ing to the Vesting and Liquidation of Bdlgabian,
Hungarian, and Rumanian Property

By virtue of the authority vested in me by Title II of
the International Claims Settlement Act of 1949, as added

by Public Law 285, 84th Congress, approved August 9,
1955 (69 Stat. 562), and by section 301 of title 3 of the
United States Code, and as President of the United States,
it is ordered as follows :

Section 1. The Attorney General, and, as designated
by the Attorney General for this purpose, any Assistant
Attorney General are hereby designated and empowered to
perform the functions conferred by the said Title II of
the International Claims Settlement Act of 1949 upon
the President, and the functions conferred by that title
upon any designee of the President.

Section 2. The Attorney General is hereby designated
as the officer in whom property shall vest tinder the said
Title II.

Section 3. As used in this order, the term "functions"
includes duties, powers, responsibilities, authority, and
discretion, and the term "perform" may be construed to
include "exercise".

X-J C-c-s-^- ^-/^C_/ Cz-jCt*- X.rt<j>./N^

The White House
November 7, 1955

■ 20 Fed. Reg. 8363.

The Importance of Foreign Economic Policy
to the American'Pecple

Statement hy Thorsten F. Kalijarvi

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs '

The schedule for these hearings is most inter-
esting. You are searching for answers to difficult
questions. We, too, are searching for answers
to most of the same questions. Conseqiiently I
am pleased to participate in your deliberations
and only wish that I could spend the week listen-
ing to your speakers and discussion.

Foreign economic policy is but another name
for the economic aspects of foreign policy. It has
been surveyed before. It will be siirve3'ed again.
In fact, it seems to be one of the most surveyed
subjects under the sun. In the daily operations
of the Government it has become a major consumer
of time and brainpower.

* Made before the Subcommittee on Foreign Economic
Policy of the .Joint Committee on the Economic Report
on Nov. 9 (press release 641).

Wliy is it necessai-y to give all this attention
to foreign economic policy? This occasion justi-
fies our reminding ourselves of some of the
reasons.

We may note as a starting point the astound-
ing economic development of the United States
during the last 75 years. These years have seen
our free-enterprise economy become the richest
and most dynamic ever known, and they have wit-
nessed the growth of this country into a massive
force in world affairs. The result has been to
attach an imusual importance for the world, as
well as for ourselves, to what we do in trade, in
finance, in communications, and in the develop-
ment of resources.

Our ascendancy as a world power has coincided
with swift changes abroad. During the last 75

846

Department of State Bulletin

years alliances have changed, two World Wars
have been fought, empires have broken, states have
been born and others have died. Western Europe,
which for centuries had been the economic, politi-
cal, and military power center of the world, suf-
fered economic devastation and a debilitating
drain on its manpower. This meant that Western
Europe immediately after World War II had to
look to the United States not only for economic
aid but became much more concerned with the
economic foreign policy of this country than ever
before.

Other concurrent events left their impression
also. Communist Russia became a major world
power and began an aggressive campaign to
spread its system everywhere. The attendant
splitting of the world into two power groups gave
additional political significance to our economic
f oi'eign policies.

At the same time huge populations in the so-
called underdeveloped countries of the world be-
gan to assert themselves and seek political inde-
pendence and economic betterment. They were
no longer satisfied with their lot and began to
seek improved standards of living. They needed
food, shelter, aid of all sorts, technical assistance,
and finance, to mention onl}' a few items. They
became a new force in world politics. The prin-
cipal source of aid to these regions was the United
States, and the way in which she conducted her
economic foreign policies was followed with keen-
est attention and fraught with far-reaching con-
sequences.

Science and technology pushed back the eco-
nomic frontiers, drew the nations closer together,
and intermeshed their economies moi-e intricately.
Science and technology also produced new means
of destruction capable, it is asserted, of ending
human life on this planet. Most nations, large
and small, aspired to become industrialized and to
measure their strength and well-being in terms of
industrial plants. Revived economies in the
world produced more intense trade competition,
thereby projecting foreign economic policies into
a position of increased importance.

Need for International Cooperation

These were some of the forces that focused at-
tention on our entire foreign policy, and nowhere
more than on the economic aspects. They made
countries feel gi-eater need of one another than

ever before. The United States, for the first time
in a century and a half, found it necessary to join
other countries in a number of formal international
arrangements. International cooperation on a
large scale became the order of the day — not just
for companionship but because it was a necessity
in a shrinking world.

Could the new cooperation be only political and
military, and ignore economics? It could not. At
the very time when the nations were fast becoming
economically more interdependent, the United
States found itself the economic giant of them all.

With about 7 percent of the world's population,
we had become the producer of more than 40 per-
cent of the world's goods and services, and our ex-
ports and imports had exceeded those of any other
countiy. Our own history had taught us the im-
portance of economic development to the well-
being and safety of people. With the whole world
awake to this importance, it was inevitable that a
large part of our foreign policy would be economic
in nature.

We know now that our choice of foreign eco-
nomic policies not only determines the kind of
business opportunities that beckon us from abi'oad,
but it affects our economic welfare here at home
and also our security. This committee knows from
congressional deliberations on such matters as for-
eign economic aid and military assistance that our
economic actions can either strengthen or weaken
the free world community, on which our national
safety depends. In short, foreign economic policy,
like the rest of foreign policy, has a bearing on
every American citizen's well-being and safety —
and his chances of keeping his political liberties,
his chances of conducting his business activities
amidst a free environment, even his chances of
keeping his life.

Objectives of U.S. Foreign Economic Policy

Thus the American people have a big stake in
tlie direction in which their Government moves
when it determines foreign economic policy. Now
let us see what direction they have in fact chosen
tlirough their elected representatives in the Wliite
House and the Congress.

They have elected to move toward increased
economic intercourse with other free countries —
the expansion of international trade and com-
munications, the freer flow of capital, the pro-
viding of aid to underdeveloped countries, the

November 27, 1955

847

bolstering of the economies of countries of the
free world, and the encouragement of interna-
tional travel.

Tlie objective is to advance the economic well-
being and the national security of both ourselves
and others at the same time. We are linked to-
gether— we rise or fall together. Increased eco-
nomic intercourse among the free countries is a
source of strength for all who participate.

Sometimes one hears voiced the fear that our
policies may weaken our national economy. There
is no thought of sacrificing our own economic
strength; on the contrary, one of the main pur-
poses of the Federal Government, as listed by the
President in his State of the Union message last
January 6,^ is "to help keep our economy vigorous
and expanding, thus sustaining our international
strength and assuring better jobs, better living,
better opportunities for every citizen." The cur-
rent foreign economic policy does not conflict with
that great purpose but boosts it by helping to
assure a rising standard of living for our own
people.

The President has said it is to the advantage
of each nation to reduce the barriers to inter-
national trade and investment. In his annual
economic report of last January 20, he said : '

Our own interest clearly calls for a policy that will in
time extend into the international field those principles
of competitive enterprise which have brought our people
great prosperity with freedom. Against the (Jommumst
ideology of the omnipotent State, owning all means of
production and dominating all economic activity, the
United States holds forth the ideals of personal freedom,
private property, individual enterprise, and open markets.

The President, after receiving the recommenda-
tions of the Commission on Foreign Economic
Policy last year,* drew up a program of steps
within our power. He first presented it to the
Congress in his message of March 30, 1954," and
has kept it up to date by other messages. Tliis
committee, of course, is familiar with the pro-
gram. The President asked for :

New authority for recii^rocal tariff reductions;

Simplification of customs procedures;

More incentives for private investment abroad ;

"" Btjlletin of Jan. 17, 1955, p. 79.

'Economic Report of the President, Transmitted to the
Congress January 20, 1955, H. Doc. 31, 84th Cong., 1st
sess.

'BuTiETiN of Feb. 8, 1954, p. 187.

■ nid., Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602.

More teclinical and economic assistance for eco-
nomic development ;

Economic support for friendly nations that are
building their military defenses faster than their
economic resources would permit;

Legislation to encourage foreign travel and par-
ticipation in trade fairs;

Authority to join with other coimtries in estab-
lishing an Organization for Trade Cooperation
and an International Finance Corporation.

Progress on President's Program

The Congress has gone a long way toward en-
acting the President's program. For example:
This year the Trade Agi'eements Act was ex-
tended for 3 years with new authority to make
tariff concessions on a reciprocal basis ; and tariff
negotiations with 25 other countries will begin in
January. Alembership in the International Fi-
nance Corporation was authorized,'^ and we hope
this new institution for fostering private invest-
ment will be in actual operation early in 1956.
A substantial foreign aid program was approved
by the Congress, and the free world is steadily
growing stronger with the help of these funds.

Legislation to establish simple, clear, and logical
standards for the valuation of imported goods
was adopted by the House and is pending before
the Senate Finance Committee. Another pend-
ing item is a bill to encourage foreign investment
by reducing the tax rate on business income earned
by American firms abroad.

Also still to be accomplished is the establish-
ment of the Organization for Trade Cooperation.''
Now that the Trade Agreements Act has been ex-
tended for 3 years, the Organization for Trade
Cooperation is the capstone in the President's pro-
gram remaining to be set in place by the Congress.

Largely at the initiative of the United States,
35 countries which carry on more than four-fifths
of the entire foreign trade of the world have
reached tentative agreement on the Organization a
for Trade Cooperation. The organization would "
administer the trade arrangements which the na-
tions have already agreed upon in the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. It would also
provide a forum for consultations on trade ques-

°For a Presidential message on the International Fi-
nance Corporation, see ibid.. May 23, 1955, p. 844.

' For a Department announcement and the text of the
OTC agreement, see ibid., Apr. 4, 1955, p. 577.

848

Department of State Bulletin

tions, sponsor trade negotiations among the sover-
eign countries in the group, study trade problems,
and publish trade information. The terms of the
agreement are well suited to the interests of the
United States. The new organization would
make it possible to deal more effectively with for-
eign restrictions against our trade and, in fact,
would help bring about an orderly expansion of
mutually helpful trade among the nations.

Thus the new organization would meet a real
need in the conduct of our international relations.
Its very existence would have a beneficial effect,
for it would be undeniable evidence that the major
countries were truly determined to continue their
progress toward closer economic relations.

The President has asked the Congress to ap-
prove United States membersliip in the Organiza-
tion for Trade Cooperation. It is our earnest hope
that early approval will be forthcoming in the
coming session for this measure, which is so im-
portant to our national interest.

Foreign policy, of course, includes many other
economic matters: for example, the fostering of
airline operations throughout the world ; the send-
ing of a portion of our surplus farm products to
foreign countries ; and the restriction of strategic
exports to the Soviet bloc. Much attention is
given to foreign exchange problems, including
the convertibility of currencies. And we devote
much time and thought to our participation in
international organizations that deal with eco-
nomic problems, such as the International Bank,
the International Monetary Fund, the Organiza-
tion for European Economic Cooperation, the
Colombo Plan Consultative Committee, and
various agencies of the United Nations.

Now, all programs cannot go forward at the
same speed, and occasionally there are specific in-
stances where, for one reason or another, trade
restrictions are increased rather than reduced. On
balance, though, I think it can be truly said :

— that both the President and the Congress have
set a course in the general direction of increased
economic intercourse with other countries in the
common interest of all;

— that this is the will of the majority of the
American people; and

— that it is very much the national policy of
the United States.

So far, we have talked about the importance of
foreign economic policy and the course the United

November 27, 1955

States is taking. Finally, we should spend a few
minutes talking about the sources of our problems.
Setting a true course to steer by doesn't eliminate
all the obstacles in the way. And the administra-
tion of foreign economic policy is well known for
having its share of obstacles and dilemmas. The
same is true of foreign policy in general, but the
economic sector possesses a set of problems that
are peculiarly its own.

For one thing, it is not easy to distill out the
jjurely economic from other considerations. In a
way it is misleading to use the term "foreign
economic policy" at all, for there is no clear line of
separation. For example, what are thought of as
economic problems often have great political sig-
nificance in our relations with other countries.

But perhaps an even more basic reason for the
peculiar difficulties that we have mentioned is that
foreign economic jjolicy is located in that turbu-
lent area where our internal and external affairs
meet. In otlier words, foreign economic policy is
two things at the same time :

It is foreign policy, governing our relations with
otlier countries and having exactly the same objec-
tives as any other aspect of foreign policy — •
namely, the security and well-being of the United
States as a whole.

It is also the policy governing that part of our
domestic economy which projects beyond our
borders.

Now, sound foreign relations and prosperous
domestic economy are not in conflict. They go
along together. Nevertheless, at the point of
merging traffic, a high degree of dexterity is called
for, and even then there are sometimes collisions
and uncertainties over the right of way. It is
often not easy to balance the many interests
involved.

The question of surplus farm commodities is a
good illustration. The basic problem here is the
place of American agriculture in the economy.
]\Ieanwhile, however, the Government has the sur-
pluses. It is trying to dispose of them as construc-
tively as possible and to use them in a way that
would expand commercial markets, not displace
them. There are ways of disposing of surpluses
constructively; and one of the most hopeful is to
send them to underdeveloped countries where new
development projects are putting people to work
and are thus increasing the demand for food and
textiles.

849

If, however, we were to dump these surpluses
where they would disrupt the normal commercial
markets of other countries or our own farmers, we
would be doing more harm to our country than
good. There are limits to the extent to which we
can dispose of our surpluses abroad constructively.
The U.S. share of international markets for cotton,
for example, has shrunk from 50 percent to less
than one-third. The question of how far we can
go in given instances to regain these markets
through government action lies in that area of
"merging traffic" between domestic and foreign
policy.

Agencies Cooperate in Policy Decisions

The domestic involvement in foreign economic
policy is reflected in the number of government
departments and agencies which participate in
such decisions. To reduce a tariff rate by even a
penny, for example, requires the attention of the
United States Tariff Commission, tlie Department
of State, the Department of the Treasury, the De-
partment of Defense, the Department of Agi-icul-
ture, the Department of Commerce, the Depart-
ment of Labor, the Department of the Interior,
and the International Cooperation Administration
of the Department of State — all of which consult
about it, jointly hold public hearings, and agree on
recommendations which must be finally approved
by the President of the United States.

It is easy to see why all these agencies would
need to take part ; it is natural and inevitable that
they should. There is a similar interagency flavor
to other foreign economic matters, such as export
controls, and the like; and there is a full assort-
ment of interagency committees, some of them at
the Cabinet level, where views are coordinated.

All this is right, proper, and necessary. It
guarantees that all interests, including all domestic
interests, will be taken into account. It does not,
of course, make foreign economic policy any less
foreign folicy.

When an administration decision is reached on
an important question of foreign economic policy,
perhaps after long hours of interagency discus-
sion, the decision must be made, of course, with
a view to the best interests of the country as a
whole.

Entirely aside from our internal difficulties in
arriving at decisions, there is a further fact which
is always with us; other countries are involved in
these matters, and we cannot accomplish all our

objectives through decisions of our own. This
can be illustrated by reference to the underde-
veloped countries of South and Southeast Asia.

For a number of very good reasons it is to the
enlightened self-interest of the United States to
assist in the economic development of those coun-
tries by helping them to secure the capital and
technical skills which they badly need. But the
major part of the capital for the immense task
of raising the living standards of hundreds of
millions of people must come from within. We
could do nothing to help effectively if they were
not willing to help themselves. Of course they
are ; and they are making progress.

We know, too, that their economic progress can
be stimulated through an increasing flow of pri-
vate investment capital. This Government can
take certain steps to encourage our own citizens
and companies to invest abroad. But that is only
part of the story for, here again, one cannot expect
a truly effective volume of private capital to flow
into lands where it is regarded with suspicion.

In many countries which are now in the great-
est need of economic diversification and develop-
ment, there are deep prejudices against foreign
private capital. These 25rejudices are under-
standable even though regrettable. Frequently
they are part of the heritage of long colonial
periods. The achievement of political independ-
ence has been accompanied by exaggerated fears
of economic penetration and a misguided view
of capitalists as imperialists — or robber barons.
However, this seems to be no bar to their seeking
government capital from other countries.

On a more technical plane, countries with bal-
ance-of-payments difficulties have sometimes been
reluctant to undertake the burden of servicing
increased private foreign investment, little recog-
nizing that the stimulating effect of foreign capi-
tal and know-how could contribute materially
toward alleviating these very difficulties. Again,
some countries fear private foreign capital as a
form of exploitation, particularly where natural
resources are involved.

Happily, these fears and prejudices are under-
going change. In these countries there is a
greater recognition that the real problem is to
attract foreign capital for productive investment
and not to guard against it. They are observing
the beneficial results where private investment and
enterprise are encouraged. They are beginning
to imderstand that modern capitalism recognizes

850

Department of State Bulletin

the responsibilities that accompany its expansion.

It will take time for these progressive attitudes
to overcome the deep-seated fears and prejudices —
but they can be overcome with patience, under-
standing, education, and example.

Perhaps the most influential factor is the grow-
ing recognition of the extent to which the economic
development of the free-enterprise United States
has benefited our people and narrowed the income
gap between rich and poor. A recent survey by
the Twentieth Century Fund calls attention to the
trend toward equalization of living standards in
the United States and especially to the new and
improved products that technology has created
and that mass production and mass distribution

have made available for mass consumption. Then
the report says this:

Worth mentioning is tlie fact that this momentous de-
velopment has been taljing place not in communist Russia
but in capitalist America. Of all the great industrial
nations, the one that clings most tenaciously to private
capitalism has come closest to the socialist goal of pro-
viding abundance for all in a classless society.

This surely is one of the most significant facts
of our time.

Mr. Chairman, I hope that these few remarks
on foreign economic policy — what it is, why it is
important to the American people, and why it
isn't easy to administer — will serve as a general
preface to the chapters which your expert wit-
nesses are ready to unfold.

Coordination and Dissemination
on Effects of Atomic Radiation

of Information

Statejnents hy James J. Wadsworth

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly^

NEED FOR FACT-COLLECTING SYSTEM

U.S. delegation press release 2255 dated October 31

One of the problems of the atomic age arises
from the fact that the use of atomic energy is in-
evitably accompanied by the production of large
quantities of radioactive materials. The radio-
activity of these materials has been foimd of ex-
traordinary value in scientific research, in medical
therapy and diagnosis, in agi-iculture, and in in-
dustry.

But the radioactivity associated with these ma-
terials, which are part and parcel of any use of
atomic energy, civil or military, can also harm.
It must be handled with care. This problem is
complicated by the fact that nuclear radiations
are not detectable by the unaided senses and may
cause injury which is not apparent for some time
after the exposure.

Since tlie beginning of time man has lived in
an atmosphere suffused with radioactivity from
natural sources. These are ever present, arising
from the minerals around us in the gi-ound and

'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Oct.
31 and Nov. 3.

coming from cosmic rays originating in outer
space. Now that man himself has unlocked the
atom, there are new sources, adding significantly
to those which already exist.

It is fortvmate that the potential hazards of
radiation were recognized a number of years be-
fore radioactive materials were widely known out-
side the laboratory, and the necessity of protection
against radiation has been seen from the start.

In the more than 50 years since radioactivity
was discovered, scientists have learned a great deal
about its nature, its effects upon living creatures,
the levels of radioactivity occurring naturally in
the environment, and the levels of radioactivity
which cause detectable damage. As a rasult of
this experience, it has been possible to produce
and handle tremendous amoimts of radioactive
materials with a record of safety greater than in
many other more conventional industrial opera-
tions.

The United States is among those with an ac-
tive and extensive program of research into radi-
ation effects. The United States, as well as other
countries advanced in atomic research, has a spe-
cial interest in gaining additional knowledge

November 27, J 955

851

about radiation. To this end we are continuing
to pursue our studies and research both in govern-
ment laboratories and in collaboration with scien-
tific authorities outside the government.

The United States has also conducted an exten-
sive progi-am of monitoring the so-called "fallout"
from weapons tests. The term "fallout" refers
to the particles of material which are sucked up in
nuclear explosions and made radioactive. Most
of these particles lose their radioactivity quite
rapidly and the heavier ones settle to earth in the
immediate vicinity. Others are carried great dis-
tances before reaching the ground. Our monitor-
ing program indicates that the average radiation
exposure to the population as a whole from all
tests and all atomic energy activities since the be-
ginning of the atomic energy program in our coun-
try amounts only to a small fraction of the
exposure from natural background radiation dur-
ing the same period.

Thus scientific data available to the United
States Government indicate that properly safe-
guarded nuclear testing does not constitute a
threat to human health. However, all possible
information should be made available to all na-
tions as a basis for their own evaluation of the
problems of atomic radiation.

It must be remembered also that new informa-
tion is always being developed in any scientific
field. It is in the tradition of science always to be
prepared to reexamine present conclusions in the
light of new evidence.

Every nation must come to its own conclusion —
each nation must satisfy itself on this problem.
The United States believes that the health and
safety effects of radioactivity are a matter of
legitimate interest to the people of the world.

The United States believes that the gi'eatest
progress can be achieved by positive steps to focus
the world's best scientific talent upon this area of
research. Only by collecting and exchanging in-
formation on a worldwide basis can research be
encouraged on the scale best suited to clarify still
further the problem of atomic radiation for all
nations and to gain additional knowledge for deal-
ing with it. By disseminating our present knowl-
edge and by gaining additional knowledge, we can
free ourselves from fear of the unknown.

Item Requested by U.S.

In an effort to initiate positive steps to achieve
this objective, Ambassador Lodge annomiced on

June 22, during the United Nations commemora-
tive meeting in San Francisco, the United States
would propose that the United Nations undertake
to pool the world's knowledge about the effects of
atomic radiation on human health.- Subsequently
the United States requested that an item for this
purpose be placed on the agenda of this Assembly.*

We believe a radiation fact-collecting system
should be established on a worldwide basis. We
will propose that this General Assembly establish
mechanisms through which the United Nations
will be furnished with information collected by
various States on observed levels of radioactivity
in the environment which might have biological
significance. Such reports would be assembled
and compiled in an integrated manner and dis-
seminated to all members for their information on
a continuing basis. 'V\niere desirable, the United
Nations mechanism might provide assistance, upon
request, on the techniques and procedures for
sample collection and instrumentation, and radia-
tion-counting procedures to be used in the analyses
of samples. We will propose that the United Na-
tions suggest and publish imiform standards
which could be used to make comparable the re-
ports from all nations. The United States is will-
ing to give its full cooperation to the United
Nations in developing recommended standards and
in providing whatever assistance may be neces-
sary.

Adoption of this proposal should enable us to
make reliable estimates of how much total radia-
tion the average person in various parts of the
world has received.

This collection of data alone, however, is not
sufficient. We must interpret these data in rela-
tion to the possible longer range biological effects
of radiation. Here again, an extensive amount of
scientific data is already in existence, and many
studies are now under way. The United States
National Academy of Sciences, for example, an-
nounced last April that it "will undertake a broad
appraisal of present knowledge about the effects
of atomic radiation on living organisms and will
seek to identify questions upon which further in-
tensive research is urgently needed." Other dele-
gates may inform us of the important work going
on in their own countries. Since this information
has never been collected and disseminated on a

= Bulletin of July 11, 1955, p. 54.
'n)id., Aug. 29, 1955, p. 365.

852

Department of State Bulletin

worldwide and systematic basis, we believe a pro-
cedure should be established whereby the United
Nations will be furnished with information from
members on the results of scientific observations
and experiments concerning the effects of ionizing
radiation upon human health and safety. We be-
lieve the United Nations can perform another
invaluable service in bringing this material to-
gether and making it available throughout the
world.

We have given much thought to the best way to
accomplish this. We propose that this task be
assigned to an ad hoc technical committee of quali-
fied scientists nominated by governments. The
composition as presented in the resolution which
will be before you in a day or two has a wide
geographic representation and includes all those
states represented on the Secretary-General's Ad-
visory Committee for the conference on peaceful
uses of atomic energy, in addition to several other
states whose interest and scientific capability in
the problem of atomic radiation is well recognized.

Functions of Committee

We believe the functions of this coimnittee
should include the following:

(1) to recommend and publish uniform stand-
ards with respect to procedures for sample collec-
tion and instrmnentation, and radiation-counting
procedures to be used in analyses of samples ;

(2) to compile and assemble in an integrated
manner the various reports furnished by states
on observed radiological levels;

(3) to review and collate national repoi'ts on
scientific observations and experiments relevant to
the effects of ionizing radiation upon man and his
environment ;

(4) to evaluate from a scientific and technical
point of view individual reports to determine their
usefulness for the purposes of this committee ;

(5) to make yearly progress reports, if appro-
priate, and to develop by July 1, 1958, or earlier,
a summary of the reports received, if the assembled
facts warrant;

(6) to transmit this information to the Secre-
tary-General for publication and distribution.

Among those who have a particular interest in
this radiation problem are several of the special-
ized agencies, each one in its specialized field of
competence. We recognize that these several
agencies have a special contribution to make. In

the interest of coordination, we will ask the spe-
cialized agencies to concert with the ad hoc tech-
nical committee in any work undertaken which is
within the committee's jurisdiction.

The United States and the other sponsoring
powers believe that this system will meet the ob-
jective of stimulating further study of the problem
of radiation by competent authorities. It will en-
courage the exchange of information on an inter-
national basis and will provide each nation with
adequate data for reaching its own conclusions on
the nature and scope of the problem of radio-
activity.

In addition it will focus the best scientific talent
of many lands on this problem and will make full
use of all the existing knowledge, facilities, and
equipment.

We do not believe that it would be appropriate
to establish a more ambitious study project at this
time. For example, we do not believe that we
should attemjjt to duplicate the good work in the
field of radiation therapy and protection which
is being done by the International Congress of
Radiology, the International Commission on Ra-
diological Protection, the International Labor Or-
ganization, or the World Health Organization.
Nor do we believe that this committee should itself
arrive at firm conclusions about all aspects of this
very complicated and technical matter in the near
future.

We do believe that it can do an invaluable job of
getting out the facts. Wlien this essential first
step has been taken, we shall all be able to take a
new look at the problem of radiation effects in the
light of these facts. Then it can be decided what
further study or activity may be warranted and
how best it can be done.

T^et me repeat : The first step in dealing with any
scientific problem such as this is to mobilize our
resources, to explore what is known and, in do-
ing so, to point out what still needs to be done. It
is just this which the proposal we will make is
intended to accomplish.

PURPOSE OF EIGHT-POWER DRAFT

U.S. delegation press release 2260 dated November 3

I wish to speak today on certain features of
the draft resolution now before us ^ and to touch

'U.N. doe. A/C. 1/L. 13S dated Nov. 1, sponsored by
Australia, Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden,
U.K., and U.S.

November 27, ?955

853

at the same time on several points raised by other
speakers. In doing so, I wish to reserve the right
to intei-vene again at a later point on new matters
which may be raised or if it should otherwise prove
necessary.

First I would like to refer to my delegation's
view of the purpose of this debate. As we under-
stand it, we are here to propose and to discuss a
procedure whereby we can ascertain, insofar as
our scientists are able to do so, the facts about the
possible effects of ionizing radiation on man and
his environment. We are also proposing a pro-
cedure whereby we can determine the actual
amount of natural and artificially produced radio-
activity which exists around us. And we want the
facts. Only with the facts can the confusion
which we have seen exists on this subject be
dispelled.

Now, Mr. Chairman, we do not believe that this
is the time to debate problems of disarmament.
This subject is on the agenda of this committee
and will be dealt with at the appropriate point in
our deliberations. Nor do we believe that this
resolution should be used as a vehicle to bring up
the subject of disarmament. The question of test-
ing of nuclear weapons is one wliich pi'operly falls
under disarmament and not under our present
topic. Therefore, we do not propose to discuss
the substance of this or other similar questions at
this time. And for this reason I shall not take the
time of this committee to comment further on the
first two amendments ° offered by the Soviet Union
in document L. 140, except to say that my delega-
tion will be forced to oppose them if they are
pressed to a vote.

Now, Mr. Chairman, the United States delega-
tion believes that the item before us does involve
certain political issues. That is why it is being
considered in this committee. But it is political
only in a very special and limited sense. It is
political because the question of effects of atomic
radiation on man and liis environment is of con-
cern to all of our governments and to all of our
peoples. We are dealing with this subject in re-
sponse to that just concern. But we do not believe
that other political issues which are extraneous
to this subject should be allowed to intrude. The
distinguished delegate of Belgium [M. P. Ryck-
mans] made this point clear in his intervention the
other day.

' Relating to the cessation of experiments with, and sub-
sequent prohibition of, nuclear weapons.

854

Now, among the political issues which my Gov-
ernment strongly believes should not be taken up
at this time and in this forum, directly or by im-
plication, is that which is the subject of amend-
ment No. 5 " proposed by the Soviet Union in the
document referred to above, L. 140. Similar
amendments or amendments having the same gen-
eral effect have been proposed by the distinguished
representative of India [V. K. Krishna Menon].'
We do not believe this to be the appropriate occa-
sion to raise a political issue of this nature, and
my delegation will therefore oppose these amend-
ments.

I should now like to tmni to several other aspects
of the resolution before the committee. As I have
emphasized, it is the conviction of my delegation
that the main task before us is to get at the facts
on this problem of the effects of radiation on man
and his enviromnent, and this point of view, the
committee will recognize, has been supported in
the statements of nearly every other delegation
which has taken the floor. We believe that stress
must be put on this activity because it is an indis-
pensable precondition to any others. Now, in some
areas it may be a simple matter to get these facts
and to put them into meaningful and intelligible
order. But in other areas it will not be so easy ;
indeed it may prove exceedingly difficult. Within
the broad limits it will not be possible to force the
pace. We can only do all that is within our power
to insure that the problem receives the priority
attention that it deserves. In certain cases it may
well be impossible for the scientists on the com-
mittee to do more than point out the areas in wliich
further work is required. So my delegation be-
lieves, Mr. Chairman, that we must be careful not
to force the scientists on this committee to make
generalizations where none are warranted. Where
they are warranted, where the overwhelming
weight of evidence justifies certain scientific con-
clusions, these will be apparent, and it is reason-
able to expect that the committee will point them
out.

" Extending the scope of the radiation study to include
all states, whether or not members of the tJ.N. and
specialized agencies.

' An Indian amendment on this subject was incorpo-
rated in the final version adopted by the Committee (see
box) ; it resulted in a provision calling upon all "con- J
cerned" to cooperate in making available reports and
studies relating to effects of radiation, rather than upon
all "States members of the United Nations or members of
the specialized agencies." The vote on the amendment
was 25-22 (U.S.) -12.

Department of State Bulletin

Text of Resolution on Effects of Atomic Radiation '

U.N. doc. A/C.1/770

The General Assemhly,

Recognixing the imiwrtanee of and the widespread
attention being given to problems relating to the ef-
fects of ionizing radiation upon man and his environ-
ment,

Believing that the widest distribution should be given
to all available scientific data on the short-term and
long-term effects npon man and his environment of
ionizing radiation, including radiation levels and radio-
active "fallout".

Noting that studies of this problem are being con-
ducted in various countries.

Believing that the peoples of the world should be
more fully informed on this subject,

1. Establishes a scientific Committee consisting of
Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Ciuiada, Czeclio-
slovakia, Egypt, France, India, Japan, Mexico, Sweden,
the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics and requests these Gov-
ernments each to designate one scientist, with alter-
nates and consultants as appropriate, to be its repre-
sentative on this Committee ;

2. Requests this Committee :

(a) To receive and assemble in an appropriate and
useful form the following radiological information fur-
nished by States Members of the United Nations or
members of the specialized agencies: (1) reports on
observed levels of Ionizing radiation and radioactivity
in the environment, and (2) rejwrts on scientific obser-
vations and experiments relevant to the effects of ioniz-
ing radiation uiwn man and his environment already
under way or later undertaken by national scientific
bodies or by authorities of national governments ;

(b) To recommend uniform standards with respect
to procedures for sample collection and instrumenta-
tion, and radiation counting procedures to be used in
analyses of samples;

' Adopted unanimously by Committee I on Nov. 7.

(c) To compile and assemble in an integrated man-
ner the various reports, referred to in (a) (1), on
observed radiological levels ;

(d) To review and collate national reports, referred
to in (a) (2), evaluating each report to determine its
usefulness for the purposes of the Committee ;

(e) To make yearly progress reports and to develop
by 1 July 1958, or earlier, if the assembled facts war-
rant, a summary of the reports received on radiation
levels and radiation effects on man and his environment
together with the evaluations provided for in sub-
paragraph (d) above and indications of research proj-
ects which might require further study;

(f ) To transmit from time to time as it deems appro-
priate the documents and evaluations referred to above
to the Secretary-General for publication and dissemi-
nation to States Members of the United Nations or
members of the specialized agencies ;

3. Requests the Secretary-General to provide appro-
priate assistance to the scientific Committee in organ-
izing and carrying on its work, and to provide a Secre-
tary of the Committee ;

4. Calls upon all concerned to co-operate in making
available reports and studies relating to the short-term
and long-term effects of ionizing radiation uijon man
and his environment and radiological data collected
by them ;

5. Requests the specialized agencies to concert with
the Committee concerning any work they may be doing
or contemplating within the sphere of the Committee's
terms of reference to assure proper co-ordination ;

6. Requests the Secretary-General to invite the Japa-
nese Government to nominate a scientist, with alter-
nates and consultants as appropriate, to he its
representative on the Committee ;

7. Decides to transmit to the scientific committee the
proceedings of the General Assembly on the present
item.

The resolution which we and our cosponsors
have put forward takes account of this situation.
The committee is empowered to evaluate the re-
ports it receives. But we do not believe it should
be asked to make summary statements in the ab-
sence of adequate and definite information. To do
so would be to impose an unreasonable mandate
contrary to the true traditions of science, a man-
date which would not be acceptable to the kind of
scientists we all wish to see on this committee.
Insofar as it is possible, we must let the facts

speak for themselves, and above all speak for
themselves in a manner understandable to the lav-

man.

Now, the United States believes that a commit-
tee composed only of individual scientists repre-
senting various disciplines in this whole area could
not possibly perform the task that we have in
mind. They must be able to command and receive
assistance from their respective governments to
the extent that such assistance will be necessary.
Left to themselves, such individual specialists

November 21, 1955

855

could not speak with authority on anything but
their own specialized discipline. We feel that no
scientist, whether he represents liis government or
acts in his personal capacity, could fulfill ade-
quately the task set out for him on the committee.
He must necessarily be able to draw upon the serv-
ices of a group of advisers and consultants as the
committee passes from consideration of one to an-
other aspect of the problems before it. The United
States representative on the committee, Mr. Chair-
man, will be an eminent scientist, but he will also
have to call on advisers and consultants as well
as on the full resources of his Government's scien-
tific establishment, and I presume that the other
10 representatives will and must be similarly
assisted.

Now, we haA'e proposed that the committee be
made up of 11 scientists. We strongly believe that
a committee of any gi'eater number would be un-
wieldy. The 11 countries to be represented on the
proposed committee provide adequate geographi-
cal representation, and they can also be expected to
provide the eminent scientists required for the
task.

When the committee convenes, Mr. Chairman,
as has been pointed out by several speakers who
have preceded me, it is to be expected that there
will be present not only the 11 members but also
their alternates, or advisers, or both. There may
be occasions when an alternate would sit for the
representative just as is the practice in all or near-
ly all United Nations organs. The committee
must be small enough in our view to work effec-
tively as a team, and a larger committee could do
this only with the greatest difficulty, in fact al-
most insurpassable difficulty.'

Role of Secretary-General

Now, in our resolution we have insured that the
Secretary-General will have an appropriate role
in the activities of the committee. We do not be-
lieve that he should be expected to participate in
the more technical functions of the committee.
On the other hand, and I hope that the various
scientists here in the room will not mind my saying
so, the scientists who will serve on this coimnittee

° The resolution as adopted by Committee I incorpo-
rated an amendment, sponsored by 20 Latin American
countries, adding Argentina, Belgium, Egypt, and Mexico
to the 11 states listed in the original draft. The vote on
the amendment was 4S-0-11 ; the U.S. abstained.

cannot be expected to deal unaided with the com-
plexities of our United Nations system and pro-
cedures. Even a committee of politicians, Mr.
Chairman, or indeed of any other specialists needs
some outside assistance to get it organized ex-
peditiously and to see to it that its task is rendered
manageable. Someone must get in touch with tlie
govermnents concerned and convene the commit-
tee, make the necessaiy arrangements for the
meetings, and make the countless other arrange-
ments that we all know are necessary.

So in paragraph 3 of our resolution, as the dis-
tinguished representative of Denmark [Dr. Esther
Ammundsen] has just pointed out, we have there-
fore requested the Secretary-General to provide
this necessary assistance. It will not be merely a
housekeeping function. He and his staff will as-
sist the committee in carrying out its delibera-
tions and in developing orderly procedures, offer-
ing advice and guidance as is needed. The Secre-
tary-General must be in a position to clarify the
mission of the proposed committee, and I am con-
fident that liis advice will prove to be invaluable.
He will be the channel through which the com-
mittee will concert, in the language of our reso-
lution, with the specialized agencies. If this
scientific committee is to succeed in its task, it
must be composed of eminent persons who will
be free to consider the facts presented to them.
It must be independent, and it must receive the
cooperation of all the governments represented
here and in the specialized agencies. This was
pointed out very strongly and eloquently by the
representative of Peru [Victor A. Belaunde]
yesterday. It must receive the type of assistance
that can only be forthcoming from the Secretary-
General.

Mr. Chairman, I wish to make clear the gi-eat
importance which the United States attaches to
the activities of this committee. If at this stage
it does no more than define precisely the present
exposure of the population of the world to ioniz-
ing radiation, it will have performed a task which
it would take many years to accomplish if we had
to rely on national or independent scientific bod-
ies working separately. Only by concerted action
of this committee to establish universally accept-
able and standardized methods for the collection
and reporting of this sort of scientific information
can any true assessment be made of the exposm'e
of man to ionizing radiation. The setting of such
standards will not be an easy matter, when one

856

Department of State Bulletin

considers that tlie methods must be suited to a
variety of circumstances and that the reporting
standards must be both acceptable and immedi-
ately meaningful to men of science everywhere.
So this requires that the committee be a scientific
committee composed of scientists, representing
their respective governments, to be sure, but acting
always as scientists and thus as representatives
of the world scientific community. If this were
not the case, the type of scientific talent which
the committee must have at its disposal simply
would not be forthcoming. This committee can-
not act successfully in a vacuum. Each member
must be of such stature as to command the co-
operation and indeed the services of the best
scientific specialists, the physicists, the radiolog-
ical experts, meteorologists, geophysicists, and all
the rest. And the committee will lean heavily on
help from many of the specialized agencies.

Now, when this gi-oup has achieved what we
think should be its first objective and meaningful
facts on radiation levels in the world at large are
received, collated, and evaluated, it will still have
before it the enormous responsibility of relating
this information to the wealth of experimental and
observational data which will continue to be forth-
coming on the effects of ionizing radiation on man
and his environment. Again, the job of gather-
ing, evaluating, and relating individual scientific
reports will be a colossal one and one which the
committee acting alone could not achieve. Here
again it must have at its command the best scien-
tific talents, in its own and in other countries, in
the fields of medicine, agriculture, radiology,
genetics, ecology, and the like. And as it becomes
apparent that there are gi'eat gaps in our knowl-
edge, it will be the function of this committee to
direct the attention of the world scientific com-
munity to the need for further research in these
areas.

It is our belief, Mr. Chairman, that we should
not add to the already heavy responsibilities of
this committee such other special assignments as
assembling, collating, and evaluating reports for
the purpose of defining methods for pi'otection
against and treatment of radiation injury. In our
view this would only divert the attention of the
committee from its main purpose, which is to de-
termine the effects of ionizing radiation produced
in this atomic age. Now these other matters are
very important ones, as we have already conceded
before, but they are specialized and they relate

to specific problems requiring special competence
in medicine and health and physics, competence of
a very practical nature. This sort of work is more
properly within the province and responsibilities
of such specialized agencies as the World Health
Organization and the International Labor Organ-
ization. The World Health Organization, for ex-
ample, is already taking steps to include among its
sponsored activities the International Commission
on Kadiological Protection. And, as was indi-
cated at the Geneva conference, the Who is already
embarking on an international program of train-
ing in matters pertaining to radiological protec-
tion, the use of atomic energy in the study and
treatment of diseases, and the treatment of radia-
tion injury itself.

Suggestions Incorporated in Draft

Now, Mr. Chairman, in concluding this inter-
vention, I should like to explain to the Committee
that the resolution which now stands in the name
of eight sponsors is the product of numerous and
detailed consultations with a considerable number
of delegations. In its present form it incorporates
numerous suggestions made in the course of those
consultations. This is particularly true with re-
gard to suggestions made by the Indian delegation.
During the past several weeks, we have had many
talks — I cannot now recall the exact number — with
the distinguished representative of India and with
other members of the Indian delegation, including
very profitable discussions with the eminent scien-
tist, Dr. Bhabha. xVs a result of all these conver-
sations, we made a considerable number of changes
in our original draft, and I am happy to say that
some of these changes, in fact most of them, im-
proved our draft considerably.

We had hoped, Mr. Chairman, indeed we had
believed, that we had reached substantial agree-
ment on a mutually acceptable text, although we
recognrzed that there were one or two questions
on which we might have to continue to disagree.
I have already dealt with certain of these ques-
tions. But the amendments now submitted by the
Indian delegation, Mr. Chairman, also include a
number of new points which did not arise in our
earlier consultations. Some of these are largely
drafting changes and do not appear to my delega-
tion to deal with matters of substance. I hope
that the distinguished representative of India will
agree that, after the lengthy and sympathetic con-

November 21, 7955

857

sideration we have given to previous suggestions
of this nature, these new suggestions need not be
pressed at this time.

At the same time, I think we should announce,
Mr. Chairman, that my delegation could accept
two more changes if our cosponsors agree. We
have not yet had the opportunity to consult with
all the cosponsors. These two changes are as
follows :

We would be prepared to delete the words "if
appropriate" in subparagraph (e) of paragraph
2. This is one of the new Indian suggestions.

We would also be willing to add as a final para-
graph 7 the last Indian amendment, which, how-
ever, in our opinion should be altered to read as
follows: "Decides to transmit to the scientific
committee" the proceedings of the General As-
sembly on the present item." We believe that
this is perfectly all right. We believe that it
would have been done in any case, but we see no
harm in including it in the resolution.

Now, as to the other drafting changes that I
have mentioned, it would of course be possible to
use many expressions to convey substantially the
same meaning. In our work at the United Na-
tions, Mr. Chairman, we have often run across
cases where there can be no complete agreement
as to the meaning of words. I do not say that we
have found the ideal language to express our
meaning, but surely we cannot continue indefi-
nitely to change language. And as one of the
sponsors I must say that my delegation feels that
we should confine ourselves at this point to mat-
ters of substance. Mr. Chairman, we believe that
the resolution in its present form expresses the
consensus of this Committee and is deserving of
unanimous support.

International Finance Corporation

Statement by Colgate Whitehead Darden^ Jr.
U.S. Eepresentative to the General Asseiribly ^°

In recent years, as part of our consideration of
problems of economic development, the United Na-
tions has devoted a good deal of attention to ways
and means of encouraging the flow of investment

capital into the underdeveloped countries. This
attention has reflected the desire of the underde-
veloped countries themselves to secure more capi-
tal, to hasten their economic development, and to
raise the standards of living of their people.
These are objectives for which the United States
has always had the greatest sympathy. They are
objectives to which we have long given active sup-
port. In particular, as our President recently
stated to the Congress,^^

The United States is vitally concerned that capital
should move into productive activities in free countries
unable to finance development needs out of their own
resources.

This statement by the President sums up one of
the basic elements of the foreign policy of the
United States. We in the United States have
long been convinced that economic development
financed largely through investment by privata
enterprise is the somidest basis for sustained eco-
nomic progress, once the basic conditions for such
investment are present. For this reason, the
United States, along with other delegations, has
consistently supported actions both in the Eco-
nomic and Social Council and in the General As-
sembly designed to stimulate private investment in
the less developed countries. The most recent
action in this respect was the comprehensive reso-
lution adopted at our last session on stimulating
the international flow of private capital."

The idea of the International Finance Corpora-
tion— an idea which is now fast becoming a real-
ity— is one of the results of our continuing search
in the United Nations for ways to encourage pri-
vate capital to play an increasing role in economic
development around the world. Its establishment
will set into motion a new collective effort by many
countries to stimulate economic development
through encouraging productive private enter-
prise. Since our last session rapid progi-ess has
been made toward bringing the corporation into
being. Acting quickly in response to our resolu-
tion of last year, the International Bank drafted
and submitted to its member governments a char-
ter for the corporation. Twenty governments
have now signed this charter, and 29 others have

° The Indian amendment read "Special Technical
Committee."

'"Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct. 27 (U.S. delegation press release 2247).

" For the President's message recommending U.S. par-
ticipation in the proposed International Finance Corpo-
ration and an Ibrd announcement summarizing the prin-
cipal features of the corporation, see Bulletin of May 23,
1955, p. 844.

^Resolution 823 (IX).

858

Deparfment of Sfofe Bulletin

stated that they are in favor of membership in the
Ifc. During a discussion of this matter at the
meeting of the Board of Governors of tlie Interna-
tional Bank held at Istanbul last month, it was
indicated that some 30 countries expect to have
completed legislative action ratifying the charter
of the corporation by the end of December. We
can thus look forward to having the Ifc a going
concern early next year."

U. S. Prepared To Participate

So far as the United States is concerned, we are
now fully prepared to participate in this collec-
tive effort. I am happy to say that my Govern-
ment has now completed all the necessary legis-
lative steps required for our menibei'ship in the
corijoration. These include authority to contrib-
ute over $35 million to its capital stock.

The United States representative in this com-
mittee pointed out last year that the establisliment
of the International Finance Corporation must be
regarded as an experiment." We sincerely hope
that it will prove to be a successfid one and that
it will contribute materially toward encouraging
private capital to assume a larger role in world
economic development. We hope that the Ire will
generate an increasing flow of private capital to
underdeveloped areas. We hope that it will not
merely be able to lend financial support but also
to give additional confidence to potential foreign
investors who may be interested in going abroad
but who are deterred by lack of knowledge and
experience, or by apprehensions about the prob-
lems they will meet in other countries. The pro-
posed clearinghouse f miction of the Irc^bringing
investment opportunities in countries desiring to
import capital to the attention of potential inves-
tors in capital exporting countries — may well
prove to be one of the most imjiortant aspects of
the corporation's work. Finally, it should be
noted that the corjjoration's activities will not be
limited to the encouragement of private invest-
ment from abroad. It will also be concerned with
the equally important problems of encouraging
investment by local entrepreneurs, and, of course,
many of the factors which impede foreign invest-

''For a statement made at the Istanbul meeting by
Samuel C. Waugh, former Deputy Under Secretary of
State for Economic Affairs, see Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1955,
p. 626.

"/feid., Jan. 3, 1955, p. 22.

ment in a country also operate to impede invest-
ment in productive enterprises by local citizens.

The International Finance Corporation will not
provide the answer to all the problems facing the
private investor interested in going abroad. Its
establishment will not lessen the need for countries
to continue working along the lines of our resolu-
tion of last year on encouraging the international
flow of private capital. But I think, Mr. Chair-
man, that we can all applaud the establishment of
the Ifc as another milestone in our cooperative
effort to assist people evei-ywhere to improve their
material well-being.

Relation to Human Rights Covenants

Mr. Chairman, I should like to take this oppor-
tunity to refer to a matter with which I have been
concerned at this Assembly and which, I feel, is
most intimately connected with what we are all
trying to accomplish here. As I have said, the
establishment of the Ire is intended as an addi-
tional measure to encourage private capital, both
domestic and from other countries, to move into
productive activities in underdeveloped coimtries.
It is designed as another step in the campaign by
the United Nations to encourage the development
of conditions that will attract capital into those
areas which need it most.

This Assembly has under consideration the draft
Covenants on Human Rights and recommenda-
tions of the Human Rights Commission relating
to "permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and
resources." ^^ Because certain paragraphs of the
draft covenants and these recommendations of the
Commission are rooted in a legislative history that
arouses deep apprehension among private inves-
tors, their adoption by the Assembly would tend to
nullify many of our efforts made over a long period
of time to encourage larger amounts of capital to
move into deficit areas. I am sure most of you will
agree that this would be unfortunate and that we
should do everything possible to avoid it. The
United States strongly holies that what is accom-
plished by the United Nations in one committee to
assist economic development will not be offset by
contrary actions in another.

The United States, in company with the delega-
tions of Canada, Cuba, Mexico, Pakistan, and the

"* For a statement by Mrs. Oswald B. Lord in Committee
III on Oct. 27, see ibid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 808.

November 21, 1955

859

United Kingdom has submitted a draft resolu-
tion ^^ for the consideration of the committee. I do
not think that it requires any particular explana-
tion. I am sure that it reflects the sentiments of
most of the members of this committee in propos-
ing to extend our thanks to the International Bank
for a job well done and in looking forward to early
and successful results from the corporation's work.

Status of GATT Agreement
and Protocols

Statement iy James C. H. Bonhright
Ambassador to Portugal ^^

This item on our agenda, which soimds so tech-
nical— status of the agreement and protocols —
serves as a reminder to many of us that the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade has revealed
qualities of stamina and resilienca which neither
its friends nor critics would have predicted of it
a few years ago.

Our Ninth Session last winter, which adopted
these protocols, was an important testing period.^*
Some seemed to fear that the principle of trade
expansion underlying the general agi'eement
would give way to trade restrictionism in an at-
mosphere of divisiveness and expediency. But we
came through this testing period successfully.
The agreements for modernizing the basic rules
of trade behavior in the general agreement — re-
corded in the two protocols of amencbnent — were
sound ones. They impart more coherence to our
endeavor, gi-eater clarity of purpose, and gi'eater
assurance that we are well on the road to a work-
able and fruitful system of international trade.
And the third instrmiient, which would establish
the Organization for Trade Cooperation, would
both give us improved organizational machinery
and publicly confirm the general course on which
we have set our policies.^^

'" U.N. doc. A/C.2/L.267 dated Oct. 26, adopted by Com-
mittee II on Oct. 31 by a vote of 45-0-5 (Soviet bloc).

" Made at the Tenth Session of the Contracting Parties
to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade at Geneva,
Switzerland, on Oct. 27. Ambassador Bonbright is chair-
man of the U.S. delegation to the Tenth Session.

'" For a summary of the Ninth Session, see Bulletin of
Mar. 21, 1055, p. 405.

" For an announcement on the signing of the protocols
and the OTC agreement and a text of the agreement, see
iUd., Apr. 4, 1955, p. 577.

The Government of the United States has al-
ready accepted the two protocols modifying the
trade rules of the Gait which were worked out
during the Ninth Session. We hope that they will
also be accepted soon by other Contracting Par-
ties so that they can enter into full force without
delay.

As for the agreement establishing the Organiza-
tion for Trade Cooperation, President Eisen-
hower has submitted it to Congi-ess with a strong
message of endorsement and with his recommen-
dation that the Congress enact legislation author-
izing United States membership in the organiza-
tion.-" We are hopeful of securing congressional
approval of the agreement on Otc at the forth-
coming legislative session.

The general agreement is being strengthened in
other ways. The Contracting Parties are prepar-
ing to embark on a new general round of tariff
negotiations — the first of its kind in 5 yeai-s. The
United States will participate in these negotia-
tions, using the new authority provided by the
Congress last June when it extended the Trade
Agreements Act for a fiu'ther period of 3 years.
It is the hope of the United States that in the ne-
gotiations each Contracting Party will negotiate
with as many others as possible so that the maxi-
mum progress toward the objectives of the agree-
ment will be made.

Japan Becomes Contracting Party

The fact that we can today welcome the Govern-
ment of Japan as one of the Contracting Parties ^^
is also a source of encouragement, for the general
agreement could lose much by delaying the con-
tribution which it can make to the restoration of
Japan to a role of partnership in world trade. It
it unfortunate that the entry of Japan into the
agreement, although legally complete, is still in-
complete in the substantive sense. It is a matter
of serious concern to the United States that so
large a number of the Contracting Parties, while
having accepted Japanese participation in our
councils, have still felt it necessary to withhold
their consent to the application of the trade rules
of the agreement between themselves and Japan.
The continued exclusion of Japan from enjoyment
of normal rights and obligations with respect to

'^Ibid., Apr. 25, 1955, p. 678.

-• Ibid., June 27, 1955, p. 1051 ; Aug. 8, 1955, p. 226 ; and
Sept. 5, 1955, p. 397.

860

Department of State Bulletin

so many of the Contracting Parties is not in our
view easily reconcilable with the purposes of the
general agreement or with the broader interests of
our governments. It is the hope of my Govern-
ment that at this session we will be able to find
a solution to this problem. It is prepared to
participate in the search for a solution which does
not weaken or distort the agreement in other
respects.

Economic conditions around the world continue
to be favorable for progressing toward the freer,
nondiscriminatory trade which we have jointly
agreed in the general agreement to be our objec-
tive. Although there are exceptions, production
and productivity are at high levels and are rising,
monetary reserves have been strengthened, and
payment difficulties have been generally moderated.
Many countries have taken advantage of this eco-
nomic climate to relax restrictions on imports.
Moreover, the list of countries where discrimina-
tion has been significantly i-educed or elimfnated
is growing. In this connection we in the United
States are much encouraged by the dollar liberal-
ization that has taken place in Western Europe
and are hopeful that the favorable experience of
countries which have broadened the liberalized
sector of their dollar trade will stimulate the
adoption of additional measures of liberalization
in the near future.

Monetary Stability

Several factors have contributed to these im-
provements. Some of them I have already re-
ferred to. In addition, I believe we should note
the important role that has been played by policies
directed toward monetary stability which have
helped to bring under control the serious inflation
and overvaluation of currencies that characterized
the years immediately after the war. These im-
provements have also been due, in part, to the high
level of economic activity in the United States and
the growing level of United States imports.

There are, of course, some countries which are
facing important internal and external financial
difficulties. But the way in which these problems
are being dealt with is of gi-eat significance for,
in general, governments have sought to attack
underlying causes and have shown willingness to
seek solutions in the field of fiscal and monetary
policy rather than by the imposition of direct
controls on consumption and imports.

There is, nevertheless, the danger that even as
governments find themselves financially able to
relax restrictions they may be tempted to retain
many of them for protectionist purposes. While
transitional measures may be needed in exceptional
circumstances — as we recognized at the Ninth Ses-
sion— widespread resort to restrictions of this kind
would distort the very structure of the general
agreement.

I think it is obvious, on a fair reading of the
record, that we have been making progress toward
the objectives of the general agreement. Al-
though difficulties continue to exist, our past ex-
perience encourages us to believe that by persis-
tence they can be overcome. We seem to have
ahead of us a real opportunity, through our co-
operation in the general agreement, to contribute
even more effectivelj' to the attainment of higher
levels of international trade and better standards
of living.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Cultural Property

Conventiou for protection of cultural proi)erty in the
event of armed conflict, and regulations of execution.
Done at The Hague May 14, 1954.'
Ratification deposited: Egypt, August 17, 1955.

Trade and Commerce

International convention to facilitate the importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
at Geneva November 7, 1952. Entered into force No-
vember 20, 1955.'

Declaration by United Kingdom of extension to: Isle
of Man, October 21, 1955.

BILATERAL
Brazil

Agreement extending agreement for technical assistance
in the studv of oil shale of August 16, 1950, as amended
and extended (TIAS 2296, 2706, 2926, and 3149). Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro June 22,
July 27, and October 19, 1955. Entered into force Oc-
tober 19, 1955.

'Not in force.

"Not in force for the United States.

November 21, J 955

861

China

Agreement relating to the establishment in Taipei of a
United States Navy Medical Research Unit. Effected
by exchange of notes at Taipei October 14, 1955. En-
tered into force October 14, 1955.

Germany

Agreement concerning tax relief to be accorded by the
Federal Republic of Germany to United States ex-
penditures in interest of common defense, with annex
and exchange of notes. Signed at Bonn October 15,
1954.

Entered into force: November 8, 1955 (date of deposit
of an instrument of ratification by the Federal Re-
public).

Philippines

Agreement relating to the administration by the Philip-
pine Department of Education of public schools within
the United States Naval Reservation, Subic Bay. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Manila October 28, 1955.
Entered into force October 28, 1955.

Spain

Agreement amending the surplus agricultural commodi-
ties agreement of April 20, 1955 (TIAS 3246). Signed
at Madrid October 20, 1955. Entered into force Oc-
tober 20, 1955.

United Kingdom

Agreement correcting the wording of article VII A (1)
of the agreement for cooperation on civil uses of atomic
energ}^ of June 15, 1955 (TIAS 3321). Effected by ex-
change of notes at Washington October 20 and Novem-
ber 3, 1955. Entered into force November 3, 1955.

5993. Commercial Policy Series

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale 6;/ the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington. 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents,
except in the case of free publications, lohich may be
obtained from the Department of State.

The U.S. in the United Nations, 1954. Pub. 59.51. Inter-
national Organization and Conference Series III, 108. 14
pp. 10^.

A vest-pocket size publication containing President Eisen-
hower's letter of transmittal accompanying the ninth an-
nual report to the Congress on U.S. participation in the
United Nations.

The Foreign Service Institute Catalog and General In-
formation, 1955-1956. Pub. 5989. Department and For-
eign Service Series 47. 23 pp., chai-t. Limited distribu-
tion.

A booklet containing general information about the For-
eign Service Institute, and catalog of programs of in-
struction provided tor officers in the Foreign Service of
the United States.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Negotia-
tions Under the Trade Agreement Act of 1934 as Amended

862

and Extended. Pub.
151. 79 pp. 300.

A booklet containing notice of U.S. intention to negotiate,
list of products to be considered, and notice of public hear-
ings prepared by the Interdepartmental Trade Agreement
Organization.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Analysis
of Renegotiation of Certain Tariff Concessions. Pub.
6001. Commercial Policy Series 152. 32 pp. 15^.

A report of the renegotiations for modification or with-
drawal of individual concessions undertaken by Italy,
Peru, Turkey, and the Union of South Africa.

The Geneva Conference of Heads of Government, July
18-23, 1955. Pub. 6016. International Organization and
Conference Series I, 29. 88 pp. 35^.

A pamphlet containing texts of the Geneva conference
papers published previously, principal statements by
President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, at the ses-
sions of the conference, notes exchanged in preparation
for the conference, and addresses and statements made by
the President and Secretary of State before and aftet the
conference.

Technical Cooperation, Program of Rural Education.
TIAS 3035. Pub. 5643. 18 pp. 10<f.

Agreement between the United States and Haiti. Ex-
change of note.s— Dated at Jlexico June 7, 1954. Entered
Entered into force May 28, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Education Survey Program.
TIAS 3038. Pub. 5646. 9 pp. 10^. ■

Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Jl^xico June 7, 1954. Entered
into forc-e June 7. 1954.

Trade, Extension of Duty-Free Entry Period From July
4, 1954, Through December 31, 1955. TIAS 3039. Pub.
5647. 8 pp. 10!*.

Agreement between the United States and the Republic of
the Philippines. Exchange of notes — Signed at Manila
July 7, 19.54. Entered into force July 7, 1954; operative
retroactively July 4, 1954.

TIAS 3042. Pub. 5650.

Loan of Submarines to Turkey.

4 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States and Turkey. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Ankara Februai-y 16 and July
1, 1954. Entered into force July 1, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Industrial Apprenticeship Train-
ing Program. TIAS 3044. Pub. 5655. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States and Brazil — extend-
ing agreement of June 30, 1952. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Rio de Janeiro June 2 and 30, 1954. Entered
into force June 30, 1954.

Technical Cooperation, Joint Fund Program. TIAS 3045.
Pub. 5656. 5 pp. 5^.

Agreements between the United States and Israel — amend-
ing agreement of May 9, 1952, as amended. Exchange of
notes — Signed at Tel Aviv June 21, 1954. Entered into
force June 21, 1954. And exchange of notes — Signed at
Tel Aviv June 29, 1954. Entered into force June 29, 1954.

Sale and Purchase of Tin Concentrates. TIAS 3048.
Pub. 5661. 2 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Thailand —
Signed at Bangkok August 11, 1954. Entered into force
August 11, 1954 ; operative retroactively August 1, 1954.

Department of Siafe Bulletin

November 21, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 856

American Principles. Progress Toward European

Security (Murphy) 834

Asia. The United States and Southeast Asia

(Young) 843

Atomic Energy

Coordination and Dissemination of Information on

Effects of Atomic Radiation (Wadsworth) . . 851
Text of Resolution on Effects of Atomic Radiation . 855

Communism. The Goals of the University in the

Free World (Conant) 837

Congress, The. The Importance of Foreign Eco-
nomic Policy to the American People (Kali-
jarvi) 846

Disarmament. Discussions on German Reunifica-
tion and Disarmament at Geneva Foreign Min-
isters Conference (Dulles, texts of proposals) . 819

Economic Affairs

Disposition of Enemy Property (Eisenhower) . . 845
Foreign Scientists To Study U.S. Solar Energy

Projects 836

The Importance of Foreign Economic Policy to the

American People (Kalijarvi) 846

International Finance Corporation (Darden) . . . 858
Status of GATT Agreement and Protocols (Bon-
bright) 860

The United States and Southeast Asia (Young) . . 843

Educational Exchange

Foreign Scientists To Study U.S. Solar Energy

Projects 836

The Goals of the University in the Free World

(Conant) 837

Europe

Discussions on German Reunification and Disarma-
ment at Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference
(Dulles, texts of proposals) 819

Progress Toward Euroi)ean Security (Murphy) . . 834

Germany

Discussions on German Reunification and Disarma-
ment at Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference
(Dulles, texts of proposals) 819

The Goals of the University In the Free World

(Conant) S37

International Organizations and Meetings. Sta-
tus of GATT Agreement and Protocols (Bon-
bright) 860

Mutual Security. Progress Toward European Se-
curity (Murphy) 834

Near East. Developments in the Near East

(Eisenhower) 845

Presidential Documents

Developments in the Near East 845

Disposition of Enemy Property 845

Publications. Recent Releases 862

Science. Foreign Scientists To Study U.S. Solar

Energy Projects 836

Treaty Information. Current Actions 861

United Nations

Coordination and Dissemination of Information on

Effects of Atomic Radiation (Wadsworth) . . 851

International Finance Corporation (Darden) . . . 858

Text of Resolution on Effects of Atomic Radiation . 855

Yugoslavia. Secretary Dulles Visits Yugoslavia . 833
Name Index

Bonbright, James C. H 860

Conant, James B 837

Darden, Colgate Whitehead, Jr 858

DuUes, Secretary 819,828,833

Eisenhower, President 845

Kalijarvi, Thorsten V 846

Murphy, Robert 834

Wadsworth, James J 851

Young, Kenneth T 843

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 7-13

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

No.
640

641
*642
t643

t644

Date Subject

11/7 Murphy : "Progress Toward European
Security."

11/9 Kalijarvi : foreign economic policy.

11/9 Educational exchange.

11/11 Extension of income-tax convention
with Netherlands.

11/11 Murphy : principle of self-determina-
tion.

*Not printed.

fHelrt for a later issue of the Bitlletin.

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KXXIII, No. 857
Emvcr 28, 1955

-.»ABNX

■^Tea

CONCLUSION OF FOREIGN MINISTERS CONFER-
ENCE

Report to the IVation by Secretary Dulles 867

Texts of Statements, Proposals, and Final Communique . . . 872

THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS • by Deputy Under
Secretary Murphy .....a.. ...... ...4.... 889

WHAT WE GET FROM THE UNITED NATIONS • by

Assistant Secretary Wilcox < 899

For index see inside back cover

"■«»«• o»

Me Qje/iu^tmenl </ y^^e JOUllGtin

Vol. XXXIII, No. 857 • Publication 6132

Boston Public Library
Superintpn'i^nt of Documents

November 28, 1955

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Note: Contents of this publication are not
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oy State BuLLETtN as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
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Publications of the Department, as
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Report on the Foreign Ministers Conference

Address hy Secretary Dulles ^

For the last 3 weeks the British, the French,
and ourselves have been negotiating with the Rus-
sians at Geneva. I got back yesterday and re-
ported fully to the President in a talk which began
last evening and was resumed this morning. Now
I am reporting to you, the American people.

As I expect most of you know, this Geneva meet-
ing did not reach any agreements. As a result
many questions are in the air.

Does this mean that the so-called "spirit of
Geneva" is dead ?

Does it mean that the risk of war has increased ?

Will the so-called "cold war" be resumed in full
vigor ?

Will the United States now have to change
basically its military and mutual security pro-
grams ?

Does it mean an end to negotiating with the
Soviet Union?

I shall try to answer all of these questions.

First of all, however, I would like to recall how
this latest Geneva conference came about.

I go back to last spring. Until then Soviet
Russia had been pursuing a menacing policy.
That was Stalin's line. He believed it was pos-
sible to ride roughshod over the free nations.

After Stalin died that effort continued for a
time. The Soviets made intense and blustering
efforts to keep West Germany apart from the
other Western European nations. Despite this,
the Federal Republic of Germany last May joined
Nato and the Brussels Treaty creating Western
European Union.

This Soviet failure was followed by a change
in the Soviet demeanor. Stalin's successors pro-

^Jlade to the Nation over ludio and television on Nov.

IS (press release 6.59).

fessed, at least superficially, to desire cooperative
relations with the free nations. And they made
important concessions for this purpose.

For example, they had for 8 years refused to
sign the treaty which would give Austria her free-
dom. But last May they signed that treaty and
pulled the Red Army out of Austria.

They made their peace with Tito, who for 7
3'ears had been the object of their most bitter at-
tacks because he had taken Yugoslavia out of the
Soviet bloc.

They moderated their propaganda and tlieir
manners.

Tliey made it clear that they would like to sit
down and talk with the Western nations.

The United States responded, as it always will
respond, to any prospect, however slight, of mak-
ing peace more just and durable. That response
was backed up with virtual unanimity and on a
bipartisan basis. So the United States joined
with Britain and France to invite the Soviet
leaders to the summit conference at Geneva.
There President Eisenhower met for 6 days with
the Heads of the other three Governments in an
effort to create a better atmosphere and a new im-
pulse toward the solution of the problems that
divide us.

That meeting indicated a desire on all sides to
end the bitterness and harshness which could gen-
erate war. War, all recognized, would be a com-
mon disaster.

In addition, the Heads of Government agi'eed
that their Foreign Ministers should get together
in October to negotiate about European security
and the problem of Germany, about the limitation
of armament, and about the reduction of barriers
between the Soviet bloc and the free world.

The three Western leaders recognized that the
value of the summit conference would be largely

November 28, 1955

867

determined by subsequent results. Thus, Presi-
dent Eisenliower, in the closing speech of the con-
ference, said,^

Only history will tell the true worth and real values of
our session together. The foUowthrough from this be-
ginning by our respective governments wiU be decisive in
the measure of this conference.

Following the summit conference the United
States, in cooperation with Britain, France, and
the Federal Kepublic of Germany, prepared thor-
oughly for this Foreign Ministers conference that
was to come.

We were fully aware of the complexity of the
problems which we faced. The summit confer-
ence had shown deep differences on the issues of
German unity and European security, disarma-
ment, and freer contacts. To be acceptable, solu-
tions of these problems must take accomit of legiti-
mate interests on both sides — especially as to se-
curity.

Our preparations for the meeting recognized
this basic fact. The Western proposals provided
the basis for real negotiations with the Soviet
Union.

In my initial statement to the conference,^ I ex-
pressed the point of view I have just outlined.
"The United States," I said, came "to this meeting
dedicated to exploring patiently and sincerely all
possible approaches to realistic solutions of these
problems."

Despite the effort, no specific agreements were
reached.

The explanation, as I see it, is this : The Soviet
Union appears to want certain results in terms
of European security, disarmament, and contacts
of a sort. But it is not yet willing to pay the price
needed to get these results. And when I say pay
the price, I do not refer to bargaining terms. I
mean the price in terms of doing what is inherently
necessary to reach the results which we all say we
want.

Let me illustrate what I mean by telling you
what happened at the conference.

European Security and Germany

First of all, we talked about European security
and Germany. The Soviet Union wanted security
against the possible resurgence of German mili-
tarism. Tliis was not unreasonable in the light of

what the Russians had suffered from the German
armies during World War II. The Western
powers were indeed prepared to meet the Soviet
Union in this matter.

We made security proposals of a serious and far-
reaching nature.* Perhaps the best proof of their
merit is the fact that the Soviet delegation later
came up with security proposals which copied
many features of our own.^

But there was one basic and decisive difference.
Our proposals were based upon the reunification
of Germany. We do not believe that solid peace
in Europe can be based on the injustice of a di-
vided Germany. The Soviet proposals were based
on preserving the Soviet puppet regime in East
Germany and the indefinite division of Germany,
at least unless Soviet control could be extended to
all Germany.

The Soviet Union at the summit conference had
explicitly promised to consider the reunification
of Germany by free elections and had explicitly
recognized the close link between the reunifica-
tion of Germany and European security.

We tried hard, but in vain, to get the Soviet
delegation to discuss seriously the problem of the
reunification of Germany.

"Wlien the Soviet Union came to face up to what
that involved, it balked. Obviously, if Germany
were reunified by free elections this would mean
the end of the puppet regime which the Soviet
Union has installed in East Germany. This in
turn would almost surely have serious repercus-
sions upon the other satellite countries of Eastern
Europe. There the Soviet-controlled governments
are facing rising pressure. Many within the
satellite countries believe that the "spirit of Ge-
neva" means that they are entitled to more toler-
ance and to governments more responsive to the
needs and asj)irations of their own nation.

So the Soviet Union took the position that while
they were eager to get a treaty of European secu-
rity they would not be willing to sacrifice their East
German regime to get it. Despite what they had
agreed to at the suimnit conference, they declared
they would preserve their regime in East Ger-
many, in clear defiance of the ardent wishes of the
East Germans themselves.

Some had thought that the Soviet Union might
be willing to allow Germany to be reunified by free

' Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 171.
' Ibid., Nov. 7, 1955, p. 727.

* Ibid., p. 729.

' Ibid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 783.

868

Department of State Bulletin

elections if reunified Germany would not enter the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. But in fact
the Soviet delegation made it abundantly clear
that it would not permit Germany to be reunified
by free election even on such terms.

So we see that, although the Soviet Union doubt-
less wants a European security system to which
it is a party, it is not willing to provide an es-
sential prerequisite, namely, the reunification of
Germany in freedom.

Limitation of Armament

The second problem that we had to discuss was
that of limitation of armament. Primary respon-
sibility in this field is now with the United Na-
tions disarmament subcommittee. But the For-
eign Ministers were directed to help if they could.

Both sides showed an eager desire to bring
about limitation of armament. We want this both
as an aid to peace and to permit economic re-
sources to be devoted in greater measure to the
benefit of mankind. But the Western nations
are unwilling to agree to disarm unless we can
be sure that both sides are carrj'ing out the agree-
ment. That is why we insist that disarmament be
effectively supervised and controlled.

Three times in this century the United States
experience has shown that one-sided weakness in
disarmament does not in fact preserve peace.
The United States does not intend now to risk its
very existence upon promises which may not be
kept.

The United States is, however, second to none
in its desire for safeguarded reduction of arma-
ments. It was to make that more possible that
President Eisenhower, at the summit conference,
proposed to the Soviet Union an exchange of blue-
prints of military establishments, and then aerial
inspection to verify the blueprints and thereby
improve the atmosphere by dispelling the fear of
aggressive intentions on either side.** That con-
cept of President Eisenhower was rejected by the
Soviets, although they did recognize for the first
time that aerial inspection had a proper place in a
control system.

But the Soviet Union does not attach the im-
portance which we do to inspection and control.
It continued to urge agi-eements, even though
there was no way to check adequately whether
these agreements were being fulfilled.

So our discussion of disarmament was incon-
clusive. We left further development of the sub-
ject to the United Nations subcoimnittee on dis-
armament.

It seems that the Soviet Government feels as yet
unable to allow inspection and control which, if it
is adequate, would open up their society, which is
still largely based on secretiveness. So the Soviet
Union, while wanting the immense benefits that
could come from reduction of armament, is not
willing to submit itself to the safeguards which
would make this possible.

East-West Contacts

The third and final item of our agenda was the
development of contacts between the East and the
West. The Western powers put forward 17 pro-
posals of a concrete nature.' Many of these would
have involved the freer exchange of ideas, informa-
tion, and news. All such proposals the Soviet
delegation rejected. It was willing to have con-
tacts which would enable it to garner technical
knowhow from other countries. It was willing
to send and receive persons under conditions which
it could closely control.^ But it reacted violently
against anything that smacked of the elimination
of barriers to a freer exchange of ideas. It ab-
hoi-red the introduction into the Soviet bloc of
thoughts which might be contrary to the official
doctrine of the Soviet Communist Party.

So we reached no agreement on this topic.

The reason again is clear. We believe that hu-
man contacts are designed, not to serve govern-
mental purposes, but to enable the members of the
human family to have the understanding and
knowledge of each other which is a foundation for
durable peace. But after a generation of fanatic
indoctrination, the Soviet rulers can hardly bring
themselves to loosen their existing thought controls
to permit of freer contacts with the free world.

On all these matters dealt with at Geneva we
tried to negotiate seriously with the Soviet Union.
We wanted to reach constructive agreements if
that could be done. But we were not prepared to
reach agreements at the expense of the aspirations
or security of the United States or its partners.
Neither were we willing to make so-called "agree-
ments" which were really meaningless. So when

' Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 174.

' Ibid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 778.

' For text of the Soviet proposal on East- West contacts,
see ibid., p. 779.

November 28, 7955

869

the Soviet Union showed itself unwilling to ne-
gotiate seriously on this basis we came away with-
out agreement.

It would have been easy to make some apparent
agreements with the Soviet Union — but they would
have been without real content. They would have
given an illusion of a meeting of minds, where
none in fact existed. The three "Western powers
stood steadfastly against that kind of jjerform-
ance. In doing so, they showed their confidence
in their own strength and in the steadfastness of
their own people. Thereby, this conference may
have improved the prospects for real agreements in
the future.

Five Questions Answered

I now turn to the answers to the questions which
I put at the beginning :

(1) Does this second Geneva conference end the
so-called ^'■spirit of Geneva?"

The answer to that question depends upon what
is meant by the "spirit of Geneva." Some felt
that the spirit of Geneva was some magic elixir
which would of itself solve all of the great prob-
lems of the world. Obviously it was not that.
Any such view was doomed to disillusionment.

That was never the view of the President nor
myself. We constantly warned against that view.
President Eisenhower, before he went to Geneva,
said that that conference would be a begimiing and
not an end. At Geneva he said that the value of
the conference could only be judged by what hap-
pened afterward. And after he returned he told
the American people that the acid test of the sum-
mit conference would begin when the Foreign
Ministers met.

That testing, so far as it has gone, has shown
that the Soviet leadere would like to have at least
the appearance of cooperative relations with the
Western nations. But it has shown that they are
not yet willing to create the indispensable condi-
tions for a secure peace. xVlso they have seriously
set back the growth of any confidence the free
tt-orld can justifiably place in Soviet promises.
They did this by refusing to negotiate for the re-
unification of Germany, to which they had agreed
in July.

However, they seem not to want to revert to the
earlier reliance on thi'eats and invective. In that
respect the spirit of Geneva still survives.

{£) Has the outcome of the second conference
at Geneva increased the risk of general war?

President Eisenhower said that he believed that
the summit conference made it less likely that
there would be open war between our countries.
Nothing that happened at the Foreign Ministers
conference requires a change in that estimate. So
that aspect of the Geneva spirit also remains.

(3) Do the events of the last 3 weehs mean
that the cold war will he resu7ned in its full vigor?

The phrase "cold war" is a loose one.

Of course, there are sharp differences between
the objectives of the Soviet Government and our
own. We believe in justice for all and in the right
of nations to be free and the right of individuals
to exercise their God-given capacity to think and
to believe in accordance with the dictates of their
mind and conscience. We shall not cease to pur-
sue these objectives or ever seek a so-called peace
which compromises them.

However, these great purposes which have been
characteristic of our Nation from its beginning
can be and will be pursued by us without resort to
violence or without resort to the use of hatred and
perversion of truth which are characteristic of
war. It is our purpose to continue to seek friend-
ship and understanding with the Russian people
as a whole and to use truth as the instrument of
our national policy.

The "cold war" in the sense of peaceful competi-
tion will inevitably go on. The spirit of Geneva
could not and did not change that fact. More-
over, we must assume that the Soviet Union will
continue its efforts by means short of war to make
its system prevail as it has done in the past. We
can, however, hope that this competition will not
entail all the same hostility and animosity which
so defiled the relations between us in the past.

{Jf) Will the United States now have radically
to revise its programs for defense and nfiutual
security?

The answer to this is "No." We have not
lowered our guard on the basis of Soviet promises
and did not do so because of the summit conference.
Our security jirograms, which are bipartisan in
character, are designed to meet the peril as long as
it may continue. We are on what we call a long-
haul basis. Our military strength must be based
on the capability of the Soviet bloc and cannot
vai'y with their smiles or frowns. We will reduce
our own military strength only as the Soviets
demonstrably reduce their own. Hence the out-

870

Department of State Bulletin

come of the Geneva conference does not require us
to alter the general scope of our programs. Their
general order of magnitude can remain as planned.

Our steady policies have proved their worth.
We believe in holding fast, and reinforcing, that
which has proved good.

(5) Does this last Geneva conference mean an
end to future riegotiation with the Soviet Union?

It need not be an end and neither the President
nor I believe that it will be an end. It would
of course be foolish to attempt new negotiations
if everything remains as it was when this last con-
ference came to an end.

We know, however, that conditions will change
because change is the law of life.

At this Geneva conference the Soviet Union had
to face up concretely to the cost of achieving
the larger results which it says it wants in terms of
European security, disarmament, and increased
contacts between East and West.

On this occasion no positive results were
achieved. But I recall that President Eisenhower,
after returning from Geneva, said that he was
"profoundly impressed with the need for all of
us to avoid discouragement merely because our
own proposals, our own approaches, and our own
beliefs are not always immediately accepted by
the other side." And he pointed to the difficulty
of bridging the wide and deep gulf between in-
dividual liberty and regimentation, and between
the concept of man made in the image of God and
the concept of man as the mere instrument of the
state.

That gulf has created obstacles so great that
they could not be overcome at this recent Geneva
conference.

That does not mean that our efforts at that con-
ference were wasted. The proposals we advanced
were basically sound and respected the legitimate
interest of all. "When solutions come, they will
have to take into account the principles which we
sought to apply.

The Soviets pride themselves on being realists.
They have shown in the past that they will adapt
their policies to facts and realities once they recog-
nize them. We believe that the free nations, by
maintaining and strengthening their unitj% can
make it apparent to the Soviet Union that solu-
tions such as we proposed are in its real interest
and will benefit them more than the local and
temporary advantages to which they now se«m to
attach overriding importance.

Of course the Soviets will not change their poli-
cies if they believe that the free world is going to
fall apart. That is why continuation of the pres-
ent partnei-ship of the independent nations is
indispensable to a peaceful solution of present
problems.

It is vital that all free nations, including our-
selves, clearly understand this basic truth.

I am happy to be able to make a good report
about this partnership.

In Paris, before the Geneva conference, we had
a useful session of the Nato Council. It was at-
tended by virtually all of the Foreign Ministers
of the 15 member countries. It served further
to cement the unity represented by the Council.

Wliile in Europe I also consulted with leaders of
the movement to develop still further the unity of
Europe. This movement is again becoming vig-
orous. In my talks I made clear that the initiative
for further steps toward European integration
must come from the Europeans themselves but
that the United States stands ready and eager to
help to realize this great idea.

I went to Spain, Italy, and Yugoslavia. In each
place I had a full and helpful discussion of the
international scene. The result was, I think, to
create better miderstanding and firmer ties of
friendship.

Finally, a most important fact is that at the
Geneva conference there were tlie closest pereonal
and working relations between the British For-
eign Minister, Mr. Macmillan, and the French
Foreign Minister, Mr. Pinay, and myself. We
also worked closely with the representatives of the
Federal Republic of Germany in matters that
concerned it.

This spirit of fellowship, which fortified our
common etTort in a common cause, is one of the
important products of the Geneva conference.

President Eisenhower's Views

The statement which I make to you tonight fol-
lows extended conference with President Eisen-
hower. He authorizes me to say that he fully
shares the evaluation which I have made of the
Geneva conference and of its impact upon our na-
tional policies. That evaluation stems from the
President's ruling and life purpose for a fair, just,
and durable peace for the world, a purpose which
I share and which, with him, I strive to implement.

And now, in closing, let me read from my ver-

November 28, 1955

871

batim notes of our conference at Gettysbiu'g this
morning. As I was leaving, the President turned
to me and said :

"I know that no setback, no obstacle to progress
will ever deter this government and our people
from the gi-eat eifort to establish a just and durable

peace. Success may be long in coming, but there
is no temporal force so capable of helping acliieve
it as the strength, the might, the spirit of 165 mil-
lion free Americans. In striving toward tliis
shining goal, this country will never admit
defeat."

Foreign Ministers Conclude Conference at Geneva

Following are texts of statements made at Ge-
neva iy Secretary Dulles on disarmament and on
East-West contacts; texts of proposals on the same
subjects hy the three Western powers and hy the
Soviet delegation; a closing statement by the
Secretary; the final communique issued on No-
vember 16; and a tripartite declaration of the same
date dealing ivith Germany and European security.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES, NOVEM-
BER 11

U.S. delegation press release

I shall speak first with reference to the state-
ments of the Soviet delegation regarding Presi-
dent Eisenhower's proposal for an exchange of
military blueprints and reciprocal aerial recon-
naissance."^

The Soviet delegation says that "no doubt Presi-
dent Eisenhower was guided by the best of inten-
tions." But the Soviet delegation concludes that,
whereas President Eisenhower thought and said
that his proposal would lessen danger and relax
tension, the Soviet Union has come to the conclu-
sion that it would work in exactly the opposite
way and would increase danger and tension.

In essence, the Soviet Union says that, although
President Eisenhower has good intentions, he has
bad judgment regarding these matters of war and
peace. With this conclusion we cannot agree, and
we believe that most of the world will also not
agi-ee. It is not easy to disparage the judgment
of one who won worldwide renown as the mili-
tary leader of the great coalition which won the
victory in the West for freedom.

' Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 174.

"\^nien President Eisenhower made his proposal
to Chairman Bulganin, it was greeted with a wave
of acclaim throughout the whole world. The peo-
ple everywhere felt instinctively that his pro-
posal, if accepted, would, for all practical pur-
poses, mean an ending of the danger of war be-
tween our two countries.

I believe that the instinct of the people of the
world was right. I do not think that they will be
convinced to the contrary by the arguments which
Mr. Molotov yesterday put forward. I shall take
up these arguments one by one and comment on
them.

1. It is said that the link between the Eisenhower
proposal and disarmament is not clear. But, in
fact, the proposal was made as a prelude to a
program for a mutually dependable system for less
armament.

2. The Soviet delegation points out that the
Eisenhower proposal refers solely to the territory
of the Soviet Union and of the United States and
would not cover the forces of these two countries
elsewhere, or the forces of our Allies.

It is quite true that both the Soviet Union and
the United States have substantial military forces
beyond their sovereign border. Certainly, the
Government of the Soviet Union will not deny
that it maintains substantial forces in East Ger-
many, Poland, Hungai-y, Rumania, and other
places and locations. However, the most impor-
tant forces of both the Soviet Union and the United
States are located within their sovereign borders.

The overwhelming portion of the forces that
would be inevitably involved in an attack are lo-
cated in both instances within the sovereign bor-
ders. This, then, is the place to begin. It is the
place where a beginning can be made promptly

872

Department of State Bulletin

because it would not require the sovereign decision
of many nations or raise the problems involved
in negotiating agreements with some 40 to 60
other countries.

The Governments of France and the United
Kingdom have already associated themselves with
the Eisenhower proposal. Furthermore, if the
Eisenliower proposal is accepted by the Soviet
Union, the United States would be prepared to
proceed promptly, so far as it is concerned, to nego-
tiate botli with other sovereign states involved
and with the Soviet Union for the appropriate
extension on a reciprocal, equitable basis of the
Eisenhower proposal and the Bulganin control
posts to overseas bases, and to the forces of other
countries.

Of course, President Eisenhower realized that
what he proposed liere last July was only a begin-
ning. I recall his exact words. He said, "what
I propose, I assure you, would be but a beginning."

But it is the beginning, the initial break-
through, that is often decisive. As President
Eisenhower emphasized, the spirit of peace would
more surely reign and further disarmament more
surely be achieved if mutual understanding and
reciprocal openness existed as between the two
countries which have the greatest stockpiles of
atomic weapons.

It is that moral aspect of President Eisenhower's
proposal whicli the Soviet Union seems entirely
to have missed.

3. In the third place, objection is made to what
is called "enormous expenditures" which would
be required to carry out aerial photogi-aphy.

It is quite true that there would be considerable
expense and tliat planes and technical facilities
might have to be diverted from purposes of war to
purposes of peace. The United States, I may say,
is prepared to do that. I cannot believe that any
counti-y would really refuse to embark on a great
project for peace because it required a diversion
of resources from war.

4. It is further argued that President Eisen-
hower's proposal does not provide for "the setting
up of control posts at ports, railway junctions,"
and so forth. I am surprised to hear this argu-
ment made after Chairman Bulganin has received
President Eisenliower's letter of October 11,^ in
which President Eisenliower said:

I have not forgotten your proposal having to do with

'Hid., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 643.

stationing inspection teams at key points in our countries,
and if you feel this would help to create the better spirit
I refer to, we could accept that too.

5. Finally, it is argued that the Eisenhower
plan would increase the risk of war because it
would give countries information about the mili-
tary installations of each other and thus enable an
aggressor to make a more effective surprise attack.

I know that the Soviet Union has ample infor-
mation about the United States and about our
military and industrial dispositions. And the
United States is not totally ignorant of the Soviet
Union. Both of us, I surmise, know enough to
attack. Wliat is lacking is the deterrent to attack
which would come if preparations for attack can
be detected so that the aggressor does not have the
benefit of surprise.

That is the way in which the Eisenliower pro-
posal would work powerfully for peace.

Soviet Position on Aerial Photograpliy

We do not ignore the fact that the Soviet
Union, although rejecting President Eisenliower's
proposal, as he made it, indicates that it would
accept a concept of aerial photography as one of
the forms of control to be considered, as the Soviet
Union puts it, "at the concluding stage of the im-
plementation of measures to reduce armaments
and prohibit atomic weapons."

We accept this statement of the Soviet Union
as a welcome advance over prior Soviet positions.
We are, nevertheless, grievously disappointed that
the Soviet Union now rejects President Eisen-
hower's proposal as a beginning step to lessen ten-
sion between our countries and open the path to
further steps for inspection and control, and re-
duction of armament based thereon.

Perhaps, however, the Soviet delegation's state-
ment of yesterday does not represent the last word
of the Soviet Union.

I recall the initial negative reaction of the Soviet
Union toward President Eisenhower's atoms-for-
peace proposal made in December 1953 before the
United Nations. I also remember that by July
1955 the Soviet Union had come to accept in prin-
ciple that proposal.

I still hope that there will be a similar evolution
of Soviet thinking with reference to President
Eisenhower's proposal for exchanges of blueprints
and reciprocal aerial photograpliy, although I
hope that the time lapse will be shorter because
time presses.

November 28, 1955

873

Soviets' Atomic Proposals

I turn now to the proposal introduced yesterday
by the Soviet delegation on this topic of disarma-
ment,^ a proposal which in the main is a duplica-
tion of prior proposals made on various occasions.
I deal with this proposal myself only in so far as it
deals with atomic matters. There are four items
with reference to atomic matters.

One is that "as one of the first measures for
the execution of the progi-am for the reduction of
armaments and the prohibition of atomic weapons,
states processing atomic and hydrogen weapons
pledge themselves to discontinue tests of these
weapons."

T^t me say that, if agreement can be reached
to eliminate or limit nuclear weapons under proper
safeguards, the United States would be prepared
to agree to corresponding restrictions on the test-
ing of such weapons.

Then there are two rather similar items, one of
which suggests that the four powers would pledge
themselves "not to be the firet to use atomic and
hydrogen weapons," and the other of which sug-
gests that they should "pledge themselves not to
use nuclear weapons."

These suggestions are subject to the grave defect
that they contemplate only promises.

It is basic in the United States policy not to
allow its security to be dependent upon promises
and agreements which may prove illusory. We
had this week a grave disillusionment when we
sought fulfillment of the Soviet agreement that
Germany should be reunified by free elections.

It can hardly be expected that the United States
would depend upon pledges which cannot be relied
upon and for the performance of which no de-
pendable controls are provided.

We further point out that if a war begins it
will be because some nation has violated the solemn
pledge contained in the charter of the United
Nations, and found in many other international
agreements, to refrain in their international rela-
tions from the threat or use of force in any man-
ner inconsistent with the charter. If a nation
breaks that pledge, how can we assume that it will
live up to its pledge not to use atomic weapons,
or not to be the first to use them? The United
States has agreed not to use force against the
Soviet Union in violation of the charter of the
United Nations. But if the Soviet Union does

not believe that we shall live by that pledge, why
does it want more pledges ? And vice versa ?

Need for "Atmosphere of Trust"

With respect to the proposal that all atomic
weapons shall be eliminated, I call attention to the
powerful statement made by the Soviet Union
in its May 10 proposals, to the effect that there
can be no assurance of the elimination of atomic
weapons. I should like to read from that state-
ment :

There are possibilities beyond the reach of International
control for evading this control and for organizing the
clandestine manufacture of atomic and hydrogen weap-
ons, even if there is a formal agreement on international
control. In such a situation the security of the states
signatory to the international convention cannot be guar-
anteed, since the possibility would be open to a potential
aggressor to accumulate stocks of atomic and hydrogen
weapons for a surprise atomic attacli on peace-loving
states.

Until an atmosphere of trust has been created in rela-
tions between states, any agreement on the institution
of international control can only serve to lull the vigilance
of the peoples. It will create a false sense of security,
while in reality there will be a danger of the production
of atomic and hydrogen weapons and hence the threat
of surprise attack and the unleashing of an atomic war
with all its appalling consequences for the people.

It is the danger so graphically portrayed by the
Soviet Union that creates the problem with which
we are all wrestling. It will, we assume, come
again before the United Nations disarmament
subcommittee. We here are obviously unable to
solve that jiroblem, nor are we prepared to antici-
pate what will be the conclusions of the scientific
experts who are dealing with the matter.

It will be recalled that in the proposal which
the three Western powei*s submitted yesterday*
we called for "continued scientific search by each
state, with appropriate consultation between gov-
ernments, for methods which might be derived
from evolving scientific knowledge that would
make possible a thoroughly effective inspection and
control system of nuclear weapons material as
part of a disarmament program covering all kinds
of armaments."

It cannot reasonably be expected that we here
shall agree to an elimination of nuclear weapons in
the face of the difficulties and dangers to which
the Soviet Union has itself directed our attention
and which create a situation such that — in the
words of the Soviet Union — we cannot be assured

'Ibid., Nov. 21, 1955, p. 832.

* Ibid., p. 831.

874

Deporfmenf of Sfofe Bulletin

"until an atmosphere of trust has been created in
relations between states." We can only regret
that at this conference the position of the Soviet
Union has brought no progress, but retrogression,
as regards "an atmosphere of trust." It is more
than ever inevitable that the United States should
adhere closely to the position which President
Eisenhower set forth in his address of July 25,
1955:

lu the matter of disarmament, the American Govern-
ment believes that an effective disarmament system can
be reached only if at its base there is an effective recip-
rocal inspection and overall supervision system, one in
which we can have confidence and each side can know that
the other side is carrying out its commitments.

I have gi'^en the reasons why the United States
cannot entertain disarmament proposals from the
Soviet Union which are predicated upon mutual
trust and confidence, which does not now exist. We
urge that the Soviet Union realistically accept that
fact and that through the United Nations disarm-
ament subcommittee we develop as rapidly and as
fully as possible an effective reciprocal inspection
and overall supervision system. Then we would,
indeed, have a basis for the reduction of armaments
which we all want and which would enable the
resources of the world more fully to be dedicated
to the welfare of mankind.

10th, from which I read, points out explicitly that
there are now "possibilities beyond the reach of
international control" and that any agreement
vmder present circumstances would be dangerous
because it would only serve to lull the vigilance
of the peoples. It will create a false sense of se-
curity when in reality there is danger.

I would like to know how the Soviet Union can
make a proposal for prohibition of nuclear weap-
ons which in words at least depends upon "effec-
tive international control" while at the same time
the Soviet Union has said, and I think accurately
said, that there is now no possibility of such effec-
tive international control and that to attempt to
have such international control would be a danger.

If the Soviet proposal of yesterday, which is a
duplicate of that which was submitted here last
July, were to express itself accurately, paragraph
5 would read :

Effective international control cannot now be estab-
lished over the implementation of measures for the pro-
hibition of atomic weapons and the attempt to do so
would be a grave danger.

^Vhen I consider what the Soviet Union said
on May 10th, I cannot myself interpret that pro-
vision of the Soviet proposal of yesterday as being
other than a cruel deception which is sought to be
perpetrated on the peoples of the world for prop-
aganda purposes.

SECOND STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 11

I would like to call attention to what seems to
me to be a contradiction in the Soviet position
which I would be glad to have Mr. Molotov recon-
cile if he can. The Soviet proposal of yesterday
dealing with the level of forces and the prohibi-
tion of atomic and hydrogen weapons ends up by
saying :

EJffective international control shall be established
over the implementation of measures for the reduction
cif armaments and the prohibition of atomic weapons.

As I quoted Marshal Bulganin yesterday,^ he
said:

Every disarmament scheme comes down to the ques-
tion of control and inspection. This inspection problem is
extremely serious and we must find a mutually accept-
able solution for it.

Yet, the portion of the Soviet proposal of May

" Ibid., p. 828.

THIRD STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 11

Mr. Chairman, I would like to spend a minute
or two more on the point we have been discussing.
The May 10 statement said, and I quote :

There are possibilities beyond the reach of international
control for evading this control and for organizing the
clandestine manufacture of atomic and hydrogen weapons,
even if there is a formal agreement on international con-
trol. In such a situation the security of the states signa-
tory to an international convention can not be guaranteed.

So I still do not see how to reconcile the statement
that "there are possibilities beyond the reach of
international control" with the statement in para-
graph 5 of the Soviet proposal that "effective in-
ternational controls shall be established over the
prohibition of atomic weapons."

But I do not draw the conclusion that nothing
can be done about limitation and reduction of arm-
aments. I am satisfied that something can be done

November 28, 7955

875

and should be done. But the way to do it is not to
pretend that something can be done which the
Soviet Union knows full well and has stated very
strongly cannot be done : that is, to establish at the
present time effective international control over
the possible manufacture of atomic weapons.

The problem is to find out what can be controlled
and then control it ; and that is the purpose of these
proposals that have been made by President Eisen-
hower, by Prime Minister Edgar Faure, and by
Prime Minister Eden, and indeed also by Marshal
Bulganin, that we should explore the possibilities
and find out what can be controlled. Then we can
know what we can safely agree upon.

There is no use, I tliink, trying to press here
for a type of agreement which cannot be super-
vised, because, as Mr. Molotov has said, there is not
yet sufficient trust and confidence among us.
Therefore, let us find out what it is that we can do,
what we can control, and then let us proceed to
disarm accordingly.

I am satisfied that if we are resourceful and in-
genious and painstaking and patient, we will find
that a lot of things can be controlled. It may be
possible to control, if not "the clandestine manu-
facture of atomic and hydrogen weapons" which
the Soviet Union says can't be controlled — but it
may be possible to control the means of their de-
livery. And nobody, I suppose, is going to go to
the trouble and expense of making these highly
costly weapons if there is no way to use them or if
attempts to use them would be so detected and
exposed in advance that the attempted use would
react against the aggressor.

There are, as I have suggested in my speech
yesterday, possibilities of control in the case of
those who have not yet developed a stockpile of
weapons quantity and material.

Why can't we, if we are really sincere about this
matter, get to work to discover by experiments
what are the possibilities of control and inspec-
tion? Then we can really make some progress.
But we can't make progress if on the one hand we
admit that there are possibilities beyond the reach
of international control for preventing the clan-
destine manufacture of atomic and hydrogen
weapons, and then on the other hand insist on a
program which assiunes that there can be such
control.

It is almost infamous, I think, to insinuate that
the three Western powers here have no interest in
disarmament and that we want to pile up great

military forces of all kinds, while the Soviet Union
is the only comitry which wants to disarm. That
is such a grotesque picture that I do not think that
that type of propaganda is really effective. I be-
lieve that the world will judge, and rightly judge,
that those who want to have effective disarmament
will be those who want to explore the possibilities
of control to see where we can have effective in-
spection and control in order that we can build
soundly, safely, and surely for the limitation and
reduction of armaments which every reasonable
person knows we all want.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES ON EAST-
WEST CONTACTS, NOVEMBER 14

D.S. delegation press release

This item of East-West contacts, although
last on our agenda, is not the least. For in the
long run peace depends upon fellowship between
the peoples of the world.

We believe that the human race is, by the Su-
preme Will which designed the natural order, a
family. Its members differ in many respects; but
they are alike in their inherent capacity to judge
right and wrong, and they are aldn through sym-
pathy with each other's aspirations.

The great danger of war comes from the possi-
bility that the human family may be artificially
divided into hostile camps and that certain peoples
may be brought to regard others as alien and
hostile, when in fact that is not the case. Some-
times those in power find it profitable to promote
this alienation of peoples. But that is a danger
against which we should erect such bulwarks as
are to be found in the free exchange of information
and in the free movement of people.

We realize that free information is not always
correct information and that those who travel do
not always give or receive correct impressions.
Nevertheless, the risks from such infirmities are
infinitely less than the risk of allowing the think-
ing of one people about another to be determined
by government controls.

The United States hoped that one of the good
results to come from the Geneva conference of the
Heads of Governments would be fi-eer exchanges
of ideas, of persons, and of goods.

This has happened to some degree. The United
States has tried to help in that direction.

876

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

With respect to the exchange of ideas there was
nothing that the United States could do unilater-
ally. Already our free press reports fully on de-
velopments within the Soviet bloc that are known
to it. Important statements by Soviet rulers are
widely reported by our press, radio, and television
newscasts.

The only limitation is caused by Soviet censor-
ship of news from the Soviet Union and the diffi-
culty which reporters experience in getting access
to the facts within the Soviet bloc. On our side
there is no censorship or comparable restrictions.

With respect to the exchange of persons, the
United States, as an earnest of its intentions,
changed its passport regulations so that passports
may be obtained valid for the Soviet Union and
Eastern European countries with which we have
diplomatic relations, just as our passports are
valid for Western European countries.*

In the area of trade with the Soviet Union we
have only a few prohibitions. In anticipation of
this conference, and in order to facilitate trade fur-
ther, we took steps to simplify export procedures.'

However, the developments at this conference
have been disappointing.

Soviet Censorship

The exchange of information and ideas is
blocked on the Soviet side by an all-embracing
Soviet censorship of press and radio and the sys-
tematic Soviet jamming of radio broadcasts from
other countries.

In the committee of experts, the Soviet repre-
sentative maintained that these two obstacles —
censorship and jamming — could not be admitted
to the agenda for substantive consideration since
they concerned internal affairs of the Soviet
Union.

It can be argued that these matters are, indeed,
internal ones, and it is true that only Soviet ac-
tion can remove them. Nevertheless, the Soviet
system of censorship, of which jamming is a part,
is a basic and grave impediment to the free flow
of information and ideas.

This censorship is exercised in such a way as to
prevent the Soviet people from learning objec-
tive facts about the rest of the world. Knowledge
of the true way of life of the non-Communist
countries, including their eagerness to live in peace

' Ihid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 777.
' Wd., p. 778.

and friendship with the Soviet peoples, has been
suppressed. At the same time, it is impossible
for the rest of the world to receive adequate re-
ports about developments in the Soviet Union.

The failure of the Soviet delegation to indicate
any willingness to take steps looking toward the
progressive elimination of censorship is, conse-
quently, extremely discouraging.

The Soviet delegation refused to consider West-
ern suggestions for improvement in the treatment
accorded to foreign journalists in the Soviet
Union. The Soviet delegation also evaded a pre-
cise answer to the proposal of the Western powers
for a regular exchange of uncensored broadcasts,
responding only with vague pronouncements re-
garding the desirability of a general agreement
for greater cooperation in the radio field.

We would welcome cooperation in radio com-
munications. However, there is massive and sys-
tematic jamming of news broadcasts. Once this is
eliminated, I am confident that we could reach
general agreement on cooperation with regard to
radio communications. This position was made
clear in a note from the United States Government
to the Soviet Union of December 1953.

On other items to which the Western delega-
tions attach importance — items containing con-
crete proposals such as the establishment of read-
ing rooms in the respective capitals, the publica-
tion and distribution in each other's countries of
official periodicals, and the public sale of books
and magazines — the Soviet delegation also refused
to express agreement even in principle. These
matters were consigned by the Soviet delegation
to possible bilateral discussions at a later date.

Difficulties Regarding Excliange of Persons

With respect to movement of people, significant
progress is blocked by the Soviet failure to respond
to the Western proposals for less travel restric-
tions on foreigners and more normal treatment of
diplomatic missions.

The committee of experts agreed in general on
the desirability of exchanges of persons and of
delegations, but even here many differences exist
regarding the procedures and principles under
which such exchanges should be conducted.

Exchanges of persons with the Soviet Union of
necessity assume a different character than with
countries of the free world. All travel abroad by
Soviet citizens is carefully controlled by the So-

November 28, 1955

877

viet Government and is undertaken only by care-
fully selected gi-oups. Travel abroad therefore
on the part of Soviet citizens is not what we would
call ordinary travel by persons on business or
pleasure.

Visits to foreign countries are an instrument of
Soviet policy designed to bring certain specific
advantages to the Soviet State, especially for the
acquisition of technical know-how. These spe-
cial features must be and are taken into considera-
tion by the United States in its approach to this
problem. It is for this reason that we seek to
establish visits of tliis type on a basis of reciprocal
advantage. They cannot be made haphazardly or
on short notice but require a certain degree of plan-
ning and arrangement.

Negative Attitude on Transport and Trade

The experts' studies in the field of transport and
trade have similarly been frustrated by the nega-
tive attitude of the Soviet delegation.

In the course of the working group meetings,
the Western powers advanced four positive pro-
posals :

1. That the Soviet Union agree that bilateral
negotiations looking toward the early establish-
ment of direct air links between the Soviet Union
and the Western nations, under normal bilateral
air transport agreements, should be undertaken as
soon as possible.

2. That the Soviet Union take measures to alle-
viate the difficulties now encountered by Western
businessmen in establishing adequate representa-
tion and in performing usual business and main-
tenance services within the Soviet Union.

3. That the Soviet Union accord more adequate
protection to Western industrial property rights
and copyrights, recognizing the generally accepted
right of priority to new patents and agreeing to
make data available concerning Soviet patents.

4. That the Soviet Union make available pro-
duction, marketing, price, and trade data, com-
parable to such information now available to the
Soviet Union from the Western countries.

Each of these modest proposals was designed to
eliminate discernible obstacles now thwarting the
exercise of Western initiative for the mutually
beneficial development of peaceful East-West
trade. Each of these proposals was ignored or
suirunarily dismissed by the Soviet representatives.

France, the United Kingdom, and the United
States made repeated requests that the Soviet
Union indicate that it was now prepared itself to
make the effort necessary to attain a substantially
higher level of i^eaceful East-West trade. But
the Soviet representatives made no positive re-
sponse. Yet unless goods are made available from
the Soviet Union and unless the Soviet Union
takes concrete steps to open its market, unilateral
willingness to trade on the part of the Western
countries cannot convert itself into two-way trade.

In place of the positive response concerning
peaceful trade which the United States had reason
under the Heads of Government directive to ex-
pect from the Soviet Union, the Soviet representa-
tives in the experts' committee confined their ap-
proach to an openly political attack upon the
Western system of security controls over the ex-
portation of a relatively small range of strategic
commodities. It was precisely to avoid disputes
and recriminations over these controls, and to
direct attention to the vast problems of economic
relationships between the East and the West, that
the directive from the Heads of Government
speaks of "peaceful" trade.

It was precisely to avoid wasting time over
such distractions from the substance of our assign-
ment that President Pinay, Mr. Macmillan, and
I, in our opening remarks on item 3, before con-
stituting the experts' committee, took the pains
to point out that the strategic trade controls are a
matter of security — are a consequence, not a cause,
of tensions — and are outside the purview of
item 3.«

Soviet officials conduct a strong propaganda
outside their own country about their desire for
trade and the alleged denial to them of trade op-
portunity. Yet the only restrictions which exist
are those on strategic goods related to war pur-
poses, touching only a very small percentage of
normal international commerce.

Actually, the Soviet officials speak differently at
home. There they explain to their own people
that the countries of the Soviet bloc must pursue
an autarchic policy of self-sufficiency. Earlier
this year Mr. Molotov, speaking before the Su-
preme Soviet, called attention to the existence of
two parallel world markets, which he said were
opposed to each other.

We had hoped for a change in policy but thus

" For the Secretary's opening remarks on item 3, see
ibid., p. 775.

878

Department of State Bulletin

far we have hoped in vain. The discussions of
the experts concerning measures to expand peace-
ful trade have produced no basis of agreement for
the simple, now unmistakably evident reason that
the Soviet Union remains basically opposed to
developing a high level of trade between East and
West.

The fact is that the economic policies pursued
by the Soviet Union and directed toward insur-
ing the greatest degree of self-sufficiency leave for
export no important stocks of consumer and other
goods which normally enter into international
trade. This consequence of Soviet economic policy,
and not the small percentage of goods covered by
strategic controls, has been and remains the chief
limitation on any important development of trade
with the Soviet Union.

Export of Surplus Arms

The Soviet Union apparently at the present time
does, however, have large stockpiles of discarded
arms resulting from the production of new models
for the Soviets' own use. It would be a matter of
utmost concern to the other nations of the world if
the Soviet bloc should try to meet its large import
needs and serve its other aims by exporting these
surplus arms throughout the world. This is in-
deed something very different from the "peaceful
trade between peoples"' which the Heads of Gov-
ernment said we should seek to develop.

As a result of my review of the work of the ex-
perts, it seems clear that the Soviet Union is not at
present disposed to take those important steps
which lie within its power to promote the free cir-
culation of information and ideas and to facilitate
trade in peaceful goods.

The lack of progress on item 3 should not, I sup-
l^ose, come as a surprise. It is confirmation of the
fact that the Soviet bloc system is based upon ar-
tificial conditions which cannot withstand free con-
tact with the outer world.

The Soviet rulers seem to fear lest their system
would be endangered if the Soviet people had the
kind of information which is available elsewhere ;
if they were free to join the many millions who
constantly travel back and forth to get acquainted
with each other; and if trade in consmner goods
should bring to the Eussian people knowledge of
the inamense quantity and superb quality of goods
which are produced by societies where labor is
free.

We do not believe that peace will have a solid
foimdation until there comes about free communi-
cations and peaceful trade between the Soviet bloc
and the free Western peoples.

We cannot expect this to happen all at once. In-
deed, our directive calls for a "progressive elimina-
tion of barriers." It does not require that barriers
should be pulled down all at once. We had felt
that our proposals were modest, and we greatly re-
gret that virtually none of them has been accepted.

It would, of course, be possible for us to say that
we here had in a general way reaffirmed the desira-
bility of increased contacts. But merely to re-
affirm is not our task. It is our task to formulate
the measures which could realize the principles
which our Heads of Government set forth. There-
fore for us merely to reaffirm in generalities would
only gloss over our lack of common accord on the
important questions we have been asked to con-
sider.

Therefore, it appears far preferable to state
frankly that little has been achieved here to elimi-
nate barriers and that basic impediments to freer
contacts between East and West still exist and that
we are far from achieving in practice the objec-
tives set forth in the directive from the Heads of
Government.

This is a disappointing conclusion, but the fu-
ture is apt to be better if we face up now to what
are the indisputable facts.

Nevertheless, we need not be disheartened.
Since the summit meeting last July some progress
has been made. Some barriers have in fact been
lowered. We believe that the process thus begun
camiot easily be reversed. Perhaps it will pro-
ceed more surely through a living process than by
dependence upon negotiation. The United States
does not intend to slacken its efforts to make com-
munication more free and thus to end a situation
that is dangerous to peace because it sets off one
great part of the world as against another.

I have often expressed the friendship of the
American people for the Russian people. Our
countries have never been at war. Our people
have never fought each other. And we do not be-
lieve that we could ever be brought to fight each
other if only we know each other. The great
danger comes from the carrying on year after year
of a persistent campaign which distorts the mind
of the Russian people.

That is the danger which the Heads of our Gov-
ernments directed us to avert. I believe that the

November 28, 1955

879

talks which have occurred here, even though they
have not resulted in any substantial agreements,
at least may help us in the future to find the way
to make our peace more solid.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES, NOVEM-
BER 15

U.S. delegation press release

Yesterday, the French delegation submitted a
proposal ° which, after study, the United States
was ready to accept had it been accepted by the
Soviet delegation. Apparently, however, that
French proposal is now rejected by the Soviet dele-
gation.

The Soviet delegation has now submitted a pro-
posed draft statement by the four powers, which
I have studied during the brief recess we have had.
I regret to be forced to the conclusion that this
present Soviet proposal does not adequately meet
the directive under which we are acting, primarily
in that it contains nothing, or practically nothing,
designed to permit of an exchange of ideas and
of information.

It will be recalled that President Eisenhower in
his statement here on July 22 on this topic " put
lii'st of all the importance, as he put it :

(1) To lower the barriers which now impede the inter-
change of information and ideas between our peoples.

The Soviet proposal does not seem to make any ef-
fort at all to meet the views of the Western powers
with respect to the importance of free communi-
cation in the realm of information and ideas.

In view of the rejection by the Soviet Union of
the French proposal, I have compared the present
Soviet proposal with that which the three Western
powers introduced on October 31 through the
medium of the French delegation.

Item 1 of that proposal contemplated a freer ex-
change of information and ideas and a progres-
sive elimination of censorship. That is rejected.

Item 2 proposed to have information centers on
a basis of reciprocity which the people could freely
use. That is rejected.

Item 3 proposed to permit the publication and
facilitate the distribution of official periodicals.
Tliat is rejected.

"Not printed here.

'° Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 174.

880

Item 4 dealt with exchange of books. It is ac-
cepted insofar as it relates to the exchange. But
the vital part, which dealt with making these
books available for public sale, is rejected.

Item 5, with reference to the exchange of gov-
ernment publications and full lists, catalogs, and
indices, also seems to be rejected.

Item 6, dealing with the exchange of films at
normal commercial prices and on normal terms,
seems to be rejected, subject to the possibility that
there might hereafter be an agi-eement on this
topic.

Item 8, dealing with the reduction of jamming
of news and information broadcasts, is rejected.

Item 9, with reference to exchanging uncensored
broadcasts, appears also to be rejected, although
it is suggested that there might hereafter be an
agi'eement covering broadcast exchanges.

Item 10, dealing with the elimination of the
censorship of outgoing press despatches and access
by journalists to normal sources of information, is
rejected.

Item 11 relates to tourism. There is a reference
in the Soviet paper to tourism, but the Soviet
Union rejects any suggestion that there should, to
facilitate tliis, be reasonable rates of currency ex-
change.

Item 16, dealing with the restriction on the
travel by members of the diplomatic missions on
a basis of reciprocity, also is rejected.

Item 17, dealing with reciprocal exchanges of
direct air transport services, is rejected.

In other words, of our 17 concrete proposals only
five seem to be partially accepted. I emphasize
that all of those which relate to a freer exchange
of ideas, news, uncensored information have been
rejected. The Soviet Union seems to have picked
out of our proposal only four or five suggestions
which it deems to its interest, and to have rejected
all the others, without any spirit of give and take
and with a complete omission of anything of sub-
stance in the realm of exchange of ideas.

I pointed out in my remarks yesterday that we
consider that peace is not solidly based unless the
peoples of the different countries can have access
to what other peoples believe and, I think, that
to base peace upon the power of government to
dictate what peoples shall think about each other
is, in our opinion, a very dangerous condition.
And because the Soviet paper would perpetuate

Department of State Bulletin

what we deem to be a very great danger to peace
and good understanding between peoples, and be-
cause it does not seem to us to comply with the
directive which guides us, we do not find it
acceptable.

SECOND STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 15

U.S. delegation press release

]\fr. Molotov has made many statements which
are frivolous and which, if time permitted, I
would enjoy replying to in a similar vein. I will
forego that pleasure.

I cannot, however, overlook a very serious
charge which he makes, which is the charge that
the Western powers deliberately formulated their
proposals in bad faith with a view to bringing
about their rejection. I had thought that that
was not the kind of charge which would be lightly
made in the atmosphere which our Heads of Gov-
ernment tried to create at Geneva. That is a
charge which I reject in the most categorical
manner.

Ever since the July conference at Geneva, the
various agencies of the Government of the United
States have been working in the most intense and
careful manner in order to prepare for this con-
ference and to make proposals which we believed
would be acceptable.

It would not have taken months of work by hun-
dreds of people to produce proposals which were
designed to be rejected, and I resent very much
the allegation that we have been acting in this mat-
ter in bad faith.

It is quite true that a large part of the proposals
we made related to a freer exchange of ideas. We
realize full well that ideas which flow freely never
accord fully with the ideas of any government.
The ideas about communism which are freely
spread in the United States do not conform with
the ideas of our Government, but we believe, as
indeed do all of the free countries, that it is more
healthy, more conducive to peace, to permit free-
dom of ideas rather than to attempt to have gov-
ernmental regimentation of ideas.

We had thought that socialism was fully estab-
lished within the Soviet Union so that it would not
topple if perchance some contradictory ideas
found their way into the Soviet Union. But, ap-
parently, socialism is not as strongly established

November 28, 1955

367045—55 3

in the Soviet Union as we had thought, and we
must reconcile ourselves, I suppose, to the posi-
tion now taken by the representative of the Soviet
Union, that is, that it is dangerous to the Soviet
Government to have in the Soviet Union any ideas
which do not conform precisely to those of the
Soviet Government. That nervousness and fear
of the Soviet Government for its own future is
something we will have to take into account and
evaluate when we consider the possibility of fur-
ther contacts.

I do not believe that our lack of agreement here
will prevent the gradual development of contacts,
although certainly they will not develop as rapidly
as we had hoped when we came here. Wlien I
spoke here yesterday, I noted the fact that since
the July meeting some actual progress had been
made in the reduction of barriers.

The United States itself, on the opening day
of this conference, took two actions : one in rela-
tion to passports and the other in relation to trade
licenses, which did involve a reduction of bari-iers.
Mr. Molotov has not thought that that was im-
portant enough to mention. However, we did it
and we did not do it merely to get thanks from
Mr. Molotov; so we can survive that omission.

I went on to say, in the statement I refer to,
that I thought this process of increased contacts
may proceed more surely as a living process than
by dependence upon negotiation. I added that
the United States did not intend to slacken its
efforts to make communication more free and
thus to end a situation which is dangerous to
peace because it sets off one great part of the world
as against another.

That note, upon which I ended yesterday, is the
same note upon wliich I would end today.

SOVIET DRAFT STATEMENT ON EAST-WEST
CONTACTS, NOVEMBER 15

[Unofficial translation]

Being guided by the interests of tbe strengthening of
peace, creating an atmosphere of confidence and the de-
velopment of cooperation among nations, the Foreign Min-
isters, in conformity with the directives of the Heads of
Government of the Soviet Union, the United States, the
French Republic and the United Kingdom, have studied
"measures, including those possible in organs and agen-
cies of the United Nations, which could (a) bring about a
progressive elimination of barriers which interfere with
free communications and peaceful trade between people

881

and (b) bring about such freer contacts and exchanges as
are to the mutual advantage of the countries and peoples
concerned."

A. Proceeding from the directives and realizing the im-
portance of the problems which the committee of experts
was instructed to study, the Foreign Ministers of the
Four Powers have agreed to recommend their respec-
tive Governments :

To create conditions favorable for the development of
peaceful trade and for this purjiose to take measures
designed to eliminate the existing obstacles and restric-
tions in the trade between East and West in order that
merchants and trade organizations may use more freely
the opportunities offered to them by the exchange between
East and West.

To talie measures in their power to facilitate the free
passage of merchant ships of all countries through straits
and canals of international importance and to remove ex-
isting restrictions on sea communications with certain
states.

To facilitate the exchange of boolis, newspapers, scien-
tific magazines, documentary and other films, as well as
radio broadcasts, in accordance with agreements which
may be of bilateral or multilateral nature.

B. The Foreign Ministers of the Four Powers are of the
opinion that it is desirable to malie easier and broader the
relations between East and West in the following fields :

(a) Cultural exchange, in particular in the publishing
field, and also exchange of cultural delegations, exhibi-
tions, and so forth.

(b) Scientific and teclinical exchange ; the participation
of scientists in international congresses.

(c) Visits of representatives of industry, agriculture
and trade.

(d) Exchange between professional, scientific, technical
and artistic organizations.

(e) Exchange both of professors and students and of
lecturers.

(f ) Exchange of sportsmen and sports teams.

(g) Development of tourism, both collective and indi-
vidual.

The four Governments, for the purpose of the further
development of existing contacts, may determine, if nec-
essary, the methods of such exchanges. The latter should
be practiced under the most objective and effective con-
ditions to the mutual advantage of countries signatory
to the arrangements.

C. The Foreign Ministers of the Four Powers are of the
opinion that there are a number of concrete problems per-
taining to the development of contacts between East and
West which are subject to examination directly by the
countries concerned with cognizance of interests and legal
norms of the respective states.

D. In accordance with the directives of the Heads of
Government the Foreign Ministers of the Four Powers
state that it would be desirable to take into account the
contribution which the organs and agencies of the United
Nations could make in conformity with the principles
of the United Nations Charter in the effectuation of
measures examined by this conference.

882

The four Ministers declare themselves in favor of the
participation in international specialized agencies (Ilo,
UNESCO, Who, Itd, and others) of all states desiring to
cooperate in the work of these organizations.

TRIPARTITE DRAFT STATEMENT ON DISARMA-
MENT "

Guided by the desire to contribute to lessening inter-
national tension, strengthening confidence between states
and reducing the burden of armaments.

The Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union, the United
States of America, the United Kingdom and the French
Eepublic remain convinced of the need to continue to seek
agreement on a comprehensive program for disarmament
which will promote international peace and security with
the least diversion for armament of the world's human
and economic resources.

Their discussions showed that, while there was agree-
ment on this objective, it was not yet possible to reach
agreement on effective methods and safeguards for achiev-
ing it.

The Ministers will transmit the record of these dis-
cussions to their representatives on the United Nations
Disarmament Subcommittee. They believe that their ex-
change of views has been useful in clarifying their re-
spective positions and should assist the Subcommittee in
its efforts to reach asTcement. as their representatives
continue to carry out the directive of the Heads of Gov-
ernment, taking into account the proposals made at the
July conference.

In the meantime the Ministers agree that the studies ■
of methods of control which are now proceeding in dif- ■
ferent countries should be designed to facilitate a settle-
ment of the disarmament problem.

The Ministers further reafiirmed the obligation of their
governments to refrain from the use of force in any
manner Inconsistent with the Charter of the United
Nations.

SOVIET DRAFT DISARMAMENT DECLARATION"

Being guided by the desire to facilitate the lessening of
international tension, strengthening confidence among
states, eliminating the threat of war and reducing the
burden of armaments.

The Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union, the United
States of America, the United Kingdom and the French
Republic remain convinced of the need to continue to seek
agreement on a comprehensive program for disarmament
which would promote international peace and security
with the least diversion for armament of the world's
human and economic resources.

" Drafted jointly by the U.S., U.K., and French delega-
tions and released to the press on Nov. 15 ; not submitted
to the conference.

" Released to the press by the Soviet delegation on Nov.
15 ; not submitted to the conference. J

Department of State Bulletin

Their discussions have shown that there is agreement
on this objective and that on certain important questions
pertaining to the reduction of armaments and the pro-
hibition of atomic weapons, including the need to institute
effective control, the positions of the four powers have
come closer together.

As to the questions on which agreement has not yet been
achieved the Ministers liave agreed that the four powers,
together with other states concerned, shall exert their
efforts to eliminate the present differences and thus work
out an acceptable system of disarmament, which would
include the reduction of all armaments and armed forces
with effective guarantees.

At the same time the Ministers agreed that the studies
of methods of control over the implementation by the
states of their obligations on disarmament, which are now
proceeding in various countries, should be designed to
facilitate the .settlement of the disarmament problem.

The Ministers have agreed that in this connection it is
necessary, in accordance with the directive of the Heads of
Government, to continue the consideration first of all of
the provisions which are contained :

(a) in the Soviet proposals of May 10 and July 21 of
this year on the reduction of armaments, the prohibition
of atomic weapons and the elimination of the threat of
another war,

( b ) in the proposal of the President of the United States
of July 21 on aerial photography and exchange of military
information,

(c) in the proposals of the Government of the United
Kingdom of July 21 and Aug. 29 on disarmament, and

(d) In the proposal of the Government of France on
financial control over disarmament and on conversion to
peaceful aims of the resources thus released.

The Ministers also state that there has been found full
accord that the four powers, in conformity with the state-
ments made by their Heads of Government, shall refrain
from the use of armed force in the relations among them
and shall seek the peaceful settlement of disputes which
exist or may arise among them.

CLOSING STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
NOVEMBER 16

U.S. delegation press release

We must all feel the seriousness of this moment
as our conference draws to an end.

We came here carrying a heavy responsibility.
Last July the Heads of our Governments met and
agi'eed to make a new effort to solve some of the
stubborn problems which have long defied solu-
tion— the problem of Germany, the problem of
disarmament, and the problem of breaking down
the barriers which separate the Soviet bloc from
the free world. They gave to us, the Foreign

Ministers, the task of attempting to translate their
purposes into concrete realities.

The United States undertook, with the utmost
seriousness, its share of the common task. We ded-
icated immense effort to preparation for this con-
ference. I know that the Governments of France
and the United Kingdom and, so far as it was
concerned, the Federal Republic of Germany also
made similar efforts. All this involved work of
unprecedented intensity between the close of the
July conference of Heads of Government and the
opening in October of this Conference of Foreign
Ministers.

We brought here the results of that preparatoi'y
work, and we have presented them, not as rigid
positions but as bases for negotiation. There is,
however, little agreement to record, as our com-
munique makes plain.

European Security and Germany

The first item of our agenda involved the prob-
lem of European security and Germany. The
three Western powers came forward with pro-
posals both for European security and for the re-
unification of Germany — two problems which the
four Heads of Government agreed were closely
linked.

Our proposals for European security involved a
great effort to give the Soviet Union assurance that
its security would not be impaired if Gemiany
should be reunified. Special safeguards were pro-
posed to reassure the Soviet Union if revmified
Germany, in the exercise of its inlierent right of
collective self-defense, should elect to associate it-
self with the North Atlantic Treaty and the Brus-
sels Treaty Organizations.

The merit of our security proposals is demon-
strated by the fact that the Soviet Union seemed
to find in them much with which to agree. It has
been made apparent that security is not the pri-
mary reason why the Soviet Union does not agree
to the reimification of Germany. That is an im-
portant demonstration, and it may be helpful for
the future.

However, the indispensable premise of our se-
curity proposal was the reunification of Germany,
without which we feel there can be no solid peace
in Europe. And the Soviet Union made no effort
whatsoever to meet this point or to comply with
that portion of our directive which called for the
reunification of Germany by free elections.

November 28, 1955

883

The Soviet delegation refused to discuss the
provisions of our reunification proposal, and it
never submitted a reunification proposal of its
own. It pointed to alleged obstacles to German
reunification such as the existence of Nato and
the Western European Union. But it never said
that it would permit the reunification of Germany
even if these alleged obstacles were done away
with.

Eather, it took the position that it would not
permit the so-called "German Democratic Ee-
public," the regime which the Soviet Government
has installed in East Germany, to be subjected
to the test of free elections.

Significance of Soviet Refusal

The Soviet refusal even to contemplate free
elections in East Germany has a significance which
goes far beyond the confines of Germany. It high-
lights, as no words could, the situation throughout
Eastern Europe.

If the so-called "German Democratic Eepublic"
cannot stand the test of the people's choice, no
more can the regimes imposed on the other peoples
of Eastern Europe. This topic was not on our
agenda because the Soviet Government had re-
fused to accept it there. But we were all conscious
of the fact that Soviet preoccupation with its
problems in Eastern Europe weighed heavily upon
it at this conference.

Last July, Chairman Bulganin agreed that
there was a close link between German reunifica-
tion and European security, that the four powers
had a responsibility for the reunification of Ger-
many, and that Germany should be reunified by
free elections. The Government and people of
the United States will find it hard to understand
why, in the light of this, Chairman Bulganin
sent to this Foreign Ministers conference a dele-
gation which was apparently under orders not to
discuss seriously the matter of German reunifi-
cation.

Conditions in Eastern Europe may be such that
the Soviet Union feels that it cannot now agree
to free elections in any area it controls because
that would have a contagious effect. But we think
it unfortunate that this was not foreseen by the
Soviet Government before it agreed at the highest
level and under the most solemn circumstances
that Germany should be reunified by free elections.

The attitude of the Soviet Government here will
almost certainly impair the development of confi-
dence which the simimit meeting sought to foster.

Disarmament

The second item of our directive was disarma-
ment. In this matter primary responsibility was
not given to this Foreign Ministers conference.
The Heads of Government agreed last July to
work together through the subcommittee of the
United Nations Disarmament Commission to de-
velop an acceptable system for disarmament. The
Foreign Ministers here were given what might be
called a watching and supporting role.

Nevertheless, I believe that our discussions on
disarmament have been useful. I hope they have
led the Soviet delegation to realize the sincerity
of the United States purpose. We have made it
clear that we are determined to seek reduction
of amiament, but we want reduction that can
be checked and controlled, so that it will not be
one-sided. President Eisenhower's proposal for
exchange of blueprints and aerial inspection was
presented as a start toward that goal.

The Soviet Union has suggested the giving of
pledges not to wage an atomic war. We pointed
out that the four of us here, and indeed most of
the nations of the world, are already pledged not
to wage any war in violation of the charter of
the United Nations.

The great weight of world opinion and the po-
tency of moral judgment should be directed
against the initiation of any war and not merely
wars with particular weapons. Any war is hon"i-
ble. And any government which defied world
opinion by going to war in violation of its previous
solemn pledges could not be relied upon to keep
its new pledge not to use atomic weapons.

Therefore, in the case of atomic as of other
weapons, the primary task is to find means of
supervision and control. Pledges alone are not
enough.

We believe that the Western point of view in
these respects is now better understood and that
the representatives of the four of us, with Canada,
on the subcommittee of the United Nations Dis-
armament Commission will accordingly now be
able more effectively to carry on their work. The
agreement of the four Heads of Government to
work through that subcommittee is, of course, un-
changed by anything we have done here.

884

Department of State Bulletin

Development of Contacts

Item 3 of our agenda dealt with the develop-
ment of contacts. Here, again, there is no agree-
ment to record. It is apparent that there has been
little change in the sensitiveness of the Soviet
Government to the introduction into the Soviet
Union of any ideas which conflict with the official
ideology.

The free democracies believe that human beings
were given minds with which to think and con-
sciences with which to judge right and wrong, and
that human dignity requires freedom of thought
and freedom of conscience. We also believe that
the peoples of the world are essentially a single
family, the members of which are naturally sym-
pathetic with each other. Therefore, we believe
that peace and human dignity are best served by
allowing ideas, knowledge, and news to be freely
exchanged.

We did not expect this to happen all at once so
far as the Soviet bloc is concerned. Indeed, our
directive contemplates that the barriers which
interfere with free communications shall be elim-
inated only gradually and not abruptly. Recog-
nizing this, we made only modest proposals which
we believed the Soviet Government could accept.

However, no concrete proposal made by the
Western powers for the elimination of barriers to
the free exchange of ideas and information be-
tween our peoples was acceptable to the Soviet
Union. The Soviet Union was primarily inter-
ested in contacts which might enable it to obtain
valuable technological information or to enable it
to obtain strategic goods rather than the commodi-
ties of peaceful trade which our directive specifies.

The talks here of our experts have for the first
time brought many new vistas into the realm of
practical discussion. No agreements have been
reached, but I think that the efforts made will
not die.

I expect that each of our Governments will act
in these matters in terms of particular items and
in terms of its judgment as to whether to reduce
barriers is in its national interest. But one ele-
ment in that decision is bound to be the eagerness
of the people to know more about each other and
to learn of new ideas.

Since the July summit conference certain bar-
riers to communication have, in fact, been elimi-
nated. The process now started is almost sure to
go on. It may proceed only slowly and unevenly,

but the process now started is, we believe, not easily
reversed.

Hasty Solutions Not Expected

International conferences rarely produce as
much as people hope from them. We should not
complain that hopes are high because the existence
of those hopes inspires us to do our best. Having
myself lived through more conferences than are
the lot of most human beings, I have learned not
to be readily discouraged.

I recall that the three Western powers took the
initiative which led to the Heads of Government
conference. They pointed out in their note to the
Soviet Union of May 10, 1955 : "

We recognize that the solution of these problems will
take time and patience. They will not be solved at a
single meeting nor in a hasty manner.

And I recall that President Eisenhower on his
return from the summit conference said that he
was

profoundly impressed with the need for all of us to avoid
discouragement merely because our own proposals, our
own approaches, and our own beliefs are not always
immediately accepted by the other side.

This conference has had its merits. We have
talked plainly. We have in the main discussed
seriously and without vituperation. Our talks
have not been wholly barren.

The Government and the people of the United
States want to develop better relations with the
Soviet nation. Our hope for the future derives
from our belief that the Soviet Government will,
sooner or later, come to see that the advantage to
it in better relations with the West is far greater
than the local and passing advantages which it
could gain at the price of forfeiting the good
relationship which, at the summit conference, the
Soviet rulers seemed to want.

On my return to the United States, I shall re-
port to President Eisenhower. He has closely fol-
lowed this conference on a day-to-day basis and
will evaluate its result against the background of
his vast knowledge and abhorrence of war and
his dedication to the cause of a just and durable
peace.

I am confident that our national policy will con-
tinue to find the way to serve the cause of human

" Bulletin of May 23, 1955, p. 832.

November 28, 1955

885

dignity, as represented by the freedom of in-
dividuals to exchange ideas ; the cause of human-
ity, as represented by control of disarmament ; and
the cause of justice, as represented by the unifica-
tion of Germany.

TEXT OF FINAL COMMUNIQUE, NOVEMBER 16

In compliance with the Directive issued by the
four Heads of Government after their meeting
in Geneva in July, the Foreign Ministers of the
French Republic, the United Kingdom, the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United
States of America met in Geneva from October 27
to November 16, 1955. They had a frank and
comprehensive discussion of the tliree items en-
trusted to them in the Directive, namely : 1. Euro-
pean Security and Germany, 2. Disarmament, and
3. Development of Contacts between East and
West.

The Foreign Ministers agreed to report the re-
sult of their discussions to their respective Heads
of Government and to recommend that the future
course of the discussions of the Foreign Ministers
should be settled through diplomatic channels.

TRIPARTITE DECLARATION ON GERMANY AND
EUROPEAN SECURITY

Press release 649 dated November 16

Following is the text of a joint declaration hy
the Foreign Ministers of the United States, United
Kingdoin, and France on Germany and European
security issued at the close of the Geneva Con-
ference at Geneva on November 16}*

At Geneva, the Foreign Ministers of France, the
United Kingdom and the United States of
America tried to reach agreement with the Soviet
Foreign Minister on what the four Heads of Gov-
erimient in July agreed were the closely linked
problems of German reimification and European
security. To this end they made a proposal for
the reunification of Germany by free elections in
1956 and for a Treaty of Assurance giving the

" On the same date the U.S., British, and French Ambas-
sadors at Bonn transmitted the declaration to the Foreign
Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, and U.S.
Ambassador James B. Conant transmitted it to the Govern-
ing Mayor of Berlin.

Soviet Union far-reaching safeguards against
aggression when Germany was reunified.^^

Marshal Bulganin in July had agreed that the
reunification of Germany was the common respon-
sibility of the Four Powers and should be carried
out by means of free elections. The Soviet
Foreign Minister, however, despite the Directive
of the Heads of Govenmient, made it plain that
the Soviet Government refiLsed to agree to the
remiification of Germany since that would lead
to the liquidation of the East German regime. He
made counter proposals ^'^ which would have in-
volved the continued division of Germany as well
as the eventual dissolution of the Western security
system. It is for this reason that the negotiations
have failed.

The Foreign Ministers of France, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America are
aware that this result must bring a sense of cruel
disappointment to the German people, East and
West of the zonal border which now mijustly
divides them. However, the three Foreign Min-
isters believe that the Soviet Government will
come to recognize that its own self-interest will be
served by ending the injustice of a divided Ger-
many. They believe that the Soviet Government
will realize that so long as it persists in witlihold-
ing imity from the German people, thus perpetuat-
ing the division of Europe, there can be no solid
security in Europe, nor indeed in the world.

The three Western Powers will themselves not
cease their efforts to end the injustice and wrong
now being done by dividing the German people
and will continue to stand ready to contribute to
the security which can be enjoyed by all only when
Germany is reunified.

Commerce Department Pamphlet on
Establishing a Business in Germany

The Bureau of Foreign Commerce of the U.S.
Department of Commerce announced on Novem-
ber 16 the release of a new pamphlet containing in-
formation for U.S. businessmen interested in in-
vesting, trading, or setting up a business in the
Federal Republic of Germany.

" For the text of tripartite proposal, see ibid., Nov.
7, 1955, p. 729.

^°IUd., Nov. 7, 1955, p. 732, and Nov. 14, 1955, p. 783.

886

Department of State Bulletin

Entitled EstabUshing a Business in the Fed-
eral Refiiblic of Germany and Western Berlin,
the bulletin summarizes the German corporate and
income tax structure and describes regulations on
tax liability of foreign enterprises, entry and
repatriation of capital, exchange controls, as well
as foreign capital investment and transfer of
earnings.

Laws governing establishment of business or-
ganizations such as single ownership, partnership,
corporation, or limited liability company,
branches, agencies, and subsidiaries are discussed,
and a section on industrial property rights ex-
plains the Federal Republic's regulations cover-
ing patents, trademarks, and copyrights. In
addition, the pamphlet contains basic information
on employment and labor legislation.

Published as No. 55-96 in Economic Reports,
Pai-t 1 of the World Trade Information Service,
the 16-page bulletin is available from the Super-
intendent of Documents, U.S. Government Print-
ing Office, Washington 25, D.C., or from any
Department of Commerce Field Office, at 10 cents
a copy.

Granting of Paroles to
German War Criminals

Because of continued queries concerning recent
paroles of war criminals by the Mixed Board, the
following facts were made available to the press
by the American Embassy, Bonn, and the U.S.
Army Europe, Heidelberg, on November 2.

U.S. Embassy (Bonn) press release 55

The Mixed Board was established under article
6, Chapter One, of the Convention on the Settle-
ment of Matters Arising Out of the War and the
Occupation, of May 26, 1952, as amended by the
Paris Protocol of October 23, 1954.^ Article 6
provides that the Board should consist of six mem-
bers: three from the Federal Republic of Ger-
many and one each from France, Great Britain,
and the United States. It is also provided under
article 6 that "a unanimous recommendation of the

' For a summary of the convention, see Bulletin of
June 9, 1952, p. 890.

Board shall be binding upon the Power which
imposed the sentence."

The action of the Mixed Board in granting pa-
roles to war criminals is based on standard legal
procedures, which means that deciding whether or
not to recommend jjarole, the Board considers, gen-
erally, such factors as (1) the behavior, attitude,
and work record of the applicant during confine-
ment; (2) factors bearing on rehabilitation and
the probability of the successful adjustment of the
applicant in society; (3) the age, physical, and
mental condition of the applicant; (4) the appli-
cant's opportunities for employment and possibil-
ity of support so that he shall not become a charge
of the community.

Under the established procedures of the Mixed
Board, no information concerning its proceedings,
deliberation, or finding in a particular case can be
made public.

Parole does not change the sentence. It merely
transfei-s the parolee from prison to the outside
under most definite restrictions. These conditions
provide, among other things, that the parolee must
report regularly to the parole officer, must not pub-
licize his case or commit acts hostile to the Allies
or the Federal Republic of Germany, must not en-
gage in political activity, must not change his resi-
dence or employment without the approval of the
parole officer, and must remain within a restricted
parole area. All parolees on war criminal parole
status are subject to supervision by a German pa-
role supervisor who in turn reports to the U.S.
parole officer.

In the case of Sepp Dietrich, parole was recom-
mended by a unanimous decision of the Mixed
Board. Since Dietrich was convicted by a U.S.
Army Court, it devolved upon General McAuliffe,
as Chief of Usaretjr, to take action. In view of
the unanimous decision of the Board and the re-
quirement of paragi-aph 3b of article 6 of the Set-
tlement Convention, General McAuliffe had no
choice but to parole Dietrich.

Dietrich's life term was reduced to 25 years on
August 10, 1951. Since this term was commenced
on May 9, 1945, Dietrich has been eligible for
parole since September 9, 1953. He is eligible for
a good-conduct release in February 1962.

Dietrich was released only after he had agi'eed
to definite, restrictive parole conditions. Any
violation of these parole conditions will mean
revocation of his parole and his return to prison.

Hovemhet 28, 1955

887

Visas for Archbishop Boris
and Secretary Canceled

Press release 647 dated November 15

The Department of State on June 28, 1955, re-
leased the text of a note delivered June 27, 1955,
by the American Embassy at Moscow to the Soviet
Ministry of Foreign Affairs protesting the expul-
sion from the U.S.S.R. of the Reverend Georges
Bissonnette, a member of the Assumptionist Or-
der.^ This note refuted the Soviet Government's
claim that our refusal to extend indefinitely the
U.S. visa issued to Soviet Archbishop Boris con-
stituted a violation of the terms of the November
16, 1933, Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement, vrhich es-
tablished diplomatic relations between the two
countries and which provides for the presence of
American clergymen in the Soviet Union to min-
ister to the spiritual needs of American nation-
als. Nevertheless, the United States Government
in this note stated :

If the Soviet Government now considers it desirable
that Soviet clergymen be admitted to the United States
in order to minister to the religious needs of Soviet na-
tionals, the United States Government is prepared in the
interest of reciprocity to extend to a Soviet clergyman
the same possibilities of entry and religious activity as
those accorded to American clergymen in the Soviet Union
under the terms of the November 16, 1933 agreement.

The Embassy's note of June 27, 1955, pointed out
the sharp contrast between the functions of an
American priest ministering to American Catho-
lics in the U.S.S.R. and the functions of a Soviet
archbishop heading an American church organi-
zation in the United States, and requested that
Father Bissonnette's appointed successor, Father
Louis Dion, be granted the Soviet visa for which
he had applied on March 23, 1955.

No direct reply was made by the Soviet Gov-
ernment to our note of June 27, 1955, and its vol-
untary offer of reciprocity permitting a Soviet
clergyman to attend to the religious needs of So-
viet nationals in the United States. On Septem-

' Bulletin of July 18, 1955, p. 102.

ber 8, 1955, the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs requested our Embassy to issue unlimited
visas to Archbishop Boris and his secretary, and
Father Dion was advised by the Soviet Embassy
in Washington that it was prepared to issue him a
Soviet visa. A request by our Embassy on Sep-
tember 14, 1955, to be informed if by its action of
September 8 the Soviet Government was accepting
the basis set forth in our June 27 note relative to
the permissible activity of a Soviet clergyman in
the United States elicited no Soviet response.

In the absence of such response and following
Father Dion's acceptance of a Soviet visa, the
American Embassy in Moscow was instructed to
issue U.S. visas to the Archbishop and his secre-
tary, emphasizing at that time that these visas
were being issued on the miderstanding that the
Archbishop's functions in the United States would
not exceed those permitted Father Dion in Mos-
cow. This action was undertaken November 4,
1955.=

From the text of a Soviet response of November
10, 1955,' it is apparent that the Soviet Govern-
ment continues to insist that the admission of
Father Dion to tend the spiritual needs of a few
American Catholics in Moscow requires the ad-
mission of ArchbishoiJ Boris into the United
States for an indefinite period to head an Ameri-
can church organization. Inasmuch as the Soviet
Government indicated in its note of November 10
that Archbishop Boris would fulfill this broad and
unacceptable function, the Soviet Ministi-y of
Foreign Affairs was requested by the American
Embassy at Moscow on November 12, 1955, to re-
turn the passports of the Archbishop and his sec-
retary so that their U.S. visas could be canceled.
At the same time, the willingness of the U. S.
Govermnent to admit a Soviet clergyman to fulfill
fmictions comparable to those permitted the
American priest in Moscow was reaffirmed.

^lUd., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 784.
' Not printed.

888

Department of Stale Butletin

The Principle of Seif-Determination in International Relations

l)y Deputy Under Secretary Murphy '

I welcome this opportunity to bring before you
the problem which is presented in applying the
principle of self-detei-mination in international
relations. It is, as you know, a question which
has been occupying the attention of the United
Nations for some years. Of course, the problem
has a long historical background and was particu-
larly prominent in the deliberations of the Paris
Peace Conference after the First World War. It
will doubtless continue to demand the attention of
statesmen far into the future. It is well, there-
fore, that this conference should review the prob-
lem with all the detachment and objectivity which
it deserves. It is indeed a perplexing problem,
full of paradoxes, and any light which can be
thrown upon it would greatly assist us in the pres-
ent stage of discussions with other nations.

Self-determination is a concept which in es-
sence is lofty and unchallengeable. The exercise
of self-determination in the form of national lib-
erty has been a great historic factor in the mod-
em world. Our Declaration of Independence and
the American Revolution which sealed that inde-
pendence stand high among the monuments to
human freedom. But the meaning of self-deter-
mination, and especially its applications, fre-
quently lead to sharp diiferences and even to heated
controversy.

We can observe both the scope and the limita-
tions of self-determination when we consider our
own experience as a Nation. There are two great
and decisive facts in the history of the American
people. We struggled to free ourselves from alien
rule, and we struggled to remain a united people
by rejecting the principle of secession carried to

'Address made before a conference ou "Africa and
Asia in tlie World Community," sponsored by the Catho-
lic Association for International Peace, at Washington,
D. C, on Nov. 12 (press release 644 dated Nov. 11).

the point where we as a nation would have ceased
to exist.

It will be recalled that President Wilson stated
in 1916 that "the small States of the world have
a right to enjoy the same respect for their sover-
eignty and their territorial integrity that great
and powerful States expect and insist upon." The
States he had in mind were primarily those terri-
tories in Central and Eastern Europe which had
long been under the domination of the Austro-
Hungarian and Russian empires. At a somewhat
later period, in testifying before a Senate com-
mittee, President Wilson stated that he did not
believe this principle could be successfully applied
to all territories throughout the world which were
seeking full self-government and independence.

Nevertheless, in spite of the difficulties in de-
fining and applying self-determination, the basic
concept or principle commands our strongest sup-
port, and few responsible statesmen can be found
anywhere to challenge the principle. Moreover,
that the principle has gained wider emphasis and
acceptance in the last half century may be seen
from the fact that, while the word was not men-
tioned in the covenant of the League of Nations,
it is inscribed twice in the charter of the United
Nations. Perhaps we as Americans should take
some pride in recalling that, while President Wil-
son tried but failed to get a mention of self-deter-
mination into the covenant, the United States dele-
gation at San Francisco took a prominent part
in getting it into the charter. Its inscription in
the charter is, as you know, stated as a principle.
It is stated in both articles 1 and 55 in terms of
"respect for the principle of equal rights and self-
determination of peoples." These words, I may
say, were most carefully formulated.

More recently, the Pacific Charter was signed
at Manila on September 8, 1954, by representatives

HovQmbet 28, 1955

889

of Australia, France, New Zealand, Pakistan, Re-
public of the Philippines, Thailand, the United
Kingdom, and the United States of America. In
this charter the signatory parties proclaimed that
"in accordance with the provisions of the United
Nations Charter, they uphold the principle of
equal rights and self-determination of peoples and
they will earnestly strive by every peaceful means
to promote self-government and to secure the in-
dependence of all countries whose peoples desire
it and are able to undertake its responsibilities."

Freedom of Choice

Wliat then is the essence of this concept of self-
determination to which we all agree? The cen-
tral idea, I think, may be simply stated as follows :
Peoples and nations should have an opportunity
freely to choose their own national destiny with-
out restraints, coercion, or intimidation. Perhaps
the essence of the concept lies in "freedom of
choice," and it should be noted that in the charter
it is stated as a principle and not as an unqualified
right. As we all know, the idea of freedom,
whether in personal, social, or national life, can-
not be wholly unqualified since the limits of one
man's freedom must necessarily be conditioned by
the limits of another; and here perhaps is where
our difficulties begin. It is for this reason the
United States delegation at the United Nations is
urging that a much more profound study of the
whole problem be made before adopting proposals
and resolutions which have been brought before
the Assembly.

Let us consider some of the difficulties. We
start by agreeing that a people or nation should
be able freely to determine its own destiny. But
what is a "people" ? Wliat is a "nation" ? Wliat
constitutes "freedom of choice" ? How is it to be
detennined? Wlien is it feasible to apply?
These and similar questions have never been
clearly defined or agreed upon. Until there is a
wider measure of agreement on these elements of
the problem we feel that we must proceed with
caution lest we create more problems than we
might be solving in approving various proposals
which have been presented to the Assembly.

Some Pertinent Questions

I should like to return again for a moment to
the perplexing elements of the problem. First,
what is a "people" ? How large a group is it and

how tied together ? Is it a minority group and is
a minority defined by racial, ethnic, or religious
factors or by some combination of all of these?
This line of thinking leads us to recognize that in
many States today, be it Switzerland, Belgium,
or the United States, there are many different ele-
ments comprising differences in racial origin, lan-
guage, religion, and culture that make up its
population. Such differences may lead to federal
rather than unitary arrangements without break-
ing up the State. In the emergent State of Ni-
geria today we may observe before our eyes the
process of using the federal concept to accommo-
date sharply different elements between the Islamic
north and the Bantu to the south.

Secondly, how are we to define the related con-
cept of "nation" ? We are aware that a nation is
not always cotei-minous with a State. In our time
Hitler attempted to exercise influence and even J
authority over populations which he held to be a ■
part of the German nation although citizens of
other States. We are probably all aware of hav-
ing a certain national consciousness which identi-
fies us with people of our kind living in other coun-
tries. But we would not for that reason consider
it practical to carry this to the point where under
the principle of self-determination nations should
interfere with or ultimately replace States. The
problem which arises under the concept of a "na-
tion" obviously requires very much more thought
than has yet been given to it in current interna-
tional discussions.

A third element of difficulty, as I have men-
tioned, involves the concept of "freedom of choice."
I have already indicated that freedom of choice
almost immediately encounters practical limita-
tions. When the German section of the Sudeten-
land was accorded by the Nazi regime the freedom
to choose association with the Eeich, it immedi-
ately resulted in a limitation on the freedom of the
majority of the population of Czechoslovakia.
Not only was their freedom limited, but their se-
curity was menaced. The example which I have
already used from our own history- — the War be-
tween the States — shows that the exercise of such
freedom by one element of the population was
bound to have far-reaching effects upon the free-
dom of the rest of the population. I will not be-
labor this point further since it is obvious that the
exercise of such freedom must be qualified if in-
justice is not to result.

Freedom of choice, however, should mean that

890

Departmenf of State Bulletin

a people or a nation should not have its destiny
determined by force or coercion from the outside.
We can recall with sadness in our own time for-
merly independent States, especially in Eastern
Europe, which have been deprived of their free-
dom and have had a status forced upon them by an
alien people. Perhaps we may say that the colo-
nial problem only becomes a problem when alien
rule is badly exercised or exercised beyond the
time when it is either wanted or necessary. It is
for this reason that Secretary Dulles, in referring
to the problem of colonialism, indicated that the
question of timing is of the utmost importance and
delicacy.

South West Africa as an Example

Another element of difficulty involves the ques-
tion of when it is feasible to apply the principle
of self-determination. There are areas in the
world today, particularly in certain dependent
areas, as for example in the Mandated Territory
of South West Africa — to choose only one exam-
ple— where advancement toward civilization has
not yet proceeded far enough to enable those peo-
ples to determine their own destiny. The question
of South West Africa has been before the United
Nations since 1946. In that year the late Field
Marshal Smuts presented a proposal to the effect
that South West Africa should be incorporated
within the Union of South Africa and that such
incorporation was favored by the inhabitants of
that territory, who, he said, had been consulted
and had freely chosen incorporation in the Union.
The small European minority of the population
had expressed its view through its Legislative As-
sembly, while the native population had been con-
sulted through the Chiefs. The majority of the
members of the General Assembly, however, led by
the delegations of Cuba, China, Egypt, Haiti, and
others, held that "In view of the state of develop-
ment of the native population, it was impossible to
believe that the latter had fully understood the
nature and extent of the consultation." In the
same discussion the Chinese delegate questioned
whether the people of South West Africa had suf-
ficient political advancement to permit a full un-
derstanding of the purpose and consequence of
their decision, and he questioned their ability to
express their choice freely.

The result of the discussion led to the approval
by the General Assembly of a resolution, proposed

by the United States, India, and Denmark, which
constituted a rejection of the South African pro-
posal for incorporation and a recommendation
that the territory be placed under the Interna-
tional Trusteeship System. The resolution stated
that this action was taken "considering that the
African inhabitants of South West Africa have
not yet secured political autonomy or reached a
stage of political development enabling them to
express a considered opinion which the Assembly
could recognize on such an important question as
incorporation of their territory."

These, then, are some of the questions which
arise when we attempt to apply the principle of
self-determination.

Let me repeat again that the United States is
entirely sympathetic with this principle. We
have not only taken the initiative in getting it
inscribed in the charter, but we want to see it
applied wherever feasible to well-defined groups
of peojile just as soon as they are capable of deter-
mining their own destiny and can do so without
bringing undue injui-y to othei'S. Wlien we see
national entities like the Gold Coast and Nigeria
moving into statehood, we heartily rejoice. One
of the most significant developments of the decade
has been the emergence of no less than twelve
States, including the Philippines, India, Pakistan,
Burma, Indonesia, Syria, Lebanon, etc., compris-
ing over 600 million people, who have emerged
as fully independent States ; and we look forward
to the day when the remaining non-self-governing
territories, large and small, shall have attained
the goal of self-government and, where suitable,
the status of independence. And, of course, it
is always our fervent hope that this status may
be obtained by free choice and without bloodshed.
At the same time, the charter articles on self-deter-
mination should not be given the far-reaching in-
terpretation of a general right for any people or
country to break all ties with the mother country.

From what I have said, I believe it is clear that
there are not only widely varying interpretations
of the meaning of self-determination bub also
many different views as to the way in which the
principle can be applied in widely differing sit-
uations. For these reasons, among others, the
United States delegation at the General Assembly
will propose that the whole question of self-deter-
mination should be made the subject of a much
more profound study to see if a substantial meas-
ure of agreement on the meaning and essential

November 28, 1955

891

elements of the problem can be reached before
adopting various other concrete proposals which
have been presented to the Assembly.

Let me say at once that this proposal of the
United States is not in any sense intended to re-
sult in any delay, particularly in any delay in mak-
ing desirable advances in the colonial field. Our
attitude toward the colonial question continues to
be as stated by Secretary Dulles that "There is
no slightest wavering in our conviction that the
orderly transition from colonial to self-governing
status should be carried resolutely to a comple-
tion." The key words in this statement are "or-
derly" and "resolutely." The word "orderly"
implies that a well-defined people or nation should
have the opportunity to emerge into a status of
self-government or, where suitable, independence,
but that this status should not be undertaken
prematurely, but at the same time be early enough
so that violence is avoided. By the word "reso-
lutely," on the other hand, we mean that the status
should not be made subject to any undue delay.

Views of President and Congress

President Eisenhower in his recent speech at
the meeting commemorating the tenth anniver-
sary of the founding of the United Nations at
San Francisco expressed our policy in similar
terms.^ He said that "on every nation in posses-
sion of foreign territories, there rests the respon-
sibility to assist the peoples of those areas in the
progressive development of free political institu-
tions so that ultimately they can validly choose
for themselves their permanent political status."
Moreover, if I should refer to another expression
of American sentiment, it would be in a recent con-
current resolution unanimously adopted by the
Congress [H. Con. Ees. 149, 84th Cong., 1st
sess.]. That resolution held that the United
States should administer its foreign policies and
programs and exercise its influence so as to sup-
port other peoples in their efforts to achieve self-
determination or independence under circum-
stances which will enable them to assume and
maintain an equal station among the free nations
of the world. Wliat these circumstances are is
perhaps the main question which should concern
us in our study of the right way and the right
time to apply the principle of self-determination.

In considering the more abstract difficulties in
applying the principle of self-determination, it
must not be forgotten that the U.S. position must
also be based on practical considerations. In
many instances self-determination is not the only
issue involved. Frequently there are security and
constitutional considerations, domestic jurisdic-
tion, and other matters which must be taken into
account.

In the discussions in the various bodies of the
United Nations we have tried to follow with sym-
pathy and understanding the views of other na-
tions. We fully realize that the respective views
on self-determination largely depend upon a na-
tion's experiences and the steps by which it has
attained, or is about to attain, statehood. One
group of coimtries has been much concerned with
the way in which their natural resources have been
developed by outside capital and experience.
Nevertheless, it must be pointed out that no coun-
try has actually lost its sovereignty over its natural
wealth and resources. In fact, the major U.S.
companies established abroad have made an ex-
cellent record in establishing relations with for-
eign governments on a contractual basis and thus
safeguarding the interests of the comitries con-
cerned. Some of these nations have pressed for
a United Nations resolution which would stress
"the right of peoples and nations to permanent
sovereignty over their natural wealth and re-
sources." These delegations have expressed a fear
that they would lose control over their natural
resources and wished to assert or reassert their
"sovereignty" over them. To this end they would
propose that a commission be established to con-
duct a full survey of the right of peojjles and na-
tions to permanent sovereignty over these
resources.

Now in our view, without questioning the right
of a nation over its natural wealth and resources,
such a survey would raise serious questions in the
minds of private investors and tend to neutralize
and perhaps discourage the international flow of
private capital and thus retard that economic de-
velopment of underdeveloped countries so much
needed and desired by many nations.^ It is ob-
vious that the concept of self-determination held
by these powers was undeniably political in origin,
and we feel, therefore, that the premises on which

' Bulletin of July 4, 1955, p.

3.

' For U.S. statements at the General Assembly on this
subject, see ibid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 808, and Nov. 21, 1955,
p. 858.

892

Department of State Bulletin

it is based would be not only inconsistent with our
own view that the whole concept requires first a
comprehensive and analytical study but its accept-
ance would prejudice our whole idea of such a
study.

Another group of nations has been especially
concerned with what they call the denial or inade-
quate realization of political self-determination.
This group tends to emphasize the inherent right
of peoples to the exercise of political self-determi-
nation and is inclined to argue that the time has
come to implement as fully and rapidly as possi-
ble definite proposals for self-determination in
order to avoid disorder and bloodshed.

The United States on the other hand remains
fully convinced that to proceed at too rapid or too
slow a pace is to risk the extension of areas of dis-
order. It is our feeling that to adopt a resolution
on political self-determination which would leave
the identification of so-called inadequate realiza-
tion of self-determination to any ten members of
the United Nations would be both unwise and in-
defensible, especially in view of the wide diver-
gencies which exist regarding the concept of self-
determination. Furthermore, we believe that the
appointment of such a commission would unneces-
sarily duplicate fmictions already being carried
out by such existing United Nations bodies.

Opposition of Colonial Powers

A third group of powers consisting mainly of
the principal colonial powers is convinced that the
proposals so far advanced in the United Nations
on self-determination are contrary to article 2 (7)
of the charter which states that "Nothing con-
tained in the present Charter shall authorize the
United Nations to intervene in matters which are
essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of
any state or shall require the Members to submit
such matters to settlement under the present
Charter. . . ." It should be pointed out further-
more that such proposals are based on the concept
of the right of self-determination, which is not
mentioned in the United Nations Charter. But
in a wider sense the opposition of the so-called
colonial powers is not merely a legalistic one.
They are no doubt imbued with the feeling that
they are doing a good job in raising the political,
social, economic, and educational level of the non-
self-governing territories mider their control.
They believe that to apply prematurely the prin-
ciple of self-determination to some would only re-

sult in a dislocation of the economy of these terri-
tories and disturb the political stability that now
exists and their steady march to full self-govern-
ment or independence.

Because of these widely varying interpretations
and sometimes diametrically opposing views as to
the meaning of the concept of self-determination,
we have come to the conclusion that the whole sub-
ject should be analyzed and studied to see if a sub-
stantial measure of agreement on the meaning of
the essential elements of self-determination could
be reached.

The parliamentary position, therefore, as far as
the United Nations is concerned, is that three reso-
lutions are being transmitted by the Economic and
Social Council [Ecosoc] to the General Assembly
for consideration. One is concerned with per-
manent sovereignty over natural wealth and re-
sources. The second proposes the setting up of
a commission to receive appeals in the field of
political self-determination from any ten mem-
bers. And the third, which the United States
sponsored at the recent meeting of the Economic
and Social Council in the summer of 1955, pro-
poses the establishment of an ad hoc commission
on self-determination consisting of five persons to
be appointed by the Secretary-General to conduct
a thorough study of the concept of self-determina-
tion.* It further proposes that the terms of ref-
erence of this commission should include an exami-
nation of the concept of "peoples" and "nations" ;
the essential attributes and applicability of the
principle of self-determination, including the
rights and duties of States under international
law ; the relationship between the principle of self-
determination and other charter principles; and
the economic, social, and political conditions un-
der which the application of the principle would
be facilitated.

U.S. Position at General Assembly

The United States proposal, which was ap-
proved by the Ecosoc for transmission with the
other two draft resolutions to the General As-
sembly, was based on our belief in the necessity of
a thorough and objective study of the principle of
self-determination. It is in accord with the tra-
ditional policy of the United States which supports
the principle of equal rights and self-determina-

*Ecosoc/Res. 586 D (XX).

November 28, 1955

893

tion for peoples. At the current General Assem-
bly meeting in New York, the U.S. delegation is
making every effort not only to secure the adop-
tion of a forward-looking resolution based on the
United States proposal adopted by the Ecosoc but
also to enable the application of the principle of
self-determination to be carried out resolutely in
an orderly fashion and imder circmnstances which
will enable peoples to assume and maintain an
equal station among the free peoples of the world.

I have tried to consider with perfect frankness
the objectives and aims of the United States on the
question of self-determination. Before closing I
should like to make it clear that we believe it to be
our duty to approach colonial questions in terms of
the enlightened self-interest of the United States.
I should like to stress that the problem of self-
determination is not exclusively a colonial prob-
lem, for we believe that the application of the
principle should not be limited to colonial terri-
tories but should be universal in scope and should
apply just as much to territories within the Soviet
orbit in Europe and Asia which have been denied
the full exercise of self-determination as to any
non-self-governing territory.

At Geneva President Eisenhower stated that
"the problem of respecting the right of peoples to
choose the form of government under which they
will live" was an important cause of international
tension and added that "the American people feel
strongly that certain peoples of Eastern Europe,
many with a long and proud record of national
existence, have not yet been given the benefit of
this pledge of our United Nations wartime decla-
ration, reinforced by other wartime agreements." "
We also firmly believe, as Secretary Dulles has
stated, in the necessity for the orderly and resolute
evolution toward self-determination. Only in
this way can we adhere fully and without waver-
ing to our conviction that the orderly transition
from colonial to self-governing status should be
carried resolutely to a completion.

In conclusion, I should like to leave with you the
thought that self-determination is not a problem
capable of quick and easy solution. We Ameri-
cans are by tradition and fundamental political
faith inspired by the feeling that the domination of
one people over another is repugnant to our idea of
freedom. American public opinion as reflected
in editorials and congressional comments believes

» Btilletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 172.

that the colonial relationship is essentially unsat-
isfactory and that it should give way to self-gov-
ernment as rapidly as feasible. Even though we
are responsible for the administration of some de-
pendent areas of our own, there is a very generally
held feeling in this country that this relationship
should be regarded as temporary or transitional in
character.

But in the interest of world peace and stability, '
we recognize the necessity of proceeding in an j|
orderly and resolute fashion in applying the prin- f
ciple of self-determination throughout the world.
We should proceed with good judgment, sympathy,
and understanding in order that self-determina-
tion may be a blessing both to those peoples who
exercise it and to those who are affected by it.

Return of Mohammed V to Morocco

Press release 657 dated NoTember 18

The U.S. Government welcomes the return of
Mohammed V to Morocco and on this anniversary
of his accession to the throne wishes to extend
warm and friendly greetings to him and the
people of Morocco.

His Majesty's return marks a significant step
in the development of cooi^eration between Mo-
rocco and France. Wliile there are many prob-
lems yet to be worked out, the degree of conces-
sion and the friendly spirit which are demon-
strated by both French and Moroccans augur well
for success in working out mutually satisfactory
arrangements. It is earnestly hoped that such
arrangements will lead to the peace and prosper-
ity of the Moroccan community.

Need for Peaceful Settlement
of Near East Problems

The White House Office at Gettysburg on No-
vember 15 made public the following exchange of
correspond'fnce betxceen President Eisenhower
and Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver,

The President to Rabbi Silver

Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver
Commodore Hotel
New York, N. T.

I am glad to comply with your request to send
a message to the meeting which you are addressing

894

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

this evening, as I know of your great concern
about the recent developments in the Near East
which disturb all of us.

A threat to peace in the Near East is a threat
to world peace. As I said the other day,^ while
we continue willing to consider requests for arms
needed for legitimate self-defense, we do not in-
tend to contribute to an arms competition in the
Near East. We will continue to be guided by the
policies of the Tripartite Declaration of May 25,
1950. We believe this policy best promotes the
interest and security of the peoples of the area.

We believe the true and lasting security in the
area must be based upon a just and reasonable
settlement. It seems to me that current problems
are capable of resolution by peaceful means.
There is no reason why a settlement of these prob-
lems cannot be found, and when realized I would
be prepared to recoimnend that the United States
join in formal treaty engagements to prevent or
thwart any effort by either side to alter by force
the boundaries upon which Israel and its imme-
diate neighbors agree.

The need for a peaceful settlement becomes
daily more imperative. The United States will
play its full part in working toward such a settle-
ment and will support firmly the United Nations
in its efforts to prevent violence in the area. By
firm fi'iendship towards Israel and all other Na-
tions in the Near East, we shall continue to con-
tribute to the peace of the world.

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower

With warmest regards and with all good wishes
for your complete recovery and well being.

Abba Hillel Silver

United States Liaison With
Baghdad Pact Organization

Press release 660 dated November 19

The initial meeting of the Baghdad Pact or-
ganization is scheduled to take place in Baghdad
on November 21.^ The members of the pact have
invited the United States to establish military and
political liaison with the organization, and the
United States has informed the pact members of
its willingness to do so. The United States has
designated the American Ambassador to Iraq,
Waldemar Galhnan, as its special political ob-
server and Adm. John H. Cassady, Commander in
Chief, U. S. Naval Forces Eastern Atlantic and
Mediterranean, and Brig. Gen. Forrest Caraway
as its special military observers at the first meeting
of the Council. Ambassador Gallman has also
been designated to maintain continuing political
liaison with the organization, and the U. S. Army
Attache in Baghdad, Col. Henry P. Tucker, to
maintain continuing military liaison.

The United States hopes that this new organiza-
tion will develop increasing strength enabling it to
fulfill its defensive purpose.

Rabbi Silver to the President

My Dear Mr. President: I have been pro-
foundly disturbed by the recent events in the Near
East which have aroused deep apprehension in
Israel and among peace-loving people everywhere.
I am to address on November 15th a mass rally at
Madison Square Garden in the City of New York
in which many civic, religious and labor organi-
zations will participate to express the vital concern
over the situation. I know that they would wel-
come a word from you as coming not only from
the Chief Executive of our beloved country but
as the foremost spokesman of international justice,
freedom and peace in the world today. Person-
ally I would greatly appreciate such a message.

^ Bm-LETiN of Nov. 21, 1955, p. 845.

Conclusion of SEATO Military
Planners Meeting at Honolulu

Following is the text of a message sent from
Washington hy Adm. Arthur Radford, Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, at the conclusion of a
meeting of staff planners for the military advisers
to the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty
Council, held at Honolulu November 1-15?

Please extend my greetings and congratulations
to the Seato Staff' Planners upon completion of

' A Pact of Mutual Cooperation was signed at Baghdad
on Feb. 24, 1955, by Iraq and Turkey and has been ad-
hered to subsequently by the United Kingdom, Pakistan,
and Iran.

'"The first meeting of the military advisers was held at
the time of the Se^ato Council meeting at Bangkok In Feb-
ruary 1955 ; see BuiiHTriN of Mar. 7, 1955, p. 371.

Howemhet 28, 1955

895

their first meeting on U.S. soil, which is the second
in a series toward tlie goal of an effective defense
arrangement for Southeast Asia.

The report of jirogress in these conferences is
most encouraging to the U.S. Joint Chiefs of
Staff and to me personally, particularly in view
of my deep interest in this area and my previous
assignment as Conmiander in Chief, Pacific. Ke-
ports show complete solidarity among the dele-
gates, which indicates a spirit of teamwork and a
subordination of personal and national interest,
which demonstrates a unity of effort and an indi-
cation of the free-world spirit in this important
area.

The staff planners are providing a sound foun-
dation for subsequent discussion by the military
advisers and the Council of Ministers, and they
should return to their respective countries with a
feeling of impressive accomplislunent for which
the free world is indebted.

Cambodian Religious Leader
Visits United States

Press release 653 dated November 17

Recently arrived in the United States as a par-
ticipant in the International Educational Ex-
change Program of the Department of State is
Chief Venerable Vira Dharmawara of Phnom
Penh, Cambodia. The Venerable, an elder in the
Mohanikay Order of Buddhist Monks and an emi-
nent teacher as well as spiritual leader, has been
invited to visit the United States to observe the
American way of life, particularly in relation to
its educational and religious aspects. He expects
to be in this country about 3 months.

Venerable Dharmawara is a Fellow of the Bud-
dhist AVorld Mission and Tract Society and the
founder of the Asoka Mission as well as founder-
in-charge of the Asoka Vihara (shrine). He is
also director of the Asoka Health Center, a mem-
ber of the Executive Committee of the Interna-
tional Youth Hostel in New Delhi, and Perma-
nent Representative of the Royal Govermnent of
Cambodia on the committee for the maintenance
of Buddha Gaya Temple sponsored by the Gov-
ernment of Bihar (India). He attended the
Asian-African Conference at Bandung, Indonesia,
as an adviser to the Royal Cambodian Delegation
on religious and cultural matters.

The Asia Foundation cooperated with the De-
partment in arranging for some of the Venerable's
appointments in the San Francisco area on his
arrival in the United States.

Mexico Maites Final Payment
Under 1941 Claims Convention

Press release 655 dated November 18

The Mexican Ambassador to the United States,
Manuel Tello, on November 18 presented to
Deputy Under Secretary Robert Murphy the
Mexican Government's check for $1,500,000 U.S.
currency, representing the final payment due the
United States under the Claims Convention con-
cluded November 19, 1941. Mr. Murphy re-
quested the Ambassador to convey to his Govern-
ment this Government's appreciation.

Under the terms of the convention, Mexico
agreed to pay the United States $40,000,000 U.S.
currency, as the balance due from the Government
of Mexico in full settlement of the following
claims :

(a) All claims filed by the Governments of the
United States of America and of the United
Mexican States with the General Claims Com-
mission, established by the two countries pursuant
to the convention signed September 8, 1923 ;

(b) All agrarian claims of nationals of the
United States of America against the Government
of the United Mexican States, which arose subse-
quent to August 30, 1927, and prior to October 7,
1940, including those referred to in the agreement
effected by exchange of notes signed by the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and the
Government of the United Mexican States on
November 9 and 12, 1938, respectively ; and

(c) All other claims of nationals of either
country, which arose subsequent to January 1,
1927, and prior to October 7, 1940, and involving
international responsibility of either Government
toward the other Government as a consequence of
damage to, or loss or destruction of, or wrongful
interference with the property of the nationals of
either country.

Not included in the convention were claims
based upon expropriation of petroleum properties.
Payment on those claims was completed in 1947.

896

Department of State Bulletin

U.S. Officials Leave for
Visit to South America

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 16 (press release 648) the itinerary for the
group of U.S. Government officials leaving Wash-
ington on November 17 for a 16-day visit to South
America. The party will arrive at Bogota, Co-
lombia, on November 18; at Quito, Ecuador, on
November 20; at Lima, Peru, on November 22;
at La Paz, Bolivia, on November 25 ; at Santiago,
Chile, on November 27 ; and at Buenos Aires, Ar-
gentina, on November 30.

A primary object of the trip is to enable offi-
cials of the U.S. Government agencies represented
to discuss with our Embassies, and with govern-
ment officials and others in the countries visited,
various aspects of inter- American problems. The
delegation will include :

Henry F. Holland, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs

Samuel C. Waugh, President, Export-Import Bank

Maj. Gen. Robert W. Douglass, USAF, Chairman of the
U.S. Delegation to the Inter-American Defense
Board

Rollin S. Atwood, Director, Latin American Operations,
International Cooperation Administration

Jack C. Corbett, Director, Office of International Finan-
cial and Development Affairs, Department of State

Maurice M. Bernbaum, Director, Office of South Ameri-
can Affairs, Department of State

Walter Sauer, Vice President, Export-Import Bank

Charles R. Harley, Chief, Latin American Division, Of-
fice of International Finance, Department of the
Treasury

Col. Thomas B. Hanford, USA, Chief, Western Hemisphere
Branch, Office of International Security Affairs, De-
partment of Defense

Maj. George Williamson, USAF, Secretary of the U.S.
Delegation to the Inter-American Defense Board

DEPARTURE STATEMENT BY ASSISTANT SEC-
RETARY HOLLAND

FiesB release 654 dated November 17

I feel very fortunate to have this opportunity
to make a trip to some of our South American
neighbors accompanied by Mr. Samuel Waugh,
President of the Export-Import Bank, Mr. Rollin
S. Atwood, Acting President of the Institute of

Inter-American Affairs, and Maj. Gen. Robert
Douglass, a representative of the Department
of Defense, and the other members of our party.
This trip will enable us to make an on-the-ground
survey of situations affecting our relations with
the countries which we are to visit. It is also a
good idea for representatives of our Government
to have the opportunity to discuss matters of mu-
tual interest at first hand with representatives of
other governments.

I shall be interested in seeing, myself, how the
economic policies enunciated at the Meeting of
Ministers of Finance and Economy at Rio de
Janeiro a year ago ^ are going forward. This
visit is especially timely in that regard because
there will be another meeting of the ministers at
Buenos Aires next year. At the meeting last year
we stated our intention to help maintain a stable
and expanding market for their export products.
This has resulted, in part, from the fact that we
had been able to maintain a high rate of economic
activity within the United States. This, in turn,
has meant the maintenance of a good market for
Latin American export products, approximately
one-half of which are sold in this comitry. The
executive branch and the Congress have been suc-
cessful in resisting efforts that have been made to
increase tariffs and other barriers to the importa-
tion of Latin American export commodities. We
have thus been able to continue to accord favor-
able customs treatment to Latin American export
products.

At the Rio meeting also we expressed the inten-
tion of the United States to dispose of its agricul-
tural surpluses in an orderly manner and in such
a way that a large part of the sales might be used
to finance economic development projects and ex-
pand consimiption in the Latin American coun-
tries purchasing the surpluses. Since then we
have negotiated such agreements with six of the
governments of Latin American countries,^ and
discussions are at present going forward with
other Latin American countries with a view to
concluding similar agreements.

At the same time and place we promised in-
creased government assistance to supplement the

' For a statement made by Secretary of the Treasury
George M. Humphrey at the Rio meeting on Nov. 23, 1954,
see BuixETiN of Dec. 6, 1954, p. 863.

" Argentina, Brazil, Chile. Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru.
For an announcement of the agreement with Brazil, see
p. 898.

November 28, 7955

897

efforts of private investment capital to further the
economic development of Latin America. We
have done many things to fulfill this promise.
For instance, in the last fiscal year the Export-
Import Bank authorized new credits to Latin
America of $284,000,000 as compared to the
$52,200,000 for the preceding fiscal year.

At the Rio meeting we expressed our willingness
to strengthen technical assistance to our Latin
American neighbors. Our programs in this field
have been substantially strengthened.

The trip will be of particular interest and help
to Messrs. Waugli and Atwood, who have just en-
tered on their new duties with the Export-Import
Bank and the International Cooperation Admin-
istration respectively.

We are also fortunate in having with us repre-
sentatives of the Department of Defense, which
has contributed in a major degree to our relations
with the countries which we are to visit.

My only regi-et is that this trip could not last
longer or go farther, but I hope and expect to be
able to visit the four other South American coun-
tries during the early part of next year.

Inter-American Highway
in Costa Rica

The Export-Import Bank on November 7 an-
nounced that it has authorized the establishment
of a credit line of $9,540,000 in favor of the Gov-
ernment of Costa Rica. This credit will be used
by Costa Rica to finance its share of the cost of
completing that portion of the Inter-American
Highway which passes through its territory.

Work on the Inter-American Highway has been
proceeding for a number of years under a financ-
ing arrangement whereby the United States has
traditionally provided two-thirds of the funds,
with the participating Central American countries
adding the other third as well as providing the
required right-of-way. The U.S. Congress has
recently appropriated a total of almost $63 million
in accordance with a program to accelerate com-
pletion within a 3-year period of the 1,590-mile
stretch of the highway between the Mexican-
Guatemalan border and the Panama Canal.

About $16 million of this amount will represent
the two-thirds contribution of the United States
to the estimated cost of completing the Costa Rican

portion of this highway. The work to be done
in Costa Rica involves the completion of 353 miles
of highway and the erection of a number of
bridges. The money to be made available under
the Export-Import Bank credit will be used to pay
for the necessary road machinery, construction
equipment, and materials which will be purchased
in the United States.

In announcing the credit, Samuel C. Waugh,
President of the Export- Import Bank said : "We
believe that the improved transportation facilities
resulting from the completion of the highway will
contribute to the economic development of Costa
Rica and the other Central American countries,
and through the stimulation of tourist traffic will
provide for a better understanding between the
American Republics."

Surplus Commodity Agreement
Signed With Brazil

Press release 650 dated November 16

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, Jose
Carlos de Macedo Soares, and the United States
Ambassador to Brazil, James Clement Dunn,
signed an agreement on November 16 for the sale
of surplus agricultural commodities valued at ap-
proximately $41,000,000. The program for the
sale of these commodities was developed pursuant
to title I of the Agricultural Trade Development
and Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480, 83d
Congress, as amended).

Payment for the agi'icultural commodities will
be made in Brazilian currency. A portion of the
currency accruing mider this program will be used
to meet U. S. Government expenses in Brazil. An
additional part of the funds will be loaned to the
Brazilian Government for development purposes,
with eventual repayment to the United States.
The remainder will be used for agricultural mar-
keting development in Brazil and the carrying
out of an educational exchange program between
Brazil and the United States.

Four members of the House Agricultural Com-
mittee who are touring South America were in
Rio de Janeiro and were invited to attend the sign-
ing ceremonies. They are: Charles B. Hoeven,
Harold O. Lovre, Ray J. Madden, and William
R. Poase.

898

Department of State Bulletin

What We Get From the United Nations

hy Francis 0. Wilcox

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs '

There is nothing unseemly or unduly material-
istic in asking ourselves what we get — we as a
people and as a Goverimient — from the United
Nations. After all, the 60 nations that are the
United Nations became members and remain so be-
cause it is in their national self-interest. In its
first 10 years no nation has left the organization,
while a score of states are impatiently awaiting ad-
mission. There must be real advantages and op-
portunities that go with membei'ship.

The American public has always strongly sup-
ported our participation, but this support has fluc-
tuated somewhat. In the early days after its
founding there was, perhaps, considerable overop-
timism based largely on a misunderstanding of
the United Nations' role. Many thought that it
would provide a painless cure-all or panacea for
the world's ills. They were disappointed when this
did not jirove to be the case ; apparently they did
not realize its limitations. Since then, in the light
of experience, we have learned what the United
Nations can and cannot do and how to use it better
to advance our national interests and the cause of
"world peace.

What the United Nations Is

In this perspective, it might be useful to define
just what the United Nations is.

At the outset, however, it is important to keep
in mind what the United Nations is not, because
some people make the mistake of condemning the
organization for the weaknesses of its membei'S.
We would do well to remember the limitations of

* Address made before the Community Workshop Divi-
sion of the Olilahoma City Libraries and the Olilahoma
Committee of the U.S. Committee for the United Nations
at Olilahoma City, Okla., on Nov. 8.

the United Nations. It is not a superstate. It is
not a world government by any stretch of the imag-
ination. It has no power to legislate, to tax, or to
compel us to take action against our will. It is
made up of 60 sovereign, independent nations, and
it cannot rise above its source. In the final anal-
ysis, it can only do what its members want it to
do.

The United Nations is two things: It is both
a statement of principles to guide the conduct of
nations in their relations with one another, and it
is a working organization to help put these prin-
ciples into practice.

The preamble and chapter I of the charter set
forth the principles and purposes of the organi-
zation. It is the consensus of the 52 fomiding
nations as to the moral standards and ethics in in-
ternational relations which should be followed for
the welfare of mankind. In general, the purposes
and principles set forth in the charter correspond
exactly with the broad foreign policy objectives
of the United States. Considering the wide dif-
ferences in racial, cultural, and political back-
grounds of the founders, it is a very remarkable
document indeed.

The Moral Force of the United Nations

For 10 years the United Nations has served as a
forum in which nations have been tested against
this code of conduct. This has been of tremendous
value to the free world. For the first time, interna-
tional communism has been obliged to step out in
the open and expose itself to the floodlight of pub-
lic opinion. Here Communist statements of their
devotion to world peace and respect for human
rights have been weighed against the record of
their conduct. In the process the true nature and

November 28, J 955

899

danger of Communist imperialism has been clearly
revealed.

It is said that "Ye shall know the truth, and
the truth shall make you free." The United Na-
tions has done much to set the world free from
the confusion and subterfuge which has cloaked
the Communist movement. Now that it is out in
the open we can devise ways to cope with it and to
check its expansion. Moreover, the United Na-
tions is, I believe, forcing international commu-
nism to modify its methods and perhaps even to al-
ter its goals out of "a decent respect to the opinions
of mankind." A state cannot remain in the U.N.
and continually ignore the pressure of world opin-
ion. Sooner or later it must accommodate its ac-
tions to the moral judgments of its fellow mem-
bers. There have been examples of such accom-
modation on the part of the Soviet Union in the
United Nations. They illustrate the manner in
which the United Nations Organization can put its
principles into action.

Influence of the United Nations on Soviet Policies

There was the case of Iran. After the war the
Soviet Union kept military forces in Iran threat-
ening the security and sovereignty of that comitry.
The matter was placed before the United Nations
and reluctantly, unable to justify its actions before
world opinion, the U.S.S.R. withdrew its troops.

There was the case of Greece. This country,
too, was the object of Communist imperialist de-
signs. By subversion, border incidents, and threat
of aggression the Commimists tried to take over
the Government of Greece, which was weakened
and disunited at the end of the Second World War.
The plight of Greece was a tlireat to international
peace. The U.N., over the protests of the Soviet
Union, placed observer teams in the border areas
to determine the situation and report back. The
Communists were caught "redhanded" and grad-
ually ceased their threats and provocations. With
this danger removed, Greece, with help from the
free world, was able to set her house in order and
restore economic and political stability.

More recently there is the example of the peace-
ful uses of atomic energy. You will recall that
in December 1953 President Eisenhower addressed
the General Assembly and proposed that the
world's atomic powers unite to bring the blessings
of this new-found force to the service of mankind.
The cooperation of the Soviet Union was highly

desirable but not essential. For a whole year, in
public and jjrivate negotiations, we tried to enlist
the support of the U.S.S.R. without success.
Finally, we again placed the matter before the
United Nations. We proposed the holding of an
international peaceful-uses conference and the es-
tablishment of an International Atomic Energy
Agency. We urged the General Assembly to move
ahead with or without the Soviet Union.

It was immediately apparent that there was
overwhelming approval among the free nations
for the United States proposal. This was ap-
parent to the Communist bloc. They had three
choices. When the matter came to a vote, they
could abstain, they could vote against, or they
could vote for the proposal. They had to stand
up and be counted on an issue which would put
their peaceful protestations to the acid test.
Thanks to the moral force of public opinion, they
voted solidly in favor of the new agency. It was
one of those relatively rare occasions when a
unanimous vote has been forthcoming from the
General Assembly.^

There have been times when the Soviet Union
has tried to marshal the moral censure of the
United Nations against the United States. They
have not been successful. Take the spurious
charges of germ warfare which the U.S.S.R.
leveled against us in the General Assembly in 1952.
They attempted to prove, on completely fabri-
cated evidence, that our Air Force had dropped
germs of various kinds on civilian populations
in the Korean war. Their evidence did not stand
up under objective examination. Their case fell
apart at the seams, and in the process the free
world learned an important lesson about the na-
ture and tactics of communism.

United Nations Supports U.S. Foreign Policy
Objectives

I think you will agree with me that these illus-
trations bear out my contention that the United
Nations has given powerful support to free-world
and United States foreign policy interests.

I do not mean to imply that the United Nations
is a rubber stamp for our policies or that we al-
ways have our own way. Far from it. We con-
tinually have to adjust our positions and policies

^ BuiXETiN of Dec. 13, 1954, p. 918. For developments
on the International Atomic Energy Agency in the Tenth
Session of the General Assembly, see ihid., Sept. 5, 1955,
p. 384, and Oct. 24, 1955, p. 660.

900

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

in the light of the opinions and interests of 59
other states. This is as it should be. American
foreign policy must be founded on a knowledge
of the attitudes of the governments and peoples of
other countries if it is to be realistic and effective.
There is no better place to "feel the pulse," so to
speak, of world opinion than the United Nations.
In this connection we all have a real obligation
to keep ourselves informed of the facts. I am
frequently surprised at the harm that can come
to our foreign policy and to the United Nations
from a little misinformation.

The United States Can't "Go It Alone"

One of the basic reasons for the establishment
of the United Nations was the realization that no
nation can "go it alone" in the search for security
and peace. The United States in particular, with
much of the world's wealth and only 6 percent of
the population, cannot have too many partners in
the stmggle to establish a permanent peace and,
if need be, to defend fi'eedom wherever it may be
attacked.

The most dramatic example of uniting to resist
aggression was the Korean war. Here the great
majority of United Nations members condemned
the Communist invasion of the Republic of Korea
as a violation of the cardinal principles of the
charter. Sixteen nations contributed military
forces to throw back this aggression, and some 42
in all provided aid to the Republic of Korea in one
form or another. Wlien the Commimists struck in
Korea, these countries knew "for whom the bell
tolled."

Sometimes we Americans become impatient with
our friends in the United Nations because they
do not always behave as we would like to see
them behave. Actually there are only about three
types of foreign policies from which we can
choose. We might choose isolationism, or on the
other extreme we might even be foolish enough to
try and dominate the world. The only other work-
able alternative is to build a coalition of equal
partners jointly dedicated to the task of keeping
the free world free.

That is exactly why our role of leadership in
the United Nations is so difficult. We are part of
an alliance of free and independent nations. In
such an alliance honest differences of opinion are
bound to arise and these differences are played
up by all the devices known to Communist propa-
ganda.

The right to disagree has always been consid-
ered the basic element of strength in a democracy.
It is just as basic to the democratic unity that we
want to prevail in the free world.

So we should not be too concerned if our Latin
American friends disagree with us or if Great
Britain votes against us occasionally in the Secu-
rity Council. The fact that we disagree in some
respects is not nearly so important as the fact that
we do agree on our common goals.

The United Nations does not, of course, take
the place of normal diplomatic relations between
countries. It does provide a new and wider
forum, however, for diplomatic contact which we
have learned to use in cases which would be diffi-
cult or impossible for us to solve directly and alone.
The return of the American fliers held illegally by
the Chinese Communists is a case in point.

We have no diplomatic relations with the Chi-
nese Communst regime, and it was therefore not
possible for us to use normal diplomatic proce-
dures in seeking the return of the fliers. Certainly
we did not want to resort to war with Communist
China to settle the issue. In this situation we
turned to the United Nations. It was rightly a
matter for international concern. The captured
fliers had been, at the time of their capture, serv-
ing under the United Nations Command. By
holding them, the Communists were flouting the
terms of the Korean armistice, as well as defying
the commonly accepted standards for the treat-
ment of prisoners of war. Furthermore, the
United Nations was confronted with the obliga-
tion imposed by the language of the charter which
provides that "the Organization shall ensure that
states which are not Members of the United Na-
tions act in accordance with these Principles."

The United Nations acted promptly. By reso-
lution of the General Assembly, the Secretary-
General, Mr. Hammarskjold, was asked to inter-
cede directly with Chou En-lai, the Chinese Com-
munist Foreign Minister, in the name of the
United Nations.^ His skillful and patient and
successful negotiations are now a matter of his-
tory. The outcome, which brought the fliers safely
home to their families, was a victory for the moral
force of world public opinion.* Here, again, the
United Nations served the interests of the United
States exceptionally well.

" Ihxd., Dec. 20, 1954, p. 932.
*/6!d., Aug. 15, 1955, p. 262.

November 28, 1955

901

So far in assessing what the United States gets
from the United Nations I have confined myself
principally to the political field — much of it hav-
ing to do with the United Nations as a forum for
revealing the nature of communism and acting as
a guardian of peace. Now I should like to turn
to the accomplishments of the United Nations in
fulfilling some of the economic and social purposes
for which it was established.

Helping Others To Help Themselves

The iVmerican people and the American Govern-
ment have long believed in the principle of helping
others to help themselves. Providing relief and
assistance to people less fortunate than ourselves
has long been a characteristic of American free
enterprise and of our Government. We believe it
is enlightened self-interest to do so. By helping
others to raise their standards of living and stabil-
ize their economies, we help create stable govern-
ments, good customers for our products, and re-
liable allies.

For a good many years now we have engaged in
various bilateral technical aid programs to assist
underdeveloped countries as an established arm
of our foreign policies. We believe in the trans-
ferability of knowledge and ideas. We believe
that this is one of the best ways to counter the
false appeal which communism sometimes has
among people with too little food, inadequate
medical facilities, and substandard education. We
believe that these people have a legitimate right
to improve their welfare through access to the great
store of technical knowledge and experience pos-
sessed by the more developed nations.

The United Nations has provided us with im-
portant new ways to supplement our foreign as-
sistance programs based on these long-established
principles. I speak particularly of the specialized
agencies and the expanded technical aid program
which works through them. There is the World
Health Organization in the field of health; the
Fao in the field of food and agriculture ; Unesco
in the fields of science, culture, and education ; Ilo
in the labor field ; and a half dozen others.

We supported the establishment of these agen-
cies under the United Nations system, and we
have consistently supported and contributed to
their programs.

For millions of people throughout the world the
United Nations means not the inspiring building

on New York's East Kiver, not the General As-
sembly, not even the charter with its important
statement of principles. It means the United
Nations team of experts working in the village or
rural community and putting these principles into
practice. It means the public-health doctor show-
ing how the dreaded malaria mosquito can be erad-
icated, the nurse showing how to purify infested
water, the agronomist proving the higher yield of
hybrid corn.

These are genuinely cooperative programs.
They are not "giveaways." The only thing given
away is knowledge. Countries contribute propor-
tionately to the annual upkeep or cost of each
specialized agency. Then the country receiving
assistance contributes again in local currency, man-
power, and equipment. Local people are trained
on the spot by the United Nations experts so that
the work will be carried on after they have left.
One heartening result of these programs has been
that they have uncovered heretofore untapped
talents for leadership in commimity after com-
munity. Relatively primitive peoples use their
new-found knowledge to tackle those problems
which for centuries have barred the road to higher
living standards, more education, wider markets
for their products.

We regard our participation in this aspect of
the United Nations as a wise investment for the
future. Its objective is the same as our bilateral
assistance programs, but its cost to us is much
less. Also there are some countries which are re-
luctant or unwilling to receive direct aid from
us. They may feel that it is an infringement of
their sovereignty or that other countries will think
it is. In such cases, in particular, it is to our
interest to work through the United Nations. The
presence of American experts on United Nations
teams is tangible evidence to the local populace of
American interest in their welfare. They are
ambassadors of good will, demonstrating in their
daily work the American way of life.

Communist Attitude Toward the Specialized
Agencies

Perhaps one of the most convincing evidences
of the effectiveness of United Nations technical
aid as an arm of enlightened diplomacy is the
Soviet record in the specialized agencies. The
U.S.S.R. and the satellite countries have from the
beginning given only halfhearted support to this

902

Department of State Bulletin

work. After a time the U.S.S.R withdrew com-
pletely from such agencies as the World Health
Organization and the International Labor Organ-
ization. Apparently they felt that higher stand-
ards of living for underdeveloped peoples were
not in the interests of communism.

Whatever the reason, they have recently had a
significant change of heart. They have rejoined
Ilo, have announced their intention to resume
membership in Wiio, and are pledging annually
the equivalent of $1 million to the expanded tech-
nical aid program. They may have noted the
success of the work of the specialized agencies and
the enthusiasm with which it has been received.
Everyone likes to be associated with success, and
no doubt the Communists feel that they must now
show some evidence of their alleged concern for
the downtrodden man. Here again is an example
of the helpful influence of world opinion as exer-
cised through the United Nations. I do not mean
to say that Soviet participation in the specialized
agencies is not welcome. It is welcome as long as
they abide by the rules of these agencies and do
not attempt to exploit them for propaganda or
political ends.

Cost of U.S. Participation in the United Nations

One might well assume that the cost of main-
taining the United Nations and financing the
work of its specialized agencies would come to a
huge figure. Such is not the case. Its cost to
member nations is surprisingly modest.

The annual budget of the United Nations is
apportioned among the 60 member countries on
the basis of national population and wealth. On
this basis the United States pays approximately
33 percent of the regular U.N. budget. The Soviet
Union, the next biggest contributor, pays 17.6
percent. Our share comes to less than 10 cents a
year for each person in this country.

If we add to the regular U.N. budget the cost of
all the specialized agencies and aid programs, the
total for the year 1955 comes to 56 cents for each
American. As Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge,
our representative to the U.N., recently put it,
"The amount we spend in a year in all these peace-
ful endeavors of the United Nations and the vari-
ous specialized agencies is equal to what 10 hours
of World War II cost us."

In quoting these figures I do not imply that we
can measure the United Nations worth to us in
dollars and cents. Certainlv the financial bur-

dens imposed on us by the United Nations are
infinitesimal when compared to the terrible costs
of fighting an atomic war. And when looked at
in terms of our total national budget most Ameri-
cans would agree that it is a pretty cheap insurance
policy.

Some Current Problems Before the U.N.

The sun never sets on the work of the United
Nations, for its activities stretch around the
world. Its principal bodies, the Security Council,
the Economic and Social Council, and the Trustee-
ship Council, meet frequently at the central head-
quarters in New York. Meantime, various com-
mittees and commissions carry out their special
I'esponsibilities.

Once a year, however, the United Nations takes
on a unique and intense activity. This is the an-
nual meeting of the General Assembly. During
this time the lights literally never go out in the
towering headquarters building.

The General Assembly meets in New York in
September and continues in session until it has
acted on all the items before it. This usually
takes about 3 months. Each of the 60 member
countries sends a delegation to represent it. The
United States delegation always includes promi-
nent leadei-s drawn from private life and members
of the Congress drawn from both sides of the
aisle. The Department of State and our perma-
nent mission to the United Nations provide the
policy and technical staff and backing.

The Tenth General Assembly is now about half
through its session in New York. It has more
than 70 items on its agenda. Some of them are
of the utmost concern to you and nie because they
have a bearing on the kind of world we will live
in and the future security and well-being of our-
selves and our children. I refer to such matters
as disarmament, control of nuclear weapons, the
peaceful uses of atomic energy, the issue of self-
determination (colonialism), et cetera.

These issues, of course, were not created by the
United Nations. They reflect the world we live
in, its imperfections and its problems. They have
come before the U.N. because the U.N. offers the
best forum for reaching a solution. It is unlikely
that they will be solved quickly or easily. But
if the issues are kept out in the open, if they can
be debated fully and freely, if the little countries
as well as the big ones have an equal chance to

November 28, 7955

903

express themselves, then the chances for progress
are good. This is one of the important ways in
which the General Assembly serves the interests
of the free world and of the American people.

Signs of Progress

The General Assembly has been called a "debat-
ing society" and, in a healthy sense, it is. Debate
is one of the essential and time-honored processes
of democracy. It is remarkable that, with 60
countries to be heard from, the General Assembly
ever stops talking and takes action. But it does.
The rapid progress in the field of peaceful uses
of atomic energy, to which I referred earlier, is
a case in point. Soon we can expect the inter-
national agency itself to be established and in
operation. I need only mention the yet im-
dreamed-of possibilities which lie ahead of us in
this field to indicate the kind of contribution the
United Nations may make in this connection.

Likewise with the proposal for the collection
and dissemination of data on the effects of atomic
radiation which we introduced in the General
Assembly at this session.^ This occasioned a great
deal of committee debate and behind-the-scenes
maneuvering, but the approval of a constructive
and workable plan now seems assured.

On the related but much more crucial and diiS-
cult issue of disarmament, progress has been
slow and painful. To comprehend the difficulties
we must discard our preatomic concept of dis-
armament. This meant, essentially, an agreed-
upon reduction among the great powers of the
numbers of soldiei"S, battleships, and combat planes
to be maintained by each country.

Today, by disarmament we mean the limitation,
regulation, and I'eduction of armed forces and
armaments under an effective international in-
spection and control system. The great barrier
,to progress toward this kind of disarmament is
the mutual distrust and insecurity existing be-
tween the world's two great atomic powers — the
United States and the Soviet Union.

To break this deadlock President Eisenhower
.took a bold initiative at the Geneva "summit" con-
ference last July. He proposed to the Soviet
Union that the United States and the U.S.S.R.
agree to exchange information and blueprints on
military establishments, and to permit unrestricted

aerial overflights and inspection of each other's
national territories."

The Pi'esident's proposal, which was designed
to prevent massive surprise attack, was intended
as a first step or gateway to disarmament — as a
means of reestablishing a basis of mutual security
and trust. On such a basis, perhaps, an agreed
program for limitation, inspection, and control of
armed forces and armaments could be worked out.

This proposal opened the door to further prog-
ress. It gave new impetus to the work of the U.N.
disarmament subcommittee, which took up the
President's plan as its first order of business when
it convened in New York on August 31.^

At these meetings we were, luifortunately, un-
able to get Soviet acceptance of the proposal.
But they have not yet rejected it, and there is hope
that further study will convince them of its mutual
desirability.

Disarmament is one of the three items on the
agenda of the Big Four Foreign Ministers meet-
ing now taking place in Geneva. It is scheduled
to come up for discussion this week. We remain
hopeful that direct negotiations with the Soviets
may produce the key to further progress on this
vital issue.

The Palestine Situation

The tragic clashes last week between Israeli
and Egyptian forces are a matter of utmost con-
cern to us and to the United Nations. They in-
volved the heaviest fighting in Palestine since
1948. In 1949 the armistice arranged by the
United Nations jjut an end to the conflict. You
will recall that an American, Dr. Ralph Bimche,
was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1950 for
his work in achieving the Palestine armistice.

Since 1948 the armistice, supervised by United
Nations observers, has been maintained. It has
been an uneasy armistice, it is true. There have
been ugly incidents. It has not led to real peace.
But a renewal of the war between the parties was
prevented — and that in itself must count as a ma-
jor accomplishment of the United Nations.

"UHiat makes this latest clash so serious is that
it follows so closely the new Soviet involvement
in the ^Middle East. To my mind, it is no mere co-
incidence that the recent fighting broke out so soon

'lUd., Nov. 21, 1955, p. 855.
904

• Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173.

' Ibid., Sept. 12, 1955, p. 438 ; Oct. 31, 1955, p. 703 ; and
Nov. 7, 1955, p. 765.

Department of State Bulletin

after the consummation of the sale of arms to
Egypt by the Soviet bloc. We foresaw that the
Communist action would dangerously aggravate
the tense fears and suspicions between the people
of Israel and the people of the Arab States.

Neither the free world nor the Communist world
can benefit from the outbreak of war in the Middle
East. It is a grave threat to international peace
and security. For 7 years the United Nations
has successfully kept the situation within bounds.

Once again the United Nations, faced with still
another crucial test, must use its influence to re-
move this continuing threat to world peace. The
patience and cooperation of all peace-loving coun-
tries is essential to this process.

The world waits to see whether in this explosive
situation the Communist states will pay only lip-
service to the spirit of Geneva or whether they
will genuinely cooperate to maintain the peace.
They can make it easier or harder for us and for
the United Nations. I can assure you though that,
whatever course they take, we will never stop try-
ing to bring peace to this sorely troubled part of
the world.

The meeting of Heads of Governments in Ge-
neva in July was described by the Secretary of
State as the "first stage" of new efforts "to reduce
the danger of war and to solve outstanding issues
by negotiation." We are now in the "second
stage," where the spirit of Geneva is being tested.
One of the continuing testing areas is the United
Nations.

We have noticed recently, I am glad to say, a
real moderation in the tone of Soviet statements
in the United Nations. We have been spared this
year the anti-American invective to which we had
become accustomed. This is all to the good. But
still these are only words — and words are not
enough.

We are watcliing and sincerely hoping that the
U.S.S.R. will act as well as talk in the spirit of
Geneva. We do not ask or expect the impossible.
But is it not reasonable to expect some concrete
deeds in the great forimi of the U.N. that will help
reduce the causes of tension between the East and
West? Here are some examples of what I am
talking about :

1. If the Soviet Union would accept the Presi-
dent's aerial inspection plan, it would do much to
dispel the clouds of suspicion and distrust that
exist between the Communist and non-Communist

worlds and to push open the door to progressive
and effective disarmament.

2. If the Soviets would agree to abandon the
use of the veto on the admission of new members —
thus enabling many peace-loving nations like
Austria, Italy, Ii-eland, and Japan, to mention
only a few, to enter — they could help inject new
vigor and new vitality into the United Nations.

3. If they would permanently cease the delay-
ing tactics which they used until recently on the
peaceful uses of atomic energy and constructively
hell) to get the new agency under way, they could
demonstrate their real interest in bringing to men
everywhere a better way of life.

4. If they would stop jamming radio broadcasts
into tlie Soviet Union they could remove, at a
single stroke, a major barrier that has existed to
the free exchange of ideas in the world.

5. If they would cease to aggravate the ex-
plosive situation in the Middle East by trafficking
in arms, they could do much to ease tensions there
and make a major contribution toward world
peace.

Action on one or all of these items would be a
welcome sign of Soviet good faith. So far such
signs are lacking. We are reminded somehow of
the Biblical comment : "The voice is Jacob's voice,
but the hands are the hands of Esau."

Concluding Comments

We have been looking at the United Nations
from the point of view of our own national in-
terest— of what we are getting from our partici-
pation. I think we can draw some valid
conclusions.

The United Nations helps our own security by
promoting the principle of collective self-defense ;

It has put out the spark of conflict before it
became a conflagration in a number of cases, and
many people believe it has prevented the outbreak
of a third great war;

It has marshaled public opinion in support of
free- world objectives;

It has exposed the nature and danger of Com-
munist imperialism;

It provides an arena for diplomatic negotiation
to advance our foreign policy objectives;

It is promoting social progi-ess and better stand-
ards of life and helping peoples toward respon-
sible self-government.

Hoy^mbsT 28, 7955

905

All tliese things are clearly in our national in-
terest, and they are things which we could not do
at all, or nearly so well, alone.

It is said that you get out of any endeavor just
about what you put in. The American people and
the American Government have supported the
United Nations concept from the very beginning.
Its charter was written in San Francisco. Its
headquarters are established in New York. We
jjrovide a third of its annual upkeep. "We are the
heaviest contributors to the specialized agencies
and the technical aid programs. We have, there-
fore, a very special stake in the success of the
United Nations.

I am confident that our returns will continue
to exceed our investment. An essential part of this
investment, of course, is the continuing interest,
support, and critical imderstanding of the Ameri-
can people. This is the kind of interest and sup-
port which is exemplified by the manj' meetings
which public-spirited citizens have held through-
out the United States celebrating the 10th anni-
versary of the United Nations.

Committee on Information From
Non-Self-Governing Territories

Statement hy Laird Bell

U.S. Representative to the General Assemily^

My delegation favors the continuation of the
Committee on Information from Non-Self-
Governing Territories. It favors the committee's
continuation on the basis that will bring the
greatest benefit both to the peoples of non-self-
governing territories and to the United Nations
itself. We believe that for the truly effective
continuation of the committee, the cooperation of
the principal administering members is essential.

Yesterday, the representative of the United
Kingdom [B. O. B. Gidden] stated in the clear-
est possible terms that his Government would feel
obliged to cease its participation in the Commit-
tee on Information from Non-Self-Governins
Territories if the General Assembly were to adopt
the amendment to draft resolution B contained

in document A/C.4/L.393 - or any other amend-
ment which would have the effect of expanding
the terms of reference of the committee. On the
other hand, he indicated that if the committee
were to be continued on its present basis for an-
other 3 years, his delegation would continue to
cooperate in its work.

I feel sure that the sponsore of amendment 393
did not desire to present the committee with such
a difficult and painful choice. My delegation
recognizes and respects the constructive intentions
which we believe motivated the sponsoring dele-
gations in the presentation of their amendment,
namely, to render more logical and useful the re-
ports of the Committee on Information from Non-
Self-Governing Territories. We believe that the
idea of treating together problems that are simi-
lar because of regional or other factors has much
to commend it. The committee has already begun
to follow this practice in its reports. The spon-
sors wish this practice to be expanded.

My delegation understands this wish, but it
does not believe that the relatively small gains in
techniques which this amendment would make
possible are worth the very heavy price of losing
the cooperation of the power administering the
greatest number of non-self-governing peoples.
In our view, the value of the Committee on Infor-
mation would be largely destroyed if it lost the
cooperation of this member which not only has
the greatest responsibilities for peoples of non-
self-governing territories but also has made very
substantial contributions to the work of the com-
mittee. Fully as serious would be the loss of a
forum where administering and nonadminister-
ing members may carry on an honest exchange of
views and ideas about the problems of these
people.

ily delegation believes that the Committee on
Information has been a useful and valuable instru-
ment of the United Nations, that the exchange of
views between administering and nonadminister-
ing members and the spirit of cooperation that it
has i^romoted has broadened our horizons and been
of real benefit to the work of the United Nations
in this field. We believe that it will be a serious

' Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) on Oct. 27 (U.S.
delegation press release 2250). For a statement by Mr.
Bell in Committee IV on Oct. 12, see Bulletin of Oct. 24,
1955, p. 673.

' This amendment would have authorized the Committee
on Information to study ways in which it could deal with
problems common to a number of territories or groups of
territories. As at present constituted, the committee is
only competent to deal with the territories as a whole, not
individually.

906

Department of State Bulletin

matter for the United Nations for these vakies to
be jeopardized. It is tlie belief of my delegation
that we, the members of this committee, would
demonstrate practical wisdom and real statesman-
ship if we placed the continuation of the Commit-
tee on Information on an effective basis above even
reasonable efforts to spell out means of improving
the technical value of its reports. Such improve-
ments would be empty indeed if they sacrificed
the essential spirit of the connnittee.

We beg our colleagues to reflect and to weigh
the alternatives before them with the greatest of
care before taking any action which will have such
gi-ave practical consequences for the Committee on
Information and the non-self-governing peoples
for whose benefit it was created, as well as for the
United Nations itself, which would suffer a serious
blow as the result of failure to continue effective
work in this field. In particular, my delegation
would appeal to the sponsors of the amencbnent
to consider withdrawing their amendment in order
that we may continue to have an effective com-
mittee to carry out this important work. We can
assure them that, if they do so, my delegation will
continue its efforts to improve the work of the com-
mittee and the technical value of its reports. We
are sure that all members of the committee will
do likewise and that this is the soundest way to
proceed for the benefit of non-self-governing peo-
ples and the United Nations itself.^

U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences

ECE Committee on Electric Power

The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 18 (press release 656) that Ancher Nelsen,
Administrator of the Rm-al Electrification Admin-
istration, Department of Agriculture, has been
designated the U.S. delegate to the Thirteenth
Session of the Committee on Electric Power,

"The sponsors of the amendmeut (Burma, Liberia,
Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Thailand) asreed not to insist
on a vote. Committee IV, on Oct. 27, approved a reso-
lution (A/C.4/L.406) recommending that the Committee
on Information be renewed on the same basis as before
for a further 3-year period. The resolution was approved
in plenary session on Nov. 8 with 54 in favor, 1 against
(Belgium), and 2 abstentious (South Africa, United
Kingdom).

which is to open at Geneva on December 1. This
committee is one of the principal subsidiary
organs established by the U.N. Economic Commis-
sion for Europe. One of the chief concerns of
the committee is the field of rural electrification.

Mr. Nelsen will also serve as the principal
spokesman for the United States at the Third
Session of the committee's Working Party on
Rural Electrification, which convenes at Geneva
on November 28.

Prior to these meetings, a field trip, sponsored
by the Austrian Government, will be made to cer-
tain rural electrification installations in Austria,
starting at Linz on November 22 and ending at
Innsbruck on November 27.

TREATY INFORMATION

Extension to Netherlands Antilles
of Income-Tax Convention

ENTRY INTO FORCE OF SUPPLEMENTARY PRO-
TOCOL

Press release 643 dated November 10

On November 10, 1955, ratifications were ex-
changed with respect to the protocol of June 15,
1955, supplementing the convention of April 29,
1948, between the United States and the Nether-
lands for the avoidance of double taxation with
respect to taxes on income and certain other taxes.

Pm-suant to the terms of the supplementary
protocol, it entered into force upon the exchange
of instruments of ratification. The protocol was
concluded for the purpose of facilitating the ex-
tension of the operation of the 1948 convention
to the Netherlands Antilles. The substantive pro-
visions of the protocol are contained in two ar-
ticles, as follows:

ARTICLE I

In the application by the Netherlands Antilles of Ar-
ticle XIX of the convention of April 20, 1948, paragraph
(3) thereof shall be replaced by the following paragraph :

(3) The Netherlands Antilles shall allow a deduction
(or the equivalent th(>rtH>f) from its tax of tie Federal

November 28, J 955

907

Income tax paid to the United States by citizens of the
United States resident in the Netherlands Antilles with
respect to income of such citizens from sources within the
United States, but in an amount not in excess of that
proportion of the entire Netherlands Antilles tax which
such income bears to the entire income subject to such
Netherlands Antilles tax.

ARTICLE II

In the application to the Netherlands Antilles of Article
XXVII of the convention of April 29, 1948, the word
"following", as it appears in paragraph (2) of the said
Article XXVII, shall be replaced by the words "immedi-
ately preceding".

The supplementary protocol does not itself ef-
fect the extension to the Netherlands Antilles.
Upon entry into force of the supplementary proto-
col, the only remaining action necessary to make
effective the extension to the Netherlands Antilles,
in accordance with procedures prescribed in article
XXVII of the 1948 convention (Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 1855 ; 62 Stat, pt.
2, 1757), is a written notice to the Netherlands
Government of the acceptance by the U.S. Govern-
ment of the proposal for that purpose made in a
Netherlands notification dated June 24, 1952.

EXTENSION OF CONVENTION

Press release 646 dated November 15

On November 10, 1955, the operation of the in-
come-tax convention of April 29, 1948, as modified
and supplemented by the protocol of June 15, 1955,
was extended to the Netherlands Antilles, opera-
tive retroactively on and after January 1, 1955.

Article XXVII of the 1948 convention^ pre-
scribes the procedure whereby the application of
the convention may be extended, in whole or in
part, to overseas areas under the jurisdiction of
either Government. Pursuant to Article XXVII,
the Netherlands Government gave written notifi-
cation dated June 24, 1952, of the desire of the
Government of the Netherlands Antilles that the
operation of the convention be extended thereto.

The Netherlands proposal was submitted to the
Senate for approval. On July 29, 1955, the same
day on which it gave advice and consent to rati-
fication of the supplementary protocol of June 15,
1955, the Senate approved the proposal for extend-
ing to the Netherlands Antilles the operation of
the convention, subject to certain limitations and
understandings in addition to the modifications ef-

^ Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1855 ;
62 Stat, pt. 2, 1757.

fected by the protocol. The Netherlands Govern-
ment, after consultation with the authorities of
the Netherlands Antilles, has expressed concur-
rence with respect to those limitations and under-
standings, which are as follows :

1. Article I (1) of the convention shall have ap-
plication to the Netherlands Antilles only in re-
spect of income taxes and profits taxes, since no
property tax is levied in that jurisdiction.

2. In the application of Article II (1) (j) of the
convention, the term "competent authority" shall

be understood to mean, in the case of the Nether- jL
lands Antilles, the Administrateur van Financien *
or his duly authorized representative.

3. Paragraphs (2) and (3) of Article VI of
the convention shall have no application in the
Netherlands Antilles, since the agreements of 1926
and 1939 referred to therein have no application
to the Netherlands Antilles.

4. Articles XI and XIII of the convention shall
be deemed to be deleted and of no effect, and Arti-
cle XIV is modified, in accordance with the reser-
vations agreed upon with respect to the convention.

5. Article XX of the convention shall have no
application in the Netherlands Antilles, since the
provisions thereof relating to certain Netherlands
property taxes have no bearing on Netherlands
Antilles taxes.

6. In extending to the Netherlands Antilles the
application of the convention of April 29, 1948,
as supplemented by the protocol of June 15, 1955,
the collection provision in Article XXII will be
restricted in its application so that each of the
Governments may assist in collecting the other's
taxes only to the extent necessary to insure that
the provisions of the convention shall not be en-
joyed by persons not entitled to its benefits.

Upon entry into force of the supplementary
protocol on November 10, 1955, the only remaining
action necessary to make effective the extension to
the Netherlands Antilles was a written notice to
the Netherlands Government of the acceptance by
the United States Government of the proposal for
that purpose made in the Netherlands notification
dated June 24, 1952. That notice of acceptance
was communicated to the Netherlands Govern-
ment through diplomatic chamiels on November
10, 1955.

The Netherlands Antilles are a group of islands,
sometimes called the Dutch West Indies, off the
coast of Venezuela, including Aruba, Bonaire,
Curasao, Saba, St. Eustalius, and the Netherlands

908

Department of S/ofe Bulletin

part of St. Martin, all coming within the scope
of the income-tax law generally referred to as an
Ordinance of Curasao.

United States and Japan Sign
Atomic Energy Agreement

Press release 645 dated November 14

Representatives of Japan and the United States
on November 14 signed the agreement for coop-
eration for research in the peaceful uses of atomic
energy which was initialed on June 21, 1955.

The Japanese Government was represented at
the signing ceremony by Ambassador Sadao
Iguchi. William J. Sebald, Deputy Assistant Sec-
retary of State for Far Eastern Aii'airs, and Lewis
L. Strauss, Chaii-man of the United States Atomic
Energy Commission, signed the agi'eement on be-
half of the United States.

Pursuant to article 9 of the agreement, it will
come into force following an exchange of notes
between the two Governments establishing that
all constitutional or statutory procedures to give
legal effect to the agi-eement have been completed.
The procedural steps required by the United
States Atomic Energy Act of 1954 have been
taken by the executive and legislative branches of
the United States. The agreement is subject to
the approval of the Japanese Diet.

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Automotive Traffic

Convention on road traffic, with annexes. Dated at Ge-
neva September 19, 1949. Entered into force March 26,
19r)2. TIAS 2487.
Ratification deposited: Austria, November 2, 1955.

Telecommunications

International telecommunication convention. Signed at
Buenos Aires December 22, 1952. Entered into force
.January 1, 19.54. TIAS 32G6.
Ratification deposited: Turliey, October 6, 1955.

Weather

Convention of the World Meteorological Organization.
Done at Washington October 11, 1947. Entered into
force March 23, 1950. TIAS 2052.
Accession deposited: Cambodia, November 8, 1955.

BILATERAL

Dominican Republic

Agreement for a cooperative agriculture program pur-
suant to the general agreement for technical coopera-
tion of February 20, 1951 (TIAS 2226). Effected by

exchange of notes of June 22 and 30, 1955, and signa-
ture of a confirming agreement at Ciudad Trujillo Oc-
tober 13, 1055. Entered into force June 30, 1955.

Haiti

Agreement for a Joint Council for Economic Aid to fa-
cilitate administration of the emergency assistance pro-
gram provided by the exchange of notes of March 22 and
April 1, 19,55 (TIAS 3232). Effected by exchange of
notes at Port-au-Prince April 15, 16, 26, and 27, 1955.
Entered into force April 27, 1955.

Netherlands

Arrangement relating to certificates of airworthiness for
imported aircraft. Effected liy exchange of notes at
The Hague September 19 and November 4, 1955. En-
ters Into force on date of receipt by the United States
of a notification of constitutional approval by the
Netherlands.

Protocol supplementing the convention of April 29, 1948
(TIAS 1855) -with respect to taxes on income and cer-
tain other taxes to facilitate extension to the Nether-
lands Antilles. Signed at Washington June 15, 1955.
Ratifications exchanficd : November 10, 195.5.
Entered into force: November 10, 1955.
Proclaimed by the President: November 14, 1955.

Agreement providing for application of Income tax con-
vention of April 29, 1048 (TIAS 1855), as supplemented
by the protocol of June 15, 1955 (TIAS 3366), to the
Netherlands Antilles. Effected by exchange of notes
at Washington June 24 and August 7, 1952, September
15, November 4 and 10, 1955. Entered into force No-
vember 10, 1955.

Peru

Agreement for performance by members of Army, Navy,
and Militai-y Aviation Missions of duties specified in
article V of Mutual Defen.se Assistance Agreement of
February 22, 1952 (TIAS 2466). Effected by exchange
of notes at Lima June 28, July 18, October 20 and 28,
1955. Entered into force October 26, 1955.

THE DEPARTMENT

Deputy Under Secretary of State
for Administration et al.'

FUNCTIONS AND AUTHORITIES

Pursuant to the authority vested in the Secretary of
State by sections 3 and 4 of Public Law 73, 81st Con-
gress, approved May 26, 1949 (63 Stat. Ill), and In
accordance with the requirements of section 3 (a) (1)
of Public Law 404, 79th Congress, approved June 11,
1946 (60 Stat. 238), functions and authorities are hereby
Ijrescribed for the positions enumerated below. All prior
delegations of authority and public notices which are
inconsistent or in conflict with the functions and author-
ities herein prescribed are, to the extent of such Incon-
sistencies or conflicts, hereby superseded. Nothing con-
tained herein shall authorize the exercise of authority
which by law is required to be exercised solely by the
Secretary of State.

The Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administra-

' Public Notice 144, 20 Fed. Reg. 8356.

November 28, 1955

909

tion. a. Exercises the authority vested in the Secretary
of State by section 3 of Public Law 73, 81st Congress, to
"administer, coordinate, and direct the Foreign Service
of the United States and the personnel of the State De-
partment."

b. Exercises the authority now or hereafter vested in
the Secretary of State or the Department of State with
respect to the administration of the Department of State
and the Foreign Service.

c. Provides general direction and control of the or-
ganizational structure and assignment of functions in the
Department of State and the Foreign Service.

d. Provides general direction for the use of appropri-
ated funds, for the establishment of program priorities
for budgetary purposes, and the administrative implemen-
tation of approved substantive policies and programs.

e. Directs the administration of the Department's in-
spection programs.

f. Directs the activities of the Foreign Service Insti-
tute.

g. Directs and supervises the activities of the Assist-
ant Secretary-Controller, the Administrator of the
Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, and the Direc-
tor General of the Foreign Service.

h. Prescribes and promulgates such rules and regula-
tions, and makes such delegations of authority as may be
necessary to carry out his assigned responsibilities.

Assistatit Secretani-ControUer. a. Develops, estab-
lishes, revises and promulgates the organizational struc-
ture and assignment of functions in the Department and
the Foreign Service.

b. Directs the administration of the personnel program
of the Department and the Foreign Service.

c. Directs preparation of Iiudget estimates and the allo-
cation of funds made available to the Secretary or the
Department.

d. Establishes relative program priorities for budgetary
purposes and supervises the use of appropriated funds in
accordance with congressional limitations, program ob-
jectives, and policies of the President and the Secretary.

e. Directs the development and operation of adminis-
trative management controls including fiscal controls,
reporting systems, manuals of regulations and procedures,
etc., designed to promote eflBcient, economical and effective
operation in all areas of the Department and the For-
eign Service, and to enforce compliance with established
policies and instructions.

f. Directs and provides for the acquisition, mainte-
nance and operation of buildings, grounds, and other fa-
cilities required for use in connection with the Depart-
ment's operations abroad.

g. Directs and provides procurement, communication,
transportation, fiscal and other administrative services.

h. Prescribes and promulgates such rules and regula-
tions, and makes such delegations of authority as may
be necessary to carry out his assigned responsibilities.

i. Acts for the Deputy Under Secretary for Administra-
tion in his absence.

Administrator, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs.

a. Provides technical direction for the consular program
of the Foreign Service and directs related work of the
Department, including such activities as passport services.

protection and welfare of American citizens and interests,
issuance of visas, representation of interests of foreign
governments, control of international traffic in arms, and
policies concerning disclosure of classified military infor-
mation.

b. Directs the security program of the Department and
the Foreign Service.

c. Directs the administration of the Refugee Relief Pro-
gram established by the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, Public
Law 203, 83d Congress (67 Stat. 400).

d. Prescribes and promulgates such rules and regula-
tions as may be necessai-y to carry out his assigned
responsibilities.

Dated : October 29, 1955.

[seal] Herbert Hoover, Jr.,

Acting Secretary of State.

Appointments

Guilford S. Jameson, as Deputy Director for Congres-
sional Relations of the International Cooperation Admin-
istration, effective November 1.

Designations

Jacob D. Beam as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
European Affairs, effective November 15.

Francis B. Stevens as Director, Office of Eastern Euro-
pean Affairs, effective November 15.

Checl< List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 14-20

Releases may be obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

Press releases issued prior to November 14 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 643
of November 10 and 644 of November 11.

Sobject

Signing of atomic agreement with
Japan.

Tax convention extended to Nether-
lauds Antilles.

Cancellation of visas for Soviet Arch-
bishop and secretary.

Itinerary for HoUand-Waugh trip
(rewrite).

Tripartite Geneva declaration.

Surplus commodity agreement with
Brazil.

Notes exchanged on St. Lawrence
Seaway.

Educational exchange.

Visit of Cambodian religious leader.

Holland : departure for South Amer-
ica.

Payment under Claims Convention
with Mexico.

Delegate to electric power meeting
(rewrite).

Return of Mohammed V to Morocco.

Exhibit of Korean national treasures.

Dulles : "Report on the Foreign Min-
isters Conference."

U.S. liaison with Baghdad Pact or-
ganization.

*Not printed.

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

645

11/14

(346

11/15

647

11/15

648

11/16

649
650

11/16
11/16

t651

11/17

*652
653
654

11/17
11/17
11/17

655

11/18

656

11/18

657

t658

659

11/18
11/18
11/18

660

11/19

910

Department of State Butletin

November 28, 1955

Ind

ex

Vol. XXXIII, No. 857

American Principles. The Principle of Self-Deter-

mination in International Relations (JNlurphy) . 889

American Republics. U.S. Officials Leave for Visit

to Sonth .\merica 897

Asia. Conclusion of SEATO Military Planners

Meeting at Honolulu (Radford) 895

Atomic Energy. United States and .Tapan Sign

Atomic Energy Agreement 909

Brazil. Surplus Commodity Agreement Signed

With Brazil 898

Cambodia. Cambodian Religious Leader Visits

United States 896

Costa Rica. Inter-American Highway in Costa

Rica 898

Disarmament

Foreign Ministers Conclude CV^mference at Geneva
(texts of statements, proposals, and final com-
munique) 872

Report on the Foreign Ministers Conference

(Dulles) 867

Economic Afifairs

Commerce Department Pamphlet on Establishing a

Business in Germany 886

Extension to Netherlands Antilles of Income-Tax

Convention 907

Inter-American Highway in Costa Rica 898

Mexico Makes Final Payment Under 1941 Claims

Convention 896

Surplus Commodity Agreement Signed With Brazil . 898

Educational Exchange. Cambodian Religions

Leader Visits United States 896

Europe

Foreign Ministers Conclude Conference at Geneva
(texts of statements, proposals, and final com-
munique) 872

Report on the Foreign Ministers Conference

(Dulles) 867

Germany

Commerce Department Pamphlet on Establishing a

Business in Germany 886

Foreign Ministers Conclude Conference at Geneva
(texts of statements, proposals, and final com-
munique) 872

Granting of Paroles to German War Criminals . . 887

Report on the Foreign Ministers Conference

(Dulles) 867

International Information

Foreign Ministers Conclude Conference at Geneva
(texts of statements, proposals, and final com-
munique) 872

Report on the Foreign Ministers Conference

(Dulles) 867

International Organizations and Meetings. U.S.
Delegation to ECE Committee on Electric
Power 907

Japan. United States and Japan Sign Atomic

Energy Agreement 909

Mexico. Mexico Makes Final Payment Under 1941

Claims Convention 896

Military Affairs. Conclusion of SEATO Military

Planners Meeting at Honolulu (Radford) . . 895

Morocco. Return of Mohammed V to Morocco . . 894

Mutual Security. Conclusion of SEATO Military

Planners Meeting at Honolulu (Radford) . . 895

Near East

Need for Peaceful Settlement of Near East Prob-
lems (Eisenhower, Silver) 894

United States Liaison With Baghdad Pact Organi-
zation 895

Netherlands. Extension to Netherlands Antilles

of Ineome-Tax Convention 907

Non-Self-Governing Territories

Committee on Information From Non- Self -Govern-
ing Territories (Bell) 906

The Principle of Self-Determination in Interna-
tional Relations (Murphy) 889

Presidential Documents. Need for Peaceful Settle-
ment of Near East Problems 894

State, Department of

Appointments (Jameson) 910

Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administra-
tion et al 909

Designations (Beam, Stevens) 910

Treaty Information

Current Actions 909

Extension to Netherlands Antilles of Income-Tax

Convention 907

Surplus Commodity Agreement Signed With Brazil . 898
United States and Japan Sign Atomic Energy Agree-
ment 909

U.S.S.R. Visas for Archbishop Boris and Secretary

Canceled 888

United Nations

Committee on Information From Non-Self-Govern-
ing Territories (Bell) 906

The Principle of Self-Determination in Interna-
tional Relations (Murphy) 889

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Beam, Jacob D 910

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Eisenhower, President 894

Holland, Henry F 897

Hoover, Herbert, Jr 909

Jameson, Guilford S 910

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Murphy, Robert 889

Radford, Arthur 895

Silver, Abba Hillel 894

Stevens, Francis B 910

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Vol. XXXIII, No. 858

December 5, 1955

THE TASK OF REUNIFYING GERMANY • by

Ambassador James B. Conant 913

A BUSINESSMAN IN INTERNATIONAL RELA-
TIONS • by Ambassador R. Douglas Stuart 927

PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS IN WORLD AGRICUL-
TURE • Statement by Secretary of Agriculture Benson , . 934

QUESTION OF JUDICIAL [REVIEW OF U.N. ADMIN-
ISTR.4TIVE TRIBUIVAL JUDGMENTS

Statements by Representative Chester E, Merrow 938

Text of Resolution 946

PROPOSAL TO CALL CONFERENCE FOR REVIEW
OF U.N. CHARTER

Statements by Laird Bell 948

Text of Resolution 949

EAST- WEST TRADE CONTROLS • Stotement6yf.ee

.•Admiral Walter S. DeLany 918

For index see inside back cover

I

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Vol. XXXIII, No. 858 • Publication 6153
December 5, 1955

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The prlnthig of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
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Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.

The Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication issued by the
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developments in the field of foreign
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Department of State and the Foreign
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Publications of the Department, as
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The Task of Reunifying Germany

hy James B. Conant

Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany

I should like to use this opportunity to say a
few words about the relationship between your
country and mine in the past, present, and future.
Let me begin by reminding you of a historical
incident.

Exactly 100 years ago, in 1855, the first railroad
suspension bridge was opened in the United States.
This bridge spanned Niagara Falls and was con-
sidered a masterpiece of bridgebuilding.

The engineer who designed this bridge, John
Augustus Roebling, an immigrant from Germany,
was born in Thuringia, not far from your city.
As a young man he had emigrated to the United
States, where he became famous for his boldly
designed bridges, especially for the Niagara
Bridge and for Brooklyn Bridge, which he de-
signed and which his son completed.

AVliy do I mention these details about Roebling's
life? I mention Roebling as an example for all
the German immigrants who found a new home
in the United States. Roebling seemed particu-
larly appropriate, because we are so close to his
Thuringian home, even though today an Iron
Curtain separates the city of Hof from Thuringia.
Besides, I have a special liking for bridgebuild-
ers because it seems to me that my work as Am-
bassador has striking similarities to the work of
a bridgebuilder.

Of course I could have mentioned many other
men instead of Roebling. For more than two
centuries German immigrants have been stream-
ing to America so that today every sixth citizen
of the United States is of German descent. The

' Translation of an address made in German at a re-
ception in the Ambassador's honor at Hof, Bavaria, on
Nov. 11 (U.S. Embassy, Bonn, press release).

German immigrants and their descendants were
and are active in every field of human endeavor :
as farmers, as craftsmen, as politicians, as
scholars.

The relationship between Germany and the
United States today is closer than ever before.
The Federal Republic and the United States are
equal members of the free world, united in the
elTort to protect the peace and prosperity of the
free world. I personally am convinced that if
the nations of the free world will learn to work
together more and more efficiently this effort will
be successful. I am convinced that such coopera-
tion will make it possible to solve the tremendous
tasks of international politics.

One of the most important of these tasks is the
reunification of Germany in peace and freedom.
Here in Hof I do not have to explain how urgent
this task is. The geographic position of your city
reminds you constantly of the task before us. Tlie
Iron Curtain separates your city from parts of
Germany with which the citizens of Hof for cen-
turies had been closely connected by family ties,
by economic ties, by cultural ties. Here in Hof no
one can ever forget that in the part of Germany
beyond the Iron Curtain 17 million Germans are
forced to live under a Communist dictatorship
(ironically enough it calls itself "democratic").
I am sure every inhabitant of Hof realizes how
urgently important it is to work for German re-
unification in peace and freedom.

I must admit that Molotov's speech in Geneva
on Tuesday [November 8] was far from encour-
aging. I do not want to discuss how far that
speech deviated from the spirit of the conference
of the four Chiefs of Government. But I do want

December 5, 1955

915

Publication of Foreign Ministers
Conference

The Department of State on November 30 released
a 306-page publication entitled The Geneva Meeting
of Foreign Ministers, October 27-Noveml)er 16,
1955, containing all the proposals made at the For-
eign Ministers Conference as well as all the prin-
cipal statements of Secretary Dulles and those state-
ments of the other Foreign Ministers which were is-
sued as conference papers. SecTetary Dulles' radio
and television report to the Nation also is Included.

Copies of the volume (Department of State pub-
lication 6156) may be obtained from the Superin-
tendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington 25, D. C. ; price $1.

to emphasize that, however discouraging the news
from Geneva may be, the United States Govern-
ment and the American people will not give up
their concern for the reunification of Germany.
The German people need not fear that the United
States Government will be willing to accept the
division of Germany as the basis for a security
pact. If the men in the Kremlin have any such
hopes, they ai'e mistaken.

Molotov seems to believe that the Soviet Zone
has been converted to communism, and that all
of Germany can be converted to communism. It
seems that he is willing to agree to reunification
of Germany only after communization. You know
as well as I how badly informed Molotov must be
to cherish such expectations. I personally am
convinced that if the inhabitants of the Soviet
Zone remain in their spirit as opposed to com-
munism as they are now, and if the Federal Ke-
public remains as opposed to any acceptance of
the Pankow regime, the time must come when our
repeated efforts to convince the Russians to accept
German reunification in peace and freedom will
succeed.

In this connection I should like to remind you
of the message which President Eisenhower re-
cently sent to the city of Berlin.^ This message
is particularly impressive because President Eisen-
hower at present can concern himself only with
the most urgent tasks but still was willing to send
from his sickbed his greetings to Berlin. Presi-
dent Eisenhower emphasized that the American
people admire the indomitable courage of the
people of Berlin and that the United States will

' Bulletin of Nov. 7, 19.55, p. 734.
916

continue to be concerned for the well-being of the
city of Berlin and the unity of all Germany.

Let me just add that I am convinced that the
United States Government will do everything in
its power to bring about as soon as possible Ger-
man reunification in peace and freedom.

And now, gentlemen, may I ask you to raise
your glasses and drink with me to the Mayor and
the City of Hof.

May the Iron Curtain which today separates
Hof from its Thuringian and Saxon neighbors
disappear as soon as possible and may this city be
granted many years of prosperity in a Germany
reunited in peace and freedom.

Letters of Credence

The Wliite House Office (Denver) announced on
November 8 that the President, in accordance with
Ms constitutional authority, had received on that
day the letters of credence of the following Am-
bassadors to the United States :

Victor Khouri of Lebanon

Curot R. Souvannavong of Laos

Mohammed All of Pal^istan

Hugues Le Gallais of Luxembourg

Thor Thors of Iceland

Until the presentation of their letters of credence
as Ambassadors, Mr. Souvannavong, Mr. Le Gal-
lais, and Mr. Thors had been Ministers of their
respective countries to the United States.

On November 14 the Wliite House announced

that the President had that day received the letters

of credence of the following Ambassadors :

Carlos P. Eomulo of the Philippines
Francisco Urrutia-Holguin of Colombia

Nuclear Explosion in U.S.S.R.

Atomic Energy Commission press release

Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman of the Atomic En-
ergy Commission, announced on November 23 that
another explosion had taken place in the current
Soviet test series. Following the policy of re-
porting to the American people information of
significance concerning Soviet weapons tests, Mr.
Strauss said that this explosion was the largest
thus far in the U.S.S.R. and was in the range of
megatons (a megaton represents the explosive
equivalent of 1 million tons of TNT) . The Rus-
sian tests indicate an increasingly intensive effort
by the Soviet Government to develop their nu-
clear weapons potential.

Department of State Bulletin

Exhibition of Photographs
of Korean National Treasures

An exhibition of photographs of Korean na-
tional treasures and historic architecture was held
at the Pentagon in Washington from November
21 through 25. The exhibition was opened by
Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, Chief of Staff of the
U.S. Army.

From the outbreak of the Korean hostilities in
June 1950, the Department of State and the
United States Forces in Korea aided the Eepub-
lic of Korea in the protection and evacuation of
Korean national treasures. In 1954, the Arts and
Monuments Adviser of the Department of State,
Ardelia R. Hall, visited Korea under the joint
sponsorship of the Department of State and the
Department of the Army. With the cultural of-
ficers of the American Embassy in Seoul and Ko-
rean officials. Miss Hall made the first postwar
survey of the present condition of Korea's liistoric
monuments. In the course of the survey, many
notable examples of Korean historic arcliitecture
and artistic treasures were photographed.

The recent exhibition was a selection of these
photographs of Korean palaces, BuddJiist tem-
ples, Confucian schools, and ancient royal tombs,
now being shown for the first time in the United
States. A similar group of photographs is being
displayed in the larger Korean cities at the United
States Information Centers.

Before arrangements for the Pentagon exhibi-
tion were made, a group of the photogi'aphs was
also sent to President Syngman Rhee of the Re-
public of Korea, whose letter of thanks said in
part:

I sincerely hope tbat arrangements will be made for
exhibiting these wonderful photographs throughout the
United States so that our friends in your great country
will have an opportunity to gain an impression of the
historic and natural beauty of Korea.

The Pentagon showing was a preview of a
larger exhibition of these architectural photo-
graphs now being planned, with the assistance of
the Arts and Monuments Adviser. TMs exliibi-
tion will tour the United States in 1956. At that

time an effort will be made to raise funds through
private subscription for emergency aid urgently
needed to repair war damage and preserve these
irreplaceable monuments for the future.

Cutoff Date for Refugee Relief Act
Visa Applications in Greece

Press release 661 dated November 21

Consulates in Greece were instructed on Novem-
ber 21 not to accept new Refugee Relief Act cases
for processing after November 28, 1955, except
those for escapee and orphan applicants.

Applications for Refugee Relief Act visas in
Greece and assurances given by U.S. citizens to
bring persons from Greece under the act now sub-
stantially exceed the numbers needed to reach the
17,000 limit of Greek visas set by the act.

Assurances will not be accepted after November
28, 1955, except for refugee cases in process on that
date, it was amiounced by Pierce J. Gerety, Deputy
Administrator of the Refugee Relief Program.
This is the first cutoff of assurances and applica-
tions for any nation given an allotment of visas
under the Refugee Relief Act of 1953.

Mr. Gerety said the reason for the action is that
9,264 visas of a maximum allotment of 17,000 for
Greece have already been issued, and there are suf-
ficient assurances and applications to take care of
the balance of 7,736 visas available in the program.
Visas issued in Greece so far include 4,660 to refu-
gees, predominantly of Greek ethnic origin, 4,458
to relatives of persons now in the United States,
and 146 to Greek orphans.

The termination date of visa issuance under the
program is December 31, 1956.

Mr. Gerety indicated that success of the refugee
program in Italy is also assured and that a cutoff
announcement for that nation is imminent.

Nations for which U.S. citizen sponsors of refu-
gees continue urgently needed are Germany, Aus-
tria, and the Netherlands.

Total issuance of Refugee Relief Program visas
worldwide is 65,332, with the accelerating weekly
increase near 1,500.

December 5, 1955

917

East-West Trade Controls

Statement hy Vice Admiral Walter S. DeLantf *

It seems especially timely to discuss the develop-
ment of international rules governing the ship-
ment of strategic materials in East-West trade
because of recent efforts to equate security controls
with the low level of East-West trade. In actual
fact the items controlled are very few indeed in
comparison with the wide range of commodities
the Soviet Union and her European satellites
could buy from the free world if they had the de-
sire and the means of payment.

In any discussion of strategic trade controls it
is well to remember that they came into being by
an act of Congress as a result of the threatening
gestures and tensions created by the U.S.S.R.
Trade controls were imposed as a defense meas-
ure against those threats, as an economic defense
which the free world built side by side with its
military defense. The controls on trade in stra-
tegic material are intended to deny or limit ship-
ments of goods which will significantly contribute
to the bloc's war potential. They do not apply
to trade in peaceful goods.

In the face of those threats, the policy on East-
West trade has been based on these principles :

1. The free nations should not furnish a poten-
tial aggressor with goods which directly and ma-
terially aid its war industry and military buildup.

2. Security export controls should be applied
on a selective basis, except in the case of military
aggression, when a policy of complete embargo
would be in order.

3. Mutual security can best be advanced by the

continued increase in the political, economic, and
military strength and cohesion of tlie free nations.

TVHiile controls are limited, selective, and flex-
ible against the European Soviet bloc, they are
far more comprehensive against Communist China
and North Korea, who have been declared aggres-
sors by the United Nations. Against these re-
gimes the United States embargoes all exports,
prohibits all imports, and prohibits our ships or
aircraft from calling at their ports or carrying
commodities destined to them. We block all of
their assets within our jurisdiction and exercise
financial controls aimed at depriving them of
dollar exchange.

The controls of the other free-world nations are
also more inclusive against mainland China and
North Korea, although they do not generally
match the total embargo imposed by the United
States. About 45 countries support the selective
embargo resolution adopted by the United Na-
tions in 1951 which applies specifically to arms,
ammunition, and implements of war, atomic en-
ergy materials, petroleum, transportation mate-
rials of strategic value, and items useful in the
production of arms, ammunition, and implements
of war. Half of these 45 countries apply an em-
bargo on other strategic goods as well, and prac-
tically all the leading maritime nations have
adopted controls on shipping of varying degrees
but of less severity than United States controls
on shipping.^

' Made before the Subcommittee on Foreign Economic
Policy of the Joint Committee on the Economic Report on
Nov. 16. Admiral DeLany is Deputy Director for Mu-
tual Defense Assistance Control, International Coopera-
tion Administration.

^ For a summary of trade controls imposed by individual
nations, see appendix A to the sixth report to Congress on
the Battle Act {Soviet Bloc Economic Activities in the
Free World, available from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25,
D.C., price 35 cents).

918

Deparfment of State Bulletin

As you can see, the very essence and heart of
these controls is their dependence upon the cooper-
ation of our principal allies. Relatively few items
can be controlled by one country. Trade controls
pose important economic, financial, and political
problems in the countries cooperating with us.
Foreign trade is a far greater factor to the eco-
nomic well-being of those other countries than to
the United States. It is well to remember that
when we discuss trade controls with the partici-
pating countries we are talking about their trade.
We must always respect their sovereign rights to
deal with their own problems as they see them
witliin their own national interests and the se-
curity of the free world.

Trade is not a "gift" to either party. Shipments
to the bloc must be paid for in Soviet goods or gold
which the free-world nations can use in their own
economies. The Soviet Union has, in fact, re-
cently begun to sell gold again and appears to
be trying to utilize credit arrangements more
widely.

Administration of Trade Controls

Now I would like to discuss the administration
of these complex controls in the United States and
internationally.

As you know, one of the principal parts of our
legislative framework for the control of trade is
the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of
1951, usually known as the Battle Act. It is ad-
ministered by the Director of the International
Cooperation Administration.

In addition, there is the Export Control Act,
which is administered by the Department of Com-
merce ; the Trading with the Enemy Act, adminis-
tered by the Treasury Department; the Atomic
Energy Act, administered by the Atomic Energy
Commission; and the Munitions Control Act,
wliich is administered by the Department of State.
All activities under these legislative mandates are
coordinated by the Secretary of State insofar as
they affect foreign policy.

The Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act,

ED/IC STRUCTURE

EXECUTIVE
SECRETARIAT

EXPORT CONTROL SYSTEMS

Choirmon MDflC

Economic Defense Advisory Committee

Chairmon ICA DEPUTY DIRECTOR FOR MDAC

•STATE 'TREASURY •ODM . EX-IM BANK

•DEFENSE 'ICA •AEC • USIA (Ob>«.,er|

•COMMERCE 'CIA •AGRICULTURE

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Choirmon ASSISTANT DEPUTY DIRECTOR FOR MDAC

•STATE •COMMERCE •ICA

•DEFENSE -TREASURY 'CIA

ECONOMIC DEFENSE
INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE

I

WORKING GROUPS

(inter- Agency)

\

APPLICATION a ENFORCEMENT

Choirmon MDAC

STANDING

(Inter-

ECONOMIC DEFENSE
POLICY a PLANNING

Choirmon. STATE

P/JNEL S

/fgencyj

FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC
DEFENSE PROBLEMS

Choifmon COMMERCE

DIVERSION CONTROL

Choifmon MDAC

RESEARCH PLANNING

Choirmon STATE

December 5, 1955

919

\vhich has no termination date, reinforces the in-
ternational system of voluntary trade controls
■which were already in existence before the act be-
came fully operative in January 1952. Among
other things, the statute provides that United
States aid should go only to countries that cooper-
ate in the control of strategic goods. It has been
administered, as intended by Congress, with
awareness of other countries' problems, the need
for building up free-world strength and unity, as
well as to imi^ede the military buildup of the Sino-
Soviet bloc.

The problems innate in security controls cut
across so many responsibilities here in Washington
that, of necessity, the Mutual Defense Assistance
Control Act is administered with the advice of an
Economic Defense Advisory Committee which has
10 Government agencies represented. Each brings
the particular point of view of his agency to bear
on the complexities of these controls.

The committee mobilizes all the resources of the
United States Government which can help with the
problems involved. Meetings of the executive
committee are held at very frequent intervals to
discuss new facets of those problems. Working
groups are constantly in action delving into the
perplexities involved in each new decision.

International Security Controls

The international organization for security con-
trols has its headquarters in Paris. Fifteen major
industrial nations carrying on 60 percent of the
free-world's trade are members of this informal
organization, which is called the consultative
group. Their ministerial representatives meet
when necessary to discuss economic defense policy
and to agree on changes.

Actual day-to-day coordination of the interna-
tional security controls rests upon two committees :
the Coordinating Committee, known as Cocom,
which concerns itself with trade controls against
the European Soviet bloc, and the China Com-
mittee, known as Chincom, concerned with the
special problem of control over trade with Com-
mmiist China.

I should emphasize that the consultative group
has been in existence voluntarily since 1949, several
years before enactment of the Battle Act by Con-
gress. A small secretariat serves the year romid.

Despite the traditional trade rivalries among

these participating coimtries and their constant
search for new markets abroad, the governments
have voluntarily reached agreement on uniform
lists of commodities to be denied the Sino-Soviet
bloc. They have agreed that they will not ship
to the Soviet bloc in Europe any arms, ammuni-
tion, or implements of war, atomic energy mate-
rials, and about 170 other items which would make
a contribution to the war-making potential of the
bloc.

In addition to these items which are embargoed
to the bloc, certain other items of somewhat less
strategic importance are denied to the European
Soviet bloc after a certain agreed quantity has been
shipped. Still other goods are listed for "surveil-
lance" so that shipments can be restricted
promptly if agreement is reached to do so. About
90 items fall into these two categories. As to
Communist China, there are no quantitative or
surveillance controls. Commodities in all of the
categories I have just described are embargoed,
plus a number of other items.

Perhaps I can best illustrate how the functions
of the American and international organization
interlock by describing the activities which re-
sulted in a revision of these control lists in August
1954. At that time economic conditions in the free
world had improved considerably, a buyer's mar-
ket emerged, and pressures for increased exports
rapidly developed. Certain of the controlled
items had decreased in importance because of
changes in technology and science, or because new
evidence had been received as to the use being
made of the item by the bloc. There was also the
need for gearing the international program for a
long-haul concept. The threat of war appeared
less iimnediate than it had been when the control
lists were first prepared.

The executive branch of our Government ap-
proved an economic defense policy which, al-
though still requiring continued controls, took
cognizance of the changed conditions by placing
controls on a more selective basis. This policy,
I should emphasize, applied only to the European
Soviet bloc. No change was made in the China
controls.

The various agencies in the Economic Defense
Advisory Committee systematically examined
each of the then 400 items which were under em-
bargo, quantitative control, or surveillance. The
other participating countries which had come to

920

Department of State Bulletin

the same conclusions about the need for an over-
haul also reviewed the lists and reached their own
views.

In March 1954 a trilateral conference involving
the United Kingdom, France, and the United
States agreed on criteria for determining the sta-
tus of each item under consideration. Soon after-
ward CocoM in Paris began a detailed review of
these items. As a result of these negotiations,
agreement was reached generally on new and
shorter lists. Certain items on which agreement
could not be achieved were left in their previous
status of control. As of now, 226 items are em-
bargoed to the European bloc.

In addition to a review of the lists, agreement
was reached on a substantial tightening of the ma-
chinery of controls. Transaction controls were
tightened among the 15 Cocom countries to pro-
hibit the sale of embargoed goods to any part of
the Sino-Soviet bloc by residents of free-world
countries regardless of the source of the goods.
More effective controls over transit trade were in-
troduced by the Cocom nations to prevent the di-
version to the bloc of embargoed items ostensibly
bound from one free-world country to another.

Thus, while there were differences of opinion,
the unity and voluntary cooperation of the 15 na-
tions continued.

Lists of Controlled Items

The foregoing relates to what is known as the
International Lists of items under control to the
bloc. The Battle Act requires that the Adminis-
trator, after full and complete consideration of
the views of the Departments of State, Defense,
and Commerce, the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration, and other appropriate agencies, shall
also determine and list the items which come
within separate provisions of the act.

We therefore have, in addition to the Inter-
national Lists of items, the lists to which the Bat-
tle Act relates. We have a list known as title I,
category A, which contains atomic-energy and
munitions items.

By the provisions of the act, if an aid-receiving
country ships them to the bloc, this aid must be
terminated. No such items have been shipped.

We have the list known as title I, category B,
which contains items of primary strategic sig-
nificance. This is the same as the international
embargo list.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION /a- STRATEGIC TRADE CONTROLS

BELGIUM \

/ GREECE

CANADA \
DENMARK \
FRANCE \
FEDERAL REPUBLIC Of GERMANY \

/ LUXEMBOURG

/ NORWAY

/ PORTUGAL

/ THE NETHERLANDS

/ TURKEY

ITALt /^^\\

Z^,.^^ UNITED KINGDOM

JAPAN / "S-^ ~^

■^J-^"^^ \ UNITED STATES

CONSULTATIVE ^

"\D'

If an aid-receiving country knowingly and will-
ingly ships any of these items to the bloc, the
President, after receiving advice from the Ad-
ministrator of the act, and after taking into ac-
count the contribution of such country to the
mutual security of the free world, the importance
of such assistance to the United States, and the im-
portance of imports received, may direct the con-
tinuance of aid to a country where unusual cir-
cumstances indicate that the cessation of aid would
clearly be detrimental to the security of the United
States.

There have been shipments of these items by
aid-recipient countries. About 75 percent of the
dollar value of such shipments were made under
an accepted interpretation of prior commitments,
that is, commitments for shipment made before
publication of the Battle Act Lists. No aid has
been terminated incident to such shipments.

Finally, there is a list known as title II, which
contains items of lesser strategic significance. The
items on this list are the same as those on the
International Lists II and III. The act provides
that aid to a recipient country shall be terminated
when the President determines that it is not ef-
fectively cooperating with the United States pur-
suant to this title of the act, or is failing to furnish
the United States information sufficient for the
President to determine that the recipient country
is effectively cooperating. No aid has been ter-
minated under the provisions of this title of the
act.

The unity of action of the free world and its
determination to retard the war-potential buildup
of the Sino-Soviet bloc become even more im-
portant when we realize the extent of the effort
being made to destroy security controls. Each of

December 5, 1955

921

the countries, including the United States, has
been constantly subjected to propaganda which
blames export controls for the low level of Soviet
trade. This propaganda invariably presents the
U.S.S.K. as a potential cornucopia of profitable
ti-ade if only the fi-ee- world nations will drop their
strategic trade controls. A study of the facts,
however, shows that this horn of plenty has un-
fortunately been little more than a loud speaker.

It is our belief, based on very comprehensive
and continuing studies, that a further reduction in
strategic trade controls would have its effect pri-
marily in the composition rather than the overall
dollar value of East- West trade. We believe that
any further reduction in the controls would result
mainly in a change in the kinds of commodities
imported by the bloc. The basic reasons for this
are the Sino-Soviet bloc's lack of marketable ex-
ports with which to pay for the free-world goods
it needs and its strong desire to obtain complete
independence from the need to import.

Free-World Trade With Sino-Soviet Bloc

The trade of the free world with the entire Sino-
Soviet bloc has been relatively low in volume. In
1947 and 1948, before international security con-
trols became effective, trade with those areas of the
world amounted to only about $2 billion in exports
and somewhat less in imports. It may reacli the
same amount this year.

However, there has been a drastic drop in the
Sino-Soviet bloc share of free-world trade since
"\^^orld War II. In 1938 the countries now in-
cluded within the bloc took for themselves 7.2
percent of that trade. In 1948, before the first
international security controls on strategic goods
became effective, that trade had already declined
to 3.5 percent. In the year preceding June 30,
1955, the bloc share was only 2.3 percent.

The U.S.S.K. individually has always had a
minor role in the field of foreign trade. Even in
1938 its proportion of world trade was only 1.6
percent. In 1948, when the Soviet Union still had
ready access to anything for which it could pay,

mPE OF FREE WOI^LP WITH 3L0C, 1947-1955

Mms of US Dollars

2.0 2.0

eo

f/gurts unadjusted forpnce
c^a/jges. do not accurately sfnw

C/^/j^ in pfrysicai ¥vlume
At reliable price imkx /s jyaihbit.
/ill 1955 hgttru ar€ prtlmnary.

'in

Deparfment of State Bulletin

sm-soyifir BLOC share

in FREE WORLP TRAPE

( Billions of U.S. Dollars )

$110.2

$158.3

USSR $07

Eastern

Europe...! 1,5
Mainland

China.„.$I.O

USSR $10

$3.98 / Europe_.$l9
— Moinlond

China.... $10

97.7^

]^(!L :

USSR..... $1.0
_ _,^ , Eoslern
$3.75 / Europe... $2.0
^.^a^^m^ Mainland
I23%1 Chino.... $07

1938

1948 July 1954-June 1955

NOTE Eastern Europe (Satellites] Atbonio, Bulgano, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Polond, Romonio

East Germany is included in 1948 and 1954-1955 but not in 1936
SOURCE Oept of Commerce

its share of free-world trade declined to 0.9 per-
cent. In the fiscal year 19.54^55, the proportion
declined again to a mere 0.6 percent.

The Eastern European countries in 1938, before
they were forcibly joined to the bloc, were a con-
siderably greater factor in world trade than the
U.S.S.R. In that year they gained 3.4 percent of
the world's foreign trade. In 1948, when the
U.S.S.R. had completed its conquest of the area,
the proportion of trade with the free world
dropped to 1.7 percent. In the year 1954-55, after
the principle of self-sufficiency and construction
of a "parallel" market had been firmly established,
their portion of free-world trade had dropped to
1.3 percent.

In the midst of war in 1938, China had a larger
share of the world's foreign trade than the
U.S.S.R. It amounted to 2.2 percent. China's
best customer then was the United States. Again
in the midst of war in 19-18, with its economy

thoroughly disrupted, the portion declined to .9
percent. In the year 1954-55, the sliare of Commu-
nist China's trade with the free world was only
.4 percent.

It should be noted, also, that between 1938 and
1955 the free world's foreign trade skyrocketed
from $41.2 billion to $158.3 billion annually. The
trade of the Sino-Soviet bloc with the free world
during the same period has never exceeded $3 to
$4 billion.

In fact, during the year preceding July 1955,
imports from the free world by the entire bloc
were about $1 billion less than imports by the
Netherlands.

The trade of the leading industrial nations of
the free world (all members of Cocom) with the
countries now composing the European Soviet
bloc has never returned to its prewar importance.
In prewar days Eastern Europe was important
particularly to the trade of Western Europe.

Oe^embet 5, 1955

923

Soviet Trade Policy

The reason for this drop in importance of East-
West trade can be traced directly to Soviet policy.
This illustrates the Soviet drive towards autarky
within the bloc, to set up a market which has been
described by Soviet leaders as isolated from and
parallel to free-woi'ld markets. The obvious aim
is to make the entire Sino-Soviet bloc independent
economically from the remainder of the world.
As a result of this policy, the postwar expansion

USSR TRAPE WtTH THE FREE WORLD ANQ
WITHIH THE SI NO -SOVIET BLOC*

tin X 0

tolal eilern

1 trade)

\

\

USSR IraM wim
CommmdtBkx

M

111' '"

~~

\

\

>

r>/

^

/

A

^^* •

^USSR

rnMb v/MM*

/

'"***•*.

**"■■"

m^^

♦Sino-Soviet Bloc includes : USSR, European Satel-
lites, Communist China. Does not include North Korea
or Northern Vietnam. Source : Trends in Economic
Growth, Joint Committee on the Economic Report, 1955.

in U.S.S.K. foreign trade has occurred almost
exclusively with the countries comprising the Sino-
Soviet bloc.

Before 1940, the U.S.S.E. devoted less than 15
percent of its external trade to the areas now com-
prising the Eastern European satellites and Com-
munist China. By 1954 the proportion had risen
to 82 percent. Thus, only 18 percent of the Soviet
Union's foreign trade was available to free- world
merchants.

Conversely, the areas of the Eastern European
satellites and Communist China gave 10 to 15 per-
cent of their total foreign trade before 1940 to
the U.S.S.R. Last year these countries as a group
devoted 53 percent of their foreign trade resources
to the U.S.S.R. and another 24 percent to trading
with each other. Thus, the satellites and Commu-
nist China limited their exchange of goods with
the free world to 23 percent of their total.

We have seen no positive evidence that this
policy of making the bloc self-sufficient has
changed i-ecently. Tlie free world has been re-
garded by the bloc primarily as a source of equip-

924

ment, technical knowledge, and commodities which
are in short supply within the bloc.

There are many other factors which inhibit trade
with the bloc. Among the most important, as I
have said previously, is the lack of marketable
exports with which to pay for the bloc's imports.
The traditional exports of those countries have
been products of the farm, forest, and mine. Yet
many of these are now being imported as a result
of the emphasis upon industrial production within
the bloc. Petroleum from the U.S.S.R. and Ru-
mania seems to have become a major export in
1954 to the free world. Some machinery has been
shipped to underdeveloped countries as part of
the Soviet drive to increase political contacts with
those comitries.

In addition, the Soviet market is a highly un-
reliable one for merchants. There is no certainty
that a newly established production line, created
to fill Soviet orders, will not be interrupted because
of a change in Soviet demands. American busi-
nessmen have in the past seen their products pur-
chased and used as prototypes for Soviet produc-
tion although these products are protected by
United States patents which the Soviet Union
refuses to recognize. Soviet political decisions
are reflected all too frequently in their own trade
embargoes. There is no need to recount the So-
viet action in Yugoslavia in 1948.

These are only a few of the difficulties which,
because of Soviet policies, hinder trade with the
free world. These difficulties in trading with the
Soviet bloc have very little to do with the se-
curity controls. As I said earlier, the Soviets have
available to them a vast and relatively untapped
supermarket of peaceful goods which they can buy
at will, provided, of course, they are willing to de-
vote their resources to pay for these goods.

In summary, I would like to emphasize:

Strategic controls of a selective nature are im-
portant and necessary to deprive the bloc of the
kinds of goods it needs to build up its war potential
industry.

Strategic controls have been only a minor factor
in causing the low volume of postwar East-West
trade. This trade has always been low in rela-
tion to total world trade.

The bloc's own policies have had a great effect
in limiting East-West trade.

If the bloc in Europe is in earnest about increas-
ing trade in peaceful goods, it has more than ample
opportunity to do so.

Department of State Bulletin

Tripartite Statement
on East-West Contacts

Following is the text of an agreed tripartite
statement issued at Geneva on November 15 at the
conclusion of the discussions on item 3 {East-West
contacts) of the agenda of the Foreign Ministers
Conference.

Observations on the Proceedings of the Con-
ference Committee on East- West Contacts
BY THE United Kingdom, French, and United
States Delegations

1. The Foreign Ministers of the Four Powers
instructed their Experts to "study measures, in-
cluding those possible in organs and agencies of
the United Nations, which could :-

(a) bring about a progressive elimination of
barriers which interfere with free commu-
nications and peaceful trade between
peoples,

and

(b) bring about such freer contacts and ex-
changes as are to the mutual advantage of
the comitries and peoples concerned."

2. The Experts formed two Working Groups,

one dealing with exchanges of ideas, infor-
mation and pereons and the other dealing
with questions of peaceful trade. Between
them, the Committee of Experts and the two
working Groups held 18 meetings from No-
vember 2 to November 10. They examined
the proposals tabled by the French Foreign
Minister on behalf of the Three Western
Powers on October 31,^ and the draft resolu-
tion tabled by the Soviet Foreign Minister
on the same day.^

Elimination of Barriers

3. Unfortunately no significant progress was
made. The Soviet delegation were unwilling to
consider the progressive elimination of the bar-
riers which interfere with free commmiications
and peaceful trade.

4. The only barriers the Soviet delegation were
prepared to discuss were the Western controls on
the export of strategic goods and alleged inter-
ference with the freedom of navigation of Soviet

^ Bulletin of Nov. 14, 1955, p. 778.
'Ibid., p. 779.

vessels in the China Seas. The Western delega-
tions reiterated that the controls exercised by
the Western countries on exports of certain
strategic goods are maintained for their own secu-
rity. The fact that these controls are not nego-
tiable was clearly and deliberately recognized in
Item III of the Directive which covers only
"peaceful" trade. The Western delegations
showed that the situation in the China Seas was
irrelevant since the specific matters complained of
by the Soviet delegation either were outside the
responsibility of any of the three Western Powers
or, as in the case of the refusal to provide fuel
to vessels carrying strategic goods to Communist
China, followed from the United Nations Resolu-
tion of May 18, 1951.

5. The barriers to the free movement of persons
and to the free communication of ideas and infor-
mation, which the Western delegations wished to
see removed, were listed among the 17 points con-
tained in the Western proposals of October 31.
The chief barriers are :

censorship,

jamming,

the artificial rate of exchange of the rouble,

restrictions on foreign journalists,

restrictions on diplomatic missions.

6. The Soviet Delegation showed no readiness
to consider the Western proposals on these matters,
which they declared to be of purely domestic con-
cern to the Soviet Union, or matters which should
be discussed bilaterally but not at the Four Power
Conference. Sometimes they argued, in spite of
evidence to the contrary, that Soviet actions were
justified by Western actions; for example, that
jamming was justified by the content of Western
broadcasts. The Western Powers replied that
systematic jamming had no relation to content
and that no progress could be made towards co-
operation in broadcasting until systematic jam-
ming ceased.

Positive Western Proposals

7. Tlie Western Delegations put forward a num-
ber of jjositive proposals to bring about freer
contacts and exchanges to the mutual advantage of
their countries and peoples. To none of these
proposals did they receive a satisfactory reply.
This was particularly the case with all proposals
which would result in more individual contacts.
The Soviet Delegation suggested that certain of

December 5, 1955

925

the Western proposals slioukl be the subject of
bilateral negotiations; but they refused to express
approval, even in principle, of the most important
measures proposed.

8. In putting forward their proposals, the West-
ern Delegations took into account the contribution
which could be made by the organs and agencies
of the United Nations in putting into effect the
measures envisaged.

9. To the Western proposal for agreement in
principle to the early establishment of direct air
links between the Soviet Union and Western na-
tions, the Soviet delegation returned a negative
answer.

10. The Soviet Delegation suggested that the
text of Mr. Molotov's draft resolution might serve
as a basis for general agreement on Item III. The
Western delegations pointed out that those parts
of it which could be considered to fall within
the terms of the Directive consisted of generalised
statements of good intention which would re-
quire the four Governments to extend only the
group exchanges which are already a character-
istic feature of existing contacts between the So-
viet and Western peoples. The Western Delega-
tions naturally welcomed such exchanges, but can-
not regard them as an adequate fulfillment of the
instruction in the Directive.

Development of Peaceful Trade

11. Tlie Western delegations demonstrated that
the strategic export controls cover only a small
part of the trade field and that there is freely
available to the Soviet Union a wide area of peace-
ful trade of which, however, her monopoly buying
and selling organisations take only meagre advan-
tage. The wide opportunities for trade made
available by the West compare very favourably
with the rigid control over all aspects of foreign
trade wliich is still exercised by the Soviet Union.
The prime requirement for any worthwhile expan-
sion in peaceful EastAVest trade must be the dis-
carding of the policy of self-sufficiency which the
Soviet Union has applied since the 1930s.

12. Nevertheless, the Western Powers offered
to consider sympathetically any proposals which
the Soviet delegation might put forward as being
likely to lead to a mutually beneficial develop-

ment of the peaceful trade. This offer elicited
no positive response. The Western Powers them-
selves put forward a number of specific proposals
of a modest nature, the acceptance of which would
do something to help trade expand. Among these
were that it should be made less difficult and less
expensive for Western traders to visit and reside
in the Soviet Union; that facilities for the pro-
tection of industrial property, including patents,
parallel to those available in the West, should be
provided; and that there should be a more gen-
erous publication of statistics and trade data as
is the case in Western countries. None of these
specific proposals elicited any positive response
from the Soviet delegation.

U.S. Support for Baghdad Pact

Statement hy Waldemar Gallman
Amliassador to Iraq ^

I wish first of all to convey to you the thanks of
my Government for the invitation which you have
extended to it to maintain liaison with the work
of the Baghdad Pact Council now through ob-
servers and later through permanent political and
military liaison.

On February 25 of this year, immediately after
the signing of the Baghdad Pact, my Government
publicly welcomed it as an expression of the col-
lective will of the Middle Eastern States to protect
the area against possible aggression and at the
same time expressed its belief that the pact prom-
ised to make a positive contribution toward greater
security and peace in the Middle East. Since
that time my Government has reiterated its sup-
port of the pact on a number of occasions. Our
presence here this morning serves as still further
evidence of the continuing interest of the U.S. in
the pact and its objectives.

My American colleagues and I are very happy
to join you here at this historic session.

' Made on Nov. 21 at Baghdad before the Baghdad
Pact Council. Ambassador Gallman attended the Coun-
cil meeting as special political observer for the United
States and has been designated to maintain continuing
political liaison with the organization; see Bulletin of
Nov. 28, 1955, p. 895.

926

Department nf State Bulletin

A Businessman in International Relations

by R. Douglas Stuart
Ambassador to Canada '

I have been asked to speak to you on "A Busi-
nessman in International Relations." I feel, how-
ever, that you already are fully aware of the very
great significance of the businessman in that role,
and I know that one of the four primary goals
of Rotary is stated in part to be "the advancement
of international understanding and good will and
peace."

The success which Rotary has achieved in the
accomplishment of this splendid objective has long
been recognized. I remember seeing several years
before the war a book edited by a Professor Angus
of the University of British Columbia. It was
entitled Canada and Her Great Neighbor and con-
sisted of an analysis by Canadian experts of the
opinions and attitudes of various groups in Can-
ada and the United States toward the other
country.

The book spoke of Rotary as a rather major
continuing force in the promotion of infonnal in-
tercourse between our two countries and showed
that the Rotary Clubs did very effective work in
bringing men fi'om the United States and Canada
together. A prominent Canadian businessman
who has held many executive offices in your organ-
ization was quoted as saying that in his work with
Rotary he had made warm and lasting friendships
with many Americans. He assigned great impor-
tance to these relations. The inference was that
the contacts fostered by Rotary on both sides of
the border developed into bonds of sympathy and
consequently of strength between Canada and the
United States.

' Address made before the Winnipeg Rotary Club at
Winnipeg, Manitoba, on Oct. 26.

Today, perhaps as much as any time in this cen-
tury, there is need for such \inderstanding if the
present close relationship is t*3 continue and if we
are to stand in the future, as we have in the jsast,
as an example of unity in a very troubled world.

I was very much impress(.'d by a speech given
last spring by your distinguished Secretary of
State for External Affairs. Mr. Pearson reviewed
the difficult and complex relationship between our
two countries and stressed the point that, because
the relations are closer than ever, it is more nec-
essary than ever before to work conscientiously
to maintain them on a friendly and cordial basis.
As Mr. Pearson so well expressed it: "Neighbor-
hood in itself is merely a fact; good neighbor-
hood is an achievement." The Secretary con-
cluded his speech by saying.

The days of relatively easy and automatic relationships
between our two countries are over. But I also am more
firmly of the view than ever that these relationships and
bonds have become closer and more important to both
countries than ever before. To do what it can to insure
that this development will take place in friendship, and
in mutual respect and understanding, is the most impor-
tant problem of Canada's foreign policy today.

Mr. Pearson referred to the maintenance of
friendship, mutual respect, and understanding be-
tween our two countries as a problem. It must
be recognized as such — not because of the differ-
ences between us but because of the similarities.

The basic fact of all relationships, whether they
are between nation and nation or individual and
individual, is that one cannot take — must not
take — friendship for granted. We in the United
States, I can assure you, value the cordial atti-
tude existing between our two countries and do
not take — as we are sometimes accused of doing —

December 5, 1955

927

either our relationship or your country or the Ca-
nadians themselves for granted.

Our Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, re-
cently said.

As between free nations, there is never the need of total
agreement, but there is always the need of mutual respect.

Each country must have at all times a clear and
full appreciation of the dignity, the importance,
and the validity of the opinions of the other. As
separate nations, it is inevitable that we cannot
always agree ; but it is imperative that each should
give serious consideration to and respect the point
of view of the other. The primary task of each
of our two Governments and of the individual citi-
zens of both countries is to make the maximum
contribution possible to a complete agreement be-
tween our two nations so that their unity will be
based not only on need and the accident of geog-
raphy but on mutual liking and respect.

Many important aspects of our relationships are
regulated by bilateral treaties or agreements, and
the magnitude of these relationships has required
the establishment of a number of joint bodies and
commissions. They have done much to foster the
agreement to which I have referred.

Of unique interest is our Cabinet-level Joint
U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade and Economic
Affairs. This is composed of your Secretary of
State for External Affairs and your Ministers of
Trade and Commerce, Finance, and Agriculture.
The United States is represented by our Secre-
taries of State, Treasury, Agriculture, and Com-
merce. This committee provides a kind of senior
forum where important economic problems be-
tween the two countries are discussed frankly and
considered at the highest level. The last meet-
ing of this committee was held in Ottawa about 3
weeks ago.^ I was privileged to attend its ses-
sions and was gratified to note the cordiality of
tlie atmosphere in which the talks took place. The
fact that the various participants set forth their
views frankly, bluntly, and forcibly did nothing
to impair this cordiality.

Aside from government, there is the closest pos-
sible association between the two countries in such
fields as culture, science, industry, labor, and
sports.

'For text of joint communique issued at Ottawa on
Sept. 26, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1955, p. 576.

Importance of Individual Contacts

But these all are official or unofficial groups
or organizations. Of equal if not greater im-
portance are the 140,000 citizens from both coun-
tries who on the average cross the border every
day. Each of these in his own way, by his own
actions, can and should contribute something to
the unity of feeling and understanding between
our two countries.

The great and beloved American humorist. Will
Rogers, once said, "I never knew a man I didn't
like." It seems to me that this statement, while
simple, is quite profound.

This great number of visitors is increasing, I
feel, because peace and prosperity are crops which
are harvested by increased international travel.
Travel from one country to another is not only
an indication of peace and good will, but it pro-
duces a chain reaction — the greater the volume of
travel, the more people know about other coun-
tries and their peoples, the less become the prej-
udices, and the greater the prospects of lasting
peace. It is not too much to say that every traveler
is a potential teacher and ambassador of good
will.

It is my firm belief, which I am sure you must
share, that nothing accelerates mutual respect and
friendship like personal association and under-
standing. A theoretical knowledge of other peo-
ples and countries can never take the place of
knowledge gained by actual experience. In the
words of Dr. Samuel Johnson, "The use of travel
is to regulate the imagination with reality and,
instead of thinking of how things may be, to see
them as they are."

Economic Problems

In another speech last month Mr. Pearson com-
mented tliat the day-to-day problems between
Canada and the United States are now more nu-
merous and more complicated than with any other
single country.

Most of these problems, I believe, are in the eco-
nomic field ; and although, as I mentioned before,
a number of boards and committees have been or-
ganized by our two Governments to deal with
matters of mutual concern, these enter into the
picture only to a relatively small extent. By and
large, our day-to-day economic relationships are
handled by and are dependent on individual busi-
nessmen.

928

Deparfmenf of Sfafs Bulletin

This is a very real responsibility. The extent to
whicla tliis responsibility has been carried out,
however, is indicated by the results of a public
opinion poll taken earlier this year. A number of
Canadian and U.S. executives, representing a
cross section of major U.S. business and indus-
trial enterprises, were asked what points, in their
opinion, "the U.S. and Canada get along best on."
Out of a long list of items, "Dealings Between
Companies'' came second to the top, running close
behind "Hemisphere Defense." The results of
this poll indicated to tlie agency which conducted
it that some of the strongest links between the two
countries are forged from business relationships.

It is essential that these bonds should be main-
tained. It goes without saying that we cannot
always agree, but certainly we can do our best to
understand each other. A certain amount of
provocation on either side is to be expected. It is
difficult to be patient at all times; it is human
nature to blame the other fellow; it is easy to
criticize. Yet an impatient utterance, a careless
criticism, could be a minute but significant step in
building up an atmosphere of tension between our
two countries. This is something that must be
avoided.

Some Canadian businessmen are extremely criti-
cal of U.S. Government actions in the economic
field, and their criticism is reflected in rather sharp
and sometimes unintentionally misleading articles
in the press. As a rule, the obvious benefits of our
economic relationships usually are taken for
granted by the press while attention is centered
on threats of impending danger, difHculties, and
discriminations which in many cases fail to ma-
terialize. I suppose that it is the nature of the
press to consider a threat as a "hot" item whei-eas
the alleviation of the threat has little news value.
I have in mind the announcement last month of
the removal of our restriction on imports of oats
and barley ^ which was practically ignored by the
press.

Another example is the issue of the liardboard
rider which was a point of considerable irritation
between our two countries several months ago.
You may recall that our Senate Finance Commit-
tee attempted to attach a rider to a wholly irrele-
vant bill. This rider would have resulted in a
reclassification of hardboard and a subsequent

' IhiiJ., Oct. 3, 1955, p. 543.
December 5, 1955

367846—55 3

doubling of the present U.S. duty on that item.
The Canadian press attacked the U.S. with great
vigor when the rider was under consideration.
However, when it was defeated — largely as a re-
sult of the personal intervention of President
Eisenhower — there was very little acknowledg-
ment of this, or of the broader fact that the present
acbninistration in the United States is "on the side
of the angels" insofar as a liberal trade policy is
concerned, despite a few minor but highly publi-
cized exceptions.

There is a widespread impression in this coun-
try that Canada has a practical monopoly insofar
as liberalization of trade policy goes. I would
like to point out, however, that the position of the
present acbninistration in the United States has
been consistently favorable toward a less restric-
tive trade policy and that the administration has
taken many actions in support of this position.

In the U.S., under our system of government,
administration policies may be, and frequently
are, modified and even nullified by congressional
action. The move in the United States toward
liberalization of foreign trade has been well de-
fined and clearly established. It may receive tem-
porary setbacks, but the forward movement con-
tinues.

In spite of the best efforts of the administration
to maintain a consistent position, there always will
be producers and manufacturers in the U.S. who
will feel that they require, and therefore will de-
mand, more protection. Certainly in some in-
stances it will be granted. This, however, is a
phenomenon with which you in Canada are having
some experience.

The attitude of the Canadian press is interest-
ing : When the U.S. raises a tariff on some item,
it is called a "betrayal" of our administration's
avowed position ; when a tariff is raised in Canada,
it is only a "correction" that has been made.

It is important to remember, however, that in
the last 25 years the trend in the United States —
with minor exceptions — has been in the direction
of progressive tariff reduction and simplification.
Tlie Democratic Party had always been considered
the low-tariff party and the Republican Party,
the high-tariff party. Today there is little dis-
tinction between the two in that respect. Both
are on record as favoring liberalization of U.S.
foreign trade policy. During administrations
controlled by both parties, the record has been

929

supported by specific action. Certainly, if the
views of the leaders of our present administration
prevail, the continuance of such a foreign trade
policy is assured.

U.S. Use of "Escape Clause"

While I am on this general subject, I would like
to touch on two matters that have been the subject
of much adverse comment in Canada : the U.S. use
of so-called "escape clauses," and the implementa-
tion of our policy for the disposal of agricultural
surpluses.

One heai-s a great deal about the invocation of
our so-called escape clause provisions. The wide-
spread fear of the escape clause cannot, however,
be justified by actual experience. Of the approxi-
mately 3,000 commodities on which tariff conces-
sions have been gi-anted by the United States in the
last 8 years or so, only 61 have been the subject of
an application for escape clause action. Of these,
only 16 cases were finally referred to the President
by the Tariff Commission, and in only 6 instances
did the President decide to invoke the escape
clause. Incidentally, since the beginning of the
present administration, which came into power
nearly 3 years ago, only three restrictive actions
have been taken by the United States as a result
of invocation of our escape clause. These involved
alsike clover seed, watches, and bicycles.

It puzzled me to see how much interest was
created in Canada by our action in raising the
tariff on lightweight bicycles.* The U.S. was, as
usual, castigated, and the Toronto Financial Post
reported our action under the felicitous headline,
"Protectionism Kides Again." The actual in-
crease amounted to 88 cents apiece for lightweight
bicycles and $1.25 for other types. I have been
told that, even with the increased rate, the U.S.
most-favored-nation tariff on this item is less than
the equivalent Canadian duty. The principal
countries affected have been informed that the
U.S. is prepared to consider requests for compen-
sation consistent with Gatt. In my opinion, the
small increase in the tariff on bicycles, both light-
and heavy weight, will have little or no effect on
the demand for imported bicycles.

It is significant to note that the action taken by
the President was less than that recommended by
the Tariff Commission, and that the President's

* Ibid., Sept. 5, 1955, p. 399.
930

statement of his position reiterated the funda-
mentals of the administration's trade policies.
One other noteworthy aspect of this case was that
the decision was not made without long and care-
ful study, including a request for a supplementary
report by the Tariff Commission. This was sig-
nificant because it indicated that top-level U.S.
Government officials had interested themselves
over a long period of time in a matter involving
international trade of a relatively minor nature.
As I said, the escape clause has been used very
sparingly, and a wider knowledge of the policies
governing the President's decision in escape clause
cases should help to dispel much of the uncertainty
and the resulting fear of this type action.

Disposal of Farm Surpluses

Eelated to foreign trade is the question of the
disposal by the U.S. Government of farm sur-
pluses. The Canadian Government feels that its
normal commercial marketings are being inter-
fered with by the U.S. disposal program. To
what extent this is true, it is difficult to say. The
problem of agricultural surpluses is becoming
more acute in both of our countries, and it is one
which is exceedingly difficult to solve — even with
the greatest good will on both sides.

The United States certainly is doing every-
thing possible to correct this situation and to re-
duce the magnitude of the surplus problem — par-
ticularly insofar as wheat is concerned, the item
of most interest to Canadians. During the past 4
years, the United States has reduced its harvested
wheat acreage by 34 percent. During tlie com-
parable period Canada has reduced her seeded
wheat acreage by only 17 percent. The U.S. re-
duction during this period amounted to 24 million
acres ; Canada's, to 41/0 million acres. While the
figures are not exactly comparable, still they are
the best obtainable. In any event, this is a sub-
ject which is being given most careful considera-
tion by both countries at the present time. As you
know, a group of Canadian experts were in AVash-
ington last week exploring this general subject,
and I know that their visit has resulted in a better
knowledge of the problem faced by both countries.

But perhaps I have been emphasizing too much
the difficulties and problems. There is, I am
proud to say, a kinship between us as nations and
as peoples based not only on the ties of history,
geography, and our common heritage in the de-

Department of State Bulletin

velopmeiit of the North American Continent but
also in the identity of our spiritual and moral
values, our dedication to freedom and justice, and,
in particular, the impoi'tance which we attach to
the individual as a human being.

We have in addition a common devotion to
freedom, fair play, and honesty. I should be dis-
loyal to my Scottish ancestors if I neglected to
mention also the important homely virtues of hard
work and thrift. We both recognize that a spirit-
ual foundation is the only enduring basis for a
healthy society.

I^t us not forget that, in this menaced world,
Canada and the United States are two of the major
citadels of freedom. We as citizens and as busi-
ness and professional men have tremendous re-
sponsibilities to protect and maintain our way of
life, a way of life which has produced more for
more people than any other form of government
in the history of the world. Both Canada and
the United States are true democracies, guarding
zealously the freedom and rights of their people.

Canada has been very important in the life of
my family and myself. My father was born in
Canada; I started my business life in Canada and
spent many happy years here as a businessman,
on holidays, and now as the representative of the
United States. I have traveled and worked in
Canada during much of my lifetime. I have al-
ways been an interested observer of your swiftly
moving political and economic currents. Year by
year I have been impressed by the growth of your
economic strength, which is matched by, but is not
the cause of, your increasing prestige in the field
of international affairs.

I believe in the future of your country as I do
in the future of my own. I am confident that
there are no serious problems which may arise
which cannot be settled by men of good will, com-
monsense, and integrity. It is essential, however,
that we all exercise those qualities of constructive
imagination and comprehension which are essen-
tial to the maintenance and strengthening of the
ties between us.

Individual business and professional men, par-
ticularly members of an international organiza-
tion such as the Rotary Club, have a particular
responsibility. They must deal with our common
problems with patience and objectivity and with
a deep understanding. They must insure that
these problems do not become a source of mutual

irritation, that they do not grow to unmanageable
jiroportions and thereby weaken the bonds be-
tween us.

Perhaps I am sentimental, but I have a deep and
abiding conviction that, without losing our iden-
tity as separate nations, Canada and the United
States have a common destiny on this continent
and in the world and that, through the combined
efforts of each of us, that destiny can and will be
fulfilled.

Current Treaty Actions

MULTILATERAL

Agriculture

luternational plant protection convention. Done at Rome
December 6, 1951. Entered into force April 3, 1952.'
Ratification deposited: Portugal, October 20, 1955.

Automotive Traffic

Convention concerning customs^ facilities for touring.

Done at New York .Tune 4, 1954."

Accession deposited: Denmark, October 13, 1955.
Customs convention on temporary importation of private

road vehicles. Done at New York .Tune 4, 1954."

Aerexsion deposited : Denmark, October 13, 1955.

North Atlantic Treaty

Agreement between the parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty for cooperation regarding atomic information.
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.^
Sotification of heing hotind by terms of the agreement:

France, November 14, 1955 : Belgium, November 21,

19.55.

Trade and Commerce

Fourth protocol of rectitications and modifications to an-
nexes and text of schedules to the General Agreement

on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva March V, 1955.^

Signature: Burma, November 1, 1955.
Agreement on the Organization for Trade Cooperation.

Done at Geneva March 10, 1955.'

Signature: Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, No-
vember 4, 1955.^
Declaration on continued application of schedules to the

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at

Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force March 10,

1955.

Signature: Burma, November 1, 1955.
Protocol of organizational amendments to the General

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva

March 10, 1955.

Signatures: Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,
November 4, 1955 ; New Zealand, November 7, 1955.
Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX

of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done

at Geneva March 10. 1955.^

Signatures: Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,
November 4, 1955 : New Zealand, November 7, 19.55.
Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of the

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at

Geneva March 10, 1955.'

' Not in force for the United States.

- Not in force.

' Signed ad referendum.

December 5, 1955

931

Siffnaturea : Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, No-
vember 4, 1955 ; New Zealand, November 7, 1955.
Protocol of terms of accession of Japan to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annex A (sched-
ules of the Contracting Parties) and annex B (schedule
of Japan ) . Done at Geneva June 7, 1955. Entered into
force September 10, 1955.
Signature: Burma, November 1, 1955.
Notiflcution of intention to apply concessions received:
Burma, November 1, 1955.
Protocol of rectllieatlon to French text of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva June
15, 1955.'

Signatures: Burma, November 1, 1955 ; Finland, Novem-
ber 3, 1955 : Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,
November 4, 1955 ; Greece, November 7, 1955.

BILATERAL

Brazil

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954 (68 Stat. 454, 455). Signed at Rio de Janeiro No-
vember 16, 1955. Entered into force November 16, 1955.

Canada

Agreement for the relocation of the part of Roosevelt
Bridge which crosses Cornwall South Channel along
the St. Lawrence Seaway. Effected by exchange of

notes at Ottawa November 16 and 17, 1955. Enters into
force on a date to be fixed by the two Governments.

Panama

Agreement extending agreement for a cooperative program
of health and sanitation In Panama of February 26,
1951 (TIAS 2220), as modified and .supplemented.
Signed at PanamS, April 14, 1955. Entered into force
April 14, 1955.

Agreement extending agreement for a cooperative agri-
culture program of June 30, 19.52 (TIAS 2603), as sup-
plemented. Signed at Panama April 23, 1955. Entered
into force April 23, 1955.

Agreement extending agreement for a cooperative program
in education of September 22 and October 10, 1950 (TIAS
2234) . Effected by exchange of notes at Panama March
24 and April 30, 1955. Entered into force April 30, 1955.

U.S.S.R.

Agreement providing for the exchange of medical films.
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington March 17
and September 5, 1955. Entered into force September
5, 1955.

United Kingdom

Agreement for the construction and operation of a weather
station at Betlo Island (Gilbert and Ellice Islands
Colony ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Washington
November 15, 1955. Entered into force November 15,
1955.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Calendar of Meetings'

Adjourned During November 1955

Postal Union of the Americas and Spain: 7th Congress

South Pacific Commission: 14th Session

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 43d Annual

Meeting.

International Wheat Council: 18th Session

International Wheat Conference

Meeting of Foreign Ministers of France, Union of Soviet Socialist

Republics, United Kingdom, and United States.

IcAO Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting

Fao Council: 22d Session

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 3d Meeting . .
Ad Hoc Working Party on Draft C!onvention for the Protection of

Performing Artists, Manufacturers of Phonograph Records,

and Broadcasting Organizations.
U.N. EcAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Planning:

1st Meeting.

Fao Conference: 8th Session

International Wool Study Group: 6th Meeting

UNESCO Executive Board: 42d Session

U.N. EcAFE Working Party on Small-Scale Industries and Handicraft

Marketing (Ceramic Products).

Bogota Oct. 13-Nov. 9

Noumea (New Caledonia) . . Oct. 22-Nov. 8

Copenhagen Oct. 24^ Nov. 1

Geneva Oct. 2&-Nov. 16

Geneva Oct. 26-Nov. 16

Geneva Oct. 27- Nov. 16

Manila Oct. 27-Nov. 25

Rome Oct. 28-Nov. 2

Tokvo Oct. 31-Nov. 5

Geneva Oct. 31-Nov. 8

Bangkok Oct. 31-Nov. 12

Rome Nov. 4-25

London Nov. 8-11

Paris Nov. 9-30

Bangkok Nov. 14-21

^ Prepared in the OflBee of International Conferences, Nov. 22, 1955. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Follow-
ing is a list of abbreviations : Icao, International Civil Aviation Organization ; Fao, Food and Agriculture Organ-
ization ; U.N., United Nations ; Ecafe, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East ; Unesco, United Nations
Educational. Scientific and Cultural Organization; Ilo, International Labor Organization; Ecosoc, Economic and
Social Coimcil ; Gatt, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade ; Ece, Economic Commission for Europe ; Nato, North
Atlantic Treaty Organization ; Who, World Health Organization ; Wmo, World Meteorological Organization ; Iru,
International Telecommunication Union ; Ccit, Comity consultatif international t^l^graphique ; Ccir, Comit^ consul-
tatif international t^l^phonique.

932

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

Calendar of Meetings — Continued

Adjourned During November 1955 — Continued

Ilo Governing Body: 130th Session Geneva Nov. 15-18

U.N. EcAFB Highway Subcommittee of the Inland Transport Com- Manila Nov. 21-28

mittee.

1st International Congress on Documentation of Applied Chemistry . London Nov. 22-25

International Sugar Council: Statistical Committee London Nov. 23-24

International Sugar Council: Executive Committee London Nov. 25-26

Fag Council: 23d Session Rome Nov. 26 (1 day)

Inter-Parliamentarv Union: Executive Council New Delhi Nov. 28-30

U.N. Ecosoc Technical Assistance Committee New York Nov. 28-30

In Session as of November 30, 1955

U.N. General Assembly: 10th Session New York Sept. 20-

Gatt Contracting Parties: 10th Session Geneva Oct. 27-

International Exposition on "The Child in the World" Rome Nov. 1-

Silver Jubilee Fair in Celebration of the 25th .\nniversary of the Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) . . . Nov. 5-

Coronatiou of the Emperor.

Permanent Inter-American Committee on Social Security: 7th Mexico, D.F Nov. 22-

Meeting.

International Association of Social Security: 12th General As- Mexico, D.F Nov. 23-

sembly.

U.N. EcE Electric Power Committee and Working Parties . . . . Geneva Nov. 24-

2d International Fair and Exposition of Colombia. Bogotd. Nov. 25-

International Sugar Council: 6th Session London Nov. 28-

Ilo Asian Technical Conference on Vocational Training for In- Rangoon Nov. 28-

dustrv.

North Pacific Fur Seal Conference Washington Nov. 28-

U.N. Ecosoc Commission on International Commodity Trade: Geneva Nov. 28-

Resumed 2d Session.

1st European Civil Aviation Conference Strasbourg Nov. 29-

Sclieduled December 1, 1955-February 29, 1956

UNESCO Conference on Cultural Relations and International Co- Paris Dec. 1-

operation.

Caribbean Commission: 21st Meeting Aruba (Netherlands Antilles) . Dec. 5-

Fao International Rice Commission: 6th Meeting of Working Penang (Malaya) Dec. 5-

Party on Fertilizers and 6th Meeting of Working Party on Rice

Breeding.

U.N. Economic and Social Council: Resumed 20th Session . . . New York Dec. 5-

U.N. Seminar on Population Problems in Latin .\merica .... Rio de Janeiro Dec. 5-

U.N. EcE Steel Committee: 15th Session Geneva Dec. 8-

Inter-American Travel Congresses: 1st Meeting of Technical Com- Washington Dec. 12-

mittee on Travel Plant and Facilities.

Nato: Ministerial Meeting of the Council Paris Dec. 15-

Ciudad Trujillo International Fair Ciudad Trujillo (Dominican Re- Dec. 20-

public).

U.N. Trusteeship Council: Standing Committee on Petitions . . New York Jan. 3*-

U.N. Trusteeship Council: Standing Committee on Administrative New York Jan. 3*-

Unions.

U.N. Ecosoc Human Rights Commission: Subcommission on Pre- New York Jan. 3-

vention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities.

U.N. EcAFE Inland Transport Committee: 5th Session Bangkok Jan. (V

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 17th Session New York Jan. 9-

Royal Agricultural and Food Exhibition Colombo (Ceylon) Jan. 12-

Inter-.\merican Travel Congresses: 2d Meeting of Executive Com- Lima Jan. 16-

mittee.

Who Executive Board: 17th Session Geneva Jan. 17-

U.N. Refugee Fund: 2d Meeting of Program Subcommittee . . . Geneva Jan. 18-

Gatt: 4th Round of Tariff Negotiations Geneva Jan. 18-

Working Level Meeting on the Draft Statute of the International Washington Jan. 23-

Atomic Energy Agency.

Pan .\merican Highway Congress: Technical Committee on Fi- Caracas Jan. 23-

nances.

U.N. Refugee Fund: 2d Session of Executive Committee .... Geneva Jan. 23-

Caribbean Commission/FAo: Technical Conference on Coopera- Georgetown (British Guiana) . . Jan. 24-

tives.

U.N. EcAFE Committee on Industry and Trade: 8th Session . . . Bangalore (India) Jan. 24-

Inter-.\merican Institute of Agricultural Sciences: 1st Meeting of Turrialba (Costa Rica) .... January or Feb-

Technical Advisory Council. ruary.

December 5, 1955 933

Calendar of Meetings — Continued

Scheduled December 1, 1955-February 29, 1956 — Continued

U.N. Economic Commission for A.sia and the Far East: 12th Ses- Bangalore (India') Feb. 2-

sion.

Ilo Building, Civil Engineering, and Public Works Committee: Geneva Feb. 13-

5th Session.

Wmo International Hurricane Seminar Ciudad Trujlllo (Dominican Re- Feb. 16-

public).

U.N. Ecosoc Committee on Nongovernmental Organizations . . . New York Feb. 27-

Itit: Chairmen of Seven Ccit and Ccif Study Groups Geneva Feb. 29-

Progress and Problems in World Agriculture

Statement by Ezra Taft Benson
Secretary of Agriculture ^

The 10 years since the birth of Fao have been
momentous years. They mark a decade of agri-
cultural progress unmatched in history. In some
instances Fao has had a direct part in helping
bring about this advancement; in other instances,
Fao has been a mirror, bringing this progress into
view. And even above these workaday roles, Fao
has stood out as a living symbol of mankind's de-
sire and ability to work together harmoniously in
solving problems of food, clothing, and shelter.

I believe it is one of the great truths of political
science and of human behavior that a government
cannot successfully do for people what they are
unwilling to do for themselves. Similarly, Fao
cannot do for nations what nations are unwilling
to attempt for themselves. The finest work of
Fao, it seems to me, lies not in doing things for
people but in inspiring, encouraging, and assisting
people to do things for themselves. In this re-
gard, I have no reservation regarding the chapter
of history written by Fao since its founding. And
I have no doubt that Fao will continue and im-
prove upon this helpful role in the years that lie
ahead.

As we meet today, we are conscious that a kindly
Providence has been good to us. Our problems to-

' Prepared for deliver.v before the Conference of the
Food and Agriculture Orsanization at Rome ; read to the
Conference by Assistant Secretary of Agriculture Earl L,
Butz on Nov. 8,

day are not so much concerned with how our farms
can produce enough as with how we can success-
fully distribute their abundant production. Time
goes by rapidly, for it wa.s less than a decade ago,
as you met in Copenhagen, that one of your con-
ference documents rejiorted, "A major food crisis
still confronts the world."
And your documents on that occasion also said :

Many people have been living for five and six years on
a subnormal diet and the cumulative effects are now be-
coming apparent. . . . The prospective situation in def-
icit countries in the coming months is such as to warrant
an immediate tightening of controls and food economy
measures in all countries and a reconsideration by exijort-
ing countries of the quantities they feel able to make avail-
able for shipment.

We can be thankful that those grim days have
been left behind. The recovery from the damages
of war is a credit to the people of all of your coun-
tries. In that excellent report by Fao, The State
of Food and Agriculture 1955^ this one sentence
tells a great story of human determination and
effort :

The progress achieved in some areas in building and
exijanding agricultural production was in fact remarkable.

This 1955 report is realistic in that it does not
infer that all the problems of production are
solved. In many areas, among many people, the

" Copies of the report may be obtained from the Interna-
tional Documents Service, Columbia University Press,
2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. : price, $2.50.

934

Department of State Bulletin

endless quest for bare subsistence goes on t'loni
sunrise to sunset. Despite this ever-present need,
however, and as the report so clearly indicates, we
now face a time when a new chapter of agricultural
history must be written. The new and even greater
challenge is that of distribution. Where we as a
community of nations are falling short is not so
much in applying technology to our individual
agricultural economies as in trading agricultural
products, both within and acioss our national
boundaries.

None of us wishes to belittle the need for con-
tinued progress in agricultural production. Effi-
cient production is the companion of effective dis-
tribution. We must make sure, however, that
these two go hand in hand.

It is a fact that the economic problems of life
are hard to visualize and difficult to rationalize.
But they must be dealt with. The direction, the
effectiveness, and the continued welfare of agricul-
ture of each of our countries depend on this.

In the years that lie ahead, it would appear that
Fag has three great and outstanding opportuni-
ties to be of service to its member nations. None
of the activities that I should like to mention is
new to the organization — only, perhaps, the degree
of emphasis is new. I shall not attempt to list
these opportunities in any fancied order of impor-
tance, for each is important in itself.

First, there is technical assistance. Second,
there is the job of gathering, analyzing, and dis-
seminating information on world agricultural sit-
uations and trends. And third, there is the task
N of encouraging trade liberalization.

I should like to take these up one at a time.

FAO Contributions to Technical Assistance

The many contributions of Fao to technical as-
sistance are well known. This work must be con-
tinued. Technical assistance, however, like agri-
culture itself, is a growing, constantly changing
thing. Where one type of program needed em-
phasis last year, another may need emphasis in the
years ahead.

We are all aware of, and highly thankful for, the
teclmological progress being made by the world's
agriculture. But greater emphasis is needed in
certain related ways. The internal problems of
distribution jTOse a challenge to each of us. And
they must be solved. Within each of our countries
there is constant need for improving market in-

formation and for doing a better job of packaging,
handling, transporting, and merchandising our
farm products. These are vital links between
producer and consumer. They represent oppor-
tunities for bringing cheaper, better products to
consumers, with more stable markets for pro-
ducers. In this field Fao has a great opportunity
to be of service.

Today the world has within sight and within
grasp a new era of better living. We have gone
past any goals of mere subsistence. We have en-
tered a period where people want to move up from
overwhelming dependence on simple cereals and
enjoy diets enriched by greater and greater
amounts of livestock products. In making this
very desirable transition, the technical services of
Fao also can give valuable assistance.

Second, there is the job of reporting world agri-
cultural developments. Today's agi-icultural pro-
duction and marketing must be carried out in an
atmosphere of enlightemnent. Not only must each
of us have accurate information on production and
marketing situations in his own country, but also
we must have similar information with regard to
the world's producing and consuming areas.

Fao is making a helpful contribution by taking
note each year of the world position of food and
agriculture, by issuing its monthly economic and
commodity repoils, and by encouraging and as-
sisting member nations in the improvement of
their internal statistical reporting on agriculture.
This work, too, must be continued. And perhaps
it can be used as a foundation on which to build
an even broader view of world agriculture, taking
into account longer range trends and prospects.
There is great emphasis in many comitries on ex-
panding agi'icultural production. Often this
represents production destined to move into world
trade. There is a big gap today in our group
knowledge with regard to this greater volume of
exports that is about to become available and the
resulting impact of world trade. We cannot ex-
pect the staff of Fao to be clairvoyant, but we do
see great opportunity for continuous reporting of
these major trends and counseling on the selective
exjiansion of agricultural production.

Need for Trade Liberalization

Third, there is the matter of trade liljeraliza-
tion. Constantly, patiently, Fao should bo shed-
ding light on the jiroblems of world trade. This

December 5, 7955

935

should be a constructive assignment. It need not
be based on criticism of existing pi'actices of mem-
ber govermnents, nor need it seek solutions
through new superagencies or superprograms.
Rather, the work should be directed at aiding
member nations in working out trade problems
with one another through use of existing instru-
ments. The instruments for greater freedom of
trade are at hand. The need is for member na-
tions to see the value to themselves of those instru-
ments and to use them.

The time is ripe today for nations to rid them-
selves of some of their postwar restrictive trading
practices. In varying degree each of our nations
maintains some kind of trade barrier. We all
have our excuses — "justification" is the word we
use. And, temporarily, our justifications often
are valid. The problem is that a trade barrier,
erected for temporary use, has a tendency to pet-
rify. The longer it stands, the more rigid it
Iiecomes.

The most frequent justifications for trade re-
strictions— especially import, quotas or selective
purchasing — are balance-of-pa_yments problems
and alleged greater security through increased
.self-sufficiency. Let us consider where we stand
as a group with these justifications today.

In the years following World War IT, balance-
of-payments problems were real and they were
critical. Gold and dollar shortages were wide-
spread. The economic aid programs of the United
States helped ease the shortages in a number of
instances, but there was admitted need for frugal
handling of gold and dollar reserves.

Today, however, in many areas the balance-of-
payments problem no longer exists, or at least has
gi-eatly improved. There has been considerable
relaxation of controls, and there appears to be
hope of more relaxation in the near future. The
world's net gold and dollar i-eserve had climbed
from 15 billion in 1947 to 2.5 billion in 19.54, and
continuation of this improvement should greatly
facilitate general relaxation of trade controls.
We must make sure that the ready flow of agricul-
tural products in world trade is increased in the
years ahead by avoidance of unnecessary controls.

In the years following World War II, imports
also have been restricted for reasons of self-
sufficiency. Uneconomic production has been
brought about, in country after country, in the
name of defense and security. Whenever this has

happened, it has had the three unfortunate effects
of building an agricultural industry on an insecure
foundation, raising the cost of farm products to
consumers, and reducing the flow of advantageous
trade with other nations.

Wliere consumers must pay more, they buy less.
Uneconomic production is its own woret enemy.
It cannot build the type of strong domestic market
that means a thriving agi-icultural industry.

It is true that people are being fed about as
well now as they were before the war, but there is
a great disparity in the food situation among na-
tions. For the welfare both of consumers and
producers, nations need to ease their trade bar-
riers and let products flow readily from areas
where they can be produced economically to those
where they are produced less economically. This
is one of the surest ways of helping people become
better fed.

Prospects for world peace are brighter than they
were a few years ago. Nations are remaining
watchful, it is true, but they are actively and sin-
cerely searching for ways to work better together.
This entitles us to a greater faith in the future.
This should provide the courage now for nations to
go forward with plans and programs that ease
these self-imposed economic limitations.

There is yet another justification frequently
offered for trade barriers. This has to do with
limiting imports of certain agi-icultural products
to protect prices to producers. Most nations, in-
cluding my own, in varying degree take such ac-
tion. In the United States we have used — reluc-
tantly and sparingly — authority to invoke import
quotas on certain dairj' products, cotton, wheat,
and feed gi'ains. We have done it to preserve
price support programs for these commodities.
Also, we have taken this action in the knowledge
that the markets we have limited would not have
been so attractive were it not for these same domes-
tic price support progi'ams. But our aim, as
most of you know, is through our flexible price
support program to place our agriculture in a po-
sition where such controls become less and less
necessary. We are working toward that goal. We
desire to become genuinely competitive in the mar-
kets of the world.

Today the United States buys from the rest of
the world more agi'icultural commodities than
it sells — about one-fourth more. We would like
to see that volume of trade expanded in both di-

936

Department of State Bulletin

rections. We recognize that there can be such ex-
pansion only if it is in both directions.

One of the major challenges confronting agri-
culture in this changing world is this whole broad
question of increased trade. Certain limitations
will continue to exist, I am sure. But there is
a vast ditrerence between a moderate degree of
protection, applied temporarily for reasons of
necessity, and an inordinate degree of protection
leading to rigid, uneconomic, noncomj^titive agri-
cultural and trade patterns. As members of Fao
and as members of a world community where vir-
tually every national action produces an interna-
tional reaction, we must seek individually and
jointly to take ajipropriate action to improve the
flow of agricultural products witli one another.

FAO in the Years Ahead

And now for a final word regarding the overall
service that can be rendered by Fao in the yeare
ahead.

I believe that Fao is in an outstanding position
to help bring about realistic, sound approaches
toward agi-icultural development. I believe that
Fao can offer helpfid economic guidance as part
of its technical assistance programs, to assure
that expansions are in the most useful direction.
In some nations today many of us fear that pres-
ent trends are leading toward "quick return" at-
titudes, toward single-ci'op rather than balanced
agricultural economies. We see new agi'icultural
production springing up in some countries, not
because it is economically justified but only because
it can creep under the umbrella-like protection
of the United States price-support program. Gen-
tlemen, I must assure you that any production
based on such hope of short-term benefits may
sooner or later find its protecting umbrella with-
drawn.

I think that Fao, in the planning of its tech-
nical assistance programs, also must take into
consideration the need for continuous worldwide
adjustment of production to meet changing condi-
tions. The United States lias taken the leaderehip
in adjusting its agricultural production down-
ward, while many other areas of the woi-ld are
still increasing their production of export com-
modities. In 2 years our wheat growers have
voluntarily reduced their acreage by 30 percent.
Our cotton growei-s have voluntarily reduced their
acreage by 28 percent. Our rice growers are vol-

untarily reducing their acreage by 22 percent.
Our tobacco growers are selling their crops under
self-imposed quotas that limit their marketing.
We must never forget, however, that agricultural
adjustment is a world responsibility. The ad-
justments made by any single nation can never
provide a lasting solution to world supply prob-
lems.

Distribution of Surpluses

And now a word about so-called agricultural
surpluses.

In a world still beset with large areas of under-
noiu'ishment and subject to the vicissitudes of
weather, including floods and drought, it is a
fortunate thing that buffer stocks of agi'icultural
commodities do exist. In some cases the stocks
held by the United States are somewhat larger
than we desire to have on hand. The real ques-
tion, however, is not the existence of these stocks
but the problem of their distribution.

As you know, we in the United States are ac-
tively trving to widen the utilization of our farm
products, both within our coinitry and in other
countries. Our marketing programs are proving
to be highly successful for some commodities.
They have enabled us to reduce our excess hold-
ings of butter, linseed oil, dry milk solids, and
cottonseed oil in a way that has helped fill the
needs of consumers and at the same time has
strengthened existing markets.

The supplies of only two food items, wheat and
rice, and two other items, cotton and tobacco, re-
main in substantial excess position. And with
regard to tobacco, where the excess supplies are
the result of technological advances, our growers
are meeting the problem through voluntary re-
duction in acreage next year.

Wliere the United States today has excess sup-
plies, they represent commodities that are stor-
able. They are like money in the bank. Our
programs to facilitate their distribution are hav-
ing the effect of putting our own producei-s in
sounder marketing position and helping world
consumers gain better access to our supplies. They
are helping to get more feed to livestock and more
food to people. In the cases of our sales of farm
commodities for foreign currencies, the programs
are directly assisting world economic development
and contributing to the improved incomes that
each country needs as a basis for stronger and
continuing demand for fai'iu products.

December 5, 7955

937

I would like to point out, too, that we of the
United States have adopted a three-point export
policy which we are following in good faith :

1. We will compete fairly on the world market.

2. We will be competitive in quality.

3. We will participate in a mutually profitable
international trade that gives our customers
abroad the continuous opportimity to earn the
foreign exchange they need to buy our products.

We believe this is a policy equally suitable for
oUr world neighbors.

In closing, I would like to pay tribute to the fine
work of the Fao and to wish all member nations
success in your agricultui'al endeavors. And I
would like to leave the hope, which I am certain
you all share, that by working together we will be
able to achieve better distribution of our farm
products and strengthen the international bonds
of friendship in the years that lie ahead.

Thus the Fao can be a powerful force for the
extension of plenty, prosperity, and peace in our
generation.

Question of Judicial Review of Administrative
Tribunal Judgments

Statements hy Chester E. MeiTow

U.S. Representative to ths General Assembly '

STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 17

U.S. delegation press release 2231

As all the members of this conunittee are aware,
this item now before us represents the fuial phase
of a matter in which my Government has had a
great interest for a period of several years. It
has been a matter of major concern to this com-
mittee and one which has warranted the very full
and serious consideration which it has received.
We are gratified that it now appears possible to
bring it to a final conclusion expeditiously.

My Government was a member of the 18-govern-
ment Special Committee whose report- is now
before us. We know at first hand how diligently
that committee labored under the able chairman-
ship of Ambassador Carlos Blanco of Cuba and
how exhaustively it considered all the various
points of view presented to it. After a thorough
legal analysis of the situation, that committee has
presented us with a synthesis of all the varying and
conflicting points of view which, I believe, deserves

' Made in Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary)
on Oct. 17 and Oct. 24 and in plenary on Nov. 8 on the
report of tlie Special Committee on Review of Adminis-
trative Tribunal Judgments.

' U.N. doc. A/2909.

our full support. In view of the completeness of
the report and the carefully worked out recom-
mendations contained therein, it is unnecessaiy —
and indeed it would be foolhardy — to approach the
subject as one of first impression.

Let me emphasize a point which has already
been made by the previous speakers, namely, that
the recommendation of the Special Committee,
which was a most representative body, constitutes a
compromise of views arrived at in the best demo-
cratic and diplomatic tradition. It presents sound
and workable solutions for a number of difficult
problems in a field in which there is very little
prior experience and in which the guideposts are
few and far between. Since it is a compromise, it
cannot represent fully the views of any one of us;
at the same time, I believe it deserves the support
of all of us.

In view of the very able discussion of the details
of the recoimnendations of the Special Committee
by many distinguished representatives, it is un-
necessary for me to discuss all aspects of these
recommendations. I will confine myself to stat-
ing my Government's views on a few of the im-
portant aspects of the procedure recommended by
the Special Committee to which jjarticular atten-
tion has been paid by prior speakers.

938

Department of State Bulletin

Judicial Review

The Special Committee commenced its work
upon the basis of the acceptance by the General
Assembly in principle of judicml review of Ad-
ministrative Tribunal judgments. I stress the
words "judicial review" because I believe that cer-
tain difficulties may arise from an attempt
mechanically to equate a review procedure estab-
lished in the framework of the United Nations
Charter to the "appeals procedures" as found in
various domestic jurisdictions.

The Special Committee lias recommended that
M-e adopt a procedure based upon the charter right
of the General Assembly and of subsidiary organs
properly authorized to request an advisory opin-
ion from the International Court of Justice on
questions of law. It is not surprising that this is
the case. The only precedent which exists in this
field is that found in the statute of the Ilo [Inter-
national Labor Organization] Administrative
Tribunal, whose jurisdiction has been accepted
by most of the specialized agencies. The statute
of that Tribunal provides for review by the ad-
visory opinion procedure. Accordingly, it is
natural that governments who are members of
those agencies- — and all the governments repre-
sented at this table are members of one or more of
the agencies — should have accepted a precedent
which they themselves had established.

Further, it has been recognized by all that the
review body must be one of the highest prestige
and one commanding universal respect. The In-
ternational Court of Justice is obviously such a
body. Again, since questions of law arising from
Tribunal judgments might involve the interpreta-
tion or application of provisions of the charter, it
appeared wise to the Special Committee to choose
as tlie review body that organ of the United Na-
tions generally recognized as the final judicial
arbiter on questions of charter law, i. e., the Inter-
national Court of Justice.

Since the General Assembly may secure a re-
view of legal questions by the International Court
of Justice only under the advisory opinion pro-
cedure, it was inevitable — as in the case of the
statute of the Ilo Administrative Tribunal — that
the Special Committee should recommend that
procedure.

Thus, the judicial review procedure recom-
mended is well founded upon the charter and
upon the only precedent which exists in this field.

December 5, 1955

Now, I have heard it said by a few that the
recommended review procedure has a flaw,
namely, that the review is not strictly judicial in
nature because under the procedure an advisory
opinion can be requested only by a committee com-
posed of representatives of member States.

The simple answer is that the principle of
judicial review requires simply that any altera-
tion in a judgment of the Administrative Tribu-
nal be made only by a judicial body. That is the
case here. Under the recommended procedure
only the International Court of Justice may make
a decision which can modify in any respect a
judgment of the Tribunal. The screening com-
mittee does not have this power ; all the committee
can do is to act, in effect, as a channel through
which certain questions of law may be passed to
the International Court for decision. It is needed
to protect the Court from frivolous applications
and needless attention to Tribunal matters. Only
the Court can make decisions with respect to those
questions of law which may affect Tribunal
judgments.

Thus, if the screening committee decides not to
request an advisory opinion, then the Tribunal
judgment remains unaltered. If the committee
decides to request an advisory opinion, then there
may be a review of questions of law by a judicial
body, namely, the International Court of Justice.

Procedure Not Unfair to Staff

I believe that the argument that the recom-
mended procedure does not provide for judicial
review is made primarily by those who fear that
in some way the procedure is unfair to staff mem-
bers because of the use of a committee of member
States to request advisory opinions. I strongly
share the sentiment of those who wish to avoid
unfairness to staff' members. However, I do not
share the fear I have mentioned, for it can be
clearly demonstrated that the procedure is not
unfair or inequitable. I am certain that none of
the members of the Special Committee who voted
for it would have done so had they believed that
any possible unfairness or inequity to staff mem-
bers would result.

First of all, consider the situation as it now
exists. Staff members presently have no right of
any kind to have a review of Tribunal decisions
against them. The Staff Conunittee advised the
Special Committee that the staff did not believe

939

that any review was necessary. Despite this, the
Special Committee has provided for a right upon
the part of staff members to secure a review, a
right which our governments have not provided
in the statute of the Ilo Administrative Tribunah
Even if it were assumed that the so-called screen-
ing committee of member States acted in the most
arbitrary manner and improperly refused to re-
quest a review in cases in which the applications
of staff members had merit, those staff members
would obviously be no worse off than they are now
and would only have been deprived of that for
which they say they have no desire.

But let us look at all the assumptions which must
be made in order for one to conclude that the use
of the screening committee might result in an in-
equity to staff members who seek to review judg-
ments against them. First, we must assume that
the Secretary-General, despite all the internal
procedures which now exist for the protection of
staff members, has nevertheless made an improper
decision which has deprived a staff member of
contract rights. Secondly, we must assume that
the Administrative Tribunal has concurred with
the Secretary-General and approved his improper
action. Then we must assume that a committee of
member States constituted on the pattern of the
General Committee has acted capriciously and
arbitrarily and refused to apply for a review of
legal questions to which a staff member is entitled.
I for one refuse to make this series of assumptions,
and I doubt seriously that any other member of
this committee will make them.

I am especially concerned by what appears to be
a ready assumption in certain quarters that a com-
mittee of member States will act capriciously or
arbitrarily if an application for review were made
to it. Is it not true that committees of member
States take decisions in this organization on many
matters, including those of a legal nature, of con-
siderably greater importance and difficulty than
this ? Is any one of us prepared to accept an as-
sumption that a representative of his government
would act arbitrarily or capriciously in tliis situa-
tion ? The answer is obvious. "Wliile there well
may be differences of opinion in the case of any
application made to the screening committee, it
simply cannot be assumed for any purpose that the
committee will not act honestly or fairly.

But now suppose the situation is a different one,
namely, that the Administrative Tribunal has dif-

fered with the Secretary-General in a case coming
before it and decided to make an award to a staff
member. This is the kind of case in which the
organization has a special concern, for it means
that either the Secretary-General or the Tribunal
has been wrong. If the difference of opinion be-
tween the Secretary-General and the Tribunal is
important — if, for example, it involves an inter-
pretation or application of the charter — then it
must be resolved, and the procedure proposed by
the Special Committee provides a method for solu-
tion. In such a case a member State or the Secre-
tary-General may make an application to the so-
called screening conunittee, which will then decide
whether a question of law exists concerning which
an advisory opinion must be sought.

Now can it be said that — wholly apart from the
question of whether or not the interest of the or-
ganization requires the solution of a conflict be-
tween the Secretary-General and the Administra-
tive Tribunal — can it be said that the seeking of
an advisory opinion in such a case is imfair to
or injures a staff member? The invoking of the
advisory opinion procedure can have only two
possible results. Either the Tribunal's judgment
in favor of the staff member will not be reviewed
and will stand, or certain legal questions involved
will be decided by the International Court of
Justice. In the former case, where the Tribunal
judgment stands, the staff member has no cause
for complaint about the result. In the latter
situation, where questions of law are decided by
the International Court of Justice, there is no
basis for assuming that the decision finally ren-
dered in a case will be unfair to a staff' member.

The only possible source of injury to the staff
member then must be sought in one of two places —
either in the procedure which is followed in pre-
senting a case to the International Court of Justice
or in the delay which may occur before an award
becomes final and is paid.

As to the question of procedure, it appears clear,
in view of the provisions of paragraph 2 of the
proposed article 11, that the staff member will be
able to have the Court consider his views, which
will be transmitted to that body by the Secretary-
General. Thus, he can file the same kind of
written statement that the Secretary-General or
a member State can file. Similarly, any member
State which supports Ms views can also file a writ-
ten statement. In order to avoid the possibility
that a staff member might be prejudiced by his

940

Department of State Bulletin

inability to make an oral statement to the Coui't,
as member States normally are able to do, it is
provided in the joint draft resolution,^ adopting
the proposed procedure, that member States should
not make oral statements in any advisory opinion
case arising under the new procedure.

With respect to the matter of possible injury to
the staff member due to the delay in making an
award final, two points can be made. First, as
has been pointed out by the representative of the
United Kingdom [Lord Fairfax of Cameron], the
procedure provides for a minimum of delay. Sec-
ond, paragraph 5 of the new article 11 would
provide that a staff member may receive an ad-
vance of one-third of any amount awarded to him
by the Tribunal pending the final decision by the
International Court, pi-ovided that the Secretary-
General is satisfied that the staff member would
otherwise be handicapped in protecting his in-
terests. This is a far more generous provision
than applies in domestic jurisdictions in review or
appeals procedures, and it indicates the great care
taken by the Special Committee to avoid any in-
jury to staff members. I believe that the foregoing
disposes completely of the argument of possible
injury to staff members resulting from the pro-
cedure proposed by the Special Committee.

Scope of Review

I would like now to turn to one other point,
namely, the scope of review provided for by the
Special Committee recommendations. Certain
questions have been asked concerning the meaning
of the language contained in paragraph 1 of sec-
tion 11 of the Tribunal statute proposed by the
Special Committee. That paragraph provides
that the so-called screening committee may request
an advisory opinion from the International Court
when an application is made to it on the gromid
that the Tribunal has exceeded its jurisdiction or
competence, or has erred on a question of law
relating to the provisions of the charter, or has
committed a fundamental error of procedure.

Thus, the first category of questions which are
reviewable relates to the power of the Tribunal
and to the steps required for invoking its
jurisdiction.

The second category covers legal questions that

' U.N. doc. A/C.5/L.335, sponsored by Argentina, Can-
ada, China, Cuba, Iraq, U.K., and U.S. (Paliistan later
became a cosponsor of a revised draft, L.335/Rev. 1.)

relate to provisions of the charter. It would in-
clude a question such as whether the Secretary-
General's judgment should be upheld in regard to
the conduct of a staff member under United Na-
tions standards of efficiency, competence, and
integrity prescribed in accordance with article 101
of the charter; or a question whether the Secre-
tary-General's action should be sustained in giving
directions to a staff member or taking disciplinary
action against him, in view of the Secretary-
General's position as chief administrative officer of
the organization under article 97; or a question in-
volving the staff member's duty to refrain from
any action which might reflect on his position as an
international official responsible only to the or-
ganization under article 100 (1).

The third category of questions for review has
been adopted from the Statute of the Interna-
tional Labor Organization Tribunal and covers
serious procedural defects.

At this time, Mr. Chairman, I think it unneces-
sary to take up the committee's time with any
further discussion of the details of the proposal
before us. As I have previously noted, these de-
tails have been fully explained. I, of course, re-
serve my right to speak further on these subjects
if the debate requires.

I would, however, like to stress once again the
fact that many hours of the time of this and other
bodies have been spent on the matter we are now
considering and that we now have before us the
results of a very general and sustained effort to
arrive at a compromise solution which we can all
accept. I urge most strongly that we all give our
support to the recommendations of the Special
Committee.

STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 24

U.S. delegation press release 2241

My delegation had not intended to intervene
again in this debate. I do so at this point — as we
are coming to tlie close of the debate — not to repeat
arguments which by now have been very clearly
made by many of my colleagues on the conmiittee,
but primarily to call to mind what matters are and
wlxat matters are not put in issue by the recommen-
dations of the Special Committee.

The recommendations of the Special Committee
do not challenge the judicial status of the Adminis-
trative Tribunal. The International Court of

December 5, 1955

941

Justice has advised us t.lxat tlie Tribunal is a ju-
dicial body whose judgments the Assembly has not
the right, under its present statute, to revise. The
Special Committee respected that advice and its
proposals fully support — and indeed, advance —
the judicial character of the Administrative
Tribunal.

Certainly it is not proposed to subject Tribunal
judgments to political revision. The resolution
simply provides the means of judicial review. The
International Court of Justice has made it clear
that the General Assembly may amend the Tri-
bunal's statute "to provide for means of redress
by another organ." The Assembly last year de-
cided in principle in favor of judicial review. On
this point we have the Court's opinion that in view
of its composition and function the General As-
sembly itself could hardly act as a judicial organ.
Accordingly, the resolution before this committee
provides the means whereby certain legal questions
arising from Tribunal judgments may be reviewed
by the International Court of Justice in an advi-
sory opinion proceeding. An exclusively judicial
organ is given the function of review and the
resolution is in full conformity with the Court's
opinion.

It is not proposed that past judgments should in
any way be affected by our action. The proposal
before us would affect only future judgments.

"We are not called upon to weigh the relative
merits of differing national legal systems in setting
up a review procedure for the United Nations.
We are trying to deal with an international legal
problem to insure justice for all. "\Ve are seeking
to implement the principles of the United Nations
Charter.

This is plainly no academic exercise. The As-
sembly accepted judicial review in principle last
year. No one has been able to demonstrate that
there could not arise, in the future, substantial
questions as to lack of jurisdiction, charter inter-
pretation, or gi-ave procedui-al fault — with wliich
the proposed judical review would deal — which
would merit consideration by a jurisdiction above
that of judicial first instance. The problem posed
is to provide that, if and whenever they might
arise, they shall be resolved judicially, with fair-
ness to all.

The alternative of making no provision for re-
view procedure would invite deep and avoidable
crises capable of doing serious injury to the United

Nations itself. Because the joint resolution pro-
vides an equitable basis for preventing such in-
ternal dissension and insuring the future strength
of the United Nations, my delegation would urge
the members of this committee to support the
joint resolution now before us.

Article 100 of United Nations Charter

I wish to refer to several of the arguments which
have been advanced against the Special Commit-
tee's proposal. One is the contention that it con-
stitutes a violation of paragraph 2 of article 100
of the charter, which provides that :

Each Member of the United Nations undertakes to
respect the exclusively international character of the
responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff
and not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their
responsibilities.

I cannot understand how, by any stretch of the
imagination, it can be asserted that the Special
Committee recommendations violate this charter
article. The article requires respect by each mem-
ber State for the exclusively international char-
acter of the responsibilities of the Secretary-Gen-
eral and the staff. Is there any basis upon which
it can be asserted that the suggestion by a member
State that questions of law arising from a judg-
ment of the Administrative Tribunal be reviewed
by a judicial body — that is, the International
Court of Justice — constitutes disrespect of the
international character and responsibilities of the
Secretary-General and staff? An application by
a member State for such a review of an Admin-
istrative Tribunal judgment is an action which
does not detract in any way from the international
character of those responsibilities.

Further, the article provides that member States
should not seek to influence the Secretary-General
or the staff in the discharge of their responsibil-
ities. Again, is there any basis upon which it
can be asserted that the request by a member State
for an advisory opinion by the International Court
on a question arising from a Tribtmal judgment
constitutes an attempt to influence the Secretary-
General or the staff in the sense intended by this
charter provision ?

The only basis we can see would be an assertion
that it constitutes an attempt to influence in the
sense of article 100 if a member State proposes to
refer to the Icj any legal question concerning the
discharge of the Secretary-General's or the staff's

942

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

responsibilities. My delegation cannot accept tliis
consti-uction of article 100. Under it, a proposal
to seek an opinion on the meaning of article 100
itself, or of article 101, would be barred. Indeed,
at least one of the advisory opinion cases already
referred to the Court would have been barred — I
refer to the Reparations for Injuries Case. It
seems perfectly clear that article 100 is not in-
tended to prevent recourse to the International
Court of Justice upon the initiative of a member
State in conformity with article 96 of the charter,
which provides that the decision to put a legal
question to the Court will be made by the General
Assembly or an authorized organ of the United
Nations. The proposal before this committee is
in full accord with articles 100 and 96 of the
charter.

One of my distinguished colleagues in this com-
mittee has argued that the provision in the pro-
posed procedure regarding member States would
violate article 100 for the reason that action by
a member State would arouse the antagonism of
staff members and might well result in their fail-
ure to respect their obligation to act as impartial
international civil servants. This contention
surely results from a misconstruction of the
charter and indeed does little credit to tlie staff
members. Its implication is that a large propor-
tion of the proceedings of the Fifth Committee are
contrary to the charter. Scarcely a session of this
committee goes by that proposals affecting the
status of the staff and the Secretary-General are
not initiated by a member State. The point is
that the position of such member State cannot and
does not constitute a directive to the Secretary-
General and staff unless the majority approve the
course of action. But surely the right of a mem-
ber State to submit for public debate a proposal
affecting the staff and a majority decision, by a
duly constituted organ of the Assembly, favoring
such a proposal are in no sense in contravention of
the charter.

Member States

A second contention which has been made is that
member States have no place in the review pro-
cedure since they were not parties to the proceed-
ings before the Tribunal. This argument is based
upon misconception, first as to the kind of pro-
cedure here involved, namely, a United Nations
judicial review procedure and not a domestic ap-

peals procedure, and second, as to who the parties
are in proceedings before the Administrative
Tribunal.

We must all recognize that, as the International
Court of Justice pointed out in its opinion of
July 13, 1954, the parties before the Tribunal are
the United Nations organization represented by
the Secretary-General on the one hand, and the
staff member on the other. Before the Tribunal,
the organization is represented by the Secretary-
General simply because the General Assembly so
provided in the Tribunal statute. This fact does
not necessitate that at a later stage, involving a
request for an advisory opinion, the organization
must continue to be represented exclusively by the
Secretary-General. I have previously pointed
out why it would not be appropriate for the Sec-
retary-General to be vested with responsibility
for requesting an advisory opinion, and will not
reiterate that argument.

Since it is not appropriate for the Secretary-
General to have the final say on when to request
an advisory opinion, it is perfectly proper— and
indeed necessary— for the Assembly to select an
appropriate organ of the United Nations to re-
quest the advisory opinion in the review proce-
dure. Accordingly, the Special Committee recom-
mended that the General Assembly create the so-
called screening committee and empower it to ask
the International Court of Justice for its advisory
opinion. Individual member States are empow-
ered, under the proposed procedure, merely to
present their views to the screening committee,
which then decides on belialf of the organization
whether or not to take action.

Despite the foregoing, it has been suggested by
several speakers that the proposed procedure
might be satisfactory if the provision regarding
member States were eliminated. Let me make it
very clear that, if this provision were eliminated,
the review procedure would be wholly inadequate.
A procedure without the provision for member
States would be inadequate to deal with situations
like that which arose in the League of Nations in
1946 or that which faced us in this organization
several years ago. Both those situations were
characterized by the concern of member States
that the decisions of the Tribunal were ultra vires.
In the League of Nations, that concern found
expression in the refusal by the League Assembly
to give effect to the decisions of the Tribunal. In

December 5, 1955

943

the United Nations the International Court of
Justice decided that the General Assembly had not
the right to refuse to pay Tribunal awards, and
they were paid despite the concern of many mem-
ber States. Accordingly, we are now seeking to
provide a mechanism whereby in future situations
the concern of member States may be met, in ap-
propriate cases, by a submission to the Interna-
tional Court.

It should be recognized that the provision con-
cerning member States in the proposed draft rep-
resents an improvement on the Ilo procedure.
Under the Ilo Tribunal statute, no provision is
made for proposal of a request for advisory opin-
ions by States not represented on the governing
bodies or executive boards of the agencies. In the
Special Committee's recommendations, this right
is given to all member States. This, in our opin-
ion, is a distinct improvement from the point of
view of equality of member States and should,
we believe, be favorably considered by all those
member States wliich are not members of the
General Committee at a particular session of the
General Assembly.

Equality Under the Law

In my first statement, Mr. Chairman, I made
a rather exhaustive analysis of the proposed pro-
cedure to demonstrate that its operation could not
result in any possible unfairness or inequity to
staff members. Nevertheless, since I made that
statement, there has been a repetition of the charge
that the procedure is in some way unfair to the
staff, that it would undermine their status, that it
would endanger their morale, etc. All these
repetitions have been made without any attempt
to adduce evidence in support of them, except in
one particular with which I would now like to
deal briefly.

It has been charged by several speakers that the
procedure would result in inequality before the
International Court of Justice, and that in this
respect it was unfair to the staff. Equality before
the Court in any judicial procedure means that
thex'e must be equality of opportunity to present
views and to have those views considered by the
Court. Thus there is no inequality before the
Tribunal because that body makes certain that
staff members are given the same opportunity as
the Secretary-General to present their views and

gives equal consideration to the views of both.
The procedure as embodied in the joint resolution
provides for the same equality before the Inter- I
national Court of Justice for staff, Secretary-
General, and member States. Of one thing we
can be absolutely certain, namely, that the Court
will insist that equal opportunity be given staff
members, the Secretary-General, and any inter-
ested member States to present their views and
will give equal consideration to all those views.
We can be certain that the Court itself would re-
ject any procedure which did not make this pos-
sible. That is one of the greatest safeguards in
the proposed procedure and disposes completely,
I believe, of the argument concerning inequality.

Nature of Compromise Proposal

Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to re-
iterate once again what has been said by a number
of speakers about the nature of the compromise
proposal before us. It is not a compromise of
principles since it is clear that we are all agreed
as to the principles which should govern the re-
view procedure. It is merely a compromise of
methods as to how best to obtain a judicial review
of Administrative Tribunal judgments.

I am not surprised that a number of delegations
have found, on first impression, the proposal of
the Special Committee to be unfamiliar or that
they have suggested that there must surely be
different — and indeed, better — methods for ob-
taining review. In this comiection, I recall that
the United States delegation at the Ninth Session
of the Assembly cosponsored a resolution which
would have provided a wholly different method
of review. Again, in the early stages of the de-
bate in tlie Special Committee my Government
considered lending its support to a number of
varying alternatives. Wlaat came out of the Spe-
cial Committee was something new to all of us,
and I must state in all fi'ankness that my Govern-
ment took a long, hard look at it before deciding
to accept it.

The reasons wliich we believe should command
support for the Special Committee's recommended
procedure are :

First, the procedure fully respects all the prin-
ciples of judicial review which have found gen-
eral acceptance in this committee;

Second, it provides a workable solution to the

944

Department of State Bulletin

problem before us which is in full confoi-mity with
the charter, the opinion of the International Court
of Justice, and with precedent ;

Tliird, it appeai-s to be the only solution which
a substantial majority would agree to favor.

I urge that delegations who continue to have
doubts about the Special Committee recommenda-
tions because in some aspects they might appear
new, unusual, or unlike those found in our na-
tional jurisdictions should consider them in the
light of the considerations I have outlined. I be-
lieve that they will find, upon careful appraisal,
that the Special Committee's recommendations
are worthy of their support.*

PLENARY STATEMENT OF NOVEMBER 8

U.S. delegation press release 2266

I wish at this time to explain the position of my
Government with respect to the three proposals
presently before us, namely, the resolution adopted
by the Fifth Committee concerning judicial re-
view of Administrative Tribunal awards (docu-
ment A/3016), the Belgian proposal (document
A/L. 199) to request an advisory opinion of the
International Court concerning the resolution
adopted by the Fifth Committee, and the group
of amendments (document A/L. 198) proposed by
the delegation of India.

I propose, Mr. President, to deal with these
tliree proposals in the order in which they will be
put to the vote and, accordingly, I will deal first
with the proposal of Belgium.

The United States delegation will vote against
the Belgian draft resolution. That resolution
represents an attempt to avoid a decision at this
session of the Assembly on the proposal which is
the product of searching effort and genuine com-
promise on the part of the Special Conmiittee and
the Fifth Committee. If the delegation of Bel-
gium had wished, it could have proposed this reso-
lution in the Fifth Committee and secured consid-
eration of it at that time. This was not done and,
in our opinion, there is no justification for pro-
posing for the first time in plenary session to refer
to the International Court of Justice the result of
the full consideration and debate on this item by
the Special Committee and the Fifth Committee.

This full consideration by the Special and Fifth
Committees to which I have referred included a
detailed analysis and thorough study of all the
legal aspects of the proposed procedure. The
various legal contentions with which we are now
thoroughly familiar are summarized in the Fifth
Committee report and need not be reexplored here.
I need only to point out that further legal study
at this time is not called for.

Further, I must emphasize that the precedent
upon which the procedure recommended by the
Fifth Committee is based, namely, article 12 of the
statute of the International Labor Organization,
has never been challenged as legally unsound or in
any way at variance with the charter or the prin-
ciples common to the great international organiza-
tions. In this connection it is of interest to note
that the Government of Belgium took an active
role in adding article 12 to the statute of the Ilo
Administrative Tribunal.

Opinion of International Court

It must be recalled further that the formulation
of a procedure for judicial review of Administra-
tive Tribunal judgments stems from an opinion
which this Assembly requested from the Interna-
tional Court of Justice at its Eighth General Ses-
sion. That opinion, dated July 13, 1954, pointed
out clearly that the Assembly had the right and the
power to provide for such judicial review.

Finally, the procedure set forth in the resolution
approved by the Fifth Committee provides for a
method by which the International Court of Jus-
tice may review certain questions of law arising
from Administrative Tribunal judgments. Ac-
cordingly, if the procedure is used at all, the Inter-
national Court of Justice automatically has the
opportunity of deciding whether or not there is
any legal flaw in the procedure. We can be certain
that the International Court of Justice will not
hesitate to inform us if any important element of
the procedure is contrary to the provisions of the
charter or of the statute of the Court itself, or if
it does not give the necessary protection to the
parties who might be affected.

For all these reasons, Mr. President, my delega-
tion will vote against the Belgian proposal.^
{Continued on page 9^7)

'The eight-power draft resolution, as amended, was
approved on Oct. 2.5 by a vote of 27-18-12.

December 5, J955

" The Assembly rejected the Belgian proposal by a vote
of 15-31 (U.S.) -13.

945

Resolution on Review of Administrative Tribunal Judgements'

D.N. doc. A/Res/316

The General AssemMy,

Recalling section B of its resolution 888 (IX) of 17
December 1954 in which it accepted in principle ju-
dicial review of judgements of the United Nations
Administrative Tribunal,

Having considered the report (A/2909) of the Spe-
cial Committee on Review of Administrative Tribunal
Judgements submitted pursuant to that resolution,

1. Decides to amend the Statute of the United Na-
tions Administrative Tribunal as follows, effective
from the date of adoption of the present resolution,
with respect to judgements rendered by the Tribunal
thereafter :

(a) Add the following new articles 11 and 12 :

Article 11

"1. If a Member State, the Secretary-General or
the person in respect of whom a judgement has been
rendered by the Tribunal ( including any one who has
succeeded to that person's rights on his death) ob-
jects to the judgement on the ground that the Tri-
bunal has exceeded its jurisdiction or competence or
that the Tribunal has failed to exercise jurisdiction
vested in it, or has erred on a question of law relating
to the provisions of the Charter of the United Na-
tions, or has committed a fundamental error in pro-
cedure which has occasioned a failure of justice, such
Member State, the Secretary-General or the person
concerned may, within thirty days from the date of
the judgement, make a written application to the
Committee established by paragraph 4 of this article
asking the Committee to request an advisory opinion
of the International Court of Justice on the matter.

"2. Within thirty days from the receipt of an ap-
plication under paragraph 1 of this article, the Com-
mittee shall decide whether or not there is a substan-
tial basis for the application. If the Committee
decides that such a basis exists, it shall request an
advisory opinion of the Court, and the Secretary-Gen-
eral shall arrange to transmit to the Court the views
of the person referred to in paragraph 1.

"3. If no application is made under paragraph 1
of this article, or if a decision to request an advisory
opinion has not been taken by the Committee, within
the periods prescribed in this article, the judgement
of the Tribunal shall become final. In any case in
which a request has been made for an advisory opin-
ion, the Secretary-General shall either give effect to
the opinion of the Court or request the Tribunal to
convene specially in order that it shall confirm its
original judgement, or give a new judgement, in con-
formity with the opinion of the Court. If not re-

' Adopted on Nov. 8 by a vote of 33-17, with 9
abstentions.

quested to convene specially the Tribunal shall at its
next session confirm its judgement or bring it into con-
formity with the opinion of the Court.

"4. For the purpose of this article, a Committee
is established and authorized under paragraph 2 of
Article 96 of the Charter to request advisory opin-
ions of the Court. The Committee shall be composed
of the Member States the representatives of which
have served on the General Committee of the most
recent regular session of the General Assembly. The
Committee shall meet at United Nations Headquar-
ters and shall establish its own rules.

"5. In any case in which award of compensation
has been made by the Tribunal in favour of the per-
son concerned and the Committee has requested an
advisory opinion under paragraph 2 of this article,
the Secretary-General, if satisfied that such person
will otherwise be handicapped in protecting his in-
terests, shall within fifteen days of the decision to
request an advisory opinion make an advance pay-
ment to him of one-third of the total amount of com-
pensation awarded by the Tribunal less such termina-
tion benefits, if any, as have already been paid. Such
advance payment shall be made on condition that,
within thirty days of the action of the Tribunal
under paragraph 3 of this article, such person shall
pay back to the United Nations the amount, if any,
by which the advance payment exceeds any sum to
which he is entitled in accordance with the opinion of
the Court.

Article 12

"The Secretary-General or the applicant may apply
to the Tribunal for a revision of a judgement on the
basis of the discovery of some fact of such a nature
as to be a decisive factor, which fact was, when the
judgement was given, unknown to the Tribunal and
also to the party claiming revision, always provided
that such ignorance was not due to negligence. The
application must be made within thirty days of the
discovery of the fact and within one year of the date
of the judgement. Clerical or arithmetical mistakes
In judgements, or errors arising therein from any ac-
cidental slip or omission, may at any time be cor-
rected by the Tribunal either of its own motion or
on the application of any of the parties." ;

(b) Renumber the former articles 11 and 12 as ar-
ticles 13 and 14 respectively, and in paragraph 3 of
article 9 substitute the words "article 14" for "article
12";

(c) Amend paragraph 2 of article 10 to read:
"Subject to the provisions of articles 11 and 12, the
judgements of the Tribunal shall be final and without
appeal" ;

2. Recommends that Member States and the Secre-
tary-General should not make oral statements before
the International Court of Justice in any proceedings
under the new article 11 of the Statute of the Ad-
ministrative Tribunal adopted under the present
resolution.

946

Department of State Bulletin

(Continued from page 9ft5)

May I now turn, Mr. President, to the group of
amendments proposed by the delegation of India.

This group of amendments is exactly the same — •
with the exception of two paragraphs which were
included in the Fifth Committee resolution — as
those -which were rejected in the Fifth Committee.
They represent an attempt to substitute an alter-
native to the procedure recommended by the
Special Committee and the Fifth Committee.

Effect of Indian Amendments

Let us all be clear as to the effect of these amend-
ments. If they were adopted, they would have the
effect of destroying the compromise so painstak-
ingly worked out by the 18-member Special Com-
mittee last spring and approved by the Fifth
Committee. They would exclude the provisions
relating to member States and to the International
Court of Justice from the compromise procedure
and thereby completely wreck it.

As has been said many times, the primary ob-
jective of the procedure adopted by the Special
Committee and the Fifth Committee has been to
jDrovide a way in which the possible concern of
member States with respect to future Adminis-
trative Tribunal judgments could be dealt with by
judicial process. The Indian amendments pro-
vide a procedure which wholly fails to meet this
primary objective. Their adoption could be justi-
fied only by a pious hope that never again will
member States be concerned with Tribunal judg-
ments.

I do not believe that we would act prudently if
we accepted the Indian amendments on the basis of
such a hope. As I stated in the Fifth Committee :

If member States, when they find basic legal interests at
stake, are not to be allowed to present their views, right
views or wrong views, and have some chance of judicial
review by the International Court of Justice, my delega-
tion foresees the probability of sharp and bitter differences
which can have the most serious and lasting political
consequences.

As we all are aware, sovereign States are extremely
cautious in accepting the Jurisdiction of even the highest
judicial body. Should they have proposed it as the way of
settling differences, and should their proposal have been
rejected by their being excluded from the judicial process,
or by exclusion of the International Court, the occasion of
any sharp new difference will bear witness to the tragic
improvidence of such exclusions.

Accordingly, Mr. President, I cannot believe
that this body should or will accept the group of
Indian amendments, and my Government will vote
against them.*

Finally, Mr. President, I would like to say a
few words concerning the resolution adopted by
the Fifth Committee, for which my delegation will
vote.

I have already mentioned in what I have just
said some of the considerations which govern my
Government's attitude. However, it cannot be too
strongly stressed that the method which has been
recommended by the Fifth Committee as a means
of carrying out the principle of judicial review is
firmly grounded on precedent, with such modifi-
cations and improvements as widely differing
national experience suggests to be desirable and
capable of contributing to the furtherance of the
interests of the international organization. Let
me dwell on this point a moment. Both the rea-
sons for the proposal before us and its underlying
concepts are to be found in the experience of the
International Labor Organization. That organi-
zation acted to include the present article 12 in the
statute of its Tribunal in order to "prevent a situa-
tion which everybody regretted arising in the
future." The procedure evolved for review of
Tribunal judgments relied upon the highest exist-
ent Tribunal, namely, the International Court of
Justice, as the most appropriate organ to perform
such a review. It also provided that the grounds
for such a review should be limited and that the
request for the review should be initiated by a
body on which governments were represented.

The proposals before us are faithful to these
established concepts. The changes that have been
introduced in the proposed amendments to the
United Nations statute are refinements that ac-
commodate the views and important contributions
of many delegations. It is essential to an under-
standing and acceptance of the proposals before
us to appreciate what has gone into the making
of them.

Contributions to Final Draft

Those delegations — including my own — which
have supported the principles embodied in this

* The Indian delegation withdrew its amendments before
the Assembly voted on the resolution.

December 5, 1955

947

resolution, both in the Special Committee and the
Fifth Committee, believe that we have contributed
significantly to a compromise arrived at in the best
democratic and diplomatic tradition. However,
Mr. President, I feel obliged in all fairness to
point out the positive contributions to this resolu-
tion as it now stands which have been made by
those delegations which have continued to have
persistent doubts with respect to it. These dele-
gations, by their dispassionate analysis of the na-
ture of the problem with which both the Special
Committee and the Fifth Committee have dealt,
have greatly assisted in clarifying and advancing
the thinking of both committees. Their honest
criticisms have led the supporters of the resolu-
tion in its final form to modify earlier proposals,
and they have been of great benefit in ai'riving at
a much more satisfactory and generally acceptable
recommendation. Those delegations have helped
to set a tone that has contributed to a calm and
thorough consideration of the problem. That they
have not been able to lend their full support to
the final product makes us none the less grateful
for their contribution.

Tribute to Secretary-General

I should also like to pay tribute, Mr. President,
to the contribution made by the Secretary-General
and his representative, who formulated principles
of judicial reA'iew which have been of assistance
to all of us and who clarified the historical, legal,
and practical considerations involved in each suc-
cessive proposal during each stage of the con-
sideration of the problem. I must also add that
the Staff Council has made a significant contribu-
tion by presenting considered views on behalf of
the staff as a whole which have enabled the com-
mittee members better to devise means of protect-
ing the staff interests.

One final word, Mr. President. In the opinion
of my Goverimient, the resolution adopted by the
Fifth Committee presents us with a method of
solving a vexing problem by a procedure which
recognizes the basic principles of judicial review,
which protects the interests of the staff and of the
Secretary-General, and which provides a method
for meeting any concern of member States which
may arise in the future as the result of Adminis-
trative Tribunal judgments.

The procedure does not represent all the views
of any one of us and yet, as I stated in the Fifth

948

Committee, I believe that it deserves the support
of all of us.

Proposal To Call Conference
for Review of U.N. Charter

Statements iy Laird Bell

U.S. Repi'esentative to the General Assemily ^

U.S. POSITION ON CHARTER REVIEW

U.S. delegation press release 2278 dated November 17

The proposal to call a general conference to
review the charter of the United Nations is the
only item on our agenda placed there directly by
the charter itself. It is a matter of fundamental
concern to us all.

The United States recalls the circumstances in
which the f ramers of the charter at the San Fran-
cisco conference in 1945 drew up the provisions
of article 109, which places the matter of a review
conference on our agenda. Some of the provi-
sions of the charter were accepted at that time in
a spirit of generous compromise despite serious
misgivings. A number of the smaller member
states accepted the charter in its present form on
the assumption that after a period of trial they
would have an opportunity to reexamine and re-
assess its provisions. Article 109 was therefore
drafted to provide for the automatic placement of
the question of a review conference on the agenda
of the Tenth Session of the General Assembly.
The spirit prevalent at San Francisco resulted in
the phrasing of the question in positive terms, and
article 109 therefore speaks of inclusion in the
agenda of "the proposal to call such a conference."
The United States sincerely supported inclusion of
article 109 in the charter and considers it a matter
of simple fulfillment of an obligation to lend our
full support to the calling of a charter review
conference.

Governments and peoples of member states in
many parts of the world have already contributed
much in thought, discussion, and preparatory
studies to the problems that might be dealt with
at such a conference. The fact that the question
of holding a review conference was to come before

' Made in plenary session on Nov. 17 and 21.

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin

this Assembly has served as a focus for construc-
tive research and planning.

Within the United States public and official
interest in effective implementation by the United
Nations of its principles and purposes led to the
establishment of a subcommittee of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee to advise the Senate
and the President with respect to policy on charter
review. Over a 2-year period the committee con-
ducted hearings on this subject throughout our
land. In Washington, Akron, Milwaukee,
Greensboro, and Louisville, in Des Moines, Min-
neaiwlis, and Atlanta, in San Francisco, Denver,
and Miami, the committee heard testimony. In
every region of the country it consulted public
officials and reijresentatives from the widest range
of business and pi'ofessional gi'oups, of labor and
agricultural associations, of churches and reli-
gious organizations, and of private organizations
concerned with national and international aifairs.
It heard a representative group of experts in their
individual capacities and interested i^rivate citi-
zens from every walk of life. Concurrently, the
committee published thorough staff studies on
various aspects of the question.^

Private groups engaged in scholarly research
and in the public discussion of national affairs
have contributed their views on the question of
charter review. They have begun highly useful
activities in the advancement and dissemination
of ideas and information relating to the task. The
Brookings Institution has conducted over the past
4 years an extensive research project. The Brook-
ings studies deal with the history of the charter ;
the organization, functions, and procedures of
the United Nations; the role of the organization
in the maintenance of peace and security, and in
the promotion of the general welfare; regional
security arrangements; and major proposals for
changes in the United Nations system.^ The
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has
conducted a survey of national policies and atti-

tudes with respect to the United Nations on a
worldwide scale and is publishing a comprehen-
sive series of more than 20 volumes embodying
its findings.* Institutes of public affairs, univer-

' Eight staff studies have been published. Single copies
are available from the Suttcommittee on the United Na-
tions Charter of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
U.S. Senate, Washington 25, D.C.

' Two of the Brookings studies have nov? been pub-
lished : The United Nations and the Maintenance of Inter-
national Peace and Security, by Leland M. Goodrich and
Anne P. Simons, and Proposals for Changes in the United
Nations, by Francis O. Wilcox and Carl M. Marcy, avail-
able from the Brookings Institution, 722 Jackson PI., NW.,
Washington 6, D.C.

December 5, 1955

Resolution on Proposal To Call
Charter Review Conference '

U.N. doe. A/ Res/324 dated November 22

The General AssenMy,

Mindful that paragraph 3 of Article 109 of the
Charter of the United Nations provides that if a
General Conference of the Members of the United
Nations for the purpose of reviewing the Charter
has not been held before the tenth annual session
of the General Assembly, such a conference shall
be held if so decided by a majority vote of the Mem-
bers of the General Assembly and by a vote of any
seven members of the Security Council,

Belicvino that it is desirable to review the Char-
ter In the light of experience gained in its operation.

Recognizing that such a review should be con-
ducted under auspicious international circum-
stances,

1. Decides that a General Conference to review
the Charter shall be held at an appropriate time;

2. Further decides to appoint a Committee con-
sisting of all the Members of the United Nations to
consider, in consultation with the Secretary-
General, the question of fixing a time and place for
the Conference, and its organization and proced-
ures;

3. Requests the Committee to report with its
recommendations to the General Assembly at its
twelfth session ;

4. Requests the Secretary-General to complete the
publication programme undertaken pursuant to
General Assembly resolution 796 (VIII) of 23 No-
vember 1953 and to continue, prior to the twelfth
session of the General Assembly, to prepare and cir-
culate supplements, as appropriate, to the Reper-
tory of Practice of United Nations Organs;

5. Transmits the present resolution to the Secu-
rity Council.

' Adopted by the General Assembly on Nov. 21
by a vote of 43-6 (Soviet bloc, Syria) -9 (Afghan-
istan, Denmark, Iceland, India, Norway, Saudi
Arabia, Sweden, Yemen, Yugoslavia).

sities, learned societies, and professional associa-
tions on their own initiative have conducted public
forums and discussions of problems relating to
charter review. The position of the United States
Government on this question, then, is the product

* None of the Carnegie studies has yet been pul)lished.

949

of long and careful study and of extensive con-
sultation with the citizenry it represents.

The United Nations Secretariat, too, has also
laid much groundwork for a profitable and care-
ful appraisal of United Nations operations. As
■directed by the Eighth General Assembly, it has
undertaken preparatory studies of practices as
they have evolved under the charter. Four vol-
umes of its Repertory of Practice of United Na-
tions Organs have already been published. I am
glad to take this opportunity to express the appre-
ciation of the United States for the Secretariat's
contribution to our common task. In our view,
the Secretariat should carry forward this im-
portant work.

Review Rather Than Revision

The United States believes that a review con-
ference should be held. The United Nations has
become a new and vital force in world affairs.
Now a period of trial has elapsed and a body of
valuable experience has been built up. Much
good can come from a collective scrutiny at the
proper time of the role, accomplishments, short-
comings, and potentialities of this great instru-
ment. We do not conceive of the task as merely
the narrow consideration of specific verbal
changes. Neither do we conceive of the task as
one of rewriting the charter or changing the basic
character of the organization.

Article 109 directs our attention to review
rather than to revision of the charter. A review
of the charter could usefully determine whether
or not improvements in the United Nations ma-
chinery are desirable and feasible. We believe it
would be valuable to examine procedures and op-
erations within the charter framework as well as
to review the charter itself. We need, it seems
to us, to take time out from the urgencies of spe-
cific problems before us at a regular session to
study, reflect, and consult on the United Nations
system as a whole. We need to consider the ma-
chinery, evolution, and potentialities of the
United Nations not in the short range as they re-
late to items on our agenda but in the long range
as they relate to the effectiveness of the organiza-
tion in the achievement of its basic purposes. The
charter has, to the credit of the founders of the
United Nations, proved its practicality and work-
ability to a remarkable degree. It has, in such
advances as the Uniting for Peace resolution,

950

proved its flexibility under changing circum-
stances. But, as the Secretary of State has re-
minded us, "Few would contend that it is a per-
fect instrument, not susceptible to improvement." ^

Secretary Dulles has called to our attention at
this session the epochal developments in the atomic
and disarmament fields. These developments
would seem to justify the reexamination of a
charter drafted when the possibilities of atomic
warfare were not known as they are today.

Not only have there been new developments in
the momentous years since the charter was signed,
but some of the expectations and assumptions
upon which the charter was based have not been
fulfilled. Certain powers in the charter have
never been utilized. Other provisions have oper-
ated in a way that was not anticipated. In
these respects, too, new comparisons between
charter goals and available powers and machinery
for their fulfillment deserve our mature consid-
eration.

Another pressing reason for such a conference
would be, in the view of the United States, to re-
consider the method prescribed by the charter
for the admission of new members. If, however,
as we hope, it now becomes possible to admit a
number of states as new members, a conference
to review the charter would enable these new
members to share with us their wisdom in the
improvement of the instrument that defines their
obligations.

Good may also come, we believe, from our study-
ing and consulting together on the purposes of
the charter in the light of experience and condi-
tions in the world today. At the conference at
San Francisco in 1945, deliberations on the fun-
damentals of peace and justice under a regime
of law resulted in a consensus of unprecedented
breadth. By its focus on fundamentals, a con-
ference of the kind envisaged in the charter, if
held at the proper time, might likewise serve to
broaden that consensus. It might serve to
strengthen the ties between us and to emphasize
the depth of our common needs and purposes.

The United Nations, a decade of experience
has shown, derives its greatest strength from the
support and understanding of the peoples of the
world. The organization occupies a unique posi-
tion in relation to the moral force of world

' Bulletin of Oct. 3, 195-5, p. 524.

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

opinion. It is, in the words of the late Senator
Vandenberg, "tlie town meeting of the world."
It is our belief that a conference to review the
cluirter could greatly strengthen that public
understanding. We believe, as well, that the
weight of informed public opinion based upon
such a conference might prove to be a constructive
influence in the achievement of agreement to
recommended improvements.

Prerequisites of Successful Conference

If a conference to review the charter is to be
successful in broadening our areas of agreement
and understanding, if it is to result in improving
and strengthening United Nations machinery and
processes, two prerequisites would seem to be
essential.

In the first place, the conference should be held
under favorable international circumstances.
Dangers and tensions continue to exist today.
If optimum results are to be achieved from charter
review, there is need for a more favorable political
climate.

In the second place, adequate time must be
allowed for the completion of careful and thor-
ough prejjaratory work. The problems confront-
ing a charter review conference will be Herculean.
Patience, wisdom, and statesmanship will be re-
quired in making the fullest prior preparations
and studies, if we are not to do harm to the
United Nations and to relations among states.

The resolution before us, cosponsored by Can-
ada, Ecuador, Iraq, Thailand, the United King-
dom, and the United States,* makes adequate
provision, we believe, for both of these prerequi-
sites. It recognizes that a review conference such
as contemplated in article 109 of the charter
should be held under auspicious international cir-
cumstances ; it decides that such a conference shall
be held; and it establishes a broadly I'epresenta-
tive committee to report to the Twelfth Session
of the General Assembly with recommendations
relating to the time and place of the conference
and to its organization and procedures. The
committee as proposed will have the task of lay-
ing the procedural and organizational ground-
work for a successful conference. It will have
the further duty of feeling the pulse of interna-
tional developments to find the propitious time

' r.X. (lot-. A/L. 197/Kev. 1.
December 5, 1955

when the conference will be most productive in
improving the charter and broadening the con-
sensus among us. Adoption of this resolution
by the General Assembly would, in our view,
constitute a decision in principle to hold a re-
view conference and contemplates parallel action
in the Security Council at an early date, as
provided in the charter.

The farseeing men who drafted the charter at
San Francisco had no illusions that it was an im-
mutable document. The provisions for amend-
ment were obviously put into it for a purpose. The
charter and the procedures under it have served
remarkably well. We recognize to the full that
there are dangers in any attempt at revision, but
we do not see such dangers in a review to deter-
mine whether there are any changes that could
usefully be made in the charter or in the proce-
dures that have developed under it. This Tenth
General Assembly offers an opportunity with the
least possible difficulty of instituting the review
process. We urge that the Assembly seize this
opportunity.

We commend this action to your consideration
as the fulfillment of the expectations of our found-
ers and of the peoples of the world and as a mile-
stone in the forward movement of the United
Nations.

COMMENTS ON PROPOSED AMENDMENTS

U.S. delegation press release 2281 dated November 21

I regret having to ask for the floor again, Mr.
President, but in view of the amendments which
have been submitted I should like to make a brief
intervention.

At the outset let me say that I will not address
myself to the substantive comments which have
been made here on possible amendments or revi-
sions of the charter which a charter review confer-
ence might consider or recommend. In our view
this is not the proper place nor auspicious time
for such a discussion.

The draft resolution contained in document
A/L.197/Rev. 1 was drawn up after extensive
and careful consultations. It was developed in a
spirit of accommodation. It is intended to repre-
sent the common denominator among the over-
whelming majority of the Assembly. The fact
that there are widely differing points of view has

951

been clearly demonstrated by the debate. The res-
olution represents a compromise of the main cur-
rents of opinion. First, there are those who, like
the United States delegation, would very much
have preferred a decision by the Assembly to hold
an early review conference. On the opposite end
of the scale there are those who dismiss categori-
cally the idea of holding any review conference,
anywhere, anytime. There is a third group which
we believe represents the broad consensus of this
Assembly. This group believes that the Assembly
should take a decision in principle to hold a review
conference and that to be successful it should be
held at a time when international circumstances
are propitious.

Having said this, let me comment on the amend-
ments presented by the representative of Syria in
document A/L.200. The effect of these amend-
ments, if adopted, would destroy a crucial element
of the compromise resolution. There would be no
decision in principle to hold a review conference.
That question would be referred to the proposed
committee provided for in operative paragraph 2.
The objection to the Syrian amendment was stated
concisely and clearly by the representative of New
Zealand the day before yesterday. Since I can-
not find a single flaw in his language or his argu-
ment, I will with his permission quote him. Sir
Leslie Munro said the following :

Paragraph 3 of article 109 of the charter does enjoin
upon the General Assembly at this session a special re-
sponsibility for considering the question of calling a re-
view conference. In our opinion failure to make any
positive recommendation would be tantamount to a de-
cision that the review procedure envisaged by the charter
no longer seemed to have any value. We do not think
that present objections to the calling of such a conference,
however compelling those objections may now appear,
should lead us by express decision or by necessary im-
plication to talre such a pessimistic view of the future.
We cannot entirely accept the opinion that, if the political
climate improved to the point where charter review will
be profitable, no review will then be necessary. We would
not wish to rule out or even to appear to rule out the
possibility of holding a constructive and useful review
conference within the foreseeable future.

I repeat, Mr. President, the six-power draft
resolution represents a broad consensus. It is not
all that the United States would have wished. It
is not all that other delegations would have wished.
But it is a fair and reasonable compromise. I
would hope that in the spirit of compromise the

representative of Syria would not press his amend-
ments.'

Let me turn now to the amendment submitted
by India and Egypt ^ concerning the composition
of the committee. We had thought it better to
have a fairly small committee broadly representa-
tive of the geographic areas and views. The pro-
posed amendment would have expanded this
committee to 30. We interpreted this amendment
as indicating a recognition of the interest of a
great number of delegations in the question of
charter review. The sponsors of our resolution,
therefore, in recognition of this interest and in a
further spirit of compromise have submitted a re-
vised draft of our resolution." That draft would
establish a committee composed of representatives
of all United Nations members. It may be pointed
out that this formula would permit the new mem-
bers whom we hope to have with us to make a
significant contribution.

I wish also to note, Mr. President, that the
sponsors of the original resolution are happy to
have the delegation of Uruguay join us in spon-
soring the revised text.

Mr. President, I hope this new draft will com-
mend itself to all members and that it will be
adopted as embodying a fair common denomina-
tor of the views expressed during tliis debate.

U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences

North Pacific Fur Seal Conference

The Department of State announced on Novem-
ber 25 (press release 666) that the U.S. Govern-
ment will be represented by the following
delegation at the North Pacific Fur Seal Confer-
ence which is to open at Washington, D. C, on
November 28 : ^^

Delegates

Wesley E. D'Ewart, Chairman, Assistant Secretary of the
Interior

' The Syrian amendment which would have deleted the
paragraph deciding "that a General Conference to review
the Charter shall be held at an appropriate time" was
rejected by a vote of 14-35-9.

' U.N. doc. A/L.201/Rev. 1.

' U.N. doc. A/L.197/Rev. 2.

'° For an earlier announcement, see Bulletin of Sept.
12, 1955, p. 437.

952

Department of State Bulletin

William O. Herrlngton, Deputy Chairman, Special As-
sistant for Fisheries and Wildlife, Office of the Under
Secretary, Department of State

Arnie J. Suomela, Assistant Director, Fish and Wildlife
Service, Department of the Interior

Advisers

Dou.i,'las G. Chapman, Professor, University of Washing-
ton, Seattle, Wash.

Warren F. Looney, Office of the Sjiecial Assistant for
Fisheries and Wildlife, Department of State

Conrad E. Snow, Assistant Legal Adviser for Far East-
ern Affairs, Department of State

William M. Terry, Fish and Wildlife Service, Department
of the Interior

Seton H. Thompson, Chief, Branch of Alaska Fisheries,
Fish and Wildlife Service, Department of the Interior

Ford Wilke, Biologist-in-Charge, Fur Seal Investigations,
Department of the Interior, Seattle, Wash.

Raymund T. Yingling, Assistant Legal Adviser for
European Affairs, Department of State

THE DEPARTMENT

Designations

John P. Meagher as Chief of the Public Services Di-
vision, effective November 6.

PUBLICATIONS

Recent Releases

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Qov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents ex-
cept in the case of free publications, which may 6e
obtained from the Department of State.

Defense, Continental Radar Defense System. TIAS 3049.
Pub. 5662. 3 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States and Canada. Ex-
change of notes— Signed at Washington August 1, 1951.
Entered into force August 1, 1951.

Saint Lawrence Seaway. TIAS 3053. Pub. 5666. 8 pp.
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Agreements between the United States and Canada — Ex-
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Telecommunications, Establishment of Radio Range
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Highways, Boyd-Roosevelt Highway in Panama. TIAS
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Defense, Transfer of Military Equipment to Guatemala.
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Agreement between the United States and Guatemala.
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Mutual Defense Assistance, Loan of Submarines to Italy.

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Mutual Defense Assistance. TIAS 3143. Pub. 5818.
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Agreement between the United States and Norway —
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses.

Pub. 5986. 6 pp. 54.

TIAS 3299.

Agreement between the United States and Argentina —
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3304.
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Agreement between the United States and Canada — Signed
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Atomic Energy, Information for Mutual Defense Pur-
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Agreement between the United States and Canada — Signed
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3307.

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Agreement between the United States and China — Signed
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3308.
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Agreement between the United States and Colombia —

December 5, 7955

953

Signed at Washington July 19, 1955. Entered Into force
July 19, 1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3309.
Pub. 5980. 6 pp. 5(t.

Agreement between the United States and Denmark — •
Signed at Washington July 25, 1955. Entered into force
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3310.

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Agreement between the United States and Greece — Signed
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3311.
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Agreement between the United States and Israel — Signed
at Washington July 12, 1955. Entered into force July
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3312.
Pub. 5974. 6 pp. 5(f.

Agreement between the United States and Italy — Signed
at AVashington July 28, 1955. Entered into force July 28,
1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3313.
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Agreement between the United States and Lebanon —
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July 18, 1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3315.
Pub. 5990. 6 pp. 5<f.

Agreement between the United States and Pakistan^ —
Signed at Washington August 11, 1955. Entered into
force August 11, 1055.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3316.
Pub. 5985. 6 pp. 54.

Agreement between the United States and the Republic of
the Philippines — Signed at Washington July 27, 1955. En-
tered into force July 27, 1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3317.
Pub. 5965. 11pp. 10<(.

Agreement between the United States and Portugal —
Signed at Washington July 21, 1955. Entered into force
July 21, 1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3318.
Pub. 5966. 6 pp. 5?;.

Agreement between the United States and Spain — Signed
at Washington July 19, 1955. Entered into force July 19,
1955.

Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3319.
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Agreement between the United States and Switzerland —
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Atomic Energy, Cooperation for Civil Uses. TIAS 3320.
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Agreement between the United States and Turkey — Signed
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Atomic Energy, Information for Mutual Defense Pur-
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Agreement between the United States and the United
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into force July 21, 1955.

954

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

December 5, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 85a

Agriculture. Progress and Problems in World

Agriculture (Beuson) 934

Atomic Energy. Nuclear Explosion in U. S. S. K.

(Strauss) 916

Canada. A Businessman in International Rela-
tions (Stuart) 927

Colombia. Letters of Credence (Urrutia-

llolguin) 916

Economic Affairs

A Businessman in International Relations

(Stuart) 927

East-West Trade Controls (DeLany) 918

Tripartite Statement on East-West Contacts . . 925

France. Tripartite Statement on East-West Con-
tacts 925

Germany. The Task of Reunifying Germany

(Conant) 915

Greece. Cutoff Date for Refugee Relief Act Visa

Applications in Greece 917

Iceland. Letters of Credence (Thors) 916

International Organizations and Meetings

Calendar of Meetings 932

North Pacific Fur Seal Conference 952

Progress and Problems in World Agriculture

(Benson) 934

Korea. Exhibition of Photographs of Korean Na-
tional Treasures 917

Laos. Letters of Credence (Souvannavong) . . . 916

Lebanon. Letters of Credence (Khouri) 916

Luxembourg. Letters of Credence (Le Gallais) . . 916

Mutual Security. U.S. Support for Baghdad Pact

(Gallman) 926

Near East. U.S. Support for Baghdad Pact (Gall-
man) 926

Pakistan. Letters of Credence (Ali) 916

Philippines. Letters of Credence (Romulo) .... 916

Publications

Publication of Geneva Foreign Ministers Con-
ference 916

Recent Releases 953

Refugees and Displaced Persons. Cutoff Date for
Refugee Relief Act Visa Applications in
Greece 917

State, Department of. Designations (Meagher) . . 953

Treaty Information. Current Actions 931

U.S.S.R.

East-West Trade Controls (DeLany) 918

Nuclear Explosion in U.S.S.R. (Strauss) .... 916

Tripartite Statement on East-West Contacts . . . 925

United Kingdom. Tripartite Statement on East-
West Contacts 925

United Nations

Proiiosal To Call Conference for Review of U.N.

Charter (Bell, text of resolution) 948

Question of Judicial Review of Administrative
Tribunal Judgments (Merrow, text of resolu-
tion) 938

Name Index

Ali, Mohammed 916

Bell, Laird 948

Benson, Ezra Taft 934

Conant, James B 915

DeLany, Walter S 918

Gallman, Waldemar 926

Khouri, Victor 916

Le Gallais, Hugues 916

Meagher, John P 953

Merrow, Chester E 938

Romulo, Carlos P 916

Souvannavong, Curot R 916

Strauss, Lewis L 916

Stuart, R. Douglas 927

Thors, Thor 916

Urrutia-Holguin, Francisco 916

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 21-27

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Press release issued prior to November 21 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 658 of
November 18.

No.
661
*662

*663

♦664

1665

666

*667
*668

Date

11/21
11/22

11/23
11/23
11/23
11/25

11/25

11/2

Subject

Refugee Relief Program.

Visit of NATO countries' parliament

members.
Prochnow commissioned.
Doctors tour atomic medical facilities.
Morrill appointment as consultant.
Delegation to Fur Seal Conference

(rewrite).
Itinerary for Cunha visit.
Visit of Professor Paolo Rossi.

*Not printed.

tHeUl for a later issue of the Bulletin.

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?. XXXIII, No. 859

n.-r.,„hnr 12, 1955

-■rASNT

«TEa

U.S. -LATIN AMERICAN TRADE— A TWO-WAY

STREET • by Assistant Secretary Holland 959

PROPOSALS FOR RETURN OF GERMAN AND

JAPANESE VESTED ASSETS • Statement by Deputy
Under Secretary Murphy 971

WHERE IS J UNITED STATES TRADE POLICY

HE.4DED? • by Ambassador Douglas Dillon ....... 976

PfflLIPPINE-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP 9 by Ambassador

Homer Ferguson 97 1

GEOPHYSICAL SCIENCE AND FOREIGN RELA-
TIONS ® by Walter M. Rudolph 9'<i9

COLOMBO PLAN NATIONS REVIEW ECONOMIC

PROGRESS 992

INTERNATIONAL JOINT COMMISSION DISCUSSES

U.S. -CANADIAN BOUTMDARY WATER PROBLEMS . 980

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U. S.-Latin American Trade — A Two-Way Street

hy Henry F. Holland

Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs ^

I am happy to be here with you to talk about oiir
inter- Ajiierican trade, a subject upon which I have
addressed many of you on other occasions. Today
I shall speak principally to our U.S. exportere
and should like to make these specific points :

( 1 ) Our international trade with Latin Amer-
ica is the largest that the United States carries on
with any area of the world. It is exceedingly im-
portant to our own welfare and to that of the other
American Republics.

(2) It is the policy of our Government to
strengthen and expand this vital trade. That
policy enjoys the wholehearted support of each
of our two great political parties.

(3) This policy contemplates that, consistent
with our national interests, we not only shall pro-
tect existing levels of inter- American trade but
shall undertake to expand our trade with the rest
of tlie hemisphere.

(4) The principal limiting factor on the vol-
mne of our inter- American trade is the level of
U.S. imports from the area. This is true because,
although there is a large unsatisfied Latin Ameri-
can demand for U.S. exports, their purchases from
us cannot appreciably exceed the dollars they earn
by selling goods and services to us.

(5) Lastly, the primary burden of increasing
U.S. markets for Latin American exports rests on
exporters in those countries.

However, and I want to emphasize this point, our
own exporters have an obvious interest in seeing
those markets increased. So true is tliis that it
might well be good business for United States ex-

' Address made liefore the National Foreign Trade Coun-
cil at New York, N. Y., on Nov. 14.

porters to consider ways in which they can help
increase the dollar income of their good customers
to the south.

Importance of Inter-American Trade

Going back to my first point, the importance of
our inter- American trade, you all recall that its
dimensions are impressive. Every year we buy
about $3.5 billion of goods and services from Latin
America, and they use the dollars so earned to
buy about the same volume from us. That means
an annual trade of about $7 billion, which is
greater than our trade with any other part of the
world. It exceeds our trade with Canada or with
Europe — or with Asia, Africa, and Oceania com-
bined. It represents 27.5 percent of all our
exports and 34.5 percent of our imports.

To Latin America it is even more important.
To say that it is 41 percent of their exports and
57 percent of their imports does not give a com-
plete picture. The national economy of some of
the countries is largely geared to production for
export to the United States. It is not an exaggera-
tion to say that, if anything seriously adverse were
to happen to the U.S. markets for their principal
exports, it would mean economic and political
chaos for some countries in the area. The eco-
nomic dislocations would affect the lives of mil-
lions of people.

It is easy to understand, therefore, why the bi-
partisan policy of our Government is to protect
and increase the volimie of our inter-American
trade. Our citizens should support the adminis-
tration and the Congress in this wholesome policy
of resisting efforts to reduce the volume of our
inter- American trade, whether through increased

December ?2, 7955

959

tariffs, reduced quotas, or other restrictive devices.
The efforts of certain domestic producers to put
competitive Latin American imports at a disad-
vantage are entirely understandable. But the
greater national interest requires that we protect
existing levels of international trade in the hemi-
sphere. To date the administration and the Con-
gress have successfully resisted every effort to
reduce our imports of Latin America's major ex-
ports— and evei-y one of those exports except coffee
has come under fire. If this record is to be main-
tained, our voters must understand the importance
of protecting our inter- American trade and must
insist on it.

Expansion of Inter-American Trade

The first thing to emphasize about our trade with
the other American Republics is the importance
of preserving its existing levels. But that is not
enough. Our national interest demands that we
expand it. And it is about this that I would speak
to you today. I have said that our trade with
Latin America is larger than that we carry on with
any other region. Does that mean we can be satis-
fied with its present level ? Decidedly not. There
is every reason to believe that our inter- American
trade can be enormously expanded with commen-
surate benefits to all our peoples. Let us compare
our trade with the Latin American area and our
trade with Canada, which is the most important
single comitry in our foreign trade. Thirty-four
percent of our imports come from Latin America
and 23 percent from Canada, a difference of 11
percent. Our exports to Latin America were last
year about 5 percent greater than those to Canada.

But look at the difference in the two trading
partners. Geographically, Latin America is more
than twice as large as Canada. Its population of
174 millions of people is almost 12 times greater
than that of Canada. The potential resources of
the 20 Latin American Republics enormously ex-
ceed those of our neighbor to the north. The in-
escapable conclusion is that when the potentialities
of our trade with Latin America ai'e as fully de-
veloped as is now true of Canada our trade with
our southern neighbors will be much larger than
it now is. Think what it would mean to the
economic and political stability and strength of
Latin America if its trade with the United States
could be doubled or tripled. Think of the benefits
to our own economy that this would imply.

Our Government has acted effectively to in-
crease the volume of our inter-American trade.
As I have said, it has kept existing channels of
trade open. It has been resourceful in devising
tax and other incentives to encourage U.S. capital \
to go into those areas of Latin America where
local conditions are reasonably attractive and
where foreign investors are wanted. It has ef-
fectively supplemented private sources of invest-
ment capital through a policy which has increased
Export-Import Bank loan authorizations more
than 500 percent in the last fiscal year. It will
participate in the International Finance Corpora-
tion, the proposed International Bank subsidiary
designed to encourage the flow of private capital
into economic development. Our Government has
offered generous credit facilities to enable the U.S.
exporter to compete with terms offered by sup-
pliers from other countries. Wliere there is a
legitimate relation to our national defense we have
purchased abroad for stockpile, thus increasing
the dollars available to buy our exports.

All of these measures ai'e helpful. But they
alone will not produce the increase in our inter-
American trade that we all want. Indeed, no I
government can either create or sustain a strong
and expanding international trade. "We have the
power to cripple it, and at times the actions of
governments work in that direction. But trade
means the production of goods, their transj^orta-
tion to markets, and their sale for consumption.
Governments are, at best, high-cost producers. In
times of peace they are not generally important
as consumers. The real producers and consumers
are our people. They are the only element whose
activities are large enough to produce and con-
sume goods on a vast scale. The greatest con-
tribution any government can make to the
strengthening of trade is to encourage private
enterprise to take the risks and to make the effort
to produce more goods for consumption.

This is essentially a supporting role. The real
drive, resourcefulness, and direction must come
from private businessmen like yourselves.

Role of Private Enterprise

If you agree that our Goverimaent is performing
its supporting role effectively, will you inquire
with me today into a second question? Is private
enterprise doing its share to increase inter- Ameri-
can trade ?

960

Department of State Bulletin

The United States businessman feels, and
rightly, that he is one of the world's best mer-
chandisers. His most resourceful energies are de-
voted to the task of creating new demands abroad
for U.S. products, to introducing them into new
markets, to devising new selling and credit pro-
cedures that will enable customers to buy greater
volumes. He believes that both individually and
as a group he is doing about as effective a job as is
possible to increase our trade in the hemisphere.
He complains at times that the import restrictions
and exchange controls imposed by the governments
to the south are slowly reducing his sales to the
point that he may soon be out of the market.

We all know that the dollar shortage in some
Latin American countries leads them to impose
restrictions which channel their limited exchange
reserves into the imports considered most neces-
sary to the national economy. Some of our ex-
porters remember wistfully the days just after the
last war, when Latin America had ample reserves
of dollars, when she could afford to pay for all
those products that she wants today and cannot
buy. We would all like Latin America's purchas-
ing power to be as strong today as it was then.
It would be a fine thing for international trade.
But we conclude logically it is impossible so long
as the dollar shortage continues.

What causes the dollar shortage? We all
know it exists because Latin America just does
not sell enough goods for dollars. There most
of us drop the matter. Latin America is a good
market, because there is a strong sustained de-
mand for U.S. products. But, like so many good
markets, it is limited by the dollars available, and
that is a problem, our exporter will say, about
which he can do nothing.

I am going to be presumptuous enough to say
that there is something our exporters can do, that
we may be overlooking an opportunity that a re-
sourceful merchandiser should seize. Very sim-
ply, it lies in the failure of our U.S. exporters to
devote time, money, and effort to increasing our
imports from Latin America; to their failure to
do something themselves about that dollar short-
age. Each of our exporters competes for a larger
piece of the pie represented by our export market
to the south. That is a wholesome feature of our
private enterprise system. But should they not
also be trying to increase the size of the pie?
Every additional dollar that Latin America earns

by selling to us means an increase in her capacity
to buy from us.

You may say, and quite logically, that this is
the job of the producer in Latin America. If he
wants to sell more in the U.S., let him get out and
develop the market here just as you have there.
It is in fact his job, but I wonder if you do not
have just about as big a stake as he in seeing that
it is done successfully.

Wliat is the situation today? For a moment
forget about the particular products in whose sale
abroad each of you is inter&sted and look at the
problem of inter- American trade the way your
Government must. We would like to see every
individual U.S. exporter do a bigger business.
But for some purposes we look at the entire group
as one composite exporter whose product, whether
goods or services, is simply labeled ''U.S. exports."
Let us be frank about it. That composite ex-
porter isn't doing too well in Latin America. He
is eager to increase his volume of business. The
demand for his product is strong. But he is up
against a stone wall represented by the amount of
dollars that his customer has available to spend.
Latin America can spend for U.S. exports some-
where in the neighborhood of $3.5 billion a year.
If by aggressive salesmanship our exporter in-
ci-eases his sales of one product, it simply means
that his volume on some other has to take a com-
pensating drop. His aggregate business can't ex-
ceed that ceiling of dollar availability.

Dollar Loans

Our composite exporter can increase his overall
volume a little by offering credit terms and by
arranging for his Latin American customers to
borrow dollars. He looks to his Government for
help here. As you know, the I'esponse has been
generous. The Export-Import Bank has been
quite active in the field of exporter credits. Both
it and the International Bank have substantially
intensified their lending activities in Latin Amer-
ica. Last fiscal year the Ibrd authorized new
credits in the area of $125 million — 30 percent of
its total activities for the year. The Export-
Import Bank authorized new credits in Latin
America of $284 million or 58 percent of its total
loans. But I believe you will agree with me that
loans are not a very satisfactory way to build up
an export trade. For each dollar that they in-
crease sales in a current year, those in some future

December ?2, 1955

961

year when the doHar is repaid must be reduced.
This burden of loan repayment is now taking a
substantial share of Latin America's available
dollars. Annual repayments of principal to the
Export-Import Bank and the Ibrd combined
amount to about $50 million per year. The major
portion goes to the Export-Import Bank, which
has a larger volume of loans in the area. Tliis
i-epayment figure will go up substantially in future
years as amortization payments become due on
loans made during the recent years as well as on
loans yet to be made.

Dollar loans are necessary not so much to in-
crease the volume of U.S. exports as to hurry
economic development in the debtor countries.
A dollar loan which simply increases consumption
of U.S. exports does not benefit the U.S. nor the
debtor country as much as does a loan which con-
tributes to economic development.

Increasing U.S. Imports From Latin America

It seems to me that, rather than on credits, our
composite U.S. exporter should concentrate at-
tention on increasing the earned income of tliis
good Latin American customer. That income has
been holding pretty constant around the $3.5 bil-
lion mark for several years. How can we increase
it? Several ways are obvious. One, of course,
is to buy more of his goods and services. Does
this mean that U.S. exporters, instead of selling
their own products in Latin America, should be
out selling Latin American products in the U.S. ?
If we want to increase our exports it may be that
we will have to do sometliing like that, and the
person with the greatest interest in seeing it done
is the U.S. exporter. It would be good business
for him to be looking aroimd for ways to increase
U.S. consumption of the products that we now
import.

I am not suggesting that our exporters take over
the job of developing U.S. markets for Latin
American products. Obviously that is primarily
the function of Latin American private enterprise.
However, I do believe that this is clearly another
case in which by helping a Latin American inter-
est we help our own. It is one where help from
U.S. private enterprise will produce results that
well repay the effort.

Coffee is a good example of a product whose
consumption might be increased. It is our largest
U.S. import — about $1,400 million a year. We buy
it from 14 Latin American countries. Yet, in a

sense, coffee sells itself in the United States.
There is a good deal of brand advertising of the
kind designed to make a person who is accus-
tomed to drinking one kind of coffee shift to an-
other. But there is no coordinated industrywide
sales effort designed to increase our national con-
sumption of the product. I am not an expert in
these matters, but I have heard it said, and it
seems reasonable to me, that such a program would
probably increase consumption substantially.

Who would benefit if our imports of coffee
were to be increased by, say, 10 percent? That
would be about $140 million a year. Certainly the
tens of thousands of people engaged in the pro-
duction, processing, and transportation of coffee
abroad would benefit. But is it not also true that
the sales of our own exporters in those 14 Latin
American countries would increase by approxi-
mately the same amount?

Our composite U.S. exporter would do well, it
seems to me, to consider the practicality of a co-
operative effort with his opposite number in the
Latin American coffee industry. Any increase in
our imports of coffee would produce about the
same dollar benefit to the business of each.

A second way to increase our imports from
Latin America is, of course, to find new sources of
products for which there is today an unsatisfied
demand in the United States. Copper is such an
import. It is estimated that after a 5-year devel-
opment period the new $200 million copper project
in southern Peru will produce about 140,000 tons
of copper a year. Even before the recent price
increase this would have raised Peru's dollar in-
come by about $84 million a year. Whatever the
price 5 years hence, our composite U.S. exporter
can look forward to a substantially bigger market
in Peru.

The iron ore development in northern Venezuela
is another case in point. It will produce millions
of tons per year for export.

A third way to increase our imports from Latin
America is to find markets in the U.S. for new
products that we have not traditionally imported.
I was pleased to learn that U.S. private enterprise
has contracted to purchase and import substantial
quantities of natural gas from Mexico. Mexico's
expanding reserves are such that slie can export
gas without imperiling the supply of her own con-
sumers. This contract, I believe, will mean an
increase in Mexico's aimual dollar income of more
than $5 million.

962

Department of State Bulletin

Next, we should not lose sight of the fact that,
after coffee and petroleum, Latin America's big-
gest dollar earner is the U.S. tourist. He spends
over $450 million a year in the area. In Mexico
tourism is the largest souixe of dollars — an esti-
mated $124 million in the first 4 months of the
current year. Our conijjosite U.S. exporter could
profitably investigate ways of cooperating with
our own authorities and those in Latin America
that are working to increase the volume of our
tourist travel there.

Development Capital

Another obvious way to increase the income
of your Latin American customers is to channel
new supplies of development capital into the area.
The benefit to the U.S. exporter is obvious. In
the first place, a new investment frequently means
the sale of capital equipment to establish a new
industry. But there is a long-term benefit. These
new industries contribute in the ways so familiar
to all of us to strengthening the local economy.
That, in turn, means a sound and lasting increase
in our international trade.

In this area of capital supply U.S. private enter-
prise is measuring up rather well to its role in
strengthening inter- American trade. There is an
abundance of U.S. private capital available for
investment abroad. There is no scarcity of U.S.
investors familiar with Latin America and will-
ing to take an active part in its development. The
same is increasingly true of European investors.

I have already spoken of what our Government
is doing in the field of trade expansion, economic
development loans, and the encouragement of new
investment. It is noteworthy that official credits
very frequently result in substantial private in-
vestment. For example, in the Peruvian copper
development which I mentioned, a $100 million
Export- Import Bank loan is being matched by a
somewhat larger amount to be contributed by pri-
vate investors.

I believe that it is fair to say that the flow of new
investment capital in each country will be meas-
ured by the local government and people rather
than by factors over which the L".S. has control.
Kegardless of the amounts of investment capital
available, regardless of the interest which may
exist among investor's, and regardless of the in-
centives which may be afforded by our own Gov-
ei-nment, investment capital will not be forth-

coming in any coimtry unless local conditions are
those which private investors everywhere in the
world require before they will risk their capital.

Some of you may feel that my remarks today
have only an academic interest. You might say
that it is plausible, but quite impractical, for a
Government official to urge U.S. exporters to
divert their attention from marketing their own
products to finding new markets in the United
States for products of foreign exporters. It is all
very well to talk of the opportunities of a com-
posite U.S. exporter, but none of you is he. Sup-
jjose that one of you could increase U.S. tourist
expenditures in some Latin American country.
"Wliat assurance would you have that a fair share
of those new dollars would be spent to buy your
products rather than those of your competitors?
I can think of other problems that would compli-
cate any joint or separate effort by the U.S. ex-
porting community to increase U.S. exports by
raising the dollar income of your good customer —
Latin America. As always, though, you are in
the position of selecting between alternatives.
You can continue as you are — with Latin
America's dollar income running at more or less
constant levels. Under those conditions you will
spend your time and energy competing for a larger
piece of a $314 billion export pie. On the other
hand, if you can work out the problems I have
indicated and others which would surely arise,
you might well increase the size of that export pie,
and increase it rather substantially. My own
conviction is that the chance of winning justifies
your devoting some thought and time to the prob-
lem.

A cooperative effort through your organiza-
tions— Chambers of Commerce, "World Trade
Councils, trade associations, or similar groups —
to increase our imports from Latin America will,
I am sure, pay off handsomely in increased exports
to our 20 Latin American customers.

You are the United States community with the
gi'eatest interest in increasing our inter-American
ti'ade. You probably know more about the factors
that control and limit that trade than anyone here
or abroad. You can probably make a unique
contribution to increasing our imports from Latin
America. I hope that you will feel that the op-
portunity I have suggested to you is a provocative
one. This I assure you : We in the Government
who are intensely interested in inter-American
trade are ready to do what we can to be helpful.

December 12, 1955

963

Excerpts From Transcript of
Secretary Dulles' News Conference

Press release 671 dated November 29

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you care to comment
on the Soviet radio announcement this morning
that Russia is ready to stop nuclear tests if Britain
will do the same?

A. I have just seen the report of that. I tliink
it just came on the ticker a few minutes ago. The
question as to whether or not a suspension of nu-
clear testing could be made descendable and in the
interests of the United States is a matter which
has been under consideration and study by this
Government for a great many months. So far,
we have not found any formula which we felt
could meet the two specifications I indicated of
being both dependable and in the interests of the
United States. And when I say "the United
States," I refer not only to our national interest
but the interest that we have in pi'otecting peace
and freedom in the world. So, as I say, the topic
is one which has been long considered. It in-
volves a great many highly technical elements.
And, so far, the United States has not come to
any positive conclusioia in the matter.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your speech on Novemher
18^ you said that the Russian behavior at the
Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference had "seri-
ously set back the growth of ariy confidence the
free world can justifiably place in Soviet prom-
ises.'''' What, in your view, would the Soviets have
to do to restore any confidence that the West might
have in their promises?

A. I have never had a great deal of confidence
in Soviet Conmiunist promises unless they were
given under circumstances so that the self-interest
of the Soviet Union became an obvious reason for
them to make their promises good. I have fre-
quently said — I recall particularly one hearing be-
fore the Foreign Affairs Committee — that I
thought it would always be reckless for the United
States substantially to alter its position in reliance
merely of promises by the Soviet Union as to what
they might do in the future. We did not, in fact,
alter our position or our programs in reliance of
the Soviet promise that was given at the summit

' Bulletin of Nov. 28, 1955, p. SC7.

conference at Geneva. It would take a combina-
tion of events, such as the performance by the
Soviet Union of a promise, even under circum-
stances where it was detrimental to the Soviet
Union to carry out that promise, in order to make
future promises seem such that we could rely
upon them. That may be a little abstract, but I
think that gives my philosophy about this matter.

Q. Well, could you naine any specific issues
which the Soviets might change their view on?

A. The particular event which led to that state-
ment of mine provides a good illustration. At the
summit conference at Geneva it was said there that
the four Heads of Government had agreed that
Germany should be unified by means of free elec-
tions. Now at the subsequent conference the So-
viet delegation took the position that they could
not admit of free elections which would embrace
East Germany. If they were willing to have such
free elections, that would be one step forward at
least in restoring confidence in their promises.

Q. Mr. Secretary, what are the prospects now
for German unification? What can the West do
about it at the present time?

A. "Well, I would say that there are two things
that the West could do. One is we should keep
the pressure on. We kept the pressure on as re-
gards Austria, and finally we got the break which
gave Austria her freedom. I think that the same
pressure will in due time produce the same result
for Germany. It is almost impossible to specu-
late with profit as to how long the time will be; it
could be very short, it could be long. The break
that came in Austria came in a sense as a very con-
siderable surprise after 7 or 8 years, it was, of
holdout. So I think the pressure of world
opinion, if it is kept on, will bring that unification
about.

The second thing is that, in my opinion, the West
shouldn't just sit around waiting. They should
go ahead with the plans for the increasing of inte-
gration and unity of Europe. I am not thinking
primarily in terms of the military unification,
although that is important. I am thinking more
in terms of the general development of the so-
called European idea and moving toward a United
States of Europe in terms of political and eco-
nomic imity, either on a broad basis or on a
functional basis through the development of such
institutions as the Coal and Steel Community.

964

liepot\men^ of Sfafe Bulletin

Q. Mr. Secretary, regardless of whether there
is any substance to the so-called Russian offers in
the Middle East and Southeast Asia, it seems
quite plain, from all reports loe get, that they have
made great psychological gains as the ^^ friend''^ of
these people. Is it your belief, sir, that our posi-
tion is strong enough in those areas that we need
to do nothing more than we are doing now to meet
that so-called psychological challenge?

A. Well, as I said in my radio report after the
last Geneva conference, I do not think that there
are any developments which require us to alter the
general magnitude of our programs. That does
not mean that there may not be a need for some
increases or some shifting. We have always
sought and needed and used flexibility. The
point of the greatest need shifts from time to time
from one place to another and it may be — it is
quite likely to be — that the situation in the South
Asia and Middle East area will be a focal point
for a time. But the general order of magnitude
upon which we are working now with the present,
or preferably a little greater, degree of flexibility
will, I think, enable us to deal adequately with the
situation. It would, of course, be, impossible for
us if, at any point whei-e the Soviet made a pro-
posal, we immediately cap it with a better pro-
posal. That would mean by no expenditure at all
the Soviets could engage us in immense expendi-
ture. That would be just falling into another
kind of trap. We have constructive policies which
have evolved over the years involving the grant —
to some extent the loan, but in most places the
gi-ant — of a great many tens of millions of dollars
in that area. That program has helped to bring
the people forward in their economic development.
I think, in these matters, the so-called long-haul
program is better than emergency operations. We
have developed what we call a long-haul program
for military, particularly in terms of Nato. I
think that in terms of economic development
something that is steady and sustained is better
than something that is sporadic. That is my
general approach to that problem.

Q. As a sequel to that, sir, would you say that we
or the Russians have the initiative in those areas

now)

A. I would say that we have the initiative, very
distinctly.

Q. In both those areas?

A. Perhaps some qualification is required be-
cause there is a Soviet eft'ort being made there for
the first time. Now when a person has not been
making any particular effort and he starts to make
it, that, I suppose in a certain sense, gives him an
initiative. But if you want to take the total situ-
ation on a comparative basis, I believe that what
we are doing and have been doing in the area is of
incomparably greater importance and significance
than these tentative proposals that the Soviets are
now making and as to which we don't yet see
clearly how much solid substance there is behind
the smiles.

Q. Mr. Secretary, com you tell us the status of
the State Department's consideration of Israel's
request to buy munitions from this country to
offset the movement of Convnvunist arms to Egypt?

A. That request has been referred to the Defense
Department for study in terms of costs and avail-
ability, and we do not yet have their report on that.

Q. Mr. Secretary, coming bach a minute to your
remarhs on the prospect of Oerman unification,
you drew the analogy of the Austrian situation
and pointed out that it was toork and perseverance
that brought this about. There was a change in
Soviet leadership which I think was also j>robably
credited with the change of Russian attitude in
Austria. I toas toondering if you were anticipat-
ing some change in the Soviet side that may also
contribute to the German situation.

A. Well, changes are inevitable even in the case
of dictatorships.

Importance of Bipartisan Unity
in Foreign Policy

News Conference Statement by Secretary Dulles

Press release 670 dated November 29

Foreign policy will no doubt be debated during
the presidential campaign. Such debate should
be welcomed so long as it is constructive and con-
ducted in such a manner as not to endanger our
Nation.

It needs to be remembered that those hostile to
the United States and its ideals are not going to
take a vacation so that we here can safely concen-
trate on a domestic political battle. We should

December 72, J955

965

not encourage them to become bolder, calculating
that the months ahead, because they are an elec-
tion period for us, will provide unusual oppor-
tunities for them.

Our Nation will need the same bipartisan unity
which in the past has given authority, vitality,
and much success to our foreign policies. The
need for such biiiartisanship has been increasingly
recognized during the postwar decade, and last
year bipartisanship reached a new high.

The foreign policies of this administration have
developed out of an intimate cooperation between
the Executive and tlie Congi-ess on a nonpartisan
basis. President Eisenhower and I have made it
a regular practice to confer with congressional
leaders of both parties on all aspects of foreign
policy. As Secretary of Stat«, I have met more
than 100 times with bipartisan congressional
groups and manj' more times with individual mem-
bers of Congress. Most of these meetings have
been in executive session and have provided the
congressional leaders, both Democrats and Re-
publicans, with the knowledge and opportunity
which have enabled them to contribute to an
unusual degi-ee to the making of our foreign poli-
cies. For example. Senator George and Congress-
man Eichards, the Chairmen of the Senate and
House Committees dealing with foreign affairs,
have taken an active part in policymaking.

It is to be hoped that partisan debate will not
disrupt or disparage this process which is necessary
to give to United States foreign policy the stability
required if our friends abroad are to depend upon
it and if our enemies abroad are to resjject it.

I know that no American will deliberately im-
peril his Nation. But that peril could result from
careless or uninformed indulgence in partisan ex-
cesses. "Politicking" is not as fully discounted
abroad as it is discounted by the good sense of
the American people.

It is to be hoped that during the coming year
both Republicans and Democrats who discuss for-
eign policy will bear this in mind.

Educator To Study Exchange Program

Press release 665 dated NoTember 23

The Department of State on November 23 an-
nounced the appointment of Dr. J. L. Morrill,
President of the University of Minnesota, as a
consultant, to make a study of the relationship

between the International Educational Exchange
Program conducted by the Department and the ex-
change-of- persons aspects of the technical cooper-
ation program conducted by the International
Cooperation Administration. This study is being
carried out at the request of several committees
of Congress which have been concerned about the
relationship between these two programs.

Dr. Morrill is well acquainted with both of the
programs included in this study. He is currently
president of the Association of American Univer-
sities, and chairman of the Committee on Govern-
mental Relationships of the American Council on
Education. From 1947 to 1948 he was president
of the Association of Land-Grant Colleges and
Universities, and from 1951 to 1955 he served as
chairman of the U.S. Advisory Commission on
Educational Exchange.

Dr. Morrill lioj^es to complete this study and
report his findings to the Secretary of State early
in 1956.

U.S.-Portuguese Conversations

Text of Joint Communique

Press release 678 dated December 2

In the course of the official visit of the Minister
of Foreign Affairs of Portugal to Washington,^
conversations took place between Dr. Paulo Cunha
and the Secretary of State, Mr. John Foster Dul-
les, and other officers of the United States Govern-
ment on matters of mutual interest to both coun-
tries and also on other issues of general interest
to their respective foreign policies.

The conversations were carried on in an at-
mosphere of excellent understanding, and they
have therefore made a considerable contribution
to the strengthening of Portuguese- American re-
lations. Among other topics, problems of defense
within the framework of Nato were discussed.
The intei'dependence of Africa and the Western
World was also emphasized.

Problems connected with the trade relations be-

^ Dr. Paulo Cunha arrived in Washington on Nov. 30 for
a 3-day visit as a guest of the U.S. Government. Members
of the party, in addition to the Foreign Minister, were
Senhora de Cunha ; Henrique Bacelar Caldeira Queiroz,
Deputy Director General of Political Affairs; Rui Braz
Mimoso, Chief of Cabinet to the Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs ; and Fernando Pessoa Jorge, Secretary to the Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs.

966

Deparlmenf of State Bulletin

hveen the United States and Portugal, and cer-
tain points relating to the use of atomic energy
for peaceful purposes were also considered.

Various statements attributed to Soviet rulers
visiting in Asia, which included references to the
policies of Western powers in the Far East and
allegations concerning the Portuguese provinces
in the Far East, were discussed by the two Foreign

Ministers. They considered that such statements
do not represent a contribution to the cause of
peace. Tlie two Ministers whose countries em-
brace many peoples of many races deplored all ef-
forts to foment hatred between the East and West
and to divide peoples who need to feel a sense of
unity and fellowship for peace and mutual
welfare.

Understanding With Austria Concerning Protection of U.S. Property Interests

Press release 673 dated December 1

The Department of State releases herewith the
text of an understanding reached with the Aus-
trian Government supplementing the protection
afforded by provisions of the Austrian State
Treaty with respect to property in Austria owned
by United States nationals. The United King-
dom is also party to the understanding, which
covers British-owned property as well. The
agreement relates primarily to property owned by
United States business firms in Austria which
was seized by Nazi authorities in Austria and held
under confiscatory legislation as German prop-
erty. Under the provisions of article 22 of the
Austrian State Treaty, which came into effect on
July 27, 1955,^ such German assets were trans-
ferred to Austria.

This understanding supplements the protection
of United States property interests provided for
by article 25 of the State Treaty .= Article 25 of
the treaty provides that Austria will restore prop-
erty rights and interests of United Nations
nationals in such property as it existed on the day
hostilities connnenced between Germany and the
United Nation concerned. Since in the case of
the United States such hostilities did not com-
mence until December 11, 1941, at which time the
Nazi authorities had already confiscated the
United States property in question, the supple-
mentary understanding regarding treatment of
such property was necessary.

The understanding also provides for restora-

' For text, see Biilletin of June 6, 195.5, p. 916.
' For an analysis of article 25, see ibid., Nov. 7, 1955,
p. 760.

December J2, J955

tion of United States-owned property interests in
certain property in Austria which was national-
ized in 1946.

This understanding in no way conflicts with the
Austrian State Treaty nor any other commitment
undertaken by the Austrian Government. It only
provides the basis on which the pertinent claims
of individual American and British property
owners will be considered by the Austrian au-
thorities, leaving the actual settlements to nego-
tiations between them. The text of the understand-
ing is attached hereto together with the texts of
three documents referred to therein.

TEXT OF UNDERSTANDING OF MAY 10, 1955

MEMORANDUM
Concerning the Results or the Discussions Between

MEltBEKS OP THE AUSTRIAN FEDERAI, GOVERNMENT AND
THE AMBASSADORS OP HER BRITANNIC MaJESTT AND OP

THE United States of America

On tbe occasion of the Conference of Ambassadors in
Vienna, with a view to the earliest possible conclusion of
the Austrian State Treaty, discussions took place between
Her Britannic Majesty's Ambassador Sir Geoffrey Arnold
WalliiiKer, K. C. M. G., and the Ambassador of the United
States (if America, Mr. Llewellyn E. Thompson, of the one
part, and the members of the Austrian Federal Govern-
ment Federal Chancellor Ing. Julius Raab, Vice-Chancel-
lor Dr. Adolf Schaerf, Federal Minister for Foreign
Affairs Dr. (h. e.) Leopold Figl and State Secretary for
Foreign Affairs Dr. Bruno Kreisky, of the other part,
with the following result :

I.

1) The two Ambassadors gave an assurance to the
above-mentioned members of the Austrian Federal Gov-
ernment that the United Kingdom and the United States

967

of America will transfer to Austria the property, rights
and interests which are the subject of paragraph 11 of
Article 35 of the draft State Treaty in its present version.

2) The two Ambassadors referred to the fact that the
former German assets located in the American and
British Zones were handed over to Austrian Adminis-
trative control as long ago as 1946. In conformity with
their declaration of intention, made in 1&49, to hand
over to Austria the former German assets in Western
Austria upon the entry into force of the Austrian State
Treaty, their Governments have taken measures outside
Austria for the recognition of Austria's future title to
those assets.

3) These former German assets will be transferred to
Austria by virtue of the Austrian State Treaty with the
aim of strengthening the Austrian economy and in order
to compensate Austria to a certain extent for its waiver
of existing claims against Germany resulting from the
period of occupation of Austria by Germany.

4) This transfer will, furthermore, be made without
payment or other consideration given to the United King-
dom and the United States of America by Austria.

5) The Ambassador of the United States of America
stated his understanding that his Government did not in-
tend to remove the buildings erected in Austria by the
United States of America for occupation purposes, and
that his Government would be prepared to consider
promptly and sympathetically any proposals by the Aus-
trian Federal Government for the acquisition by Austria
of these properties, fixtures and installations on advan-
tageous terms.

6) Her Britannic Majesty's Ambassador confirmed that
all married families' quarters constructed at United
Kingdom expense will be handed over to the Austrian
authorities in a manner advantageous to Austria. Fur-
thermore, his Government would be prepared to consider
sympathetically a similar disposition of the equipment
and fixtures belonging to the occupation forces of the
United Kingdom in Austria.

7) The two Ambassadors further declared that with a
view to expediting final agreement on the text of the
Austrian State Treaty, they would support the Austrian
Government in its efforts to obtain possible changes in
the State Treaty favorable to Austria.

8) Her Britannic Majesty's Ambassador further agi-eed
that he would, so far as he was able, support the deletion
from the State Treaty of Annexes VIII and X upon
request of the Austrian Government.

It was stated that Austria would give effect to the
provisions of these Annexes in regard to the few cases
which are involved by the conclusion of bilateral arrange-
ments in so far as this was still necessary.

II.

In view of the declarations of the Ambassadors of Her
Britannic Majesty and of the United States of America
set out in I above, the above-mentioned Members of
the Austrian Federal Government declare that they will
ensure that as soon as possible after the entry into force
of the State Treaty, but at the latest within 21 months
from that date, unless otherwise stipulated below, the
following decisions and measures will be effected :

1. In view of the indirect 100 percent ownership rights
which the firms Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd. and
Socony Vacuum Oil Co. held before the enti-y into force
of the State Treaty in the Lobau refinery and the
Zistersdorf-Lobau pipelines, these assets will be trans-
ferred either to these firms directly or to their sub-
sidiary company "Oesterreichische Mineraloelwerke". If
the Federal Government is prevented from so doing, it
will give adequate satisfaction to the above-mentioned
firms in the sense of the Declaration of November 29,
1949.

2. The firms Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd. and Stand-
ard Oil Co. (N. J.) will, in view of the indirect 50
percent (25 percent each) participating interests in the
Korneuburg refinery, which they held prior to the entry
into force of the State Treaty, receive adequate satis-
faction in the sense of the Declaration of November 29,
1949.

3. The firms Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd. and
Standard Oil Co. (N. J.) will, in view of their 50 percent
(25 percent each) Indirect participating interests in the
distribution installations of the "Deutsche Gasolin A.G."
and "Gasolin Ges.m.b.H." located in Eastern Austria, re-
ceive compensation in the form of a transfer of the 50
percent German interests in the distribution installations
in Western Austria of the "Deutsche Gasolin A.G." and its
subsidiary company "Gasolin Ges.m.b.H."

4. In view of a possible American 25 percent indirect
participating interest in the "Hotel Nordbahn-Gesell-
schaft" and of a possible 5.06 percent British indirect
participating interest in the "Osram Ges.m.b.H.", shares of
the same intrinsic value in other firms engaged in similar
commercial activities in Austria will be transferred. If
the Federal Government is not in a position to do this, the
share-owners entitled will receive adequate compensation.

5. The Atzgersdorf factory of the Austrian Unilever
A.G., which is British-Dutch property, will be handed
over to tlie Austrian Unilever A.G. as soon as possible.

6. The firms Roholgewinnungs-Aktiengesellschaft
(RAG), Van Sickle and possibly Austrogasco and Stein-
Ijerg-Naphta have lost exploration rights (Freischur-
frechte) for bitumen as a result of German legislation
or as a result of alleged alienation within the meaning
of the restitution legislation. By reason of this fact
and to give effect to the Declarations of November 29,
1949, Zl. 89.095-PO1/49 and of July 31, 1951, Zl.
137.55(5-Pol/51, and the accompanying note, the Austrian
Government declares itself ready, in so far as this has not
already been done, to enter into negotiations with these
firms or their British, Canadian or American share
owners, who on March 12, 1938 held exploration rights
which they lost as a result of German legislation or
through alienation within the meaning of the Austrian
restitution laws. In order to reach a settlement satisfac-
tory to the parties concerned.

In so doing, the Austrian Federal Government does not
intend to transfer to the ownership of the above-men-
tioned firm assets in the areas shown in Lists 1 and 2 of
Article 35 of the draft State Treaty in the version exist-
ing at the beginning of the Conference of Ambassadors
except in the case of restitution cases within the meaning
of the Austrian restitution legislation. In the case of

968

Department of State Bulletin

RAG, however, the Austrian Federal Government intends
in the first instance to fulfill this declaration by endeavor-
ing to conclude operating agreements with this firm
satisfactory to both parties for the purpose of developing
the oil resources in Austria.

7. A. The Ambassadors of Her Britannic Majesty and
of the United States of America have declared as follows :

a) At the time of the promulgation of the Nationaliza-
tion Law of July 26, 1946 (BGBl. No. 16S), the Anglo-
Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd. and the Socony Vacuum Oil
Co. Inc., which are of British and United States nation-
ality respectively, were the direct or indirect owners of
the shares of the Shell Floridsdorfer Mineraloelfabrik
and of Vacuum Oil Co. respectively. All investments in
these Austrian companies since the coming into force of
the Nationalization Law have been made exclusively by
the parent companies or by the Austrian companies out
of their own resources.

b) At the time of the promulgation of the Nationaliza-
tion Law of July 26, 1946 (BGBl. No. 168), the Anglo-
Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd. and the Socony Vacuum Oil
Co., which are of British and United States nationality
respectively, were the direct or indirect owners of the
shareholding rights in the Austrian Mineraloelwerke Ges.
m. b. H. (Oe. M. W.).

c ) At the time of the promulgation of the Nationaliza-
tion Law of July 26, 1946 the Socony Vacuum Oil Co. Inc.,
and the Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd., which are of
United States and British nationality respectively, were
the direct owners of the shares of the Rohoel-Gewinnungs
A. G. (RAG).

At that time the Standard Oil Co. (N. J.) which is of
United States nationality, was the direct owner of share-
holding rights in Austrogasco.

At that time Richard Keith van Sickle, a Canadian
citizen, was the direct owner of the firm Tiefbohrunter-
nehmen R. K. van Sickle.

All investments in RAG and Tiefbohrunternehmen R. K.
van Sickle since the coming into force of the Nationali-
zation Law have been made exclusively by their parent
companies (in the case of the Tiefbohrunternehmen R. K.
van Sickle by Mr. Richard Keith van Sickle) or by them-
selves out of their own resources.

B. On the assumption that the facts set out under A.
above are correct, the above-named members of the Aus-
trian Federal Government declare that they will ensure
that the following measures are taken by the Austrian
Federal Government :

ad a) : The share interests in the Austrian companies
named under Item a) will be transferred to the owner-
ship of the Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd. and of the
Socony Vacuum Oil Co. respectively.

ad b) : After the retention of shareholding rights corre-
sponding in value to the investments made in the Oe. M.
W. by parties other than the companies named under Item
b), the remaining shareholding rights in the Oe. M. W.
will be transferred to the Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co.
Ltd. and the Socony Vacuum Oil Co. respectively ; the ex-
tent of the shareholding rights to be returned is to be
agreed with these companies.

ad c) : The shares and shareholding rights of the Aus-
trian companies referred to in Item c) will be transferred
to the parent companies there referred to and, in the
case of the Tiefbohrunternehmen R. K. van Sickle, to
Mr. Richard Keith van Sickle.

ad a-c

It is understood that the re-establi.shment of owner-
ship rights provided for in this paragraph does not in-
clude the claims to rights in the areas formerly covered
by exploration rights (Freischurfrechte) of the above-
named companies and enterprises since the claims con-
nected therewith are governed by the provisions of para-
graph 6.

8. The Declaration of the Austrian Federal Government
of September 21, 1949 is afiirmed. For the sake of clar-
ity the Austrian Federal Government declares that the
measures for the elimination of German property, rights
and interests in the Western Zones of Austria and in the
First District of Vienna shall not impair lawfully ac-
quired property, rights and interests located in these areas
which are directly or indirectly owned by nationals of the
United Nations as defined in Article 42, paragraph 8 of the
State Treaty, nor such property rights and interests
which are to be restored in accordance with Articles 42
and 44 of the draft State Treaty or under existing Aus-
trian legislation.

In all cases, however, in which direct or indirect proj)-
erty rights or interests in any part of the territory of
Austria of nationals of the United Nations (Article 42,
paragraph 8 of the draft State Treaty) are affected by
the draft State Treaty, in particular by Article 35, the
Austrian Government, moreover, declares itself ready to
enter into negotiations with the member-state of the
United Nations concerned for the purpose of concluding
mutually satisfactory agreements concerning recognition
of and satisfaction for such property rights and interests.

This declaration does not apply to nationals of a coun-
try within the territory of which Austrian property is
subject to measures of confiscation.

9. None of the above declarations should in the Aus-
trian view be interpreted in such a way that any com-
pensation whatsoever, whether in cash or by way of
payment in kind or in goods is to be granted for any loss
of production or profit during the period from the be-
ginning of the occupation of Austria by Germany up to
three months after the assumption of effective control
by Austria and in any case not earlier than three months
after the end of the occupation, nor for any damages or
losses which occurred during this period. Amounts
which were paid after March 12, 1938 to the share-owners
in the above-mentioned companies or to the owners of
these enterprises for the transfer of their participating
interests, or for the assets and rights of the enterprises
are to be debited. On the other hand, the investments
made after the coming into force of the Nationalization
Law by the original shareholders in nationalized com-
panies or by the owners of such enterprises in spite of
the nationalization of these enterprises will be credited
In assessing the value of their participating rights or
their assets respectively. Increases in tlie value of the
assets effected after March 12, 1938, out of the resources

December 72, 1955

969

of other than the original share-owners are not to be
credited in assessing the value of the participating in-
terests but are to be redeemed by the respective claimants
in a manner to be agreed upon.

Done in three copies In the German language.
To authenticate the foregoing this Memorandum is
initialled.

Vienna, May 10, 1955.

AUSTRIAN DECLARATION OF SEPTEMBER 21,

1949

On the assumption that the provisions of Article 3.5 of
the State Treaty with Austria will provide for the transfer
to Austria of German property located within Austria,
of German rights and interests in Austria, the Austrian
Federal Government intend to have laws enacted with a
view to annul such German ijroperty, rights, and
interests.

For such purpose the Austrian Federal Government will
be guided by the following principles:

1) These measures will not prejudice in any way the
property, rights and interests which, under Article 42 of
the State Treaty, are to be reinstated.

2) The Austrian Federal Government do not intend to
annul German ownership of small industrial enterprises,
small rural properties, dwelling-houses, furniture and
other objects for personal use.

3) When having such laws enacted the Austrian Fed-
eral Government will lay down appropriate exceptions in
the case of property owned by exclusively religious or-
ganizations and in the ca.ses of persons who suffered
serious damage by National Socialist persecution.

4) Such property, rights and interests resulting in
Austria since 8 May 1945 from an authorized commercial
intercourse with Germany shall not be affected by these
measures.

AUSTRIAN NOTE VERBALE OF NOVEMBER 29,

1949

Zl.89.095— Pol/49

With reference to the representations made by the
Counselor of Legation, Mr. [Walter C] Dowling, to the
Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs in the matter of the
obligation to be undertaken by Austria to provide com-
pensation for eventual losses incurred by United Nations
nationals which might occur as a result of transfers of
property to the Soviet Union foreseen in Article 35 of the
State Treaty, the Federal Chancellery, Department of
Foreign Affairs, has the honor to bring the following to
the attention of the Legation of the United States of
America.

With respect to the disinclination in principle on the
part of the Soviet Delegations to permit such an obligation
for compensation on the part of Austria to be incorpo-
rated in the Treaty, the Federal Government has come
to the basic determination to agree to the proposal of the
Legation of the United States to have such an obligation

provided for in an additional Protocol, on the ground that
the conclusion of the State Treaty should no longer be
delayed, even though the proposed provision for a para-
graph 9 of the Article 42 as suggested by the delegates
of the Western Powers should have led to the same
result.

In the sense of the proposal presented by Counselor of
the Legation, Mr. Dowling, the Austrian Federal Govern-
ment declares that it is prepared accordingly to sign an
additional protocol to the State Treaty containing the
following text :

"In any case in which the transfer of property, rights
and interests as 'German assets' in accordance with the
provisions of Article 35 Austrian Treaty prevents Austria
from fulfilling the provisions of Paragraph 1 of Article
42, Austria shall make prompt, adequate and effective com-
pensation to the United Nation or United Nation's na-
tional concerned (as defined in Article 42 of the Treaty)
for any resulting loss or prejudice."

The Austrian Federal Government expresses its will-
ingness to comply in the above sense with the hope that,
at the time of negotiation for the setting of the amount
of compensation, consideration will be given to the special
situation of Austria.

The Federal Chancellery, Department of Foreign Af-
fairs, avails itself of this opportunity, to renew to the
Legation of the United States of America the expression
of its highest regard.

Vienna, November 29, 1949
(signed Gruber)

To the Legation of the United States of America,
Vienn a

AUSTRIAN NOTE VERBALE OF JULY 31, 1951

Zl. 137.550-PoI/51

The Federal Chancellery, Foreign Affairs, has the honor
to make the following Declaration with reference to the
negotiations concerning compensation of United Nations
nationals whose interests have been damaged by the trans-
fer of property envisaged in Article 35 of the State Treaty.

In view of the fact that the Austrian Government has
declared its readiness to compensate United Nations na-
tionals for any prejudice which would be inflicted on them
by the provisions of Article 35 of the State Treaty.

In view of the fact that the interests which will be af-
fected by these provisions are principally those in the oil
industry.

And recognizing that the continuity and development
of operations by United Nations nationals who have in-
terests in the oil industry in Austria are beneficial both
to Austria and to these nationals, the Austrian Govern-
ment undertakes :

1. to take immediate measures for the reestablishment
and participation of those interests in the development
of the oil industry in Austria and to ensure to them all
facilities necessary for this purpose.

2. to guarantee to the interests of all United Nations

970

Department of State Bulletin

nationals in the oil iuilustry in Austria most favored na-
tion treatment in respect of nationalization.

The Federal Chancellery, Foreign Affairs, takes this
opportunity to assure the American Legation of its high-
est consideration.

ViENN.^, July 31, 1951.

Proposals for Return of German and
Japanese Vested Assets

Statement hy Deputy Under Secretary Murphy ^

I am very happy to be able to testify on S.2227,
which incorijorates legislative proposals the Secre-
tary made to the two Houses of Congress on be-
half of the administration for the return of cer-
tain German and Jajjanese vested assets and for
payments of claims of American nationals against
Germany arising out of the war. I am glad that
the subcommittee has found it possible to have a
hearing on this subject during the recess of Con-
gress, and I hope that early and favorable con-
sideration will be given to these proposals upon
the reconvening of the Congress.

The Secretary appeared before this subcommit-
tee last year to testify on legislation then under
consideration for the return of German and Jap-
anese vested assets.^ The proposals then pending
provided for the full return of these assets. He
expressed his sympathy with the basic objectives
of the proposals and of a return to the traditional
practices of this Government with respect to
enemy property. While he indicated that legisla-
tion of this character would have very beneficial
effect on our foreign relations, he pointed out that
its adoption would involve other considerations of
policy, particularly of a fiscal character. The
Congress had by earlier legislation provided for
the liquidation of German and Japanese property
and its use for the satisfaction of war claims.
Large amounts of the assets had been utilized for
the payment of war claims, and the adoption of a
policy of full return to the former property own-
ers would involve a substantial outlay of funds
from the Treasury. Finally, the Secretary
pointed out that a large number of American

claimants still had unsatisfied claims against Ger-
many. While the Seci-etary was, therefore, in
sympathy with the general purposes of the legis-
lation then under consideration, he did not feel
that he was in a position to endorse any specific
proposals.

Shortly thereafter Chancellor Adenauer took
the matter up with the President and he sought
his support for the legislation pending before the
Congress. The Chancellor drew the President's
particular attention to the hardships which had
been suffered by owners of small properties, many
of whom found themselves in indigent circum-
stances. In his reply, the President indicated his
sympathy with the problem faced by the former
property owners who were in straitened circum-
stances. He pointed out that similar problems ex-
isted with respect to American claimants. He
said that, while none of the legislative proposals
then pending met with the approval of the admin-
istration, study of the problem would be nuide
with a view to seeking an equitable solution.^

In accordance with the President's desires, pro-
posals have now been developed with the participa-
tion of all the Government agencies concerned,
dealing both with the question of vested proper-
ties and with the unsatisfied American claims
against Germany. The Secretary transmitted
these proposals to the Congress on Jime 6 of this
year.^ These proposals were approved by the
Cabinet and have the endorsement of all the Gov-
ermnent agencies concerned. In the Depart-
ment's view they would, if adopted, constitute the
equitable solution of the problem desired by the
President.

The proposals before you would provide for
return of vested German and Japanese assets to
individual ownere who are natural persons up to
a maximmn of $10,000. It is estimated that these
proposals will result in full return to 90 percent,
by number, of the former owners. Return in
these cases should take care of the holders of small
bank accounts, beneficiaries of life insurance poli-
cies, holders of annuities, and a very substantial
number of the beneficiaries in inheritance cases. I
understand there has been strong feeling in the
Congress as to the desirability of permitting pay-

' JIade before a subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary
Committee on Nov. 29 (press release 669).
' Bulletin of July 12, 1954, p. 69.

December 72, 7955

= Ibid., Aug. 23, 1954, p. 269.

* CoMj. Rec. of June 14, 1955, p. 6872.

971

ments in response to the decisions of American
testators. Our proposals would substantially ac-
complish this. They would take care of hardship
cases without special administrative burdens and
would substantially meet the foreign policy prob-
lem which the Secretary outlined to your sub-
committee in his last appearance on this subject.

Under the bill, returns would not be made at this
time to pei'sons living behind the Iron Curtain.
It is contemplated that, upon the reunification of
Germany, legislation would be sought extending
comparable measures of relief to persons in what
is now the Soviet Zone of Germany and the Soviet
sector of Berlin.

The proposed return would be financed from the
proceeds of enemy assets still in the possession of
the Department of Justice after due allowance has
been made for unsettled title claims and debt
claims of American nationals against the former
owners of vested properties. It is estimated that
these funds will be sufficient to finance the return
up to $10,000 to each former owner. However, if
these funds should not suffice, it is proposed
that i^ayment be made from funds payable by the
German and Jajianese Govermnents to this Gov-
ernment on account of postwar sales of surplus
property.

The proposals do not attempt to take care of the
situation of corporations or holders of larger prop-
erties. It must be borne in mind that the Congress
ado^jted the policy in the War Claims Act of 1948
of liquidating former enemy properties and de-
voting their proceeds to the payment of war
claims. Pm-suant to that act, a total of $225 mil-
lion of former enemy property has been liquidated
and devoted to these purposes. A policy of full
return such as was under consideration by your
subcommittee last year could be carried out only
at a cost of close to a quarter billion dollars of
Treasury funds. The administration does not be-
lieve that the adoption of such a policy would be
warranted. If the subcommittee desires to pursue
this question, I assume it will call before it the
officers of the Government responsible for financial
policy.

It appears to the administration that it would
be inequitable to make legislative provisions for
the return of vested assets without some provision
for the unsatisfied claims of American nationals
against Germany arising out of the war. In the
case of Japan and other former enemy countries,

claims of American nationals arising out of the
war have been met, with certain exceptions, by the
provisions of the treaties of peace and by pay-
ments made pursuant to the "War Claims Act of
1948, as amended. The principal claims against
Germany still remaining unsatisfied are those of
American civilians who suffered personal injuries
between the outbreak of the war in 1939 and the
entry of the United States in the war in 1941 and
those of owners of property which sustained war
damage in Germany and certain other countries
of Eastern Europe for which Germany bears re-
sponsibility. In the War Claims Act of 1948, the
Congress provided that the proceeds of German
and Japanese vested assets should be pooled to
form a single war claims fund. The Congress has
provided for various types of claims, principally
those of prisonei-s of war and civilian internees, to
be paid from the War Claims Fund. The sources
of the War Claims Fund were principally German
assets, but the claims paid out of it have been
principally claims against Japan. As a result, ap-
proximately $100 million of funds derived from
German assets have been used to pay claims
against Japan.

The claims against Japan which were paid from
the War Claims Fund could have been paid from
public funds. The War Claims Act of 1948 has,
therefore, resulted in the exhaustion of the only
funds to which claimants against Germany could
look for satisfaction of their claims. I do not be-
lieve that this result was foreseen at the time the
act was passed. The administration proposal aims
to correct this situation by re-creating a separate
fund for claims against Germany into which
would be paid an amoimt of money equivalent to
the value of German assets used to pay claims
against Japan. The source of these payments
would be payments to be made by the Federal Re-
public of Germany for postwar economic aid pur-
suant to agreements made between the two govern-
ments in connection with the German Debt
Settlement of 1953.

The estimated unsatisfied claims against Ger-
many amount to over $300 million. It is
estimated that the fund proposed will permit
payments to American claimants up to $10,000
each. Should any further payments be possible,
the proposed legislation would permit payments
pro rata above that amount within the limits of
the $100 million fund.

972

Department of State Bulletin

We have had discussions with both the German
and Japanese Governments on the subject matter
of this legislation,^ and the Secretary has sub-
sequently received a letter from Chancellor Aden-
auer " expressing his appreciation for the pro-
posals and assurances of the cooperation of the
German Federal Government in carrying out the
proposed program. I believe the subcommittee
will be interested in the various documents relat-
ing to our discussions with the two Governments,
and with your permission I should like to submit
them for the record.

This is a complicated problem and the legisla-

"For text of joint statement issued following the U.S.-
German talks, see Bxtlletin of Mar. 14, 1955, p. 437;
for joint U.S.-Japanese statement, see ihid., Ma.v 23, 1955,
p. 848.

"Chancellor Adenauer's letter to Secretary Dulles, dated
Mar. 30, 1955, read as follows:

"Mr. Abs, on his return from the official talks In Wash-
ington, which ended on March 4th, reported to me on the
results of those conversations.

"I am pleased to hear that those talks were inspired
throughout their course by the friendly spirit which has
been determining, in ever greater measure, the relations
between our two countries. The Federal Government be-
lieves that the results of the talks represent a constructive
step on the way to solution of a problem which has been
occupying the Federal Government and German public
opinion for years. May I express in the name of the
Federal Government our thanks for the fact that the
American Government will recommend to Congress the
return of the assets of natural persons up to .$10,000 as
well as copyrights, trade marks, and cultural asset.s.

"I am also informed that the American Government
intends to present to Congress a draft bill for satisfying
claims of American citizens for war damage sustained by
them. If the American Government requests the techni-
cal assistance of the Federal Government in determining

tion before you is of a complicated and technical
character. However, the essentials of the pro-
posals are simple. It aims at dealing to the extent
practicable with the human problem involved,
that is, the satisfaction of the claims of the smaller
former owners of property and the smaller Amer-
ican claimants. Many of these persons are in dif-
ficult personal circumstances and have waited a
long time for relief. The relief will not be effec-
tive unless it is provided promptly. For these
reasons, the Department hopes that Congress will
give early and favorable consideration to these
proposals.

these war damage claims, the Federal Government will
grant it in principle. I suggest that the proposals to
this end made in the official talks be made the subject
of expert negotiations at a time to be agreed on with the
American Government. In these negotiations, subject to
the legislation of the two countries, the details of the
technical assistance might be worked out."

In his reply, dated April 8, Mr. Dulles wrote:

"I was very glad to receive your letter of March 30,
1955 in which you expressed your satisfaction with the
results of the discussions on vested German as.sets and
claims of American nationals against Germany which were
recently held in Washington with representatives of your
Government. The warm and friendly response on your
part to the program which we have formulated is highly
gratifying.

"I welcome the statement in your letter that the Ger-
man Federal Government is in principle disposed to pro-
vide technical support to the task of adjudicating Ameri-
can war claims against Germany. I agree with your sug-
gestion that further discussions at an expert level should
be held on this subject at an appropriate time. After
favorable progress has been made in the Congress on the
legislative i)roposals dealing with this subject, the United
States Government will propose a time and a place for
the discussions which you have outlined."

December 12, J 955

368316 — 55 3

973

Philippine-American Friendship

hy Homer Ferguson
Ambassador to the Philippines'^

The announcement made by President Magsay-
say on November 4th designating today, Novem-
ber 15th, as Philippine-American Day gave me,
as an American, a deep feeling of appreciation
for the many yeare of close association between
our two peoples — an association, a friendship, a
truly cooperative enterprise which, less than a
decade ago, was further solidified by the commin-
gling of our peoples' blood, shed in the defense of
liberty and freedom, principles on which our two
nations are firmly based.

During the years that I have served my Govern-
ment, both in elective and appointive office, I have
attempted to follow as closely as possible the docu-
ments which form the basis of American policies
with regard to the Philippines. The thoughts
and ideas that have created these documents have
formed the basis for my Nation's relationship with
the Philippines and other nations of the world.

Today being Philippine-American Day, I could
not help but recall the words of a document pub-
lished on April 17, 1900, which I feel was instru-
mental in establishing the foundation of our
present relationship. I refer to President Mc-
Kinley's instructions to the Second Philippine
Commission, which said, in part:

In all the forms of government and administrative pro-
visions which they are authorized to prescribe, the Com-
mission should bear in mind that the government which
they are establishing is designed not for our satisfaction
or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for
the happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the
Philippine Islands, and the measures adopted should be
made to conform to their customs, their habits, and even
their prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the
accomplishment of the indispensable requisites of just
and effective government.

' Address made on Nov. 15 at the Philippine- American
dinner at Manila.

I have the feeling, as I stand before this dis-
tinguished assemblage of Filipinos and Ameri-
cans, that President McKinley's instructions were
well and faithfully carried out. Tonight we
have assembled as full and equal partners to cele-
brate the fruition of that friendship and respect
established fully half a century ago between our
two peoples.

But during this period new stresses have arisen
to exert pressure on the structure of international
peace, friendship, and cooperation — the structure
in which the Eepublic of the Philippines and the
United States desire to live, grow, and prosper.
These stresses are attempting to destroy — through
subversive actions within, aggressive actions with-
out, and by more insidious methods of lies and
fabrications designed to weaken our beliefs in the
policies to which we adhere.

The Kind of World We Want

^\niat are these policies ? Wliat does the United
States want in the Far East? "V^^lat does the
United States want in the Philippines?

What the United States wants in the Philip-
pines, what we want in Asia, in fact, what we want
everywhere is a world made up of independent,
responsible, democratic countries whose govern-
ments are devoted to the peaceful development of
their own territory and to the welfare and per-
sonal freedom of their own people. We want this
because this is the only kind of a world in which
Americans can lead the kind of a life in which they
believe, and we feel that it is the only kind of a
world in which Filipinos can lead the kind of a
life in which they believe.

In this kind of a world there is no place for im-
perialism or colonialism. Therefore, we must

974

Department of State Butletin

stand togetlier in obtaining this kind of a world
and resisting all threats to it.

American policy is one of supporting and as-
sisting the Philippines and the other free nations
of Asia who are seeking to achieve economic, po-
litical, and military strength to maintain their
hard-won freedom. Not only have we learned,
but the Philippines, too, have learned, at a great
cost, that freedom is indivisible. Its maintenance
everywhere is vital to the freedom of all, including
yours and ours. This really is the keystone of
our national policy and we know that it is your
national policy.

The people of the Philippines and their leaders
are thoroughly aware of the needs of the people
and see their task as one of preserving their cher-
ished national independence while, at the same
time, striving to bring their vast natural resources
into play for the benefit of their countrymen.

The sole purpose of America's mutual aid pro-
gram in the Philippines is to help in this task.
It is therefore important that in our relationship
with this country and other free nations of the
world we strive toward the independence of all
nations, urging that responsible and democratic
countries, through their governments, devote
themselves to the peaceful development of their
own territory and to the welfare and personal free-
dom of their own people. This is the kind of a
world to which we believe the people are entitled.
On the other side of the coin, where communism
dominates, we find the leaders of the Communist
Party want totalitarian government emanating
from the Kremlin. They succeed in this by first
destroying freedom through infiltration. If it
cannot be done in this way, nothing deters them
from the use of armed force. Just recently a
new word has been popularized in this war to sub-
vert freedom. It is called coexistence. The "co"
in coexistence is not the possessive Tagalog "ko" — •
usually meaning "my'' — but is the Latin prefix
"co" meaning "with." The word means to "exist
with" — "exist with" as opposed to "live with."
In other words, the Communists would permit us
to "exist" but not to "live."

Neither Filipinos nor Americans want a world
in which nations are only permitted to exist.
Coexistence means facing the gun barrels of com-
munism. In fact, there are armed subversives in
the Philippines today who represent totalitarian-
ism and comnmnism and ask that you coexist with

December 12, 7955

them until they can take over. ^Y[\at your nation
and my nation believe in — and what this day helps
to sponsor and perpetuate — is a partnership — not
silent partners but active, free partners in the true
sense of the word.

Our aid program, the devotion of much of our
wealth to our own defense and the defense of other

Message From President Eisenhower

Folloicing is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Eisenhower which Ambassador Ferguson de-
livered to President Magsaysay on November 15 and
later read at the PhiUppine-Ameriean dinner.

Dear JIb. President :

Philippine-American Day gives me the oppor-
tunity to express the especially warm friendship
which Americans feel for the Philippines. We have
watched with admiration your struggle against the
destruction of war and the Communists' assaults on
your freedom, as well as your earnest efforts to
develop your land for the benefit of your people.
We are proud of the long and close relations be-
tween our countries. We wish you continuing suc-
cess. Warmest personal regards.

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower

free nations, our bilateral defense treaty, our sup-
port of the Manila Pact are not designed to impose
our power on Asia or the Philippines, but rather
they are intended to help the Philippines and other
nations to maintain their independence and de-
velop self-sustaining economies. While we do
this, we realize that we must have planes that can
take to the air, ships that can sail the sea, armies
that can resist aggression. However, we must also
be ever mindful that ships, planes, guns, and tanks
will not insure our freedom if we do not have in
our hearts and our souls the will to resist enslave-
ment and the will to retain our freedom. We must
remember that freedom is indivisible and that if it
is destroyed anywhere in the world — no matter
how remote — it affects our own freedom.

Collective Security

The Philippines is an important member and a
link in free-world collective defense arrangements.
If we can, through this cooperative and collective
defense, reduce the menacing influence of com-
munism and prevent further Conmiunist aggres-
sion, we Americans will have served our people,

975

and you of the Philippines will have served your
people. We believe that we need your help and
that you need ours to maintain freedom and to
strengthen the ties and relationships between the
peoples of the world.

Both the Philippines and America know what
it is to have fought for and earned freedom. In
1789, after our American War for Independence,
we Americans were able to establish a government
of the people, by the people, and for the people.
Following that war, and in our early days as a
free nation, we came to realize that our inde-
pendence was not enough. We learned that we
could not stand isolated and subject to destruc-
tion from without and subversion from within.
It was for this reason that the Monroe Doctrine
was announced. Through it the United States
declared that it would not tolerate further colo-
nialism or despotic policy any place in the West-
ern Hemisphere. This was a brave announcement

by a young nation. We would not have been able
at that time to defend our principle ; but we knew
it to be right, and we were willing to die in an at-
tempt to defend it. And because of our right
and our determination, other nations did not chal-
lenge it. We have, with other free nations of
Southeast Asia, indicated our will not to tolerate
further Communist despotic political systems to
come from without and destroy your freedom and,
therefore, our freedom.

I believe that our two countries are today to see
to it that the freedom of the Philippines and of
America is not destroyed. But it will take all our
mutual belief and determination that it is the
right of each nation to defend itself singly or col-
lectively in conformance with the charter of the
United Nations and the collective security to
which we have mutually agreed under the Manila
Pact and under the principles of the Pacific
Charter.

Where Is United States Trade Policy Headed?

l)y Douglas Dillon
Ambassador to France ^

I would like to try to put the consistently lib-
eral trade policy of the United States in proper
perspective. "WTien I speak of our liberal trade
policy, I mean just that. I realize that public
opinion abroad sometimes, perhaps usually, gets
a different impression. We have all seen news-
paper and magazine articles which, drawing on a
few isolated cases — in particular, the watch and
bicycle escape-clause actions — have conjured up
a picture of triumphant protectionism in the
United States. I suppose that everyone in this
audience has often heard these individual cases
cited as evidence of retrogression, or at least hesi-
tation, in carrying out our announced trade policy.
One distinguished foreign critic from across the
Channel even spoke of the bicycle case as "back-
pedaling."

No matter what one's personal opinion about

' Address made before the American Chamber of Com-
merce, Paris, France, on Nov. 8.

the controversial decisions in question, I feel very
strongly that we Americans need not feel de-
fensive about them. Rather we have a positive
duty to put them in their proper long-term per-
spective. In such perspective, our i-ecord looks
mighty good.

Let us look at this record, remembering that
the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Progi'am has
been in effect for 20 years, under administrations
of both political parties. In order to get a realis-
tic picture of the United States position toward
foreign trade today, we must look at two things :
first, the absolute level of our import duties and,
second, the progress made in the past 20 years.
The average duty paid on all imports into the
United States figures out at less than 6 percent.
Such a rate clearly ranks the United States among
the low-tariff countries in the world today.

Now for the progress made. By the end of
1954, the rates of duty as they existed 20 years
earlier had been reduced by 75 percent on about

976

Deporfmenf of S/ofe Bulletin

20 percent of our dutiable import trade and by
more than 50 percent on over three-fourths of
that trade. Since then we have made further
reductions, in connection with the recent negotia-
tions with Japan, which involve goods accounting
for $89 million of our imports. And we have
recently announced our willingness to make fur-
ther substantial concessions from a list of nearly
1,000 items representing about 40 percent of our
dutiable imports at the negotiations which are to
be held with 25 countries in Geneva next Janu-
ary.2

Any graph shows its zigs and zags, but the trend
of progress toward the liberal American commer-
cial policy objectives is clear. Tariffs have been
reduced on thousands of items over the past 20
years. On the other hand, the famous escape
clause has been used only most sparingly. Only
60 commodities have even been tlie subject of a
formal application for escape-clause action. Of
these, the President decided to invoke the escape
clause in only six- — I repeat, six — instances to re-
store or partially restore previous reductions on
certain isolated items, where demonstrable dam-
age had occurred to the American industry con-
cerned. In each of these six cases we have fol-
lowed the procedures of the Gatt and have
offered compensatory concessions to the foreign
countries affected. Furthermore, we did not sub-
ject the imported goods concerned to quota limita-
tions or other similar devices.

In spite of all we have heard and read about
the use of the escape clause to restore our watch
tariff, in the first half of 1955 Switzerland ex-
ported 4.4 million watches and watch movements
to the United States, as compared with 4.3 million
in the first half of 1954 before the tariff adjust-
ment occurred. And I wonder how many of
those who talk about our "backpedaling" in the
bicycle case realize that even the recent partial
restoration of the duty on lightweight bikes still
leaves our duty below that of any Western Euro-
pean country except Denmark. The other four
cases in which we have had recourse to the escape
clause had to do with commodities of relatively
small importance in our trade with any one
friendly country. They were: women's fur felt
hats and hat bodies, hatters' furs, dried figs, and
alsike clover seed.

'Bulletin of Aug. 22, 1955, p. 305; Sept. 2G, 19.^5, p.
507 ; and Oct. 10, 1955, p. 579.

You can see that as far as concerns action under
the escape clause — as distinguished from talk
about the escape clause— these "zags" in our policy
do not really loom very large when viewed in
perspective, iloi-eover, for the sake of the con-
tinuation of the policy itself, it is understandable
that there must be a safety valve which can op-
erate occasionally when too much pressure ac-
cumulates at any one sensitive point.

I have noticed that every time a protectionist
statement is made by an industry representative in
a congressional or a Tariff Commission hearing,
it is fully reported in the press. This is quite
proper, but it has resulted in building up a recur-
rent myth of a so-called "wave of protectionism"
which conceals the true situation. This was par-
ticularly so in connection with our negotiations
for mutual reduction of tariffs with Japan a few
montlis ago. A great many of our domestic in-
dustries were affected by those concessions, and it
is understandable that they insisted upon their
day in court. The point to remember, though,
is that the agreement was in fact signed and is
now in effect. By contrast, not only did many
other Gatt countries refrain from entering into
tariff reduction negotiations with Japan, but 14
of them also retained the right to discriminate
against Japan by refusing her the benefit of the
most-favored-nation clause, one of the most essen-
tial features of the Gatt system.

The President's foreign economic program of
March 30, 1954, which closely followed the gen-
eral lines of the majority recommendations of the
Randall Commission, is a bold program. From
time to time we read that it has run into serious
trouble in Congress or that it has been abandoned
or put on the shelf. Again the facts are different.
The box score covering the year and a half since
those policies were announced shows an amazingly
successful record for the administration.

I shall just mention a few of the achievements
in implementing the President's trade program
thus far. First and foremost is the enactment of
the legislative keystone of the tariff-reduction pro-
gram—the Trade Agreements Extension Act of
1955, which authorizes a further 15 percent re-
duction of United States tariff rates over the next
3 years and the reduction to a maximum rate of
50 percent of those few tariffs still above that
level. Almost as important is the legislation on
customs simplification. There have already been
enacted the Customs Simplification Acts of 1953

December J2, 1955

977

and 1954. Another important bill in the same
field passed the House of Representatives this
year before Congi-ess adjourned and will be
brought up in the Senate in the next session.
Meanwhile, by executive action, a further and im-
portant simplification of procedures has been the
elimination, as of October 1, of the requirement
for consular certification of invoices on imports.'

A large number of measures have been taken to
stimulate increased expenditures by American
tourists abroad and to make it possible for them
to bring back with them increased quantities of
foreign purchases for their personal use. On tlie
financial side, we have increased the lending au-
thority of the Export-Import Bank by $500 mil-
lion, we have provided for United States partici-
pation in the new International Finance Corpora-
tion, and our tax laws have been revised — and will
undoubtedly be revised further — to stimulate pro-
ductive private American investment abroad.

The principal item of unfinished business in the
President's program is now the question of getting
the congressional stamp of approval on our mem-
bership in the new Organization for Trade Co-
operation. This promises to be a hard battle, but
the record in Congress on the President's program
so far permits us to hope that it will be won.

In my mind there is no doubt of the direction
in which United States trade policy is heading.
Occasional exceptions do not invalidate a rule.
The most successful generals do not win all
skirmishes in every campaign. I think you will
agree that our record on the whole is a good one
and that there are solid grounds for expecting
further progress.

However, I do want to raise a warning signal.
If we are to continue our progress in the com-
mercial i^olicy field, we must be in a position to
demonstrate to our Congress and to our people
that our efforts to reduce trade barriers are being
effectively matched by our trading partners. This,
of course, means that in return for the further
tariff concessions we intend to make in the con-
ference opening in Geneva next January we expect
to receive roughly commensurate concessions in
rates of duty on our own exports. Of even greater
importance, it also means that such concessions
must not be nullified, as has so often been the case
in the past, by restrictive and discriminatory im-
port controls, by special taxes, and by various

' Ibid., Sept. 5, 19.">5, p. 399.

forms of administrative protectionism, particu-
larly where our partner countries are no longer
in the critical balance-of-payments situation of
the immediate postwar years.

When it gave authority for a further 15 percent
reduction in American tariffs over 3 years, our
Congress inserted language into the act which
makes its intention in this respect very clear. We
do not expect all discriminatory controls to be
abolished overnight, but we do have a right to
expect positive and substantial evidence of good
faith in this respect. If that is not forthcoming,
the loss will not be ours alone. If lack of reci-
procity by other countries should cause the balance
of power to swing in the dii'ection of increased
protectionism in the United States, if the present
opportunity for further reduction of tariffs and
other barriers to international trade should be
missed, the responsibility will not be ours alone.

Roosevelt Bridge Construction Plans
for St. Lawrence Seaway

Press release 651 dated November 17

The follotoing exchcmge of notes has taken
place hi Ottawa hetween the United States and
Canadian Governments. The notes delineate the
responsibility of the United States St. Lawrence
Seaway Development Corporation and the Ca-
nadian St. Lawrence Seaxcay Authority concern-
ing the relocation of the south span of the Roose-
velt Bridge., ichich links the State of Neiu York
tvith the province of Ontario at Cornwall Island.

United States Note

United States Embassy
Ottawa, Canada
November 16, 1955

The Honorable
L. B. Pearson,
Secretary of State for External Affairs,
Ottawa.

Sir: I have the honor to refer to discussions
concerning the St. Lawrence Seaway project
which have recently taken place between repre-
sentatives of the Embassy and representatives of
the Department of External Affairs regarding
the problems arising from the necessity to relocate
that part of the Eoosevelt Bridge which crosses
the Cornwall South Channel.

978

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

It was concluded as a result of these discussions
that the present bridge should be dismantled and
a new bridge built at Polly's Gut; that the St.
Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation of
the United States and the St. Lawrence Seaway
Authority of Canada should agree on plans and
build the new bridge as a joint undertaking shar-
ing the costs in proportion to the amount of the
structure in the territory of their respective coun-
tries; that contracts for the construction of the
bridge should be shared equitably between United
States and Canadian contractors or, if this is
not feasible, that United States and Canadian
contractors should be given the opportunity to
tender for contracts for part or all of the bridge
on an equal basis; that waivers of customs and
immigration regulations should be granted, on a
reciprocal basis, by both Governments to facili-
tate the construction of the bridge; and that the
Corporation and the Authority should make ar-
rangements for the operation and maintenance of
the bridge.

It was further concluded that the Corporation
and the Authority would each have the respon-
sibility for the relocation and construction of re-
lated facilities, including railway and highway
approaches to the new bridge, and of meeting all
requirements and procedures arising from the re-
locations in their respective territories, although
the Corporation and the Authority may jointly
make agreements with interested parties if they
so desire. The Corporation and the Authority
will ensure, each in its respective territory, that
provision is made for the maintenance of relo-
cated facilities. The dismantling of the existing
south span of the Roosevelt Bridge will be a mat-
ter for agreement between the Corporation and
the Authority.

In the course of the discussions on this subject,
the Canadian authorities stressed the importance
they attach to the provision of facilities for un-
interrupted traffic between the bridge at Polly's
Gut and New York State Highway No. 37, via
the Grass River, the Grass River Lock, and the
Raquette River Bridges as part of the joint plan
for the displacement of the south span of Roose-
velt Bridge. I am authorized to state that, to

meet the wishes of the Canadian authorities, the
St. Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation
is prepared to construct a supplementary brivlge
for two-lane highway traffic at the eastern end of
Grass River Lock, in addition to the presently
planned bridge for railway and highway traffic
at the western end of the lock.

If the Government of Canada concurs in the
foregoing conclusions, I have the honor to sug-
gest, upon instruction from my Government, that
this Note and your reply shall constitute an agree-
ment to give efi'ect to these conclusions, which
shall enter into force on a date to be fixed sub-
sequently by arrangement between our two
governments.

I have the honor to suggest, furthermore, that
the carrying out of this agreement be left to the
St. Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation
and the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority as the
designated agencies of the two governments.

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my high-
est consideration.

R. Douglas Stuart

Canadian Reply

Ottawa, November 17, 1955

His Excellency

R. Douglas Stuart,

Ambassado7' of the United States of Amei'ica
Ottawa.

Excellency : I have the honour to refer to your
Note No. 127 of November 16, 1955 concerning the
I'elocation of that part of the Roosevelt Bridge
which crosses the Cornwall South Channel.

I have the honour to state that tlie proposals in-
cluded therein ai-e acceptable to the Government
of Canada, and that your Note and this reply shall
constitute an agreement which shall enter into
force on a date to be fixed subsequently by ar-
rangement between our two Governments.

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.

L. B. Pearson

Secretary of State
for External Affairs

December 12, J 955

979

International Joint Commission Discusses U.S.-Canadian
Boundary Water Problems

FoUowmg is the text of a statement issued hy
the InternatioTial Joint Commission at the con-
clusion of its semiannual meeting at Ottawa, Oc-
toher 1^-7, together with a statement made on
Octoher ^ iy Governor Len Jordan of Idaho,
Chairman of the United States Section of the
Commission; also, the text of a report made T)y
Senator Thomas Reid of Canada, Chairman of
the International Pacific Salmon Fisheries Com-
mission, to the U.S. and Canadian Governments
and to the Canadian Section of the International
Joint Commission on June 3.

COMMISSION'S STATEMENT OF OCTOBER 7

Governor Len Jordan and General A. G. L.
McNaughton are the Chairmen of the United
States and Canadian Sections of the Commission,
respectively. The other members of the Commis-
sion are Messrs. E. B. McWhorter and Eugene W.
AYeber for the United States, and Messrs. George
Spence and J. Lucien Danserean for Canada.

In connection with tlie Columbia and Kootenay
Rivers, which rise in British Cohimbia and flow
into the United States, Governor Jordan said that
a Canadian plan to divert part of tlie flow of the
Kootenay River into the Columbia, and thence into
the Eraser River system along with part of the
Columbia flow, for power development purposes
in Canada, would result in "very great injury" to
the United States interests downstream in the Pa-
cific Northwest States.

General McNaughton emphasized his view that
under the Canadian plan there would be no injury
to United States interests within the terms of the
1909 treaty.

The Commission will continue its studies of the
Columbia to reach an understanding on the prob-
lems of mutual concern and benefit.

Engineers from both countries will meet later

980

this month at Fredericton, N.B., and Augusta,
Maine, to organize the investigation of the St.
Croix River basin which the two Governments
have requested the Commission to undertake.^
The investigation will include consideration of the
uses of the river for various beneficial purposes,
including the possible reestablishment of the St.
Croix as a salmon producing river.

Detailed studies are progressing satisfactorily
on the effects of the power works now under con-
struction in the International Rapids Section of
the St. Lawrence River, upon the water levels of
Lake Ontario, and upon downstream interests in
the Canadian section of the St. Lawrence. The
Commission recommended to the two Governments
a short time ago the specific criteria which should
be satisfied by any plan of operation of works
which may be adopted.

Referring to the question of air pollution in the
Windsor-Detroit area, the Commission expressed
great satisfaction with the improved smoke emis-
sion performance of the majority of vessels oper-
ating in the Detroit River. The duration of ob-
jectionable smoke emission by vessels in that area
has been reduced from 50.7 percent of the time in
1950 to 9.6 percent of the time this year.

A delegation headed by the Honorable Thomas
M. Kavanagh, Attorney General of Michigan, and
including representatives of that State and of
the City of Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, made rep-
resentations to the Commission regarding the pol-
lution of the waters of the St. Marys, St. Clair and
Detroit Rivers, which are the sources of water sup-
ply for many rapidly growing communities. The
Commission's technical advisory board, consisting
of representatives of both countries, are continu-
ing their investigations in an effort to identify and
insure abatement of pollution of these boundary
waters.

' Bulletin of .July 4, 1955, p. 21.

Department of State Bulletin

The Commission held public hearings last month
in Winnipeg, Man., Minot, N. Dak., and Este-
van, Sask., in connection with the apportiomnent
of Souris Eiver waters between the two countries.
Several applications have been received by the
Commission for authority to make increased use
of the waters for domestic, municipal, sanitary,
and other purposes. These applications are now
being considered by the Commission, and it is ex-
pected that decisions will be reached in the very
near future on these matters, which are urgent for
the people in the localities affected.

STATEMENT BY GOVERNOR JORDAN
COLUMBIA RIVER DEVELOPMENT

ON

The Canadian Section has very kindly caused
to be supplied to the United States Section of the
Commission printed copies of the Minutes of Pro-
ceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee
on External Affairs, House of Commons, contain-
ing the testimony of General McNaughton and
other witnesses before that Committee last spring.^
We have given very careful consideration to
General McNaughton 's testimony and find therein
numerous statements with wliich we do not agree ;
and we desire that it be clearly understood that
our decision not to deal specifically with such
statements today shall not be construed as accept-
ance of or agreement with them.

At the semiannual meeting of the Commission
in Washington in April 1955, General Mc-
Naugliton outlined Canadian plans and views con-
cerning development of the Columbia and adjacent
basins and asked that his statement be regarded
as an open document — available for use outside
of International Joint Commission channels if
required.

I should like now to present a statement for the
U.S. Section of this Commission in response to
certain parts of General McNaughton 's statement
and to ask that it also be regarded as an open
document.

Last April, Chairman McNaughton said :

... I agreed that I should give at the first appropriate

'' General McNaughton testified in connection with the
International Rivers Act. For text, see Minutes of Pro-
ceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee on
External Affairs, No. 1, Mar. 9, 1955, pp. 32-47, and
No. 11, May 12, 1955, pp. 465-506.

opportunity an account of the plans being evolved by
Canada for the utilization of the vast resources of water
in the Canadian portion of the Columbia Basin and the
adjacent watersheds.

I am prepared to outline these plans before this Com-
mission as a matter of information to indicate the
progress which has been made, the magnificent possibil-
ities which have been disclosed, and the expectations
which we are coming to hold as to the immensely impor-
tant beneficial economic consequences for Canada which
will result.

I say for Canada, by which I mean primarily British
Columbia. But I do not overlook the possibilities which
are becoming evident for cooperative arrangements be-
tween Canada and the United States for the exploita-
tion and use of certain portions of these waters which
we may find it advantageous to permit to continue to
flow from Canada across the boundary.

Accordingly, as part of my presentation, after I have
given an outline of the general plans which are evolving
for the use in Canada of the various heads and flows in
and from the Columbia Basin, I will indicate those sec-
tions of the Columbia and the Kootenay where, I think,
you may be interested in discussions for joint beneficial
use of the particular waters in question.

I will now, Mr. Chairman, give you a brief account
of the plans which are evolving for the development of
these Canadian resources in water in the Columbia Basin
and the adjacent watersheds.

In outlining Canadian studies, General Mc-
Naughton divided the various ways that the Co-
lumbia could be developed into three principal
cases, namely : case 1, under which there would
be no diversion of flows from the Kootenay River
to the Columbia nor from the Columbia to adja-
cent basins; case 2, under which there would be
diversion of from 5,000 to 8,000 cubic feet per
second from the Kootenay to the Columbia; and
case 3, under which there would be the case 2
Kootenay diversions plus diversion of up to 15
million acre-feet annually from the Columbia to
the Eraser River Basin.

After discussing the three cases together with
several variants. General McNaughton continued
his remarks as follows :

I have mentioned that we feel that in proposing these
div'ersions we contravene no provision of the Treaty of
1909, or necessarily impair any interest in the United
States which has been legally acquired under that Treaty.

In our studies in the Canadian Section, International
Joint Commission, of this aspect of the matter, it has
become evident that under the conditions which would
exist, the point of maximum use of the water from
Canada in the United States would be at the Grand Coulee
Dam.

Here also the rights of the United States seem to us
to be more explicit than anywhere else. And the reason
for this is the International .loint Commission order of

\i&f.smhfit 12, 7955

981

1941, under authority of which the United States is per-
mitted to fiood up to the boundary with certain backwater
effects running to Canada.

Mr. Chairman, I now refer to Table VII, which gives,
so far as the information available to the Canadian Sec-
tion, IJC, is concerned, our understanding of the present
and prospective demand for water at Grand Coulee.

Now, I use the term "demand", because we do not yet
know how much of the flows mentioned would constitute
lawful appropriations and priorities. Interference with
which might constitute an injury under the provisions
of Article II of the Treaty of 1909, which would be recog-
nized as such by the Court of comi>etent jurisdiction,
which, in this case, is the Exchequer Court of Canada.

And I would like to say, Mr. Chairman, that if you
have any ideas on this subject, we would be glad to learn
your views, which wiU be given very careful considera-
tion, and we will consult the law officers of the Crown
thereon.

With respect to this quotation, I should first like
to say that we do not agree with the statement:

. . . that under the conditions which would exist, the
point of maximum use of the water from Canada in the
United States would be at the Grand Coulee Dam.

I shall have more to say about this later. Nor
do we agree M-ith the statement :

. . . necessarily impair any Interest in the United
States which has been legally acquired under that Treaty.

With respect to the above quoted remarks, cer-
tain basic axioms should be mentioned. They
are:

1. Both the United States and Canada recognize
the doctrine of appropriation as being applicable
in the area under consideration.

2. Under the doctrine of appropriation, the ap-
propriator who is first in time is first in right.

3. A right is established when the actual appro-
priation is made.

U.S. Investment in Columbia Basin

With these basic points in mind, may we point
out that the United States Government already
has substantial investments in existing power
plants in the Columbia basin amounting to about
one and one-half billion dollars ; in jjower plants
under construction, another billion dollars; plus
another estimated two billion dollars for power
plants expected to be built in the next 10 years.
Wide publicity has been given all of these proj-
ects. Canadian and provincial officials have been
given all of our engineering reports. Never at
any time has secrecy shrouded our building or our

982

planning. All of these projects were planned and
all of the funds are committed in anticipation that
the waters of these international rivers would not
be utilized by Canada in such a way as to jeopard-
ize downstream interests.

Frankly, we are convinced that the diversion of
15 million acre-feet of water annually from the
Columbia to another watershed wholly in Canada
would result in very serious injury to downstream
interests in the United States. Chief Joseph
Dam, now nearly completed, will use 171,000 cubic
feet per second. The Dalles, also under construc-
tion, will have an ultimate hydraulic capacity of
360,000 c.f.s. Other plants on the main stem also
have sufficient capacities to utilize more water
than would be available if 15 million acre-feet
were diverted.

I submit for the record two tabulations show-
ing estimates of unutilized water at projects on the
main stem of the Columbia River based on flows
which occurred during the 20-year period 1928^8.
Data in the first table are predicated on a level
of development of upstream storage jirojects in
the United States with a total capacity of 21,384,-
000 acre-feet being available. The second table
shows unutilized flows if only the existing Hungry
Horse, Albeni Falls, and Grand Coulee storage
projects were available.

The unutilized flows are the sum of all montlily
flows in excess of the ultimate wheel capacity. The
flows used in determining this excess are the regu-
lated flows from the corresponding 20-year study
for the inter-agency report of January 1955 on the
"United States and Canadian Storage Projects."
The ultimate number of units are the same as
shown in that report. Copies of this report have
been suj^plied to the Canadian Section.

In examining these tables, I call your attention
particularly to the two lines at the bottom of each
table which indicate that there would be no surplus
water in about half of the 20 years, and surplus of
15 million acre-feet would not be available except
in a very few of the 20 years.

I think it proper to point out at this time that the
injuries downstream occasioned by the annual di-
version of 15 million acre-feet of Columbia water
to another basin will be sufl'ered by a sovereign —
one of the High Contracting Parties ^ — namely,

' I.e., to the Treaty Between the United States and
Great Britain Relating to Boundary Waters, and Ques-
tions Arising Between the United States and Canada,
signed Jan. 11, 1909 (36 Stat. 2448).

Department of State Bulletin I

Table I
Unutilized Flows al Main Stem Columbia liiver Projects
(Based on a level of development in the United States including about 21,000,000 acre-feet of upstream storage)
Thousands of acre-feet above ultimate hydraulic capacity

Year

Grand Coulee,

26 units,

130,000 c.f.s.

Chief Joseph,

27 units,
171,000 c.f.s.

McNary,

20 units,

291,000 c.f.s.

John Day,

20 units,
287,000 c.f.s.

The Dalles,

22 units,
360,000 c.fs.

Bonneville,

16 units,
216,000 c.f.s.

1928 (start July)

1929

1930

1931

1932

1933

1934

1935

1936

1937

1938

1939

1940

1941

1942

1943

1944

1945

1946

1947

1948 (incl. June)

Numljer years of no surplus

Number years when 15,000,000 acre-feet of sur-
plus water would not be available

(October 1955)

0

0

0

0

6, 495

16, 165

13, 105

8,090

4, 180

0

6, 795

1,565

0

0

3,990

8,965

0

0

12, 325

7,730

18, 790

18

0

0

0

0

1,900

9,000

8,200

3, 120
1, 130

0

800

0

0

0

1,415

2,375

0

0

4, 675
1,250

13, 780

10

20

0
0
0
0
100

9, 460

1,875
0
0
0

1,130
0
0
0
0

3,775
0
0

2, 055

595

22, 860

13

19

0
0
0
0

2,915

12, 660

6, 150

0

715

. 0

2,740

0

0

0

0

8,950

0

0

5,510

3, 185

27, 590

12

19

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
240
0
0
0
0
17, 240

18

19

0
0
0
0

8,025
25, 125
24, 525

7,445

7,475

0

14, 385

245

800

0

5,440

24, 535

0

0

17, 450

11,855

35, 695

15

the United States of America. Obviously, there-
fore, tlie United States, as an injured sovereign,
will not be limited to the redress provided for an
injured party (spelled with small letter "p") by
article II.

After describing Canadian studies of possibili-
ties for development of the Columbia River under
cases 1, 2, and 3, General McNaughton suggested
four subjects to be studied jointly under the Co-
lumbia Reference. Again I quote from the April
record :

To summarize, Mr. Chairman, the Canadian Section are
prepared to discuss with you under the general terms of
the Columbia Reference the cooperative arrangements in
relation to the undermentioned subjects which we might
propose in our report to the Governments of the United
States and Canada and to make appropriate advisory rec-
ommendations thereon as we may agree.

One, for tlie temporary — the emphasis supplied, shall I
say — use downstream in the United States of regulated
flow from Mica storage;

Two, and of Murphy Creek storage ;

Three, possibilities of Canada permitting an increase
of level of approximately 42 feet at the point where the

Columbia River cros.ses the boundary into the United
States ; thereby flooding upstream to the tail water of the
Murphy Creek Dam. This would permit a corresponding
increase in the height of the Grand Coulee Dam.

Four, the possibility of Canada permitting an increase
of level of approximately 37 feet at the point where the
Kootenay crosses the boundary into the United States,
that is, the eastern crossing ; thereby flooding upstream to
the tail waters of the Dorr Dam.

This will permit a corresponding increase in the height
of the proposed dam at Libby, Montana, above the water
level at the boundary.

We object to the proposal of the Chairman of
the Canadian Section for several reasons.

First, it is quite obvious that all four of the sub-
jects proposed are intended to fit into diversion
conditions that would prevail under Chairman
McNaughton's case 3.

If the United States Section should agree to
participate in the joint studies under conditions
specified in the Canadian case 3 proposal, we
would, by so doing, risk an assumption by others
that we gave tacit approval to Chairman Mc-
Nauffhton's contention that a diversion of 15 mil-

December 72, 1955

983

Table II
Unutilized Flows at Main Stem Columbia River Projects

{Based on elisling storage projects)
Thousands of acre-feel above ultimate hydraulic capacity

Year

Grand Coulee,

26 units,

130,000 c.J.s.

Chief Joseph,

27 units,
171,000 c.t.s.

McNary,

20 units,

291,000 c.f.s.

The Dalles,

22 units,
360,000 c.f.s.

Boimeville,

16 units,
215,000 c.f.s.

1928 and. Julv)

1929

1930

1931

1932

1933

1934

1935

1936

1937

1938

1939

1940

1941

1942

1943

1944

1945

1946

1947

1948 (incl. June)

Number years of no surplus

Number years when 15,000,000 acre-feet of surplus water
would not be available

(October 1955)

6,327
3,765
4,070
1,500
18, 020

22, 205
18, 855
14,315

9,360
4,475

16, 240

7,645

4,065

0

10,615

15, 130

0

6,970

20, 960

16, 540

23, 750

12

3,815

715

185

0

10, 555

14, 065

9,985

8,690

3,305

0

8,780

240

890

0

5,660

7,750

0

2, 140

13, 490

9,005

18, 795

19

0
0
0
0

11,760

16, 525

5, 550

4, 225

3,840

0

10, 300

0

0

0

3, 570

14, 315

0

2,975

13, 965

11,580

32, 670

18

0
0
0
0

4,755

9, 195

0

475

0

0

4, 460

0

0

0

0

3,630

0

0

6, 645

3, 840

26, 255

13

19

4,920

5,060

775

0

28, 575

33, 550

21, 430

16, 715

15, 700

4,485

27, 070

6,885

5, 310

890

14, 460

36, 510

655

12, 695

31, 605

24, 570

44, 770

1

10

lion acre-feet annually can be made without injury
downstream in the United States.

This we are not prepared to do.

As a matter of fact, we consider that such studies
would not be within the terms of the Columbia
River Reference. We submit, moreover, tliat no
such divereions were contemplated by either of the
High Contracting Parties when they sent the Ref-
erence to the International Joint Commission on
9 March 1944. I quote from the Reference :

It is desired that the Commission shall determine
whether in its judgment further development of the water
resources of the river basin would be pi-acticable and in
the public interest frain the points of view of th^ two
governments. [Emphasis supplied.]

We have already pointed out that tlie United
States would suffer great injury under case 3
diversions. We must conclude, therefore, that the
United States Section has neither the authority
nor the inclination to engage in joint studies based
on acceptance of tlae theory of the case 3 diversions
which are definitely agaitutt the puilic interest
from the point of view of the United States.

In addition to the objections already stated, your
attention is invited to the statements in the special
report dated June 3, 1955, of the International
Pacific Salmon Fislieries Commission,^ which sets
forth the destructive effect which diversions into
tlie Fraser River might have on salmon fisheries
there. The salmon industry has been revived as a
result of joint United States-Canadian efforts and
heavy expenditures. It is now worth over $15
million annually to the two countries, with a po-
tential value of over $26 million. We are seri-
ously concerned with any proposals for the Fraser
which would seem to threaten this valuable in-
dustry and be in conflict with our treaty "for the
protection, preservation and extension of the sock-
eye sahnon fisheries of the Fraser River System." ^

We particulai'ly desire, however, that it be un-
derstood that our attitude is and consistently has
been constructive with respect to investigations
and formulation of plans by this Commission for

' See below.

= Signed May 26, 1930 ( Treaty Series 918).

984

Depar/menf of Sfafe Bulletin

further development within tlie Columbia River
basin of the water resources of that great basin
in a manner practicable and in the public interest
from the points of view of the Governments of
both Canada and the United States of America
under the Reference of 9 March 1944. We sug-
gest that the Commission now continue actively
with the field investigations and joint studies,
which have been under way for more than 11 years,
with a view to :

(a) Consideration by the Commission and its
International Columbia River Engineering Board
of principles applicable, where appropriate, for
analysis of water-resource developments wholly
witliin either the United States or Canada, or in
both, and of mutual concern and hene-fit to both
countries ;

(b) Accomplishment of necessary studies to
develop facts and evolve a mutual understanding
with respect to the engineering and economic as-
pects of possible water-resource developments of
mutual benefit ; and,

(c) Discussion and consideration of possible de-
velopments with a view to formulation of recom-
mendations to the two Governments of a mutually
beneficial and acceptable plan of development.

We of the United States Section hope svich
studies may proceed immediately and go forward
without interruption, and we are prepared to aug-
ment the existing International Columbia River
Engineering Board, Committee, and work groups
as required to accomplish the work satisfactorily.
Specifically, we suggest enlarging the Columbia
Board by one additional member from each coun-
try and leaving to the Board the problem of any
changes in its committee and work groups.

Meanwhile, it seems appropriate that we in-
form our Canadian colleagues that the Corps of
Engineers, in cooperation with other interested
Federal agencies and State and local interests, has
commenced a review of United States plans for
development of the Columbia River basin. It is
expected that this review will develop many con-
siderations pertinent to our joint studies under the
Columbia Reference. For example, it will de-
velop specific data to take account of the changing
and diminishing value of storage in the future
as the cost of hydro possibilities increases and the
ratio of hydro to thermal installations in the sys-
tem changes. Instead of evaluating storage only
on the basis of conditions at the beginning of its
economic life, it will be possible to evaluate the

storage over the range of changing conditions that
can now be foreseen.

Also, it will be possible to take into account
the amount of storage that can be advantageously
utilized during various periods in the future and
to apportion the beneficial effects of storage
equitably among the interrelated projects which
contribute to flow regulation, thus avoiding the
inequities of assigning higher values to first added
elements of a plan and remaining values to later
elements.

In summary the United States Section of the
Commission, constructively viewing the Commis-
sion's duties and responsibilities under the Colum-
bia River Reference, says :

(a) The diversions proposed by the Canadian
Section would result in very great injury to the
United States. For this reason alone, no satis-
factory basis exists for joint consideration of the
four subjects proposed by the Canadian Chair-
man last April for joint study. It may be ob-
served, however, that any joint consideration of
such diversions would carry the Commission out-
side of its proper sphere of action under the Ref-
erence which definitely contemplates recommenda-
tions by the Commission for further development
of the water resources of the Columbia basin in a
manner that "would be practicable and in the
public interest from the points of view of the two
Governments."

(b) The United States Section and the teclini-
cal staffs of the various departments and agencies
of the United States are ready, willing, and eager
to collaborate with our Canadian colleagues in
continuing the field investigations and studies
thus far so admirably advanced under the terms
of the Reference, which contemplates that any
plan recommended by the Commission shall be of
mutual, significant, and permanent benefit to both
Canada and the United States. This, we submit,
is the duty and responsibility of the Commission
as entrusted to it by the two Governments.

REPORT BY CHAIRMAN REID OF INTERNA-
TIONAL PACIFIC SALMON FISHERIES COMMIS-
SION

The International Sockeye Commission [International
Pacific Salmon Fisheries Commission], created by treaty
in 1937, was appointed for the purpose of restoration and
preservation of the once great Fraser River sockeye fish-
ery which was almost destroyed in 1913. In that year

December 12, 1955

985

rock (luini>ed into the river at various points in connection
with the construction of the Canadian Northern Railway
almost annihilated the escapement from a run of 30
million fish. A slide followed in 1914 at Hell's Gate
which added to the obstacle. Rock was removed and the
area was believed to be clear to the passage of flsh, but
the adver.se sensitivity of migrating sockeye to the still
existing partial obstruction has cost the fishing industry
and the economy of Canada and the United States almost
a billion dollars, based on current prices. Losses from
the obstruction will continue to mount until the river is
completely rehabilitated. Government reports show that
pink salmon, which spawned in great numbers in small
tributaries above the Gate and in the main Thompson
River, were even more severely damaged than the sockeye.
These runs are now starting to return because of the
fishways, but the Commission is in no way concerned with
this species.

From the very beginning, operations of the Commission
were completely unbiased by national Interests. A scien-
tific staff of both Canadian and American citizens of the
highest caliber was hired to lay a foundation of fact,
or at least of inescapable logic, behind every action of
the Commission. The existence of a block and delay to
migrating sockeye at Hell's Gate was established and
the necessity for the Hell's Gate fishways proven before
their construction was commenced in 1945. One of the
most outstanding leads to the requirements for success-
ful management of the fishery became evident in 1949
when the first returns from spawners using the fishways
occurred. These returns showed that the rate of repro-
duction of the assisted spawners was twice that of those
which had passed the obstruction prior to the construc-
tion of the fishways, and this high rate of reproduction
has since continued each year.

Without a single national or international controversy
the Fraser River sockeye are being rehabilitated at a
rapid rate and the economy of each country is benefiting
accordingly. The catch of each of the last 4 years has
approached a 40-year record for the appropriate cycle
and the catch in 1954 was the greatest on its cycle in the
history of the Fraser River. The increase in the catch
in the past 4 years over that of the previous parent
years is valued at over $42 million. To meet its only
national obligation — that of dividing the allowable catch
equally between the two nationals — the Commission has
so regulated that with a total catch of 18,246,000 sockeye
over the past 4 years the division has only been 68,000
fish short of perfection.

Tliis background of the Commission's operations and the
current benefits obtained is described to emphasize that
scientific facts so paramount in these operations are mak-
ing it possible to bring about a positive restoration of the
renewable sockeye food resource; al.so, that restoration
operations, which neces.sitated drastic regulations of an
intricate nature, have been accompanied by international
harmony and the unified support of the industry of both
countries. At the moment, we are reminded of the pro-
posal to dam the Quesnel River, once a great sockeye
producing watershed, where only 1,000 spawners existed
in 1941 and approximately 20,000 in 1949. A demand
was made in 1952 that the Commission should state the

degree and speed of rehabilitation expected in this system.
With some reservations, but relying on many facts, the
Commission staff predicted 1 million flsh by 1957. Almost
600,000 returned in 1953, and as many as 2 million in-
stead of the predicted 1 million may return in 1957.

Through the course of 17 years of investigations a great
mass of data has been collected on the requirements of
sockeye for maintaining a maximum rate of reproduction.
Being cold-blooded animals, they are complete slaves to
their environment and every action in fresh water, in fact
their very existence, is manifestly related to the sun
cycle.

Their regular migration from the sea — each population
migrating at its own time and the same time year after
year, spawning at the same time year after year, emerging
from the gravel at the same time year after year and
returning to the sea at the same time year after year — •
is a necessity for suiTival. The disastrous effect of arti-
ficial delays in migration was well proven at Hell's Gate
and also in 1946 when the Adams River escapement of
2,500,000 sockeye which formed the latter part of the run
was delayed in arrival on the spawning grounds by ex-
tremely low water in the Fraser and Thompson Canyons.
The resulting decline in the 1950 run cost our fishing
industry an estimated $17 million in that one year alone.
The relationship of the migration of the adult sockeye
to their reproductive environment is so sensitive that
the beginning and end of the run are of little value as
successful spawners and we are forced to recognize this
in the formulation of our fishing regulations. It is prob-
able that this relationship is far more critical in the
continental climate area of the interior of British Colum-
bia than the coastal area where the seasonal changes
in climate are not so well defined or severe. The scien-
tific principles of management of the Commission that
permit a maximum catch from a minimum escapement
are too well founded on fact to be disputed, although
the detailed functioning of these principles in terms of
reproduction rates has yet to be defined.

Man in his ignorance or carelessness in certain other
areas has gradually reduced the North American salmon
production by changing the environment of the freshwater
habitat of the salmon to a point beyond the tolerance or
adjustability of the species during one or more phases of
its freshwater existence. In doing so, a valuable source
of protein is being gradually eliminated in an age when
the human population of the world is growing at such
a rate that the land and sea together may in a relatively
short time be unable to maintain that population with
its food producing potential. It is predicted that in a
few short years many of the current food surpluses in
North America may well disappear because of the needs
of a rapidly increasing population. We in our wonderful
continent of North America will face a protein shortage
in a very short period of time.

The Commission, in planning for full rehabilitation of
the Fraser River sockeye, has carefully analyzed the
possible effects of the developing industrialization of the
river basin on the sockeye. Our conclusion has been that
the only insurmountable obstacle to the maintenance of
the sockeye salmon would be the random hydroelectric
development of the river's potential power resources. It

986

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

is recognized that, if no substitute power source becomes
available, the economic benefits of the food resource pro-
duced by the river must be balanced by impartial govern-
ment against the economic benefits derived from hydro-
electric ijower.

To date industry and government have seen fit to pro-
tect the sockeye food resource by planning developments
that do not conflict with its maintenance. The great Kiti-
mat project was developed on the Xechako River instead
of, as originally proposed, at Chilko Lake. Tlie Provin-
cial Government of British Columbia decided not to build
a dam on the Quesnel River and instead is considering
the power potential of the North Fork of that stream and
the Xorth Thompson River, where the maintenance of
fisheries is not a serious problem. The Commission and
all other fisheries agencies are trying desperately to
neutralize the adverse effects of possible power develop-
ment in migratory channels by evolving fish-saving de-
vices, but since we are dealing with live animals in a
great mass of fluid medium and with reactors rather than
physical barriers the hope of success is extremely small.
In the meantime the great developments of the present
atomic age have brought about a change in thinking in
the short period of 2 or 3 years ; instead of the belief
that thermal power will never replace hydroelectric power,
the idea is now held that the cost of hydroelectric power
and that of thermal jMwer may reach equality in a few
years. With such possibilities ahead, we can only hope
that, during the interim before we find our economy best
suited to the development of thermal power, power re-
quirements can be fully met by the potential power sites
that will not seriously affect fish. We can then eat our
cake and live in luxury too.

The Sockeye Commission has no direct connection with
the industrial development of the Fraser River watershed.
Its role is specifically limited to the rehabilitation, pro-
tection, and extension of the sockeye fisheries, although
it has the right to make recommendations to the Canadian
Government in relation to its terms of reference. To avoid
interfering with the economic development, which is pri-
marily a matter of national interest, the Commission re-
stricts its activities in connection with industrial projects
to the determination of their possible effect on the sock-
eye of the Fraser River and acts as a technical consultant
upon request by the Canadian Department of Fisheries.
Any reports relating such projects to the maintenance of
the sockeye resource are normally prepared by the depart-
ment in liaison with the technical staff of the Commis-
sion. The appropriations to the Commission for scientific
investigation are adequate, however, to conduct compre-
hen.sive studies, and it is for this reason, and logically so,
that the Commission is probably better informed than
perhaps any other fisheries agency regarding the possible
effects of a potential industrial project on the Fraser
River sockeye. Much of our data have been recently ob-
tained and have not yet been made available to other
fisheries agencies except in the case of certain migrant
control studies being conducted mutually by the Cana-
dian Department [of Fisheries], the Washington State
Department [of Fisheries], and the Commission in a des-
perate attempt to solve a problem common to each agency.

The Commission, having the background knowledge

contained in volumes of principally unpublished data in
its files, was considerably concerned when the proposal
was made public to divert the waters of the Columbia
River into the Fraser River watershed at a place near
Taft, B.C., on the Eagle River. We have not been offi-
cially advised of the technical details of the proposal,
but official statements have been made to the effect that
15 million acre-feet of stored water might be diverted
during the low-flow mouths in the Thompson and Fraser
Rivers. This stored water, together with the natural run-
off of the Fraser and Thompson Rivers, would be utilized
for power development by the construction of a series of
low-head dams presumably below 200 feet in height. The
statement has also been made that dams up to 200 feet
in height would not be detrimental to the salmon resources
of the Fraser.

Our data do not bear out this latter conclusion and, in
fact, are so contrary to it that we gratefully welcome this
opportunity of advising you of our preliminary conclu-
sions.

We are concerned first and most seriously with the
effect of any dam, regardless of its height, on the up-
stream movement of mature sockeye. In 1954 an escape-
ment of 1,250,000 sockeye passed up the Fraser River in
24 hours en route to the South Thompson River, and it is
anticipated that in future years when the Quesnel run is
restored similar phenomenal escapements to the Upper
Fraser will occur. Even though the Hell's Gate fishways
are probably the most efficient in the world and approach
hydraulic perfection, the 1954 escapement to Adams River
was delayed approximately 4 days at this point. We have
already mentioned the effect on the productive capabili-
ties of sockeye of the prolonged delay in passing Hell's
Gate prior to the construction of the fishways, and it was
adequately proven that most of the fish that were delayed
12 days or more at Hell's Gate did not reach their spawn-
ing grounds at all. If a series of dams were constructed
in the Phraser Canyon and the Thompson River, the cumu-
lative delay at each dam of the large escapements that
are the mainstay of the rehabilitated resource would
eventually destroy the affected populations. This would
happen regardless of the heights of the dams and regard-
less of the effectiveness of the fishways constructed to
pass the migrating fish.

The delay in the upstream migration of mature adults
is serious in itself, but several other known effects must
also be considered. Well-organized studies of mortali-
ties occurring at a dam ISO feet in height located in the
State of Washington revealed spillway mortalities, in
the case of seaward migrating salmon fingerlings, of ap-
proximately 8 percent and turbine mortalities of 30 per-
cent. It is very doubtful whether these mortalities can
be reduced by changes in the design of the dam or turbines,
and such mortalities become cumulative at each struc-
ture. As mortalities of seaward migrants are not com-
pensatory, the returning adult population will be reduced
by the same percentage of mortality that is effective on
the fingerlings en route to the sea. Experimental methods
of guiding seaward migrants to safe passage as they ap-
proach hydroelectric structures are well developed, but
the problems are so complex that complete success ap-
pears impossible and practical success is many years

December J2, J955

987

away, if obtainable at all, in rivers the size of the Praser
or Thompson.

At least two other factors may adversely affect the
production of the Thompson River runs of sockeye. The
release of 15 million acre-feet of water into Shuswap
Lake during the cold winter months would completely
replace the reservoir capacity of the principal rearing
area of the sockeye produced in this watershed. As this
replacement could, and probably would, completely change
the limnological structure of the lake and possibly the
ecological balance as well, extensive study would be re-
quired to assess its full effect, so that at present we can
only conjecture what it might be. The second factor is
the temperature-structure change in the migratory chan-
nel which would result from dam construction. Here
again we cannot assess the effects at this time, but we
cannot overlook the measured sensitivity of the sockeye
to its environment and the fact that thesfe fish have
genetically adapted themselves to existing conditions dur-
ing the almost countless generations that have utilized
the watershed for reproductive purposes.

The possible flooding of important pink salmon spawn-
ing grounds, while of no legal concern to the Commission,
likewise cannot be overlooked in assessing the effect of
the diversion proposal.

The effect of delay at the proposed dams, regardless of
their height, and the probable inability of the scientist to
eliminate downstream mortality, combined with the possi-
bility in such a situation that other dams may be built
eventually on the Upper Fraser, raises the serious ques-
tion of whether the required tens of millions of dollars
should be spent in attempting to provide effective tish
protective facilities. On preliminary inspection of the
proposal, we would be extremely hesitant to recommend
fish protective facilities in what could easily be a futile
attempt to save the great Fraser River sockeye salmon
industry, if the Fraser and Thompson systems are to be
fully dedicated to power development. The production of
Fraser sockeye is worth $26,500,000 annually on a poten-
tial basis and $15,500,000 on a current basis. The other
species, of course, add materially to the total annual value
of the Fraser River salmon industry.

Regardless of such a preliminary conclusion, the project
obviously has not yet been perfected from an engineering
standpoint and, when the details are clarified, more ac-
curate assessment of its impact on the economy of a rap-
idly growing fishing industry will be possible. We
sincerely hope, however, that the proposed diversion will
prove to be the least desirable method of developing
Canadian power using Columbia River water.

In the meantime the Commission is at the service of
the Canadian Government to do everything possible to
harmonize power and fish, and our current research pro-
gram, operating in part with those of the other fisheries
agencies, will continue in the hope of providing new
answers. Perhaps the physicists and engineers will
eventually help us out by finding a thermal source of
energy which is more economical than the rapidly rising

cost of hydroelectric construction. This would eliminate
the final decision on the question of fish or power which
will have to be made when the power resources of the
main Fraser are required.

Caribbean Commission Meeting

Press release 672 dated December 1

The Caribbean Commission will hold its 21st
meeting at Aruba, Netherlands Antilles, Decem-
ber 6-12, 1955. The United States Commissioners
who will attend this meeting are:

Robinson Mcllvaine, Co-Chairman, Deputy Assistant Sec-
retary of State for Public Affairs

Arturo Morales Carrion, Under Secretary of State, Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico

Jos6 Trias Monge, Secretary of Justice, Commonwealth
of Puerto Rico

Bindley C. Cyrus of Chicago, 111., has been
designated by the Secretary of State, under au-
thorization of the President, to serve as U.S.
Commissioner for this meeting since David Victor
Bornn of the Virgin Islands, the fourth perma-
nent U.S. Commissioner, will be unable to attend.

William D. Moreland, Jr., U.S. Consul, Aruba,
and Mrs. Frances McReynolds Smith, Office of
Dependent Area Affairs, Department of State,
have been designated advisers to the U.S. Com-
missioners.

The Caribbean Commission is an international
advisory body resulting fi-om expansion of the
original Anglo-American Caribbean Commission.
It serves to coordinate activities of the four mem-
ber goverimients, France, the Netherlands, the
United Kingdom, and the United States, in their
efforts to improve the economic and social well-
being of Caribbean inhabitants.

The principal items for discussion at the 21st
meeting of the Commission will be the work pro-
gram and budget for 1956 ; the recommendations
of the sixth session of the West Indian Conference
held at San Juan, Puerto Rico, in May 1955 ; re-
ports of the preparatory committee on the Con-
ference on Town and Country Development Plan-
ning and the Second Caribbean Fisheries Seminar ;
as well as regional technical assistance projects in
housing, agriculture, home economics, forestry,
and education.

988

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin

Geophysical Science and Foreign Relations

hy Walter M. Rudolph
Assistant to the Science Adviser ^

It is a truism, now, that the astounding progi'ess
of science, especially in recent years, has a power-
ful impact on human relations. It is afl'ecting our
daily lives. We live together today vastly dif-
ferently from the way we used to live together,
largely because scientific knowledge has made the
change possible. Not only has scientific progress
made the change possible, but it can furnish op-
portunities for better cooperative relations among
civilized people and their governments.

Foreign relations are merely a segment of hu-
man relations. The courses adopted or followed
by a government in carrying on its relations with
other governments, when added together, con-
stitute its foreign policy. The factors that must
be considered in settling upon these courses are,
to be sure, numerous. There are political, eco-
nomic, military, and many other factors that must
be assembled, analyzed, and evaluated before a
policy is developed. With the leaps and bovmds
of science in the last generation, scientific factors
have assumed an increasingly significant role in
the development of these courses.

An activity that already has had a bearing on
international relations and doubtless will affect
them in the future is being planned for 1957-58
by scientists of 40 nations. They are planning to
make observations and measurements of the earth
and the space in which it revolves. They will
be developing better and sounder scientific foot-
ings on which a larger and stronger superstructure
of technology can be built. The activity is known
as the International Geophysical Year.

Scientists all over the world have studied the

'Address made before the Kiwanis Club, Charleston,
S. C, on Nov. 17.

earth for a long time. They already know quite
a lot about it. There is still much, however, they
don't know. So far they have really made only
spot studies. Scientists fi'om different nations
have a mass of snapshots, so to speak, of particu-
lar physical features of pai'ticular parts of the
earth and the atmosphere and the sun and the
moon, taken at different times and at different
places by different people using different stand-
ards. These snapshots have been valuable.
Scientists have traded them and have laboriously
adjusted them and pieced them together in an ef-
fort to form a comprehensive picture that would
yield more useful knowledge.

The International Geophysical Year provides
for the first time a procedure for getting some-
thing like a moving picture of a wide range of
physical phenomena of the earth and the atmos-
phere. This is made possible by international
cooperation.

Coordinated World Plan

Under the aegis of the International Council of
Scientific Unions, which originally sponsored the
idea of the International Geophysical Year, groups
of astronomers, chemists, physicists, and others in
40 different nations began in 1963 and early 1954
to draw up 40 plans of study. These national
groups met together once in Rome in 1954 and
again in Brussels a couple of months ago. There
the scientists from each nation told the rest what
they had planned. In the light of all these plans,
each national group revised its plans to make them
fit into a coordinated overall world plan.

At those meetings scientists from each nation
were able to map out how each national group

December 72, 7955

989

could most efl'ectively participate in the global
job. Meteorologists from the 40 nations got to-
gether and worked out an overall plan for observ-
ing and measuring a large number of phj'sical
phenomena relating to weather and to atmos-
pheric circulation. Under the plan, each group
agreed to do its particular part of the job. Each
group will throw the results of its work into a com-
mon pot. The information will then be available
to all the meteorologists of the world. In this
way comprehensive knowledge about meteorologi-
cal phenomena will be accumulated simultane-
ously all over in a concentrated standard effort
during a particular period of time and will be
available to everyone.

Physicists and others who specialize in geo-
magnetism got together and worked out similar
plans for accumulating data on the birth, the life,
and the death of magnetic storms and other dis-
turbances. One group of scientific specialists
after another did likewise. As a result, a world-
wide, rounded-out, cooperative undertaking has
been developed.

In addition to meteorological and geomagnetic
studies, the scientists have worked out similar
worldwide cooperative plans for gathering other
kinds of physical facts. Observations of the au-
rora will indicate the global relations of these
phenomena and their causes and significance. In-
vestigations will be made of the ionospheric winds
and tides and of the life of ionospheric storms.
Measurements will be made of radio-wave absorp-
tion in the ionosphere. Rockets and earth satel-
lites will be fired into the reaches above the atmos-
phere, as we know it, to measure temperature,
pressure, and air motion and to collect information
about solar and cosmic rays. Various scientific
aspects of the sun itself, and the moon, and the
stars will be studied. Scientific facts about the
oceans as media for travel and as sources of food
and as influences on weather will be collected.
Glaciers will be studied as sensitive indicators of
climatic change.

Two particular features of the International
Geophysical Year program deserve special com-
ment: the Antarctic studies, because they will
throw light on the only really unexplored area
left in the world today; and the earth satellite
project, because it will utilize the very latest tech-
nique for gathering scientific information hitherto
unobtainable.

Antarctic Studies

The Antarctic is an area equal to about one-sixth
of the world. We know little about it. It is ex-
pected that roughly 10 nations will send about
20 national expeditions to various parts of the
Antarctic before or during the International Geo- i\
physical Yeai\ Last year the United States sent "
our icebreaker, the U.S.S. Atka, to investigate the
ice conditions in the Eoss Sea and to find good
locations for new scientific stations there. This
year, in our operation called Deep Freeze I, sev-
eral icebreakers and freighters are going down to
set up additional stations and to prepare for future
I.G.Y. operations. The British have just sent an
advance party to the Antarctic to explore the ^
geography and topography of certain parts of the I
region and to collect data on glaciers, geology, ■■
and minerals.

Plans call for the establislmient of 30 or more
scientific stations of one kind or another by a
dozen difl'erent nations. A meeting of scientists
concerned especially with the Antarctic phase of
the International Geophysical Year met in Paris
last July. They mapped out a coordinated plan
for ajjpropriately spacing the scientific stations
and agreed on the establishment of an Antarctic
^Veather Central where information can be pooled,
collated, and disseminated. They worked out com-
mon safety procedures and reached other amiable
decisions about their joint effort.

Earth Satellite Program

The earth satellite program was stimulated by
a resolution passed at the Rome meeting of the
scientists in 1954. The resolution urged that the
scientists in all the participating nations give con-
sideration to the construction of small satellite ve-
hicles, instrumented to furnish such data as may
be feasible from outside the earth's atmosphere.
Following this suggestion, plans for the construc-
tion and launching of a small, unmanned, earth-
circling satellite vehicle were announced last sum-
mer at the White House. The satellite program,
like the rest of the American part of the I.G.Y.
program, has been developed and is being directed
by some of the Nation's leading geophysicists
gathered together by the National Academy of
Sciences.

It is believed that it is possible to send the
satellite itself 200 or more miles into space, where

990

Department of State Bulletin

it would be in the outer fringe of the atmosphere.
There, it would circle around the earth in about
90 minutes. It would spin around the earth for
days or weeks, gradually circling into the upper
atmosphere, where it would eventually disinte-
grate harmlessly.

The satellite is expected to report to ground
instrumentation information about conditions in
the outer edge of the atmosphere. It is hoped
it can report on extraterrestrial radiations and
particles that are shielded by the earth's atmos-
phere— ultra-violet radiation, cosmic rays, mete-
ors, and so forth — that have a strong influence on
the up2)er atmosphere and indirectly affect the
lower atmosphere. The satellite has the unique
advantage of making sustained observations in
both space and time. In the past, vertical rocket
flights at high altitudes have given only limited
information.

This very sketchy outline of the program for
the International Geophysical Year, and the
American participation in it, indicates that it is
of national and international import. In response
to the request of the National Academy of
Sciences, basic scientists from all over the country
have helped in its planning and will participate in
its operation. The Academy has requested the
United States Government to help in the planning
and has invited leading government scientists to
join in carrying out the plans. The Academy has
asked the United States Government to evaluate
the plans. It proposed that the National Science
Foundation ask the Congress of the United States
to appropriate funds for supporting the Ameri-
can part of the I. G. Y. program. Funds have

accordingly been appropriated. Similar proce-
dures have in general been followed by the
national scientific organizations in the other
participating countries.

How the International Geophysical Year will
affect our foreign relations in the months and
years ahead remains to be seen. Our participa-
tion in this worldwide cooperative undertaking
has been regarded by the Department of State
as consistent with our foreign jjolicy objectives
of stimulating the exchange of scientific informa-
tion. The Department has worked with the
American scientists in their planning. It has lent
its facilities for developing cooperative arrange-
ments with scientists in other countries when such
arrangements were appropriate. As the program
gets into operation, the Department will continue
its liaison with the scientists in order to insure
that the details of the operation are carried on
within the framework of our foreign policy.

After the International Geophysical Year
studies are made and they begin to bear fruit,
who can predict accurately what problems in
international relations will arise in fields like in-
ternational transportation and navigation, in
communication, in commerce, and in agriculture?
That they will arise is almost inevitable. How
to meet them will be a challenge. We must repeat
what we suggested at the outset — that the Inter-
national Geophysical Year will give an inspiring
spurt to geophysical scientific progress, and that
this progress can furnish opportunities for better
cooperative relations among civilized people and
their governments.

December J 2, 1955

991

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Decision of General Assembly
Concerning Algerian Question

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.

V.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

The United States supported the motion of the
distinguished representative from India [V. K.
Krislma Menon] because we believe tliat in the
circumstances it was wise and constructive.^ Our
reasons for opposing inscription were stated both
in the General Committee ^ and in the plenary •*
and are in the record. For the future, the United
States hoiDes that all of us will bear in mind the
grave implications of this organization in taking
up questions where the action sought would con-
flict with the provisions of article 2, paragraph 7,
of the charter.

This action today is another example of the
spirit of accommodation and compromise — per-
haps comity is a good word — which is essential to
the proper functioning of the United Nations and
to the achievement of its fundamental purposes.

We cannot, of course, close our eyes to the
realities of certain situations and the differences
of opinion as to what should be done about them.
But this must not make us forget that the United
Nations was conceived in the first place as a center
for harmonizing the actions of its membei-s.

The particular action we have just taken was
made possible by wise statesmanship. Having re-
stored the conditions necessary for full French
participation in our work, we may now look for-
ward to a continuation of such statesmanship,
statesmanship for which the presence and the wise
counsel of France are indispensable.

'Made in plenary on Nov. 25 (U.S. delegation press
release 2290).

" The Indian proposal read : "The General Assembly
decides not to consider further the item entitled 'The
question of Algeria' and is therefore no longer seized of
this item on the agenda of the tenth session." Both
Committee I (Political and Security) and the plenary
adopted the proposal without objection on Nov. 25.

' Bulletin of Oct. 3, 1955, p. 546.

* lUd., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582.

The motion we have just approved has led us %
out of a most difficult situation fraught with
danger for the United Nations. The United
States was therefore glad to join in its approval.

Colombo Plan Nations Review
Economic Progress

Follotoing are a Department announcement on
the publication of the Fourth Annual Report of
the Consultative Committee on Economic Devel-
opment in South and Southeast Asia (the Colombo
Plan), and the text of a communique issued at the
conclusion of the Committee meeting at Singapore
on October 21, together with an extract from the
annual report, xohich was attached to the
com/munique?

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT

Press release 677 dated December 2

The Department of State on December 4 an-
nounced the publication of the Fourth Annual
Eeport of the Consultative Committee on Eco-
nomic Development in South and Southeast Asia
(commonly referred to as the Colombo Plan).
The report reviews economic development prog-
ress in the area from mid-year 1954 to mid-year
1955 and concludes that "most countries of the
area maintained and a few surpassed" the rate of
progress of previous years.

This report, now being made public by various
members of the Consultative Committee, was
agreed upon by the 17 member governments at tlie
Seventh Meeting of the Committee held Octo-
ber 17-21 at Singapore. The United States,
which has been a member of the Consultative
Committee since 1951, attended the Singapore

' For an address made at the Singapore meeting on Oct.
20 by John B. Hollister, director of the International
Cooperation Administration, see Bulletin of Nov. 7, 1955,
p. 747. For an article on the Colombo Plan by Wilfred
Malenbaum, see ibid., Sept. 22, 1952, p. 441.

992

Department of State Bulletin

meeting and participated in the preparation of
the report.

The Committee was established in 1950 initially
as an organization of Commonwealth countries
to focus attention on the economic development
problems of the countries of South and Southeast
Asia. Early in its history the Committee issued
a report containing the 6-year (1951-1957) devel-
opment programs of several of its members in the
area. It was to this report that the term Colombo
Plan was first applied, but in operation the Plan
is principally an intergovernmental committee
designed to provide a framework within which
international cooperative efforts can be made to
promote sound and enduring progress in that area.

All assistance given by such contributing coun-
tries as Australia, Canada, Japan, New Zealand,
the United Kingdom, and the United States is
bilaterally given and bilaterally received. The
sum total of U.S. bilateral economic assistance to
countries of the area is regarded as its contribution
to the program.

The Committee meets annually, and its original
Commonwealth membership has been broadened
and now includes the following 17 countries : Aus-
tralia, Burma, Canada, Cambodia, Ceylon, India,
Indonesia, Japan, Laos, Nepal, New Zealand, Pak-
istan, the Philippines, Thailand, the United King-
dom together with Malaya and British Borneo,
the United States, and Viet-Nam.

The life of the Committee, scheduled to termi-
nate in 1957, was extended at Singapore to 1961.

The State Department in releasing the report
emphasized that the discussion therein of the na-
tional development projects is the responsibility of
the govei-nments concerned and does not imply
financial or other aid for such a program beyond
that which is being given cui'rently imder exist-
ing bilateral programs.

Report Shows Notable Increases

The report finds that, for the area as a whole,
income and output showed notable increases; but
these increases were "mieven as between the coun-
tries in the area, and in a few comitries there was
some setback in the financial situation."

The report notes that not all increased output
can be attributed directly to development expendi-
tures; it was also due, to a considerable extent, to
increased world demand for the products of the
area and to favorable weather conditions for agri-

cultuie. Many projects now being undeitaken
will require some time to complete and will affect
production only after a considerable lapse of time.

Outlays by countries of the area for financing
development during 1954^55 increased and were
aimed at devoting not less than $2,030 million to
development expenditures as compared with
$1,517 million in 195.3-54. It is anticipated that
even higher expenditures will take place in 1955-
56. The bulk of these resources was provided by
the countries themselves with external capital pro-
vided by such countries as Australia, Canada, New
Zealand, the United Kingdom, the United States,
and various international institutions providing
effective supplementary assistance. U.S. assist-
ance made available from appropriated funds to
Colombo Plan countries for development purposes
in the period reviewed by the report totaled $324
million.

As in past years, the expansion of agricultural
resources, including irrigation and related multi-
purpose power projects, received about 40 percent,
or the greater share, of development outlays.
Projects in this field require some time to realize
their maximum potential, but considerable success
is already evident in the increased acreage brought
imder cultivation.

Considerable expansion took place in electric
power capacity during the year under review.
The field of transport and communications, which
continues to absorb about 25 percent of govern-
mental development expenditures, evidenced fur-
ther progress in improved road and rail mileage
and additions to transport equipment.

The report indicates that the field of social
services, which again claimed about one-fourth of
total development outlay, saw further improve-
ment in the provision of housing, education, and
health facilities which countries of the area re-
gard as important for meeting the paramount
need to raise the low standards of living which
have characterized the area.

Projects in the industry and mining sector pro-
gressed further with many projects initiated
earlier coming into production, particularly in
South Asia and the Philippines.

The Committee's report indicates that govern-
mental expenditures on the basic facilities of de-
velopment in many countries have provided some
stimulus to private enterprise and investment. A
number of countries have taken steps to encourage
the development of private enterprise at home and

December ?2, 1955

993

to encourage the inflow of private foreign capital
through the extension of various financial incen-
tives and concessions, and other measures.

Importance of Technical Assistance

The report notes that as the fourth year of
Colombo Plan development drew to a close, tech-
nical assistance, "which is not only an invaluable
form of external aid in itself, but also a necessary
jirerequisite if full use is to be made of assistance
in financial and material form," surpassed pre-
vious years in the number of trainees sent abroad
and experts received by countries of the area.

Tlie reiDort, in addition to its summary of eco-
nomic events and progress in the development
field, reviews the principal issues which confront
countries of the area in the development task
ahead.

First, it finds that wide differences exist in the
economic situations of the different countries
which are reflected in the varying abilities to mo-
bilize financial resources and effectively organize
their development on a long-range basis.

Secondly, the report indicates that, in spite of
considerable progress, "much more has still to be
done and some of the tasks ahead will be even
harder," especially when viewed against the prob-
lem of rapid population growth, the magnitude
of the employment problem, and comparison with
prewar standards of living. For countries where
progress has occurred primarily as a result of
better use of existing plant and facilities rather
than any appreciable increases in capacity, the
task ahead will require even greater effort than
in the past.

Third, the report emphasizes that, while the
need for outside capital remains, the mobilization
of domestic resources both public and private is of
paramount importance. Particular recognition
is given to the importance of private enterprise
obtaining the financial resources necessary for its
expansion.

Finally, the report finds that recent experience
has thrown into sharper focus the many common
economic problems calling for the increased coop-
eration of all countries in the region.

The report concludes that the difficulties of the
task ahead should not obscure the solid achieve-
ments already made and the great efforts which
have gone into securing them. It states that "the
idea of co-operative effort, both within each coun-

try and between countries, is spreading ever more
widely and deeply. The concept of international
economic co-operation embodied in the Colombo
Plan is of special significance in world history,
and as the Plan enters its fifth year its members
may take courage from all that has been accom-
plislied and prepare themselves to meet the chal-
lenge of the task ahead."

COMMUNIQUE

The Consultative Committee, representing the
member Governments of the Colombo Plan for
Co-operative Development in South and South-
East Asia, has met from 17th to 21st October at
Singapore.

2. As at previous meetings of the Consultative
Committee, opportunity was taken to review prog-
ress under the Colombo Plan during the past year,
to define the task which lies ahead and in the re-
newal of personal contacts to share experience in
the solution of conunon problems. The Ministers
had received a draft report prepared by the offi-
cials at their preliminary meeting. After full
consideration and discussion they reached agree-
ment on the text of the Fourth Annual Report of
the Consultative Committee and approved its pub-
lication in the capitals of member countries not
before 22nd November, 1955.

3. During the fourth year of the Colombo Plan
most countries of the Area maintained and a few
surpassed their previous rate of economic prog-
ress. In general there were noticeable increases in
national income and output, particularly in indus-
trial and mineral production and power genera-
tion. Some projects adopted at the outset of the
Plan have now not only been completed but are
beginning to bear fruit. Favourable world eco-
nomic conditions have created an increased de-
mand for the products of the Area and made it
easier for developing coimtries to obtain the cap-
ital equipment they need. But the prices of some
commodities, such as rice, have fallen and coun-
tries dependent on the export of these connnodities
have had special difficulties.

4. Member Governments in the Area aimed in
1954-55 at devoting to development in the public
sector not less than the equivalent of some £752
million as compared with some £542 million in
1953-54, and they hope to achieve an even higher

994

Department of State Bulletin

expenditure in 1955-56. The bulk of this outlay
is of course provided by the countries in the Area
themselves. Over two-fifths of it is directed to
agriculture, one quarter to transport and one
quarter to social welfare.

5. The substantial amounts of capital made
available by contributing Governments, the In-
ter-national Bank for Reconstruction and Devel-
opment and by other institutions has been of
appreciable and increasingly effective assistance
to the countries of the Colombo Plan area in fur-
thering their development programmes. Such
capital has special value as it represents foreign
exchange which can stimulate a much larger
amount of domestic investment.

6. It was recognised that external private capi-
tal is an essential supplement to the activities of
Governments. Factors which may deter the flow
of such investment were considered, and note was
taken of the special steps being taken to encourage
it by many member Govermnents in the Area.

7. The discussions in the Consultative Commit-
tee showed that, despite wide differences between
their situations, certain problems are common to
most countries in the Area. Prominent amongst
these is the vital need for ever greater food pro-
duction, to feed 10 million additional people a
year in the Area and also to improve existing
standards of life. Large increases in food pro-
duction have been achieved in many countries, but
they are not yet large enough and further in-
creases may require proportionately greater effort.

8. Prominent also is the need for greater tech-
nical skills which, at least as much as finance, are
the key to economic progress and social welfare.
Under the various technical assistance schemes
nearly 7,200 places have been found for trainees
outside their own countries, of which some 2,200
places were found in the past year. Similarly
some 1,200 experts were provided during the year
to the countries of South and South-East Asia,
bringing the total to 3,700. The Consultative
Committee recognised that this type of contribu-
tion is of great significance. They also considered
means of extending the scope, increasing the vol-
ume and improving the operation of the technical
assistance programmes.

9. The task ahead is described in the attached
extract from the Annual Report. It poses the
problems to be faced, indicates some of the lines
on which solutions may be found, and describes a

situation which offers a challenge to all member
Governments in their efforts to secure the onward
progress of South and South-East Asia to greater
prosperity, stability and peace.

10. In 1950 it was agreed that the Colombo Plan
should run until 30th June, 1957. This date no
longer has any special significance and it was gen-
erally agreed that the development progranomes
of the comitries of South and South-East Asia
would have to be continued for many years to
come. The Consultative Committee decided that
the Plan should continue until 30th June, 1961,
and that the future of the Plan should be consid-
ered by the Committee at the 1959 meeting.

11. Finally, the Consultative Committee ac-
cepted the kind invitation of the Minister for Ex-
ternal Affairs of the Government of New Zealand
to meet next year in New Zealand.

EXTRACT FROM ANNUAL REPORT

The Task Ahead

Tlie member countries of the Colombo Plan have not
only their own steadily accumulating experience to draw
upon, but also the benefit, particularly at the annual
meetings of the Consultative Committee, of the exi>erience
of their fellow-members. On this basis it is possible,
from time to time, to draw out, in a necessarily tentative
way, some of the more general issues which tend to be
obscured by the insistent and multifarious problems of
the present.

The issues which have emerged from this review can
be summarized as follows :-

(a) Recent experience, in a period when not all coun-
tries of the area benefited from world economic condi-
tions which were generally favourable to the economic
expansion of the area as a whole, has brought out once
again the wide diflferences that exist in the economic
situations of the different countries.

(b) Considerable progress has been made and some of
the earlier plans are now bearing fruit, but much more
has still to be done and some of the tasks ahead will be
even liarder.

(c) While the need for capital from outside the area
remains, the close-linked problem of mobilising domestic
resources is of paramount importance. This is true both
for pultlic and private capital, and for development in the
public as well as the private sector.

(d) The many common economic problems calling for
the eo-oiieration of all countries in the region, possibly
in new ways, have been thrown into sharper focus.

Of the many differences that exist in the position of the
different countries, the present review has brought out
two in particular. First, while all countries of the area
depend, to a large degree and at crucial jwints, on imports

December 12, J 955

995

for their development projects, tliere are wide differences
from country to country in sucli factors as tlie diversity
and stability of exports, tlie dependence on imports for
current consumption, capital inflow or outflow, and the
size of reserves in relation to turnover ; while none would
claim to be suflSciently favourably placed in all these
respects, there are those whose position is obviously more
precarious. These countries have found it more difficult
to frame a development programme steadily progressing
towards fixed targets and have from time to time felt
themselves obliged to make adjustments. Countries
which are to a large extent dependent on imports for
essential goods, and at the same time derive the bulk of
their external receipts from the export of one or two com-
modities, which may fluctuate widely in price, have had
particularly difficult problems. Experience in some coun-
tries has indicated, however, that the adoption of appro-
priate fiscal measures, such as flexible export levies and
credit controls, can help to a considerable extent in miti-
gating the effect on development of fluctuations in export
prices.

Secondly, the countries of the area differ widely in
the degree to which they have been able to organise their
development. In only a few has planned economic devel-
opment been in progress for an appreciable time, and
even in these it is only now that planning is passing from
an ad hoc to a comprehensive basis. Others are concen-
trating mainly on particular projects, which have been
picked out as the most clearly urgent and necessary.
Others again are still grappling with the preliminary prob-
lems of surveying resources, deciding on projects and
targets, and drawing up a phased programme. This ap-
plies particularly to those who have had to face the addi-
tional problems of reconstructing war-damaged facilities,
and to those where the internal security situation has been
unfavourable. Such countries face immediate and specific
problems ; for them the more general questions discussed
below have hardly begun to emerge as yet. All countries,
however, even the most advanced in these respects, face
formidable difficulties in collecting the statistical and
other information they need, in reaching, with such data
as they can get, the complex technical, economic and
financial decisions on which plans must be based, and
creating or expanding the necessary administrative and
executive organisation. To a large extent these are prob-
lems of personnel, and valuable help in meeting them can
be obtained through the Technical Co-operation Scheme
and the other arrangements for technical assistance.

It is evident that considerable progress has been made
in many fields. Targets of production have been reached
or surpassed in many cases, and a number of countries
have stated that the point has been reached where their
own production of staple foods can provide the needs of
their present population at current consumption levels,
any imports being required only as reserves. Neverthe-
less, when the progress achieved so far, not only in food
production, but in economic development generally, is
compared with the fundamental problem of raising the
living standards of a rapidly increasing population, it is
clear that much more remains to be done. Current levels
of per capita food consumption, though substantially

higher than in the early post-war years, are lower than
before the war and below accepted standards of nutrition.

At the same time the population of the area as a whole
is estimated to be increasing by about 10 million persons
a year. This rapid growth, deriving from an increasing
birth rate and from the less often recognised phenomenon
of a falling death rate, is a fact of singular importance
for the future development of the area and the improve-
ment of its living standards. The increasing population,
and the resultant increase in the labour force availaljle,
have a special bearing on the magnitude of the employ-
ment problem. In practically every country of the region
underemployment, especially in rural areas, is common
and in some countries unemployment has become a serious
issue. To the extent that the substantial investment
necessarily devoted to large-scale projects for the improve-
ment of basic economic services has been required for the
importation of services and equipment, additional local
employment has not been created to a proportionate de-
gree. Moreover, these projects cannot of their nature
generate increasing employment until after a considerable
interval. Development plans have, therefore, both a cur-
rent and a long-term problem to meet, if opportunities for
employment in activities beneficial to the economy gener-
ally are to be created at a rate sufficient, not merely to
keep up with the annual increase in the labour force, but
to overtake it.

It is evident that, even in countries where the largest
increases in output have been recorded, the next phase
of development may require still greater efforts. Quite
apart from the influence of favourable weather condi-
tions on agricultural output, it is becoming clear that in
many cases increased output has so far owed more to
the greater and more efficient utilisation of existing ca-
pacity than to any appreciable increase in capacity.
Further increases in production are therefore likely to
require a proportionately greater effort. Moreover the
fact referred to in the previous paragraph, that much
of the investment carried out so far has been concen-
trated on large-scale projects for the improvement of
basic economic services, means that visible improvements
In living standards cannot be expected immediately, since
it is only after a considerable interval that such projects
show their full results.

The review has brought out the difficulties experienced
in a number of countries in expanding their domestic
budgetary resources. This has both an internal and an
external aspect. Internally, owing partly to the time-
lag, already referred to, between the investment outlay
on large-scale projects and the return in the shape of
increased output and incomes, tax receipts have in many
cases been slow to rise, at a time when, as has been shown
earlier, considerably increased investment is becoming
necessary. In these circumstances a number of Gov-
ernments have found it useful to improve the structure
and revise the general level of their taxation and in
some cases to resort to judicious credit creation. The
external aspect arises from the fact that many countries
depend on their external trade, not only for foreign ex-
change but also in a large measure, through import and
export duties, for internal budgetary revenues. This

996

Department of State Bulletin

has meant that the fall in export earnings which some
countries have experienced, and the restriction on imports
which some have imposed, have both contributed to a
fall in budget receipts. The operation of these factors,
both external and internal, may lead to a vicious circle,
with development checked for lack of financial resources,
while resources remain low for laclc of development.

In these circumstances greater development in the
private sector can become very important. While the
provision of certain public utilities and services has often
been the responsibility of the public sector, the actual
production of goods and services is the main concern of
private enterprise. A vigorous and expanding private
sector is therefore an essential complement to the activ-
ities in the public sector and Government will no doubt
give increasing recognition to this fact by assisting the
private sector to play its part in the planned programme
of economic development. One form of assistance which
may be needed more and more by the private sector in
countries with a very large public sector of development
may be finance. It is possible that, with the emphasis
on finding resources for the development of the public
sector, suflicient financial resources may not be left in the
economy for the private sector to draw upon. This sit-
uation is to some extent being remedied by setting up
financing institutions with Government support for the
undertaking in the private sector of approved investments
which fit in with the planned progamme of development.

As spokesmen for individual countries have stressed,
the need for increased external capital remains, as a
crucial supplement to the direct efforts being made by the
countries of the area to increase their own external
resources and as a means of breaking the vicious circle
referred to earlier. In view of the normal ratio of the
foreign exchange requirements to the local costs of devel-
opment, a given amount of external capital can be expected
to facilitate Investments some three to five times its
value in monetary terms. In order to secure this result,
however, strenuous efforts are required on the part of
the countries of the area to mobilise their internal
financial resources.

External capital may come from friendly Governments,
international institutions, and private investors. Capital
from Governments and international institutions such
as the International Bank has been made availal)le at
an increasing rate and many Governments in the area
are devoting increasing attention to the problems of uti-
lising such funds more rapidly and efficiently. Mention
may also be made of the additional iwssibility of making
use of agricultural surpluses, on mutually agreed terms,
to supplement available resources. Private capital in-
flow continues to make a significant contribution to the
resources available for some countries. Foreign capital
participation can be extremely valuable in fields involving
specialised know-how. With this in mind a number of
Governments are adopting policies specially designed to
help increase the flow of foreign capital. In this connec-
tion reference may be made to the International Finance
Corporation, the object of which is to help finance private

undertakings in this as well as in other parts of the
world.^

Different as these countries are, it is clear that they
have many problems in common, and that tliere is much
they can learn from each other. The extension through-
out the area of improved techniques of rice production
is one example of this; another is the successful taking
up by many countries of the idea of Community Develop-
ment schemes, under which villagers are encouraged,
trained and helped to help themselves in the provision
of roads, schools and other forms of improvement which,
though small in themselves, are cumulatively of great
Importance. Such schemes have great value, not only in
material terms, but also more intangibly, in that the
possibility of progress by co-operative effort is thus
brought home to many who are far removed from the
more obvious development in urban centres.

Co-operation is also possible in another way. Reference
was made to the check to development plans which is
apt to occur when the terms of trade take an unfavourable
turn, in countries unduly dependent on current export
earnings, especially from one or two export commodities.
This has naturally led to a conscious effort on the part
of such countries to diversify their economies and to make
themselves less exposed to outside economic ups and
downs. To the extent that such diversification leads
to an increased and more effective use of resources,
with better balance between the different sectors of the
economy, it is certainly desirable. In their efforts
towards this end, however, it is possible that Governments
may pursue policies which may result, at least for the
time being, in a contraction in the total volume of trade.
While of course each Government is and must remain the
judge of its own most immediate needs and policies, it
may be expected that they will take appropriate account
of each other's development plans in drawing up their
own, and will continue to use the annual meetings of the
Consultative Committee as a clearing-house of ideas
and information, bearing in mind that the long-term goal
of development is to maximise incomes and so promote
higher levels of trade both within the area and with the
rest of the world.

This outline is necessarily brief and such conclusions
as it seeks to draw are inevitably provisional. If it
seems to lay undue stress on problems and diflapulties,
this is because it is the business of the Consultative
Committee to consider such matters, and by the sharing
of experience to help towards finding solutions. This
should not obscure the solid achievements recorded and
the great efforts that have gone into securing them. The
idea of co-operative effort, both within each country and
between countries, is spreading ever more widely and
deeply. The concept of international economic co-oper-
ation embodied in the Colombo Plan is of special signifi-
cance in world history, and as the Plan enters its fifth
year its members may take courage from all that has been
accomplished and prepare themselves to meet the chal-
lenge of the task ahead.

- For a .summary of the principal features of the Inter-
national Finance Corporation, .see ihid., May 23, 1955,
p. 844.

December ?2, J 955

997

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Aviation

Convention on the international recognition of rights
in aircraft. Opened for signature at Geneva June 19,
1948. Entered into force September 17, 1953. TIAS
2847.
RatifloaUon deposited: Sweden, November 16, 1955.^

North Atlantic Treaty

Agreement between the parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty regarding the status of their forces. Signed
at London June 10, 1951. Entered into force August 23,
1953. TIAS 2846.
Ratification deposited: Portugal, November 22, 1955.

Agreement on status of the North Atlantic Treaty Organ-
ization, national representatives and international staff.
Done at Ottawa September 20, 1951. Entered into force
May 18, 1954. TIAS 2992.
Ratification deposited: Portugal, November 22, 1955.

Protocol on status of international military headquarters.
Signed at Paris August 28, 1952. Entered into force
April 10, 1954. TIAS 2978.
Ratification deposited: Portugal, November 22, 1955.

BILATERAL

Ecuador

Agreement for performance by meml)ers of Army, Naval,
and Air Force Missions of duties specified in article V
of the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement of Febru-
ary 20, 1952 (TIAS 2560). Effected by exchange of
notes at Quito July 29 and August 24, 1955. Entered
into force August 24, 1955.

Colombia

Agreement providing guaranties against inconvertibility
of investment receipts authorized by section 413 (b)
(4) (B) (i) of the Mutual Security Act of 1954 (68
Stat. 840-847 ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Wash-
ington July 14, 18, and November 18, 1955. Entered
into force November 18, 1955.

France

Agreement providing for the disposition of equipment
and material no longer required in the furtherance of

' Sweden does not consider that the convention, as
ratified by Mexico (subject to a reservation) and Chile
(subject to a reservation), will enter into force between
Sweden and Mexico or Chile.

the mutual defense assistance program. Effected by
exchange of notes at Paris September 23, 1955. Entered
into force September 23, 1955.
Agreement amending article III of the surplus agricul-
tural commodities agreement of August 11, 1955 (TIAS
3340). Effected by exchange of notes at Paris Novem-
ber 18, 1955. Entered into force November 18, 1955.

Japan

Agreement providing for payment of damages caused
by United States aircraft to the property of Japanese
nationals. Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo
August 24, 1955. Entered into force August 24, 1955.

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of
atomic energy. Signed at Washington November 14,
1955. Enters into force on date of exchange of notes
establishing that all constitutional or statutory proce-
dures of the two governments necessary to give legal
effect to the agreement have been completed.

Paraguay

Agreement providing investment guaranties authorized
by section 413 (b) (4) of the Mutual Security Act
of 1054 (68 Stat. 846-847), to insure against losses
from inconvertibility, confiscation, or expropriation.
Signed at AsunciSn October 28, 1955. Entered into
force provisionally November 15, 1955.

Thailand

Agreement for the sale and purchase of tin concentrates.
Signed at Bangkok November 14, 1955. Entered into
force November 14, 1955.

Turkey

Agreement modifying the agreement for the exchange of
commodities and the sale of grain of November 15,
19.54, as supplemented (TIAS 3179, 3204, 3205).
Effected by exchange of notes at Washington July 6
and November 18, 1955. Entered into force Novem-
ber 18, 1955.

Viet-Nam

Agreement providing for an informational media guaranty
program in Viet-Nam. Effected by exchange of notes
at Saigon October 11 and November 3, 1955. Entered
into force November 3, 1955.

THE FOREIGN SERVICE

Recess Appointments

Max Waldo Bishop as Ambassador to Thailand, De-
cember 3.

998

Department of State Bulletin

December 12, 1955

Ind

ex

Vol. XXXIII, No. 859

Africa. Decision of General Assembly Concerning

Algerian Question (Lodge) 992

American Principles. Importance of Bipartisan

Unity in Foreign Policy (Dulles) 965

American Republics. U.S. -Latin American Trade —

A Two-Way Street (Holland) 959

Asia

Colombo Plan Nations Review Economic Progress
(texts of announcement, communique, and
extract from report) 992

Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary Dulles'

News Conference 9(>4

Austria. Understanding With Austria Concerning

Protection of U.S. Property Interests .... 967

Canada

International .Toint Commission Discusses LT.S.-Ca-
nadian Boundary Water Problems (texts of
statements and report) 980

Roosevelt Bridge Construction Plans for St. Law-
rence Seaway (texts of notes) 978

Claims and Property. Proposals for Return of Ger-
man and Japanese Vested Assets (Murphy) . 971

Congress, The. Proposals for Return of German

and Japanese Vested Assets (Murphy) . . . 971

Economic Affairs

Colombo Plan Nations Review Economic Progress
(texts of annovmcement, communique, and
extract from report) 992

International Joint Commission Discusses U.S.-Ca-
nadian Boundary Water Problems (texts of
statements and report) 980

Roosevelt Bridge Construction Plans for St. Law-
rence Seaway (texts of notes) 978

U.S.-Latin American Trade — A Two-Way Street

(Holland) 959

WTiere Is United States Trade Policy Headed?

(Dillon) 976

Educational Exchange. Educator To Study Ex-
change Program 966

Foreign Service. Recess Appointments (Bishop) . 998

France

Decision of General Assembly Concerning Algerian

Question (Lodge) 992

Where Is United States Trade Policy Headed?

(Dillon) 976

Germany

Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary Dulles'

News Conference 96-1

Proposals for Return of German and Japanese

Vested Assets (Murphy) 971

International Information. Geophysical Science

and Foreign Relations (Rudolph) .... 989

International Organizations and Meetings

Caribbean Commissicm Meeting 988

Colombo Plan Nations Review Economic Progress
(texts of announcement, communique, and
extract from report) 992

Israel. Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary

Dulles' News Conference 964

Japan. Proposals for Return of German and Jap-
anese Vested Assets (Murphy) 971

Near East. Excerpts From Transcript of Secre-
tary Dulles' News Conference 964

Philippines. I'bilippine-American Friendship (Fer-
guson, text of Eisenhower message) .... 974

Portugal. U.S.-Portuguese Ck)nversations (text of

joint communique) 966

Protection of Nationals and Property. Understand-
ing With Austria Concerning Protection of U.S.

Property Interests 967

Science. Geophysical Science and Foreign Rela-
tions (Rudolph) 989

Thailand. Recess Appointments (Bishop) . . . 998

Treaty Information

Current Actions 998

Understanding With Austria Concerning Protection

of U.S. Property Interests 967

U.S.S.R. Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary

Dulles' News Conference 964

United Nations. Decision of General Assembly

Concerning Algerian Question (Lodge) . . . 992

Name Index

Adenauer, Konrad 973

Bishop, Max W 998

Dillon, Douglas 976

Dulles, Secretary 964, 965, 973

Eisenhower, President 975

Ferguson, Homer 974

Holland, Henry F 9.59

Jordan, Len 981

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 992

Morrill, J. L 966

Murphy, Robert 971

Pearson, L. B 979

Reid, Thomas 985

Rudolph, Walter M 989

Stuart, R. Douglas 978

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: November 28-December 4

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

I'ress releases issued prior to November 28 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 651 of
Novem!)er 17 and 665 of Ni)vember "23.

Subject
Murphy : German and Japanese

assets.
Dulles : news conference statement.
Dulles : news conference transcript.
Delegation to Caribbean Commission.
U.S. property claims in Austria.
Itinerary for Batlle Berres.
Conant letter to Pushkin.
Educational exchange.
Colombo Plan report.
Communique on U.S.-Portuguese con-
ven^jations.

* Not printed.

t Held for a later issue of the Btjlletin.

No.

Date

669

11/29

670

11/29

671

11/29

672

12/1

673

12/1

*674

12/1

t675

12/1

*676

12/2

677

12/2

678

12/2

U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1955

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PARTNERS IN WORLD TRADE:
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tJne/ u!efia^tmeni/ /O^ tnaCe^

Vol. XXXIII, No. 860

December 19, 1955

THE NEW PHASE OF THE STRUGGLE WITH IN-
TERNATIONAL COMMUNISM • Address by

Secretary Dulles ; 1003

RELATIONS BETWEEN NATO MILITARY FORCES

AND LOCAL COMMUNITIES • by Ambassador

C. Douglas Dillon 1014

ADVISORY SERVICES IN THE FIELD OF HUMAN
RIGHTS

Statements by Mrs. Osivald B. Lord 1034

Text of Resolution 1039

UNANIMOUS U.N. ACTION ON ATOMIC ENERGY

ITE]MS • Statements by Senator John O. Pastore and
Ambassador James J. Wadsicorth 1030

SUPPLEMENTAL NOTICE CONCERNING MULTI-
LATERAL AND RECIPROCAL TARIFF NEGO-
TIATIONS 1020

SANTIAGO NEGOTIATIONS ON FISHERY CONSER-
VATION PROBLEMS AMONG CHILE,
ECUADOR, PERU, AND THE UNITED STATES . . 1025

For index see inside back cover

Boston Public Li-otary
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December 19, 1955

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The Department of State BULLETIN,
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public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
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relations and on the work of the
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issued by the White House and the
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the Secretary of State and other offi-
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special articles on various pluises of
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tchich the United States is or may
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Publications of the Department, as
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currently.

The New Phase of the Struggle
With International Communism

Address hy Secretary Dulles ^

We are, it seems, in a new phase of the struggle
between international communism and freedom.

The first postwar decade was a phase of violence
and threat of violence. There was the continued
Soviet military occupation of northern Iran, the
Communist guerrilla war in Greece, the Soviet
blockade of Berlin, the Communist takeover of
Czechoslovakia under the menace of armed in-
vasion, the war against Korea, the war against
Indochina, the warfare in the Formosa Straits, and
the hostile threats against Western Europe when
the German Federal Republic acted to join the
West.

Since last spring, this phase of violence seems
to have undergone an eclipse. But we should re-
member that one of the doctrines taught by Lenin
and constantly emphasized by Stalin was the need
for "zigzag." Repeatedly Stalin drove home
the idea that it is as important to know when to
retreat as when to attack, and that when blocked
in one course it is necessary to find another.

Stalin is dead. But for 30 years his writings
have been the Commmiist creed, and Stalinism in
fact, though not in name, is still a potent influence
in Russia. In prudence, therefore, we must act on
the assumption that the present Soviet policies do
not mark a change of purpose but a change of
tactics.

We do not, however, want policies of violence to
reappear. Therefore, it is useful to have clearly
in mind what are the free-world policies which
have caused the Soviet Union to shift from tactics
of violence and intimidation as being unpro-
ductive.

The free nations have adopted and implemented

' Made before the Illinois Manufacturers' Association at
Chicago, II!.. on Dec. 8 (press release 683).

two interrelated policies for collective security.
The first policy is to give clear warning that armed
aggression will be met by collective action. The
second policy is to be prepared to implement this
political warning with deterrent power.

The Political Warning System

The first major political warning to the Soviet
Union was expressed in the North Atlantic Treaty,
a product of the Democrat-Republican cooperation
of 1948 and 1949. By the North Atlantic Treaty,
the parties told the Soviet rulers that, if they at-
tacked any one, they would have to fight them all.
If the Kaiser and Hitler had known in advance
that their aggressions would surely bring against
them the full power of the United States, they
might never have begun their armed aggression.
As it was, they did what despots readily do — they
miscalculated. The North Atlantic Treaty left
no room for such miscalculation. That, said Sen-
ator Vandenberg, was "the most practical deter-
rent to war which the wit of man has yet devised."

But the North Atlantic Treaty was not enough.
With that alone, it might be inferred that we were
relatively indifferent to what occurred elsewhere,
notably in Asia. And, indeed, less than a year
after the North Atlantic Treaty came into force,
the Communists attacked the Republic of Korea.

But now, except for countries of South Asia
which choose "neutralism,"' the gaps in the politi-
cal warning system have been closed. The United
States with bipartisan cooperation has made mu-
tual security treaties with the Philippines, Japan,
the Republic of Korea, and with the Republic of
China on Taiwan. We have entered into the
Anzus [Australia-New Zealand- U.S.] Pact. We
have joined with seven other nations to make the

December ?9, 7955

1003

Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty. There
is the Balkan alliance of Yugoslavia, Greece, and
Turkey and tlie Baghdad Pact, which includes
the "northern tier" of Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and
Pakistan.

All of these treaties are made pursuant to what
the United Nations Charter calls the "inherent
right of collective self-defense." Together they
constitute a worldwide political warning system.
They prevent the despots from miscalculating
that they can use Ked armies to conquer weaker
nations, one by one.

The Deterrent of Retaliatory Power

It is, however, not enough to have a political
warning system. It must have backing if it is
effectively to deter. That poses a difficult problem.

With more than 20 nations strung along the 20,000
miles of iron curtain, it is not possible to build up static
defensive forces which could make each nation impreg-
nable to such a major and unpredictable assault as Rus-
sia could launch. To attempt this would be to have
strength nowhere and bankruptcy everywhere. That,
however, does not mean that we should abandon the whole
idea of collective security and merely build our own de-
fense area. . . . Fortunately, we do not have to choose
between two disastrous alternatives. It is not necessary
either to spread our strength all around the world in
futile attempts to create everywhere a static defense, nor
need we crawl back into our own hole in the vain hope
of defending ourselves against all of the rest of the
world. ... As against the possibility of full-scale attack
by the Soviet Union itself, there is only one effective de-
fense, for us and for others. That is the capacity to
counterattack. That is the ultimate deterrent. . . . The
arsenal of retaliation should include all forms of counter-
attack with a maximum flexibility. ... In such ways,
the idea of collective security can be given sensible and
effective content.

What I have just been saying is what I said 5
yeare ago.^

That program has now become a reality. We
have developed, with our allies, a collective sys-
tem of great power wliich can be flexibly used on
whatever scale may be requisite to make aggres-
sion costly. Our capacity to retaliate must be, and
is, massive in order to deter all forms of aggres-
sion. But if we have to v^e that capacity, such
use would be selective and adapted to the occasion.

To deter aggression, it is important to have the flex-
ibility and the facilities which make various responses
available. In many ca.ses, any open assault by Com-
munist forces could only result in starting a general war.

But the free world must have the means for responding
effectively on a selective basis when it chooses. It must
not put itself in the position where the only response open
to it is general war. The essential thing is that a po-
tential aggressor .should know in advance that he can and
will be made to suffer for his aggression more than he
can possibly gain by it. This calls for a system in which
local defensive strength is reinforced by more mobile de-
terrent power. The method of doing so will vary accord-
ing to the character of the various areas.

^\niat I have been saying is from an article I
wrote about 2 years ago.^

Our mutual security arrangements help provide
the local defensive strength needed to preserve in-
ternal order against subversive tactics and to offer
a resistance to aggression which would give
counterattacking, highly mobile forces time to
arrive.

Thus we have collective defense policies which,
on the one hand, are calculated to deter armed
aggression and which, on the other hand, we can,
if need be, live with indefinitely.

The two elements I have described — on the one
hand, a political warning system and, on the
other hand, selective retaliatory power — con-
stitute in combination a firm foundation for peace.
If we want peace to continue, we must preserve
that foundation intact.

We earnestly strive for some dependable sys-
tem of limitation of armament. Until we succeed
in such efforts, however, we and our allies must
constantly maintain forces, weapons, and facili-
ties necessary to deter armed aggression, large or
small. That is an indispensable price of peace.

The Struggle for Justice

But we dare not assume that the only danger is
that of armed aggression and that, if armed ag-
gression can be deterred, we can otherwise relax.
There still exist grave injustices to be cured and
grave dangers to be averted.

President Eisenhower, speaking last August,*
pointed out that —

Eagerness to avoid war — if we think no deeper than this
single desire — can produce outright or implicit agreement
that injustices and wrongs of the present shall be per-
petuated in the future. We must not participate in any
such false agreement. Thereby, we would outrage our
own conscience. In the eyes of those who suffer injustice,
we would become partners with their oppressors. In the
judgment of history we would have sold out the freedom

'■ Bulletin of Jan. 15, 1951, p. 85.

' Foreign Affairs, April 1954 ; see also Bulletin of Mar.
29, 1954, p. 459.

' Ihid., Sept. 5, 1955, p. 375.

1004

Department of State Bulletin

(I men for the pottap;e of a false peace. Moreover, we
\\'Uilcl assure future conflict!

And the President went on to point to the divi-
sion of Germany and the domination of captive
countries as an illustration of the injustices of
•which he spoke.

We shall not seek to cure these injustices by
ourselves invoking force. But we can and will
constantly keep these injustices at the forefront
of human consciousness and thus bring into play
the force of world opinion which, working stead-
ily, will have its way. For no nation, however
powerful, wishes to incur, on a steadily mounting
basis, the moral condemnation of the world.

This force was a potent factor in bringing
Austria its freedom. Last May, after 7 years of
delay, the Soviet Union signed the Austrian
Treaty, the Ked forces were withdrawn, and
Austria was liberated.

We face a similar problem with respect to the
reunification of Germany. The July meeting of
the Heads of Government at Geneva had brought
this problem to the forefront. There the four
Heads of Government had explicitly agreed that
"the reunification of Germany by means of free
elections shall be carried out." However, at the
second Geneva conference last month, the Soviet
Union repudiated that agreement, despite Western
offers which gave maximum assurances that a re-
unified Germany would not create insecurity for
the Soviet Union and any of Germany's neighbors.
Apparently the Soviets realized that all-German
elections would surely remove from power the
puppet regime which it has installed in East Ger-
many. This, in turn, would have repercussions
throughout the Soviet satellite world.

Therefore, the Soviet Union took the rigid posi-
tion that it could accept no proposals for Ger-
many, however reasonable, if they might enable
the German people to get rid of those whom the
Soviet has picked to rule in the Eastern Soviet
Zone of Germany.

The result is that the West must continue to
maintain the pressure of world opinion for the
undoing of the present injustice which separates
17 million Germans from the great body of their
fellows.

Western Unity

The Western J2uropean nations need also to
continue to develop their own unity, not merely

December 19, 1955

for defense, but also for well-being. It is the
past divisions of Western Europe, and the rival-
ries of these nations, which has been the greatest
cause of war and economic weakness.

The Noi'th Atlantic Treaty Organization serves
greatly, not only to protect Europe but to provide
a sense of unity and fellowship. I shall be sharing
in that next week when Secretary Humphrey,
Secretary Wilson, and I go to Paris for the De-
cember Nato Ministerial Council meeting. These
meetings enable the Ministers of Foreign Affairs,
of Finance, and of Defense to consult together and
tighten the bonds which join the 15 Nato partners.
These bonds are strong and tested. Nato is more
than a mere militai-y defense. Its members are
constantly seeking and finding useful ways, other
than military, to give expression to the closeness
and warmth of their relationship.

But there is also need for unity on a more inti-
mate basis among the continental European
nations themselves. The six nations of France,
Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and
Luxembourg already have begun to create com-
mon institutions, notably the Coal and Steel Com-
munity. I was glad to find on my last visit to
Europe that the movement to develop along these
lines is taking on new vitality. That movement
must obtain its strength primarily from the peo-
ples concerned. It is, however, a development in
which the United States has a deep interest and
which it is prepared to support if opportunity
offers.

As this movement develops, it is bound to exert
a powerful influence on the Eastern European
countries. If the Western European countries
find, in unity, increased prosperity, there will be
increasing pressure in the satellite countries for
independent governments responsive to the needs
and aspirations of the i>eople.

This may speed the day when the Soviet rulers
will come to realize that to hold these Eastern
European nations in subjugation involves an ob-
solete reactionary practice, entailing costs, moral
and material, far outweighing the seeming
advantages.

The Less Developed Countries

New tasks also confront us in the less developed
areas of the world. There, hundreds of millions
of people lack what could and should be theirs.

These areas have always been a target of Soviet
conmiunism.

1005

Today, as the Soviet rulers are balked in their
effort to extend their influence by force, they have
picked these areas as targets of their guile. The
Soviet peoples seriously lack many of the com-
modities of everyday living. The satellite peoples
are particularly exploited, and their standards of
living have been seriously reduced. But the Soviet
rulers find it easy to neglect these needs wliile pro-
fessing concern for the welfare of those whom
they call "colonial and dependent peoples" whose
"amalgamation" into the Soviet Communist orbit
has always been an open goal of Soviet policy.

The Soviet rulers, themselves exponents of a
materialistic philosophy, have concentrated their
educational efforts on training scientists. By now,
the Soviet output of trained technical personnel is
large. Also these technicians are always at the
command of their government, to do whatever
their government wants. They are thus available
to go into the other areas, as a symbol of promises
which are alluring.

We need not become panicky because Soviet
communism now disports itself in this new garb.
We need not assume, as some seem to assume, that
the leaders in the Asian countries are unaware of
danger and easily duped by false promises. These
leaders have, indeed, had much political expe-
rience and have helped to win great political suc-
cesses for their countries.

But the peoples of free countries which are not
adequately developed do need the kind of help
which matured industrial economies have his-
torically provided for less developed economies.
The flow of private capital partly meets that need.
But government also has an important role to
play.

We have indeed for several years had a govern-
mental program for economic and technical as-
sistance, much of which is directed to the less de-
veloped areas. That program is manned by a
splendid corps of dedicated men and women.
Congress has appropriated substantial funds to
finance this program and to provide economic aid,
much of which goes to the less developed areas.
We expect to ask the Congress this coming year
for as much money for this purpose as we think
can usefully be spent, and we expect that the Con-
gress will, as in the past, patriotically respond.
Also we shall seek somewhat more flexibility than
heretofore.

We are helping in other ways too. For ex-
ample, our scientists, with the help of those from

other free countries, had the imagination to see
the immense possibilities in fissionable material.
We were the first to crack the atom and to find the
way to harness its vast power. We are in the lead
in developing President Eisenhower's program of
atoms for peace.

However, the coming years pose a challenge to
our Nation and its people. A grudging response
will not be enough. Nor will public money alone
provide the answer. An effective response will
call for a revival of the crusading spirit of our
past.

We need to recapture the spirit which animated
our missionaries, our doctors, our educators, and
our merchants who, during the last century, went
throughout the world carrjdng the benefits of a
new way of life. For the most part these persons
were not seeking to make money for themselves,
although the profit motive was an honorable in-
centive. T\niat they sought, and what they
gained, was the unique joy that comes from creat-
ing and from sharing.

It would indeed be tragic if our people, and par-
ticularly our youtli, now became so attracted by
mercenary considerations, by the lure of the mar-
ket place, that they lost the missionary spirit, the
sense of destiny, which has been characteristic of
our Nation since its beginning and which has
made it great.

I frequently think of the scriptural promise that
material things will be added unto those who seek
first the Kingdom of God and His righteousness.
This Nation has from its earliest days been influ-
enced by religious ideals. Our forebears believed
in a Divine Creator who had endowed all men
with certain inalienable rights. They believed in
a moral law and in its concepts of justice, love,
and righteousness. They had a sense of mission
in the world, believing it their duty to help men
everywhere to be and to do what God designed.
They saw a great prospect and were filled with a
great purpose.

Under the impulsion of that faith, there devel-
oped liere an area of spiritual, intellectual, and
economic vigor the like of which the world had
never seen. It was no exclusive preserve. In-
deed, sharing was a central theme. Millions were
welcomed from other lands to share equally the
opportunities of the founders and their heirs.
Through missionary activities and the establish-
ment of schools and churches American ideals
were carried throughout the world. Our Govern-

1006

Department of State Bulletin

ment gave aid and comfort to those elsewhere
who sought to increase human freedom.

Meanwliile, material things were added to us.
Now we must take care lest those byproducts of
great endeavor seem so good that they become
promoted to be the all-sufficient end.

That is the danger against which we must al-
ways be on guard. That is particularly the case
today, when a huge materialistic state like the
Soviet Union, thwarted in its efforts to aggrandize
itself by force, coldly and cruelly calculates on
how to exploit, for its selfish ends, the aspirations
of the peoples of less developed lands.

What the world needs to know at this juncture
is that our Nation remains steadfast to its historic
ideals and follows its traditional course of shar-
ing the spiritual, intellectual, and material fruits
of our free society, in helping the captives to be-
come free and helping the free to remain free, not
merely in a technical sense but free in the sense of
genuine opportunity to pursue happiness, in the
spirit of our Declaration of Independence.

And may we never forget that, as Lincoln said,
that declaration was not something exclusive to
us, but there was "something in that declaration
giving liberty, not alone to the people of this
country, but hope for the world for all future
time. It was that which gave promise that in
due time the weights should be lifted from the
shoulders of all men, and that all should have an
equal chance."

That was the spirit in which our Nation was con-
ceived. May it also be the spirit in which we live.

Excerpts From Transcript of
Secretary Dulles' News Conference

Press release 681 dated December 6

Q. Mr. Dulles, on November 18, in your report
to the Nation following the Foreign Ministers
Meeting,^ you said, talking about the Soviet lead-
ers, ". . . they seem not to loant to revert to the
earlier reliance on threats and invective. In that
respect the spirit of Geneva still survives.''^ Noto,
in the light of the recent statements hy Khru-
shchev and Bulganin in Asia ai\d the situation in
Berlin, I was wondering whether that evaluation
still stands.

A. Well, I am sorry to say that I would have
to characterize some of the statements reported
from the Far East as containing "invective."

Q. Mr. Secretary, what does that do then to the
"spirit of Geneva''''?

A. Well, I suppose to that extent it qualifies the
elements of survival of the "spirit of Geneva." So
far, the element of threat is absent.

Q. Mr. Secretary, does this Government regard
Goa as a Portuguese province?

A. As far as I know, all the world regards it as
a Portuguese province. It has been Portuguese,
I think, for about 400 years.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did you say "province''^ or

''colony''?

A. Province.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in connection loith Goa, is
there any question that the NATO commitment
could possibly cover Goa or any of the other Portu-
guese possessions in Asia or in that part of the
world?

A. That part of the world is definitely outside
of the North Atlantic Treaty area.

Q. Mr. Secretary, in you/r statement in con-
nection with the visit of the Portuguese Foreign
Minister and your reference to the Portuguese
provinces^ were you attempting to give support of
the United States to the Portuguese position in
the controversy with India, or fust what was your
purpose in making that reference?

A. Well, you will recall that in an earlier state-
ment, which I made I think the early part of
August,^ I indicated the interest of the United
States in a peaceful solution of the problem. The
statement which was issued here the other day
was primarily a statement directed against the in-
troduction of hate and prejudice into a situation
which needs to be dealt with in a spirit of calm.
We did not take, or attempt to take, any position
on the merits of the matter. We did jointly ex-
press our concern at the atmosphere of hatred and
prejudice which was sought to be created out of it.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said that all the toorld
regards it as a Portuguese province. India does

' Bulletin of Nov. 28, 19.55, p. 867.
December J 9, 1955

" lUa., Dec. 12, 195.5, p. OGIJ.
" Ihid., Auk. 15, 1955, p. 263.

1007

710^, apparently, and I wondered whether or not
there had been any exchanges since this statement
was made between yowr Government and the In-
dian Government.

A. I do not think that the Indian Government
questions the status of these various portions of
territory that are governed by Portugal as being
under Portuguese law "provinces." I believe that
they are such under the Constitution of Portugal
and that the residents of these areas, which in-
clude not merely Goa but several others, such as
Macao, have the full rights of Portuguese citizens.
They can be elected to office and serve in Portugal
and also elsewhere. I do not think there is any
particular controversy about the status of those
areas under the Constitution of Portugal.

Q. And you include Goa in that?

A. Goa, and there are two other points I think
in India and there is the province of Macao off
the China coast. I think their status is all the
same under the Portuguese Constitution.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did you have any idea that
this reference to Portuguese provinces would stir
up the tempest that it did in India when you in-
cluded it in the statement?

A. Well, we did give it very careful considera-
tion. The communique was not lightly issued.
But we did feel that it was appropriate and right
to indicate our attitude toward the emotionalism
which was sought to be created by the Soviet
rulers when they were in India. They were not
in India at that time but had just left for Burma.
But the creation and fomenting of that atmos-
phere of hatred was something we felt we should
express ourselves against.

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you saying, in e-ffect, that
the United States is against the settlement of this
incident between Portugal and India on any other
than peaceful grounds but that the United States
is 7iot taking sides on how it should be settled?

A. As you know, we have been strongly ad-
vocating the principles that these situations should
not be settled by force. That general approach
has, I think, been sympathetically shared by Prime
Minister Nehru. We have taken that position in
relation to all these situations where there are
national claims that conflict. We did not think
they should be settled by force. And we had the
feeling that the statements which were made by

the Russians in relation to this matter were de-
signed to create an atmosphere which might gen-
erate efforts to invoke force. That was our
objection.

I

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you say if any progress
is being made with the Geneva talks with Com-
munist China and if the apparent lack of progress
can be ascribed to the change of Soviet tactics?

A. No, I do not feel that any interconnection
is apparent between the talks at Geneva between
Ambassador Johnson and the Chinese Communist
representatives and what is going on in our rela-
tions with the Soviet Union. Those talks are not
making as good progress as could be hoped. Pri-
marily, I would say not the lack of progress in
the talks but the lack of actual action under the
agreement already reached — that the Americans in
China should be entitled expeditiously to exercise
their right to come home.^ There has been a
measure of compliance with that but not yet a full
measure, and, as to that, we are naturally disap-
pointed. But we still remain hopeful that that
agreement will be carried out. Otherwise the talks
are proceeding in a nonnal way, having regard to
the character of the people we are talking with.

Q. Can you advise us on whether this Govern-
ment is making any further attempt to dissuade
Nationalist China from using the veto against the
ad-mission of Outer Mongolia, into the U.N.?

A. Well, we have explained to the Chinese
Nationalists what our own position is expected to
be in that matter. Whether they will follow a
similar course or not, I cannot yet say. I think
you 2)robably all know it has been our view, since
the inception of the United Nations, that the veto
power was a very exceptional power to be used
only in exceptional circumstances and that it
should not be used to prevent the admission to
the United Nations of states which a qualified
majority of the Security Council and General As-
sembly thought ought to be admitted. That is the
position which we have taken consistently tlirough
the years and which we are doing at the present

' For lists of Americans who have left Communist
China, see ibid., Sept. 20, 195."., p. 489 (footnote) and Oct.
31, 1955, p. 692 (footnote). Another American, Ralph
Sharpies Boyd, left Shanghai by ship on Nov. 2, and the
Rev. Justin Garvey and the Rev. Marcellus White reached
Hong Kong on Nov. 19. On Dec. 20 Dr. and Mrs. Homer
V. Bradshaw arrived at Hong Kong.

1008

Department of State Bulletin

time. We have always hoped that the other per-
manent members of the Security Council would
take a similar position. "Wliether they will or will
not, I do not yet know.

Q. Sir, it is a long time since we have heard
about the islands of Quemoy and Matsu. My un-
derstanding is that the Chinese Communists now
have or soon will have a ring of airfields in that
part of the China coast which loould give them
command of the air over those islands and that
the typhoon season comes to an end about April 1.
My question is whether you can enlighten us at all
on v'hat ?.s' going on beticeen us and the Nationalists
about those islands. Are we going to try and per-
suade Chiang to get out of them, so that ive don't
have another crisis over them in the spring, or,
if the threat is posed, are ice going to help defend
them?

A. "Well, I doubt very much if it would serve
any useful purpose to resurrect the issues about
those islands, which, as you point out, have hap-
pily subsided into the background. I think that,
perhaps, is a good place to leave them for the
time being. Of course, the buildup of these air-
fields in that area is something which has long
been going on and which I have talked about at
least 6 or 7 months ago,^ when I told you of the
program which was obviously being carried out in
that area for the development of more airfields
and the like. But there is nothing that has de-
veloped in relation to those airfields, other than
their construction, which indicates that there is
any plan of large-scale attack against the Nation-
alist forces in the Taiwan Straits. Now to attempt
to guess as to what their attitude will be 6 months
from now is something which I would hesitate
to do.

Q. Mr. Secretary, by that statement do you
m£an, sir, that the Chinese Convmunists have not
yet begun to put petroleum supplies and storage
around these airfields, have not begun to put in
something they would need?

A. Our intelligence does not indicate that they
have taken the steps which would normally be
preparatoiy to any large-scale attack.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us what sub-

jects of special concern, if any, lie behind the
projected Eden visit here?

A. Well, there are, as far as I know, no special
subjects. There has been no topic mentioned as
yet from either side as a subject of discussion. I
would say that that visit comes about as a normal
development which perhaps would have occurred
before now if it had not been for the President's
illness. "V^Hiile it's true that both President Eisen-
hower and Sir Anthony Eden were together at
Geneva, they were so concerned with the particu-
lar problems of that conference that they did not
have any adequate opportunity to discuss other
matters. And it is, I think, a year and a half or
thereabouts since Sir Anthony Eden has been in
this country. He has never been here as Prime
Minister, and his coming here is a quite normal
development. Now, as I say, there has been no
exchange of views at all with reference to what
the agenda will be, what we will talk about. I
assume we will talk pretty generally about mat-
ters of common concern, what is in diplomacy,
I believe, called "tour d'horizon."

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us your current
thinking on Arab-Israel peace prospects?

A. AVell, we continue to feel very strongly that
there should be a solution of that problem. I can
only go back in these matters to my comprehensive
statement of August 26 on this subject," which
was very thoroughly and carefully prepared,
which emphasizes what we believe to be the im-
perative need of a solution to prevent, as I then
said, the development of an arms race which
would sap the economic strength of these coun-
tries. The gains to come out of a settlement from
botli sides are immense. We continue to hope that
both sides will see the possibilities of such gains
in the situation. I would not say that there are
any concrete developments which could be ad-
duced as proof that they had been so convinced
as yet. But the possibilities, in our opinion, still
exist.

Q. Mr. Secretary, recently the Korean Govern-
ment again threatened to shoot a/ny Japanese ves-
sels crossing the so-called Rhee line. And the
situation seems to be getting rather tense in that
area that we are in in Japan. It is my understand-
ing that both countries have talked icith the

'- Ibid., May 9, 19.55, p. 7.").j.
December 19, 1955

'Ibid., Sepr. 5, 1955, p. 378.

1009

United States about taking some action to prevent
violence breaking out in that area. Could you
tell us what the status of that argument is and
our position on it?

A. No, I don't know of anything new there. Of
course that situation has been tense for quite a
long time, ever since the Korean Armistice altered
the military factors in the problem. There have
been seizures by the Koreans of Japanese fishing
vessels and an attempt to assert a certain jurisdic-
tion over areas which normally would be consid-
ered as part of the high seas. The United States
has always tried to bring about some amicable
solution of that problem. That is our attitude
today. I am not aware of anything that has come
up in recent days which changes the problem from
what it has been for the last couple of years.

Q. Mr. Secretary .^ is it your view that the anti-
Western statements by the Soviet leaders during
their Asiatic tour indicate that the Russians are
not interested, at lea.^t for the present time, in low-
ering tensions with the West?

A. Well, that is, I suppose, very much a matter
of opinion. But insofar as I interpret what I
read about them, I would certainly not find in
those speeches any great solicitude for a relaxation
of tension with the West, and particularly there
were references of an unpleasant nature to the
United Kingdom throughout these talks, which
suggests that there is no particular desire to ease
tensions there. Sir Winston Churchill made
some reference to that yesterday.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did the State Department fol-
low up your August 26 speech by any practical
or more specific suggestions to the parties as to
what the steps shoxild be in bringing about a solu-
tion to the Palestine problem?

A. We have not become more specific than was
indicated by that speech.

Q. Mr. Secretary, there are reports that Mrs.
Clare Boothe Luce''s telephone was tapped shortly
before she tvas named Ambassador. Can you tell
us if the Government did that and if so what it
learned?

A. That is a topic where I admit abysmal
ignorance.

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you tell us what coun-
tries are being considered as a possible site for a

nuclear trainin-g center in Asia and whether any
decision has been reached as regards any particu-
lar country?

A. Tliere has been no final decision as yet.
There are a nmnber of countries that are qualified
for a site. Perhaps some are better qualified than
othei-s. We are looking into the qualifications,
primarily the educational facilities, which would
permit a maximum use, a maximum gain from the
establishment of that nuclear power reactor. The
decision will probably be reached within the next
day or two, but no decision has been reached as
yet.

Q. Could you mention the countnes, sir, who are
being considered as of this moment? Could you
name them at all?

A. Well, I know at least two are being consid-
ered. One is the Philippines and the other is
Ceylon. There may be others. I haven't been
watching that closely.

Q. How about Japan?

A. It may be that Japan is being considered
also. I have not myself been personally going into
that. There will be a report made to me on it
within the next day or two for my final decision.
Of course, the final decision will involve also the
concurrence of other departments of the Govern-
ment.

Q. Mr. Secretaiy, would you conrmient on the
events in Berli^i during the last week?

A. Well, do you refer to the retention, tempo-
rarily at least, of these two Congressmen that were
there, or the barges ?

Q. I was thinking specifically of the barges and
the larger issues raised on the status of the city.

A. AVell, the action taken about barges, which
now is reported very largely in the press, is action
that was taken last October. It is nothing that
took place last week. So far there has not been
any interruption of the normal movement of
traffic through the canals, and we have no evidence
to anticipate that there will be, although that is
always a possibility. But we expect that the Soviet
will respect, and assure respect for, the agreement
that was made in Paris in June, I think it was,
1949 with respect to assuring the normal access,
by rail and water, of the West to Berlin. We take
the position, as you know, that nothing that the
Soviet itself can do can relieve the Soviet of its

1010

Deparfment of State Bulletin

international obligations. We expect to hold the
Soviet to its international obligations. "We have
no evidence as yet that those international obliga-
tions will be violated.

Q. Mr. Secretary, did the United States concur
in that British concession that the East German
Government could control the inland waterways?
This decision, you say, was reached last Octoier.

A. The announcement that the licenses would
be issued by the East German regime, the so-called
Gdr, with authority in East Berlin, was, I think,
acquiesced in by the British, in whose sector is, I
think, the barge terminal. That took place, as
I recall, last October. Now that did not involve,
of course, any recognition of the exclusive author-
ity of those German Communist authorities in that
zone over the area, or any waiver of the rights
which we have under the Paris agreement of 1949.
If the Soviet chooses to carry that out through
agents, that is its affair. But to us, the primary
obligation still remains that of the Soviet Gov-
ernment.

Q. Mr. Secretary, can you tell us how you would
apply your remarks about the veto power being
an exceptional power in the United Nations to
Commvmist China in its desire for admission?

A. Well, the China problem is not about the
admission of new members. China is a charter
member of the United Nations. It is a question
of credentials.

Q. It seems to me there was a question raised,
however, as to whether or not we would or would
not use the veto power even on the question of
credentials.

A. Yes, that question was raised. As I recall,
I indicated that I did not want to commit myself
one way or another on that proposition. But that
issue is a different issue from the question of the
admission of new members, as to which we have
had a historic position which is reflected in the
Vandenberg Resolution of June 1948.

Recognition of Austrian Neutrality

Press release 680 dated December 6

On December 6 Secretary Dulles delivered to
the Austrian Ambassador, Karl Gruber, a note
informing the Austrian Federal Government that

the Government of the United States recognizes
the neutrality of Austria as defined in the Federal
Constitutional Law approved by the Austrian
Parliament on October 26, 1955. A request for
such recognition was the subject of a note sub-
mitted to the U.S. Government by the Austrian
Government on November 14, 1955. The Austrian
Government has requested similar recognition of
Austrian neutrality from tlie governments of all
countries with which Austria maintains diplo-
matic relations. It is understood that France, the
United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, the three
other signatories to the Austrian State Treaty on
May 15, 1955, delivered separate but identical notes
to the Austrian Government on December 6.

The texts of the note of the Austrian Federal
Government of November 14, 1955, and the note
of the U.S. Government of December 6, 1955, are
as follows :

Text of Austrian Note of November 14

The Ambassador of Austria presents his com-
pliments to the Honorable the Acting Secretary
of State and upon instructions of the Austrian
Federal Government has the honor to convey the
following :

On October 26th 1955 the Austrian Parliament
has passed the constitutional law concerning the
neutrality of Austria. This law has entered into
force on November 5, 1955 and has the following
wording :

Article I

(1) For the purpose of the lasting maintenance of her
independence externally, and for the purpose of the in-
violability of her territory, Austria declares of her own
free will her perpetual neutrality. Austria will maintain
and defend this with all means at her disposal.

(2) For the securing of this purpose in all future times
Austria will not join any military alliances and will not
permit the establishment of any foreign military bases
on her territory.

Article II

The Federal Government is charged with the execution
of this Federal Constitutional Law.

A copy of the authentic text in the German lan-
guage is enclosed.

In bringing this constitutional law to the knowl-
edge of the Government of the United States of
America, the Austrian Federal Government has
the honor to request that the Government of the
United States of America recognize the perpetual

December 79, 7955

ion

neutrality of Austria as defined in tlie aforemen-
tioned law.

Text of U.S. Note of December 6

The Secretary of State presents liis compliments
to His Excellency the Ambassador of Austria and
has the honor to acknowledge receipt of the note
of the Embassy of Austria dated November 14,
1955, informing him that the Austrian Parliament
approved on October 26, 1955, tlie federal constitu-
tional law relative to the neutrality of Austria,
which entered into force November 5, 1955.

The Secretary of State has the honor to inform
the Austrian Ambassador, in compliance with the
request expressed in tlie note under acknowledge-
ment, that the Government of the United States
has taken cognizance of tliis constitutional law and
recognizes the perpetual neutrality of Austria as
defined therein.

United States Protests
Berlin Incident

LETTER FROM GENERAL DASHER TO GENERAL
DIBROVA, NOVEMBER 29

U.S. Embassy, Bonn, press release

FoUowing is the text of a letter delivered per-
sonally hy Maj. Gen. Charles L. Dasher, U.S. Com-
mander in Berlin, to Maj. Gen. P. L. Dibrova, Mili-
tary C om/mandant of the Soviet Sector of Berlin,
on November 29.

Dear General Dibrova : I wish to bring to your
attention the latest example of the lawless action
of the "Peoples' Police" in the Soviet sector of Ber-
lin. Tliis incident occurred yesterday ' about noon
in the vicinity of the Soviet Garden of Remem-
brance in Trept«w. It involved two members of
the Congress of the United States of America, the
wife of one of the Congressmen, and an officer of
the United States Army who is under my
command.^

As the party was about to leave the Garden of

' The incident occurred on Nov. 27 ; General Dasher's
letter was prepared for delivery to the Soviet commandant
on Nov. 28.

''Those detained were Representative and Mrs. Harold
C. Ostertag, Representative Edward D. Boland, and Lt.
James T. McQueen.

Remembrance in an official military vehicle of
Berlin Command, a member of the "Peoples' Po-
lice" ordered them to remain on the spot. The po-
liceman then demanded tliat the keys of the vehicle
be handed over to him, and after a show of reluc-
tance on the part of the United States Army officer
the policeman drew his pistol from his holster and
cocked it menacingly. Under this threat, the offi-
cer handed over the keys. '\^nien the officer at-
tempted to use the radio telephone in the vehicle
in order to inform this Headquarters of the inci-
dent, he was prevented from doing so by another
policeman who likewise drew his pistol from his
holster and cocked it in a threatening maimer.

The reason given by the policeman for this ruf-
fianism was that it was forbidden by the laws of
the so-called German Democratic Republic for a
foreign power to maintain and operate radio trans-
mitters in vehicles.

After approximately three hours of detention by
policemen, the party was forced to follow a Soviet
official in a Soviet vehicle to your Headquarters at
Karlshorst. They were in turn followed by the
armed policemen in their vehicle.

At that time the Provost Marshal of Berlin
Command arrived at Karlshorst and was received
by Colonel Kotsiuba. According to the Provost
Mai-shal's report. Colonel Kotsiuba affirmed the
statement of the policemen that the party had vio-
lated the laws of the "German Democratic
Republic".

The party was eventually released approxi-
mately four hours after their original detention.

I wish you to know. General Dibrova, that of all
the incidents which have affected the relations be-
tween our two Commands during the past few
years, I consider this one by far the most serious.
I insist that an explanation be given why the po-
licemen assumed the authority to interfere with
the liberty of the United States officials, and, fur-
thermore, why they acted in a manner so calculated
to terrify defenseless persons, including a woman.
I cannot underetand how Colonel Kotsiuba could
condone such actions.

If the report of Colonel Kotsiuba's statement
with regard to the laws of the "German Demo-
cratic Republic" is correct, I wish to answer quite
clearly that the laws of the "German Democratic
Republic" can have no applicability whatsoever to
the incident which I have described to you.

Finally, I expect you to take immediate meas-
ures to prevent a repetition of such incidents

1012

Depar\ment of Stafe Bulletin

which, I am sure you must agree, are a violation
of the established policy of free circulation in
Berlin. In the meantime, I do not intend to alter
the practice of maintaining radio transmitters in
vehicles of Berlin Command entering the Soviet
sector of Berlin, nor do I intend to tolerate any
further molesting of United States pei-sonnel by
members of tlie "Peoples' Police".

NOTE FROM AMBASSADOR CONANT TO AM-
BASSADOR PUSHKIN, DECEMBER 1

Press release 675 dated December 1

The following is the text of a cominunication
from Ambassador James B. Conant to the senior
Soviet diplomatic representative in the Soviet
Zone of Germany, Ambassador Georgi Pushkin,
which was delivered in Berlin on December 1.^

On November 29, General Dasher, the United
States Commandant in Berlin, called on Gen-
eral Dibrova, the Soviet Commandant, to protest
against an incident which occurred on November
27. This incident involved the unwarranted deten-
tion in the Soviet sector of Berlin of an American
military vehicle of the Berlin command, and its
occupants, including two members of the Congress
of the United States of America.

I am informed that General Dibrova refused
to accept General Dasher's protest and that in
justification he made certain assertions concern-
ing the applicability to this case of the laws of
the "German Democratic Republic" and the re-
lationship between the Soviet sector of Berlin and
the "German Democratic Eepublic".

I must renew the protest made by General
Dasher against interference with the freedom of
Allied circulation in Berlin and against the
grossly discourteous and threatening conduct dis-
played toward United States citizens by persons
acting under Soviet authority and control. I
do not consider the attempted justification of this
incident to be acceptable.

As for General Dibrova's assertions, they are
wholly inconsistent with the quadripartite status
of Berlin. The position of my government as re-
gards the status of Berlin, and its attitude to the
so-called German Democratic Republic, are well
known to you as a result of numerous communica-
tions on these subjects from my government to

your government over a considerable period of
time.

You will thus appreciate that the United Stat«s
Government must continue to hold the Soviet au-
thorities responsible for the welfare and proper
treatment of all United States citizens during
their presence in those areas, including the Soviet
sector of Berlin, which are subject to Soviet au-
thority and control.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR CONANT,
DECEMBER 2 '

U.S. Embassy, Bonn, press release

I have come to Berlin today on a special trip
for two reasons. First, to consult with General
Dasher, Mr. Gufler,'' and members of the staff of
the United States Mission here in Berlin. Yester-
day I met with Mayor Suhr and this morning
Mayor Amrehn called on me. Thus, I feel I have
been well informed. The second reason for my
visit here, as for all my other visits, which you
know I make so frequently, is to give visible proof
of the continuing interest of the United States
Government in the welfare of this brave and im-
portant city. My presence here today, as repre-
sentative of the President of the United States,
further underlines the position which my Govern-
ment has taken in regard to Berlin and which is set
forth in the note which I sent to Mr. Pushkin last
evening.

In regard to recent events, I should like to say
at this time that my conversation this morning
with General Dasher and Mr. Gufler confirms what
I already believed from the information which had
been sent me, namely, that General Dasher and his
staff had handled the situation here in an excellent
fashion. I have already congratulated General
Dasher and ]Mr. Gufler, and through them the
members of the staff, for the good work which they
have done.

As for the unwarranted detention in the Soviet
Sector of an American military vehicle and its oc-
cupants, I need only to say that I agree with the
strong statements which General Dasher made to
General Dibrova in his note. I should never have
imagined that the Soviet authorities would allow
their agents, the Volkspolizei, to take such a dis-

' Notes were also delivered by the British and French
Ambassadors.

' Made to correspondents at Berlin.
'" Bernard A. Gufler, assistant chief of the U.S. Mission,
Berlin.

December J 9, 1955

1013

courteous and arbitrary action against a member
of the United States Conunand here in Berlin and
his guests.

As to the position of my Government in regard
to the statement of General Dibrova, I should
simply like to emphasize what is the significant

point in the notes which the British, French, and
American Chiefs of Mission sent to Ambassador
Puslikin last night. We said that the position
of our Governments in regard to the status of
Berlin is unchanged. We insist that the quadri-
partite status of Berlin remains unaltered.

Relations Between NATO Military Forces and Local Communities

hy C. Douglas Dillon
Ambassador to France ^

I have chosen this evening a subject which is of
very real importance to our Western alliance.
This is the relations between our Nato military
forces stationed in Europe and the local commu-
nities surrounding them.

I wanted to discuss this matter with you because
each of you — each member of your European com-
mandery — has had military experience abroad and
can bring to bear in this field a valuable maturity
of judgment. I also feel, as I will explain later,
that your organization can make a valuable con-
tribution in this field.

Those of you who have lived some years in
France are fully aware that this is an important
matter. I am sure that you have become aware
of the problems which inevitably arise when tens
of thousands of soldiers from one comitry are sta-
tioned in the territory of another.

Nevertheless, I believe it is fair to say that our
troop relationships in France today are in a very
satisfactory state. The morale of our forces re-
mains good, and in many ways a spirit of real
neighborliness has sprung up between our service
families and the French families among whom
they live.

This state of affairs, however, is not a hardy
plant which has sprung spontaneously and blos-
somed without attention. It has required serious
study, care, and effort by military and civilian ex-
perts, both French and American. In short, the
question of troop-commimity relations is not a

' Address made before the Military Order of Foreign
Wars at Paris, France, on Nov. 9 (U.S. Embassy, Paris,
press release).

static problem but one which has needed, and
continues to need, constant effort and attention.

A basic objective of American foreign policy is
to create among other nations a friendly under-
standing of the United States — its aims, its poli-
cies, and its ways of life. One of the most effective
ways we have of doing this is through the ex-
change-of-persons program by which students,
teachers, and leaders in innumerable fields are sent
from other countries to the United States and from
the United States abroad. In France, we are
spending a million dollars a year under the Ful-
bright program to exchange 305 American and 305
French students and teachers. In addition, under
the Smith-Mmidt program we spent last year
$146,000 to send 111 selected French community
leaders to the United States. I am sure that in
the minds of any of you who have had the oppor-
tunity to meet these exchangees there is little doubt
about the value and effectiveness of these i^ro-

American Military Families in France

With this in mind, consider the fact that there
are thousands of Americans belonging to our
armed forces stationed in France today. Includ-
ing their families, they number approximately
80,000. These Americans come from all walks of
life; they are a broad cross section of America.
Unlike the thousands of tourists who come to
France every year, these Americans live for many
months or even years in specific localities through-
out France where they are in continued contact

1014

Department of State Bulletin

with their French neighbors. They wear the luii-
form of their country, which gives them the offi-
cial stamp of representatives of the United States.
You can see that through the piesence of these
military forces in France we have an exchange
program of tremendous size and potential value.
Whether or not this potential is realized depends
almost entirely on the relations between the troops
and their dependents and the commmiities sur-
roimding them.

Wherever there is a lack of understanding or
other friction between American servicemen and
a French community, there you will find fertile
ground for those intent on weakening the Western
defense and on poisoning our traditional friend-
ship with France. But wherever French and
American citizens join together in a community
with understanding of each other's needs and ac-
tions, with mutual comprehension of why Nato
exists, and with an expression in daily living of
the friendliness which is a fmidamental element
of each of our national characters, there a situation
develops which brings a greater benefit than
merely the smn of the mdividual efforts and
actions.

As you can see, this is a subject to which I per-
sonally attach very real importance. I am not
alone in this view, however, and I should like
briefly to describe for you the work which mem-
bers of my staff, of the military services, and of the
French Government are devoting to this problem.

Troop Information and Education Program

On the military side, there are the important
activities of the Troop Information and Education
Program. The three main objectives of this
orientation program are:

First, to give every serviceman a thorough un-
derstanding of why he is in France and of the im-
portance to his home and his country of the job
he is doing here.

Second, to bring home to every individual serv-
iceman that he is the flag, that he is an official
representative of his country, and that his actions
and attitudes determine whether he and his coun-
try are regarded with friendly respect or hostile
disdain.

Third, to create in each serviceman as complete
an understanding as possible of France, its people,
its customs, its language, and of the reasons for
the differences from the American ways of doing

things which, when left unexplained or misunder-
stood, can cause frictions to develop.

Basically, the climate of friendliness toward
American servicemen in France increases in pro-
portion to the mutual understanding of Nato as
a joint cooperative effort for the protection of all
concerned against a threat which has not dimin-
ished in military effectiveness. This leads to un-
derstanding of the reasons why American forces
were invited into France in the first place and why
it is necessary for them to remain. Much progi-ess
has been made in the past 2 years, both by the
French Government and by private groups and in-
dividuals, in increasing the understanding of Nato
among the French people; much, of course, re-
mains to be done in this field.

French Liaison Mission

On the official level, the French Government has
created the Central Liaison Mission for Assistance
to Allied Forces. This mission, now headed very
ably by Monsieur de la Tour du Pin, has had a
long record of capable leadership. It has been
vital to the efficient operation of American mili-
tary forces in France, not only in solving purely
military problems but also in the fields of housing
and community relations.

Under the Liaison Mission, we have a joint group
entirely devoted to the problems of troop-com-
munity relations called the Inter-Allied Com-
mittee. This committee meets every month to
identify situations which are causing, or might
cause, friction in community relations, to consider
ways of eliminating such trouble spots, and to ex-
change information on programs already under
way in this field.

This committee, for example, conceived and fos-
tered the idea of the "civilian consultants." These
are qualified French citizens employed by the
American military services at most of our bases in
France. They assist the base commanders and
public information officers in local projects to de-
velop friendly community relations. And I must
pause at this point to pay them a well deserved
tribute. Their record of alert, diligent, and com-
petent service has become a tremendous contribu-
tion to good Franco-American relations in the
military field.

As I have watched the progress made in such
joint efforts during the past years here, it has been
clear to me that we should not confine ourselves

December J9, J955

1015

to purely official consideration of this problem. It
is so fundamental, so important, and so broad that
there is need for private efforts if we are to achieve
the continuing improvement which must be our
objective.

Suggested Awards

I have spoken to you on this subject tonight be-
cause I believe that your Military Order of For-
eign Wars of the United States can make a very
real contribution, entirely in harmony with the
high aims and purposes of your organization.

I would like to propose that you establish an-
nual awards to the one French and the one Amer-
ican citizen who have contributed most each year
to the improvement of military-community rela-
tions in France. Such awards, possibly in the
form of an appropriately named medal, could be
presented at an annual ceremony with which I
would be honored to be associated. I would sug-
gest that the Inter- Allied Committee be requested
to draw up a list of the names and records of the
French and American citizens considered most
eligible for the awards and that this list be sub-
mitted to the Council of your commandery for
selection of the winners. If this proposal meets
with your approval, I shall be glad to ask the pub-
lic affairs officer of my staff to meet with you to
work out the details.

I am confident that the creation of such an
award would provide a symbol of gi'eat merit.
The prestige of your order, as sponsors, would in
turn give this symbol significance and would stim-
ulate the conscious and continuous efforts needed
to build sound military-community relations.
Awards to both French and American candidates
would also give recognition to the fact that such
relations are a matter of concern to the citizens of
both countries and are not purely an American
problem nor purely a French problem.

Furthermore, the participation of the Military
Order of Foreign Wars would demonstrate that
governments are not alone concerned but that pri-
vate groups of patriotic citizens realize the im-
portance of good relations between the servicemen
and the civilian population of our two countries.
I have made this proposal to you because I believe
that your order, as the oldest of its kind with a
charter originally approved by Act of Congress, is
ideally qualified to sponsor an award which can
contribute so much both to the welfare of our

military forces in France and to Franco- American
relations in general.

Your commandery, comprising as it does dis-
tinguished citizens of both France and the United
States, would be especially well qualified to judge
the candidates submitted to you. And being, as
you are, men of wide military experience and back-
ground, you could bring to bear on this problem
an insight and maturity which would not other-
wise be available in this field.

Review of Tenth Session of
Contracting Parties to GATT

Press release 682 dated December 7

The 10th session of tlie Contracting Parties to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade pro-
duced encouraging indications that foreign gov-
ernments are cooperating in the reduction of re-
strictions against U.S. goods which have been in
use for balance-of-payment reasons. Discussions
at the 10th session pointed up the fact that such
restrictions have been significantly reduced dur-
ing the current year.

This was one of the principal points in a sum-
mai'y of the session released on December 7. The
session was held at Geneva, Switzerland, from
October 27 through December 3. The U.S. dele-
gation, headed by U.S. Ambassador to Portugal
James C. H. Bonbright, consisted of representa-
tives of the Departments of Treasury, Agricul-
ture, Commerce, and State.'

Countries which have been restricting imports
from other countries because of shortages of the
currencies needed to pay for them are tending
more generally to employ internal fiscal and eco-
nomic measures, rather than import restrictions,
to relieve pressure on their foreign exchange re-
serves. These measures include such actions as
raising interest rates and tightening installment
credit, thus dampening the demand for imports
and making more domestic goods available for
export.

Other activities of the session of general interest
include the completion of plans for further tariff
negotiations next January and the initiation of
discussions looking toward the lifting of the reser-
vations which some countries placed upon their

^ For a statement made at the session by Ambassador
Ronbri.Libt, see Bulletin of Nov. 21, 19.5.5, p. 860.

1016

Department of State Bulletin

trading relations with Japan at her recent ac-
cession to the agreement.

A number of trade difficulties between indi-
vidual countries, referred to the Contracting Par-
ties under the "complaints" procedure of the
agreement, were satisfactorily settled. Among
these was a complaint brought by the United
States in 1954 against German restrictions af-
fecting its trade in coal. These restrictions have
now been relaxed.

Another important development was a renewed
request by the Contracting Parties that France
move more rapidly toward the elimination of cer-
tain taxes upon imports.

More details on these and other major activi-
ties of the session are in the siunmary that follows.

Background

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade is
a multilateral trade agreement to which 35 coun-
tries are party, including all the major trading
nations. In the various multilateral tariff nego-
tiations held under the auspices of the General
A-greement since 1947, each country in the agree-
ment has negotiated concessions with all or most
of the other parties to the agreement. Under the
agreement, these concessions are then generally
extended to all parties to the agreement. In ad-
dition, the agreement provides that a country
granting tariff reductions should not take away
the benefits of lower tariff rates by imposing other
trade restrictions.

Under the General Agreement, representatives
of the participating countries meet from time to
time to give effect to provisions of the agreement
involving joint action and generally to facilitate
the operation of the agreement. The session just
concluded was the 10th in a series of such meet-
ings held during the 8 years the agreement has
been in force.

Tariff Negotiations

Arrangements were concluded during the 10th
session for a fourth round of tariff negotiations
to be held at Geneva beginning in January 1956.^
The three previous roimds of negotiation were
held at Geneva in 1947, at Annecy, France, in
1949, and at Torquay, England, in 1950-51.

'For announcements concerning the 1956 negotiations,
see ihid., Aug. 22, 1955, p. 30.") ; Sept. 20, 1955, p. 507 ; and
Oct. 10, 1955, p. 578.

December ?9, 1955

368873—55 3

The United States will participate in the forth-
coming negotiations (as it did in the previous ne-
gotiations) under the authority of the Trade
Agreements Act, which was recently extended for
3 years by the Congress. Under the new law the
President is authorized, in exchange for recipro-
cal concessions by foreign countries, to reduce
U.S. tariffs by up to 5 percent per year for the
next 3 years, or to reduce to 50 percent any tariff
which is presently above that level. The negotia-
tions will be lield under procedures similar to those
followed in the Geneva, Annecy, and Torquay ne-
gotiations, i. e., on a selective, product-by-product
basis witli each participant giving reciprocal con-
cessions.

The Contracting Parties discussed the problem
created by the fact that, upon the accession of
Japan to the agreement last September, 14 coun-
tries exercised their right to refuse to apply the
agreement between themselves and Japan. It was
recognized that this situation was one of concern
to all countries in the agreement.

The issue was discussed at length during the
session, both in the regular meetings and in pri-
vate consultations between interested countries, in
an effort to work toward a solution. The U. S.
delegation urged the other countries to extend the
full benefits of the agreement to Japan in order
to expand export opportunities for Japanese
goods. The problem will be kept under continu-
ous study by all countries in the agreement, and
will be taken up again at intersessional meetings
and at the 11th session.

Balance-of-Payments Consultations

The Contracting Parties, with the assistance of
the International Monetary Fund, held a number
of consultations with jiarticipating countries that
are applying restrictions on imports for the pur-
pose of dealing with balance-of-payments difficul-
ties. Australia, Ceylon, New Zealand, the Fed-
eration of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, and the
United Kingdom consulted on their import re-
strictions against dollar goods, as is required an-
nually by the agreement.

In addition, Australia, which had tightened its
restrictions on nondollar imports in April of this
year and on both nondollar and dollar imports in
October to conserve its falling exchange reserves,
consulted with the other Contracting Parties on
these actions. It was noted that Australia, while

1017

tightening its restrictions, had at the same time
established a list of commodities which could be
imported without discrimination from all cur-
rency areas, including the United States.

From these consultations and from information
received from other sources, there appeared to be
encouraging signs that the scope of discrimination
against imports from the United States and other
convertible-currency countries is being signifi-
cantly reduced. Countries are tending more gen-
erally to employ internal fiscal and economic
measures to relieve pressure on their balances of
payments, thus making it less necessary to resort
to import restrictions for that purpose. Moves
by major trading nations to free imports from the
dollar area from restriction before the advent of
convertibility of their currencies should make
their adjustment to convertibility easier.

Consultations on Special U.S. Problems

The United States used the opportunity af-
forded by the 10th session to discuss informally
with a number of countries some specific trade
problems caused by the balance-of-payments re-
strictions which they have placed on imports
from the United States. Such informal talks
were held with the United Kingdom, the Federal
Eepublic of Germany, France, Italy, Sweden,
Norway, Austria, Finland, and Brazil. It is ex-
pected that these consultations will result in the
easing of restrictions on particular commodities in
a number of these countries.

A number of complaints which had been re-
ferred to the Contracting Parties for considera-
tion during the 10th session were settled and oth-
ers dealt with in a manner looking toward their
settlement in the near future. Early in the ses-
sion, the United States announced disposition of
its complaint concerning German restrictions on
imports of coal from the United States. Germany
has appreciably relaxed its restrictions on both
direct and indirect imports of coal since this com-
plaint was first placed before the Contracting
Parties in October 1954, until today this trade is.
for practical purposes, virtually unrestricted. An
Italian complaint against Swedish antidumping
duties on nylon stockings was resolved when
Sweden abrogated the regulations in question.
Two complaints against Italy, one brought by
Denmark relating to Italian duties on cheese and
another brought by the United Kingdom relating

to a discriminatory tax on pharmaceuticals, were
also settled during the session to the satisfaction
of the complaining countries.

French Import Taxes

Other complaint items in which the United
States has a special interest were those brought
against France with respect to its stamp tax on
imports and its special "temporary compensatory
tax" on imports. The Contracting Parties found
the recent increase in the French stamp tax to be
a departure from the terms of the agreement.
They urged the French Government to remove
the tax increase as soon as possible and to report
to them on the action taken.

At their preceding session, the Contracting Par-
ties had found the special compensatory tax incon-
sistent with the agreement. They had noted the
undertaking of the French Government to elimi-
nate the tax as soon as possible, recommended
that the discriminatory effects of the tax be re-
duced, and requested a report from the French
Government on the action taken. Since that
decision, the French Government has reduced or
eliminated the tax on a number of items.

The tax still remains on many items, however.
Therefore, at this session the Contracting Parties
again requested the French Government to pro-
ceed promptly with the reduction and elimination
of the tax and its discriminatory effects and to
submit a report by June 1, 1956, on the action
taken. They agreed to review the matter again
at the 11th session.

Coal and Steel Community

The Third Annual Keport of the European Coal
and Steel Community was reviewed and foimd
satisfactory by the Contracting Parties. The
Community reports each year under a special
waiver Avhich was granted to permit the estab-
lishment of a common market in coal and steel
among members of the Community.

The Commimity's report indicated that the com-
mon market has been substantially achieved. The
Contracting Parties discussed with the member
states of the Community and with representatives
of the High Authority such matters as the har-
monization of the tariffs on coal and steel products
imposed by the member states ; the possibility of re-
laxing the Community's export controls on scrap ;

1018

Department of State Bulletin

and the equitability of prices of coal and steel ex-
ported from the Community.

United Kingdom Waivers

Tlie United Kingdom reported that it had taken
no actions under the waiver granted at the last
session which permits it to take, under carefully
cii'cmnscribed conditions, certain measures not
otherwise permitted by the agreement in order to
assist the development of its dependent ovei-seas
territories.

The United Kingdom also reported on actions
taken under the waiver which permits it to increase
tariffs under the rules applying to all Contracting
Parties, even if the result is an increase in the
margins of preference given to Commonwealth
countries, provided (1) the product in question is
presently duty-free from Commonwealth sources,
and (2) no diversion of trade from other coimtries
will result. Only two actions had been taken,
neither of which affected products in which the
United States has an interest.

Section 22 Waiver

The United States reported on its import re-
strictions under section 22 of the Agi'icultural Ad-
justment Act, as amended, in accordance with the
waiver granted it at the last session. The waiver
modifies the obligations of the United States un-
der the agreement so as to permit any agricultural
import quota or fee which the United States is
required to impose under section 22. The United
States reported that no new or intensified restric-
tions had been applied and that those on oats and
barley and on certain tree nuts had been dropped.

Since there had been no relaxation of the United
States import quota on dairy products, the Nether-
lands Government was again authorized to limit
its imports of wheat flour from the United States
to G0,000 metric tons during the calendar year 1956,
if it should desire to do so to compensate for the
inj ury to its trade caused by these restrictions. To
date the Netherlands Government has not invoked
this limitation.

The Contracting Parties, acting imder a decision
adopted at the 9th session, authorized Belgium to
continue temporarily certain restrictions on its
agricultural imports, which have been maintained
for balance-of-payments reasons.

The decision provided, ujjon prior approval of
the Contracting Parties in each instance, for the

temporary continuation of such restrictions after
the cessation of balance-of-payments difficulties,
where the sudden susjiension of the restrictions
would cause serious injuiy to domestic industry
and where the country concerned undertakes
stringent commitments regarding the restrictions.
These commitments include undertakings to allow
a fair share of the market to other Contracting
Parties, to reduce the restrictions progressively,
and to put into effect measures leading to their
complete elimination in a comparatively short
period of time. Belgium gave these undertakings
and satisfied the Contracting Parties, by virtue of
measures already taken, as well as of those to be
taken, that there was a reasonable prospect the
i-estrictions would be eliminated in a comparatively
short period.

Accordingly, Belgium was given a release under
the decision to continue the restrictions in ques-
tion for a period of 5 years. In addition, it was
given a waiver pei-mitting it to continue for an-
other 2 years such restrictions as it has not been
able to eliminate because of difficulties arising in
the harmonization of Belgian and Dutch agri-
cultural jiolicies. This harmonization of policies
is considered an indispensable condition to the
completion of the customs union which the Neth-
erlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg are forming,
and a basic decision to move in this direction was
taken by the governments concerned in May 1955.
Belgium has already enacted legislation and estab-
lished special administrative machinery to accom-
plish this objective within a period of 7 years.

The Contracting Parties also granted a waiver
to permit Luxembourg to continue restrictions on
certain agricultural products.

Agricultural Surpluses

There was discussion of experience under the
resolution adopted at the 9th session in March
1955, which recommends that countries, when dis-
posing of surplus agricultural products, under-
take to consult with the principal suppliers and
other interested countries, with a view to achieving
an orderly liquidation of the surpluses and avoid-
ing prejudice to the interest of other countries.
The discussion showed that the disposal of surplus
agricultural products and the consultation pro-
cedures relating thereto are matters of serious and
continuing importance to many countries.

Another noteworthy action by the Contracting

December 79, J955

1019

Parties at the 10th session was the drafting of a
resolution calling for the elimination of govern-
mental restrictions which limit the freedom of
buyers and sellers of goods to place transport in-
surance on the most economical basis. Such re-
strictions increase the cost of goods figuring in
international trade and may create obstacles to
trade.

The proposed resolution will be considered by
governments during the coming year, with a view
to possible action at the 11th session. It recom-
mends that governments avoid measures in the
transport insurance field which have a restrictive
effect on international trade and that governments
now having such measures eliminate them as rap-
idly as circumstances permit. The resolution also
i-equests that governments report on actions taken
to eliminate such measures.

The Contracting Parties have given attention to
this subject at the suggestion of the International
Chamber of Commerce and the International
Union of Marine Insurance. The American ma-
rine insurance industry is particularly interested
in the matter and has encouraged action upon it.

Status of Ninth Session Actions

During the session, governments reported on the
status of their plans for accepting the agreement
on the Organization for Trade Cooperation (Otc)
and the several protocols of amendments of the
General Agreement which were drawn up at the
9th session. These instruments must be formally
acce^jted by a prescribed majority of the Contract-
ing Parties before they will enter into force. The
United States delegate reported that the United
States has accepted the protocols of amendments
to the General Agreement and that President
Eisenhower has submitted the agreement on the
Otc to the Congress with a strong message of en-
dorsement and the recommendation that legisla-
tion be enacted authorizing United States member-
ship in the organization.^

Various delegations expressed the hope that the
proposed Organization for Trade Cooperation
could be established in the near future so that the
administration of the General Agreement could be
put on a more efficient basis.

The Conti-acting Parties agi-eed to hold their
11th session at Geneva beginning October 11, 19.56

Supplemental Notice Concerning Multilateral
and Reciprocal Tariff Negotiations

The Interdepartmental Committee on Trade
Agreements on December 9 supplemented its
notice of September 21, 1955 ^ (Department of
State publication 5993) that the United States
Government intends to pai-ticipate, under the au-
thority of the Trade Agreements Act of 1934 as
amended and extended, in multilateral and recip-
rocal tariff negotiations with a number of coun-
tries which are parties to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade.

The supplemental notice includes a list of 31
additional products on which information is to be
gathered concerning possible tariff modifications
which might be offered by the United States.

The listing of an item is for the purpose of
affording interested parties an opportunity to
present their views, both in writing and orally,

' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 507, and Oct. 10, 1955,
p. 579.

on the possibility of a concession ; it does not nec-
essarily mean that a concession will be granted by
the United States on the item. No tariff conces-
sion will be granted by the United States on any
item not included in a published list.

The notice also sets in motion procedures for
determination by the United States Tariff Com-
mission of peril points on listed items.

In written briefs and in oral testimony pre-
sented at the public hearings held October 31-
November 10 pursuant to the original notice, re-
quests were made that the Government consider
the possibility of concessions on a number of items
not on the original list. These requests have been
carefully studied, and some of the items appear on
the supplemental list issued today. In addition,
as a result of further study, the new list includes

' Ibid., Apr. 25, 1955, p. 678. For text of Otc agreement,
see ibid., Apr. 4, 1955, p. 579.

1020

Department of State Bulletin

a few oilier items which, it appears, would
strengthen the bargaining position of the United
States if it is decided that concessions can be
offei'ed.

The new Trade Agreements Act, as amended
last June 21, authorizes the President to reduce
tariifs by 15 percent over a 3-year period, and
also to decrease to 50 percent ad valorem any duties
which now are above 50 percent.

Following the practice established in the Sep-
tember 21 list, items which may be subject to re-
duction to 50 percent ad valorem are, where prac-
ticable, identified by an asterisk in the supple-
mental list, but this authority may also be used in
the case of other listed items if rates are found
to be over 50 percent or its equivalent. In cases
of uncertainty as to the particular item or items
involved in a description covered by the asterisk,
inquiry may be addressed to the United States
Tariff Commission. In calculating equivalents of
specific rates (cents per pound, cents per bushel,
etc.) , the average ad valorem incidence of the duty
on actual imports in 1954 has been used as the basis
for a presmnptive determination concerning the
height of the duty.

The Committee for Reciprocity Information
also gave notice that it will receive views of inter-
ested pereons concerning any aspect of the pro-
posed negotiations. The members of the Com-
mittee for Reciprocity Information and the Com-
mittee on Trade Agreements are the same. They
include a member of the United States Tariff Com-
mission and representatives from the Departments
of State, the Treasury, Defense, Agriculture, Com-
merce, Labor, and Interior, and the International
Cooperation Administration.

Domestic producers, importers, and other inter-
ested persons are invited to present views and all
possible pertinent information about products on
the supplemental list. Information is also re-
quested on or about any product which may be
covered by the requirement in trade-agreement
legislation that no action be taken to decrease the
duty on any article where the President finds that
such reduction would threaten domestic produc-
tion needed for projected national defense re-
quirements. Submissions may also be presented
concerning wages which are substandard in the
exporting country in accordance with the policy
recommended in the President's message to Con-
gress on March 30, 1954 ^ relating to avoidance of

concessions in such cases. All views and informa-
tion will be carefully considered in arriving at a
decision as to whether or not a concession should
be offered by the United States on each product.
Any additional views concerning export conces-
sions which might be obtained from other coun-
tries may also be presented.

Hearings before the Committee for Reciprocity
Information will open on January 17, 1956.

Applications for oral presentation of views and
information should be presented to the Committee
not later than 12 noon, January 6, 1956.

Persons desiring to be heard should also submit
written briefs or statements to the Committee for
Reciprocity Information by 12 noon, January 6,
1956.

Only those persons will be heard who presented
written briefs or statements and filed applications
to be heard by the date indicated.

Persons who do not desire to be heard may pre-
sent written statements which should also be filed
by 12 noon, January 6, 1956.

Details concerning the submission of briefs and
applications to be heard are contained in the Com-
mittee's notice.

The United States Tariff Commission also an-
nounced today that it would hold public hearings
beginning January 17, 1956, in coimection with its
''peril point" investigation, as required by section
o (a) of the Trade Agreements Extension Act of
1951, on the extent to which United States conces-
sions on listed products may be made in the nego-
tiations without causing or threatening serious
injury to a domestic industry producing like or
directly competitive products. Copies of the no-
tice of the Tariff Commission may be obtained
from the Commission.

Views and information received by the Tariff"
Commission in its hearings referred to above will
be made available to the Committee for Reciproc-
ity Information for consideration by the Inter-
departmental Committee on Trade Agreements.
Persons whose interests relate only to import prod-
ucts included in the published list and who
appear before the Tariff Commission, need not — •
but may if they wish — appear also before the Com-
mittee for Reciprocity Information, if they apply
in accordance with the procedures of that Com-
mittee, as outlined above.

'Ibid., Apr. 19, 1954, p. G02.

December 79, 7955

1021

INTERDEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE ON TRADE
AGREEMENTS

I. Supplementary Notice of Trade-Agreement Negotia-
tions with Governments whicti are Contracting Parties
to ttie General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade pro-
posed in the Notice of September 21, 1955 and Pub-
lished September 23, 1955 ;
II. Possible Adjustment in Preferential Rates on Cuban
Products.

Pursuant to Section i of the Trade Agi'eements
Act, approved June 12, 1934, as amended (48
Stat. 945, ch. 474; 65 Stat. 73, cli. 141) and to
paragraph 4 of Executive Order 10082 of October
6, 1949 (3 CFK, 1949 Supp., p. 126) , further notice
is hereby given by the Interdepartmental Com-
mittee on Trade Agreements supplementary to
the notice by the Committee dated September 21,
1955 and published September 23, 1955 (20 F. R.
7140) as corrected September 29, 1955 and pub-
lished October 1, 1955 (20 F. R. 7345) relating to
trade-agreement negotiations with foreign govern-
ments which are contracting parties to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. In the
notice of September 21, 1955, it was stated that no
tariff concessions would be considered on any arti-
cle wliich did not appear in the list annexed to
that notice unless a supplementary list is pub-
lished and an opportunity is given for further sup-
plementary hearings.

There is annexed hereto a list,' supptlementary
to the list annexed to the notice by the Committee
dated September 21, 1955 and published Septem-
ber 23, 1955 (20 F. R. 7140), as corrected, of
articles imported into the United States to be
considered for possible modification of duties and
other import restrictions, imposition of additional
import restrictions, or specific continuance of ex-
isting customs or excise treatment in the trade
agreement negotiations of which notice has been
given as stated above.

The additional articles proposed for considera-
tion in the negotiations are identified in the an-
nexed list by specifying the numbers of the para-
graphs in tariff schedules of Title I of the Tariff'
Act of 1930, as amended, in wliich they are pro-
vided for together with the language used in such
tariff paragraphs to provide for such articles,
except that where necessary the statutory language

'List not printed here. It is included, together with
the material presented here, in Department of State pub-
lication 6183, available from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U.S. Government Printing OflBce, Washington 25,
D. C, for 15 cents ; see also 20 Fed. Reg. 9316.

has been modified by the omission of words or the
addition of new language in order to narrow the
scope of the original language. Wliere no qualify-
ing language is used with regard to the type, grade,
or value of any listed articles, all types, grades,
and values of the article covered by the language
used are included.

In the case of each article in the list with re-
spect to which the corresponding product of Cuba
is now entitled to preferential treatment, the nego-
tiations referred to will involve the elimination,
reduction, or continuation of the preference, per-
haps in some cases with an adjustment or specifica-
tion of the rate applicable to the product of
Cuba.

No article will be considered in the negotiations
for possible modification of duties or other import
restrictions, imposition of additional import re-
strictions, or specific continuance of existing cus-
toms or excise treatment imless it is included, spe-
cifically or by reference, in the list annexed to the
notice by the Committee of September 21, 1955 and
published September 23, 1955 (20 F. R. 7140), as
corrected, or in the list annexed hereto, or unless
it is subsequently included in a further supple-
mentary public list. Except where otherwise indi-
cated in the list, only duties imposed under the
paragraphs of the Tariff Act of 1930 specified in
the list with regard to articles described therein
and import taxes, if any, imposed on such articles
under the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, as
amended, will be considered for a possible de-
crease, but additional or separate duties or taxes on
such articles imposed under any other provisions
of law may be bound against increase as an assur-
ance that the concession imder the listed para-
graph or section will not be nullified. In addition,
any action which might be taken with respect to
basic duties on products may involve action with
respect to compensatory duties imposed on manu-
factures containing such products.

In the event that an article which as of July 1,
1955, was regarded as classifiable under a descrip-
tion included in the list is excluded therefrom by
judicial decision or otherwise prior to the conclu-
sion of the trade-agreement negotiations the list
will nevertheless be considered as including such
article.

Pursuant to Section 4 of the Trade Agreements
Act, as amended, and paragi-aph 5 of Executive
Order 10082 of October 5, 1949, information and
views as to any aspect of the proposals, including

1022

Depar/menf of Sfafe Bulletin

the list of articles, announced in this supplemen-
tary notice may be submitted to the Committee for
Keciprocity Infoi-mation in accordance with the
announcement of this date issued by that Commit-
tee. Persons interested in exports may present
their views regarding any tariff or other conces-
sions that might be requested of foreigii govern-
ments with which negotiations are to be conducted.
Any other matters appropriate to be considered in
connection with the negotiations proposed above
may also be presented.

Public hearings in cormection with the "peril
point" investigation of the United States Tariff
Commission in connection with the articles in-
cluded in the annexed list, pursuant to section 3
of the Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951,
as amended, are the subject of an amiouncement of
this date issued by that Commission.

By direction of the Interdepartmental Commit-
tee on Trade Agreements this 9th day of Decem-
ber 1955.

Carl D. Corse

Chairman

Interdepartmental Committee

on Trads Agreements

COMMITTEE FOR RECIPROCITY INFORMATION

I. Supplementary Notice of Trade-Agreement Negotia-
tions Proposed in the Notice of September 21, 1955
and Published September 23, 1955
II. Possible Adjustment in Preferential Rates on Cuban
Products

Submission of Information to the Committee for
Reciprocity Information

Closing date for application to be heard, January 6,
1956

Closing date for submission of briefs by those desiring
to be heard, January 6, 1956

Closing date for submission of briefs by those not de-
siring to be heard, January 6, 1956
Public hearings open January 17, 1956

The Interdepartmental Committee on Trade
Agreements has issued on this day a notice supple-
menting the notice dated September 21, 1955 and
published September 23, 1955 (20 F. E. 7140) as
corrected September 29, 1955 and published Octo-
ber 1, 1955 (20 F. E. 7345) relating to trade-agree-
ment negotiations with foreign governments which
are contracting parties to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade.

Annexed to the supplementary notice of the
Interdepartmental Committee on Trade Agree-

ments is a list of articles imported into the United
States to be considered in trade-agreement nego-
tiations of which notice has been given as stated
above ; this list supplements the list annexed to the
notice by that Committee of September 21, 1955
and published September 23, 1955 (20 F. E. 7140)
as corrected. The Conmiittee for Eeciprocity In-
formation hereby gives notice that all applica-
tions for oral presentation of views in regard to
any aspect of the proposals announced in the sup-
plementary notice shall be submitted to the Com-
mittee for Eeciprocity Information not later than
12 : 00 noon, January 6, 1956. Such applications
must indicate the product or products on which
the individuals or groups desire to be heard, and
an estimate of the time required for such presenta-
tion. Persons who desire to be heard in regard to
the foregoing proposals shall also submit written
statements to the Committee for Eeciprocity In-
formation not later than 12 : 00 noon, January 6,
1956. Written statements of persons who do not
desire to be heard shall be submitted not later than
12 : 00 noon, January 6, 1956. Such communica-
tions shall be addressed to "Committee for
Eeciprocity Information, Tariff Commission
Building, Washington 25, D. C." Fifteen copies
of written statements, either typed, printed, or
duplicated shall be submitted, of wliich one copy
shall be sworn to.

Written statements submitted to the Committee,
except information and business data proffered
in confidence, shall be open to inspection by in-
terested persons. Information and business data
proffered in confidence shall be submitted on sepa-
rate pages clearly marked For official use only of
Coimnittee for Reciprocity Inforination.

Public hearings will be held before the Commit-
tee for Eeciprocity Information, at which oral
statements will be heard. The first hearing will be
at 2 : 00 p.m. on January 17, 1956, in the Hearing
Eoom in the Tariff Commission Building, 7th and
E Streets, W\\., Washington 25, D. C. Witnesses
who make application to be heard will be advised
regarding the time and place of their individual
appearances. Appearances at hearings before the
Committee may be made only by or on behalf of
those persons who have filed written statements
and who have within the time prescribed made
written application for oral presentation of views.
Statements made at the public hearings shall be
under oath.

Persons or groups interested in import products

December 79, J955

1023

may present to the Committee their views con-
cerning possible tariff concessions by the United
States on any product, whether or not inchided in
the list annexed to the supplementary notice.
However, as indicated in said notice, no tariff re-
duction or specific continuance of customs or ex-
cise treatment will be considered on any product
which is not included in the list annexed to the
public notice by the Interdepartmental Committee
on Trade Agreements of September 21, 1955 and
published September 23, 1955 (20 F. K. 7140), as
corrected, the list annexed to the supplementai-y
notice issued by said Committee on this date, or in
a further supplementary public list.

The United States Tariff Commission has today
announced public hearings on the import items
appearing in the list annexed to the supplementary
notice to run concurrently with the hearings of the
Committee for Reciprocity Information. Oral
testimony and written information submitted to
the Tariff Commission will be made available to
and will be considered by the Interdepartmental
Committee on Trade Agreements. Consequently,
those whose interests relate only to import prod-
ucts included in said list, and who appear before
the Tariff' Commission, need not, but may if they
wish, appear also before the Committee for Reci-
procity Information.

Persons interested in exports may present their
views regarding any tariff or other concessions
that might be requested of the foreign govern-
ments with which negotiations are to be conducted.
Any other matters appropriate to be considered
in connection with the proposed negotiations may
also be presented.

Copies of the list attached to the supplementary
notice may be obtained from the Committee for
Reciprocity Information at the address designated
above and may be inspected at the field offices of
the Department of Commerce.

All commimications regarding this notice, in-
cluding requests for appearance at hearings be-
fore the Committee for Reciprocity Information,
should be addressed to the Secretary, Committee
for Reciprocity Infonnation, Tariff Commission
Building, Washington 25, D. C.

By direction of the Committee for Reciprocity
Information this 9th day of December 1955.
Edward Yarduet
Secretary
Committee for Reciprocity Information

Current Treaty Actions

MULTILATERAL

Austria

Understanding supplementing the protection afforded by
the provisions of the Austrian State Treaty with respect
to United States and British-owned property in Austria.
Done at Vienna May 10, 1955, by the United States, the
United Kingdom, and Austria. Entered into force May

10, 1955.

Germany

Agreement on German external debts. Signed at London
February 27, 1953. Entered into force September 16,
1953. TIAS 2792.
Accession deposited: New Zealand, October 4, 1955.

International Court of Justice

Statute of International Court of Justice (.59 Stat. 1055).

Declaration recognising compulsory jitrisdictimi depos-
ited (with six reservations) : ' United Kingdom, June
2, 1955.

Declaration recognizing compulsory jurisdiction depos-
ited (with seven reservations) :' United Kingdom,
October 31, 1955.

Labor

Convention (No. 58) fixing the minimum age for the ad-
mission of children to employment at sea. Adopted
at Geneva October 24, 1936. Entered into force April

11, 1939. 54 Stat 1705.

Ratification deposited: Japan, August 22, 1955.
Convention (No. 73) concerning the medical examination
of seafarers. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946. Entered
into force August 17, 1955.'
Ratification deposited: Japan, August 22, 1955.

North Atlantic Treaty

Agreement between the parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty for cooperation regarding atomic information.
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.*

Notification of being bound by terms of the agreement :
Portugal, December 2, 1955.

Trade and Commerce

Protocol of rectification to French text of General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva June 15,
1955.*
Signature: United States, December 3, 1955.

^ Withdrawal deposited June 2, 1955, of declaration
(with reservations) made Feb. 28, 1940, accepting com-
pulsory jurisdiction of the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice. This declaration, in consequence of
paragraph 5 of article 36 of the Statute of the Interna-
tional Court of Justice, was deemed an acceptance of the
compulsory jurisdiction of the latter Court. This with-
drawal does not affect declaration made Feb. 13, 1946,
with reference to legal disputes concerning treaties relat-
ing to boundaries of British Honduras.

^AVithdrawal deposited Oct. 31, 1955, of declaration
(with six reservations) made June 2, 1955, recognizing as
compulsory the jurisdiction of the International Court
of Justice. This withdrawal does not affect declaration
made Feb. 13, 1946, with reference to legal disputes con-
cerning treaties relating to boundaries of British Hon-
duras.

" Not in force for the United States.

* Not in force.

1024

Department of State Bulletin

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Conservation Problems
Among Chile, Ecuador, Peru, and the United States

SANTIAGO, CHILE, SEPTEMBER 14-OCTOBER 5, 1955

Representatives of the United States met with
representatives of Chile, Ecuador, and Peru at
Santiago, Cliile, from September 14 to October 5,
1955, to negotiate an agreement for the conserva-
tion of fishery resources of the eastern Pacific.
AVliile considerable progress was made in clarify-
ing the views and interests of the parties to the
negotiations, the delegations encovmitered basic
problems which stood in the way of reaching
agreement and led to the suspension of the nego-
tiations in order that further consideration might
be given to those problems in the respective gov-
ernments.

Behind these negotiations lay a legal contro-
vei-sy between the United States and the Govern-
ments of Chile, Ecuador, and Peru with respect to
the claims of the three South American coimtries
to exclusive sovereignty over a so-called maritime
zone extending not less than 200 miles off their
coasts. Claims over such an area had been ad-
vanced by Chile and Peru individually in 1947.
In August 1952 the Declaration of Santiago was
signed by the three South American countries
stating 200-mile claims in a joint manner and
pledging themselves to collaborate for the protec-
tion of maritime resources in the area. Later they
agreed not to enter into any international agree-
ments affecting these claims without the concur-
rence of the other parties to the Declaration. It
was because of this pledge that the United States,
which first proposed such negotiations to the Gov-
erimient of Ecuador, agi'eed to negotiate simul-
taneously with all three South American
Governments.

Despite United States protests against the claims
of the three countries, which were directly in con-
flict with the well-established principle of the free-
dom of the seas, various actions by Ecuador and

Peru sharpened the legal controversy. Fisliing
vessels of U.S. registry operating on the liigh seas
off the coasts of Ecuador and Peru during 1954 and
1955 were seized and subjected to fines or taxes, or

Publication of Documents on
Santiago Negotiations

This article on the four-power negotiations on
fishery conservation problems is also available in
pamphlet form. The pamphlet, entitled Santiago
Negotiations on Fishery Conservation Problems,
contains in addition the documents presented by
the delegations to the negotiations and other rele-
vant documentation. For the convenience of Bulle-
tin readers, footnote cross-references to the docu-
ments contained in the pamphlet have been supplied.
A limited number of copies of the pamphlet is avail-
able ; requests should be addressed to the Public
Services Division, Department of State, Washington
25, D.C.

were otherwise molested. These incidents cul-
minated in the seizure in March 1955 of two U.S.
fishing vessels some 25 miles from the coast by an
Ecuadoran patrol boat, in the process of wliich an
American seaman was seriously wounded by gun-
fire.

Various high officials of the Goverimients of
Chile, Ecuador, and Peru assured representatives
of the United States that the sole purpose of the
claims to sovereignty over the high seas set forth
in the Santiago Declaration was to insure the con-
servation of the living resources of the sea wliich
the three coastal countries considered essential to
their economic development and their future wel-
fare. The United States, in accordance with its

December 19, 7955

1025

well-established policy of promoting the conserva-
tion of fishery resources, therefore made a dual
proposal to the three countries in a note handed
to their Foreign Offices by the U.S. Embassies on
May 13, 1955. In this note the United States pro-
posed that the dispute over the claims by those
countries to sovereignty and jurisdiction over the
ocean to a distance of 200 miles from their shores
be submitted to the International Court of Justice,
and that negotiations be entered into between rep-
resentatives of the three countries and the United
States for the conclusion of an agreement for the
conservation of fishery resources in which the f om*
countries had a common concern. Such an agree-
ment would not refer to the extent of territorial
waters.

In their response to this note, the three South
American coimtries on Jmie 3, 1955, replied that
they were not prepared to consider at the time
whether or not the legal controversy should be sub-
mitted to the International Court of Justice (none
of them having accepted the compulsory jurisdic-
tion of the Court) but that they were prepared to
initiate jointly the proposed negotiation of a con-
servation agreement.

U.S. Agrees to Negotiations

In a further note handed to the tliree Govern-
ments on July 9, 1955, the United States expressed
regret at the unreadiness of the South American
countries to submit the legal controversy to the
International Court of Justice. The United
States agreed nevertheless to open negotiations
with the three countries for an agreement for the
conservation of fishery resources of the eastern
Pacific Ocean in general conformity with the con-
clusions on technical aspects of fishery conserva-
tion approved by the United Nations International
Technical Conference on the Conservation of the
Living Resources of the Sea (Rome, April 18-
May 10, 1955) .1 It was stated specifically that any
such agreement would have to be drafted without
reference to the claims of any of the four Gov-
ernments with respect to territorial waters or
other forms of special jurisdiction over the seas
adjacent to their coasts.

After the formal opening of the negotiations
on September 14, 1955, by His Excellency Rear
Admiral Kare Olsen Nielsen, Foreign Minister of

* For the report of the conference, see U.N. doc. A/Conf.
10/5/Hev. 2.

Chile, the question of how to proceed with the
negotiations was discussed. The U.S. delegation
proposed the following three points, to be dis-
cussed in the order indicated : ^

1. Consideration of the principal fishery con-
servation problems of the southeast Pacific of
concern to the participating governments ;

2. Examination of existing types of conserva-
tion measures and procedures that might be use-
ful in solving these problems ;

3. Type of agreement that would be required
for satisfactory resolution of the conservation
problems confronted, and provisions of such an
agreement.

Two days later the delegations of Chile, Ecua-
dor, and Peru, who acted in concert throughout
the negotiations, replied that in their view the
negotiations could be better facilitated by the im-
mediate submittal by the United States of pro-
posals for a conservation agreement.^ The
delegations of these three Governments (which
became known as the Cep delegations) also urged
that in making any such proposals the United
States take into account the desirability of pre-
venting repetition of incidents such as those which
had taken place involving U.S. fishermen during
the past months.

U.S. Proposals for Conservation Agreement

Accordingly, on September 20 the U.S. delega-
tion presented to the other delegations a full state-
ment of its understanding of the problems of
fishery conservation in the southeastern Pacific,
insofar as the United States had an interest
therein and knowledge thereof, and submitted, on
the basis of this underetanding, its proposals for
a conservation agreement.*

In these documents the United States pointed
out that its principal concern was with the stocks
of yellowfin, skipjack, and big-eye tuna and with
small bait fish used in catcliing the tuna. The dis-
tribution of these stocks of tuna in the Pacific
Ocean was described in relation to ocean current
systems. Data concerning the condition of these
stocks of tuna were referred to, emanating prin-
cipally from the studies carried out by the Inter-
American Tropical Tuna Commission.^

' Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Conservation Prob-
lems, U.S. doc. 1, p. 12.
'Ibid., CEP (Chile, Ecuador, and Peru) doc. 1, p. 15.
* Ibid., U.S. docs. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, pp. 16-30.
"Ibid., U.S. doe. 5, p. 21.

1026

Department of State Bulletin

The work of the Inter- American Tropical Tuna
Commission was discussed, and the United States
delegation pointed out that the convention which
established that commission included, in its opin-
ion, all or most of the provisions needed to handle
the joint conservation problems of tuna and bait
fish. However, since the Cep comatries had not
accepted an earlier invitation to join in this coop-
erative project for stocks of fish extending into
the waters off their coasts, it appeared that they
found the convention inadequate in one or more
respects. The United States delegation stated
that if they would explain these deficiencies, it
would help in determining the type of agreement
which would be satisfactory.

With reference to the drafting of a conservation
agreement the U.S. delegation set forth its main
ideas in document 7, and later in document 9."
These documents outlined a conservation program
involving the establishment of an international
commission on which each participating state
would be represented by a national section having
one vote. The commission would carry out scien-
tific research on stocks of fish of interest to two or
more member states. In the discussion it was
made clear that a state would be considered as hav-
ing an interest in the conservation of a stock of
fish either when it participated in the fishing of
such stock or when such stock occurred in waters
adjacent to its coast. The expenses of the com-
mission with respect to any specific research pro-
gram would be allocated to the member countries
in relation to their share of the total catch of that
stock of fish. The commission would be directed
to determine, on the basis of scientific investiga-
tions, what, if any, conservation measures would
be required to make possible the maximum sus-
tainable productivity of a given stock of fish and
to recommend the adoption of such measures to
the Governments. Decisions of the commission
were to be taken by agreement among all the
national sections, but in the event of a failure to
reach agreement, technical issues could be sub-
mitted to an arbitral procedure for a final
settlement.

When the commission, either as a result of its
own decision or of the arbitral findings, i-ecom-
mended conservation measures to the member
states, these would go into effect automatically
within a certain period of time unless a country
objected. In the event of such objection, the U.S.

proposals suggested the issue could again be sub-
mitted to an arbitral procedure for decision, and
the award in this case would become binding upon
all member states.

Avoiding Further Incidents

The projjosals incorporated in the documents
referred to set forth the U.S. position. However,
an additional oral statement at the meeting of Sep-
tember 20 was made in reply to the Cep request that
consideration be given to means of avoiding fur-
ther incidents. The U.S. delegation suggested
that the conclusion of a conservation agreement
along the lines proposed would greatly help avoid
further incidents by providing for international
regulation of vessels of the parties fishing in the
waters off the coasts of the Cep coimtries. Rules
would be established by agreement among the
countries on the proposed international commis-
sion and, in the view of the United States, should
be enforced by each Government against its own
vessels. The U.S. delegation observed that it had
noted with interest the statements of officials of
the Cep Governments that the consideration which
should govern activities of foreign fishermen in
the waters off their coasts should be that they con-
form to rules for the conservation of the species,
and suggested that so long as the commission es-
tablished such regulations by agreement of all
member states, no further difficulties regarding
their adoption and validity should be encountered.

The United States proposals did not, however,
prove acceptable to the Cep countries. On Sep-
tember 23 they stated their disagreement there-
with and proposed certain alternative ideas differ-
ing in various respects from those advanced by the
United States.^ A major difference in the pro-
posals put forth by the Cep countries had to do
with the role assigned to the coastal state in en-
forcing any conservation measures which the in-
ternational commission might propose, or which
the coastal state itself might wish to put into
effect. The Cep coimtries wished to have the agree-
ment recognize the right of the coastal state to
exclusive control of fisheries out to 12 miles from
its shores and also in areas which each coastal
state would unilaterally designate as constituting
"areas traditionally exploited" by it. These areas
would, judging from illustrative material pre-
sented during the negotiations, extend 50 to 60
miles beyond a 12-mile zone and cover most of the

'Ibid., J). 50.
December 19, 1955

'Ibid., CEP doc. 3, p. 34.

1027

desirable fishing grounds off the coasts of the three
South American countries. Fishing within these
two classes of areas was to be controlled by licenses
issued by the coastal state. In the remainder of
the area covered by the proposed agreement, fish-
ing for tuna and bait fish would be permitted sub-
ject to existing conservation regulations which
would presumably include not only those estab-
lished by the new commission but also apparently
regulations promulgated by the three South Amer-
ican States either individually or jointly. More-
over, Chile, Ecuador, and Peru wished in essence
to have exclusive jurisdiction to enforce the regu-
lations within a 200-mile zone and, further, to
occupy a preferential position with respect to any
quotas governing the quantity, kind, etc., of fish
taken which might be established pursuant to the
conservation program.

The negotiations at this point began to focus
upon what proved to be an insuperable obstacle,
namely, the insistence of the Cep countries on in-
serting in any agreement provisions which would
in effect recognize their claims to exclusive juris-
diction over large areas of the high seas off their
coasts. The U.S. delegation pointed out that the
authority to license fishing operations would in-
volve the authority not only to determine the fees
and other conditions of the licenses but also the
authority to withhold them completely.

Moreover, the U.S. delegation pointed out that
these provisions were in no sense required for the
effective execution of a conservation program. In
support of tliis point the United States amplified
and clarified its proposals regarding the contro-
versial issues.* It stressed that effective enforce-
ment could be achieved by agreement on the pro-
visions which would accord to the properly consti-
tuted authorities of any contracting party the
right to board any fishing vessel flying the flag of
a contracting party witliin the convention area if
there were reason to believe that a conservation
regulation was being violated, and, if supporting
evidence was found, to take the vessel into the port
and prefer charges against it. It urged that at
this point the vessel should be promptly turned
over to officials of the country of registry for trial
and, if guilty, for punishment of the offense. It
was pointed out that this system had been incor-
porated satisfactorily in several other interna-
tional fishery conservation agreements.

Furthermore, in order to avoid damaging the
juridical position of either side, the U.S. delega-
tion proposed that an article be adopted in the
convention clearly stating that it was being en-
tered into "without affecting the position of any
contracting state in regard to territorial waters."

Finally, the United States, while miable to ac-
cept the idea of exclusive jiu-isdiction by the
coastal state over the "traditional" fishing areas
which it might unilaterally declare, made a sub-
stitute proposal. It agreed to consider any pro-
posals which the Cep countries might wish to ad-
vance to take care of special problems or situations
involving small coastal fishing villages in the Cep
countries which were dependent directly upon the
sea for their sustenance. This proposal was justi-
fied on humanitarian groimds. The U.S. dele-
gation insisted, however, that any cases falling
under this general proposal would have to be sup-
ported by a factual showing of the dependence of
the community upon the sea for its sustenance.
This proposal did not prove to be of interest to the
Cep states.

CEP Draft Convention

At the same meeting at which the United States
submitted its dociunent 9, the Cep countries pre-
sented a complete draft convention, modifying in
some respects their early proposals.* However,
the same fundamental obstacles to agi'eement re-
mained, namely the desire of the Cep states to as-
sert exclusive jurisdiction over large areas of the
high seas off their coasts. A new thought was in-
troduced in regard to the trial of alleged viola-
tions. The Cep draft suggested the setting up of
a special jurisdiction imder which the national
section of the state making the arrest would try
the vessel charged with an offense by means of ad-
ministrative procedure and would impose penal-
ties. It was further suggested that should the
alleged offender wish to appeal he could do so to
a special tribunal made up of the two national
sections of the commission other than those repre-
senting the country of the alleged offender and
the country of the arresting officer. In view of
the bilateral character of the agreement i^roposed
by the Cep countries, with Chile, Ecuador, and
Peru identified as one party, and the United States
identified as the other party, tliis procediu'e would,
in most cases, result in two members of the same

'76Jd., U.S. doc. 9, p. 50.

'lUd., CEP doc. 5, p. 45.

1028

Department of State Bulletin

party hearing appeals from decisions in which
the other member of that party was involved.

Negotiations Suspended

At this stage it became clear that the negotia-
tions had proceeded to a point which exhausted
the capacity of the delegations to reach agreement
within their instructions. The issue posed by the
insistence of the Cep countries on exclusive juris-
diction over areas which the United States consid-
ered to be high seas in accordance with existing
international law was apparently insuperable.
The proposal for special tribunals to try offenders
posed pi-oblems which would at the vei-y least re-
quire careful and extended consideration, cer-
tainly within the U.S. Government. The proposals
of the United States with respect to policing and
enforcing the area likewise proved to be beyond
the authority of the Cep delegations to accept.
Accordingly, a decision was made to suspend the
negotiations and a communique was issued an-
nomicing this decision.^"

Differences in the interpretation of scientific
information were also brought out in the coui-se
of the negotiations. The Cep coimtries, in their
dociunent of September 23,^^ advanced a theory
of "eco-systems" and "biomas" according to which
the interdependence of life on the coastal land
with the living communities of the sea, plus the
geographic, hydrographic, climatic, and other en-
vironmental factors influencing both, were said
to create a relationship of such unity as to serve
as a scientific basis for the legal claim of coastal
states to preferential rights over adjacent watere.
The U.S. delegation challenged this concept, point-
ing out that the idea of the existence of a perfect
unity and interdependence between the communi-
ties that live in the sea and the coastal populations
could have at most limited, if any, validity, such
as for example in the well-known case of the guano
bird populations of Peru. It stated that, on the
contrary, conditions responsible for the existence
of rich marine life in the area off the west coast
of South America were the result of meteorological
and oceanographical factors originating far from
those areas — factors such as major wind systems
of the Pacific and the interplay of its great oceanic
currents. It also pointed out that many stocks of
fish of greatest importance, such as tuna, moved

widely over a broad area through and beyond the
"biomas" of the area in question and that the
interrelated communities of living organisms of
the ocean, moreover, certainly bore no relationship
to national boundaries as established by man on
the land/^

Such differences were in part I'esponsible for a
substantial variance of opinion regarding the area
to be covered by the proposed conservation agree-
ment. The United States urged that, since some
of the most important stocks of fish to be conserved
(yellowfin and skipjack tunas) ranged all the way
from the waters off Chile north to California, the
convention should cover this entire area and be
open to adherence of other American coastal states
contiguous to these waters. Otherwise, only
divided and therefore less effective attention could
be given to those important stocks of fish. The
Cep countries made it clear, however, that their
interest was confined to waters off their coasts and
that they were not prepared to enter into a broader
agreement. The United States finally stated that,
if the Cep states found it impossible to participate
in a broader arrangement, it would, should other
outstanding differences be resolved, agree to work
out with them a convention limited to the four
negotiating states.^^ However, in that case the
United States would suggest certain changes in the
functions to be assigned to the proposed commis-
sion to avoid conflict or duplication with the re-
search activities of other organizations.

Purport of 1945 Proclamation

The U.S. delegation was interested to note dur-
ing the course of the negotiations that official or
public opinion in the Cep countries labored under
considerable misunderstanding in respect to facts
relating to U.S. policy regarding fishery conserva-
tion. For example, the purport and effect of the
proclamation issued by the President of the United
States in 1945 ^* concerning fishery conservation
was widely misinterpreted as constituting a prece-
dent for unilateral claims to large offshore areas
of high seas for conservation pui^poses. The U.S.
delegation repeatedly made clear that the United

"Ihid., annex 2, p. 67.
"/'jirf., CEP doc. 2, p. 30.

'= ////<;., TI.S. doc. 8. p. 30.

^' Ibid., U.S. doc. 9. p. 50.

" "Policy of the United States with Respect to Co.astal
Fisheries in Certain Areas of the High Seas" — Proclama-
tion by the President of the United States, Sept. 28. VMr, ;
for text, see ibid., annex Z, p. 68, and Bui-letin of Sept.
30, 1945, p. 486.

December 19, 7955

1029

States through the Truman proclamation did not
claim exclusive jurisdiction over the high seas off
its coasts but on the contrary recognized that when
foreign fishermen participated in fisheries off the
coast of the United States beyond the 3-miIe limit,
conservation regulations would be worked out
with the agreement of the governments concerned.
It explained that only when U.S. nationals alone
were involved would the United States establish
the conservation regulations unilaterally in the
exercise of the right of any government to regu-
late its own nationals on the high seas.^°

Another misconception of U.S. policy at times
reflected in statements appearing in the local press
during the course of the negotiations was that the
United States represented those countries which
wished to be free to fish without restraint any-
where in the world, as opposed to the Cep coun-
tries, which represented the desire of other states
to protect and conserve fishery resources. The
U.S. delegation took such opportunities as it
could to reiterate the firmly established policy of
the United States to promote the conservation of
fishery resources in which it had an interest in any
area of the world. It was pointed out that the
United States had in fact entered into more in-
ternational agreements for the conservation of
fishery resources than any other country. The
regulations under these conservation agreements
have proved highly beneficial to the fisheries con-
cerned and thereby demonstrate to interested peo-
ple in the United States, especially its fishermen,
the positive value of effective conservation pro-
grams. The initiative taken by the United States
in establishing with the Governments of Costa
Rica and Panama the Inter- American Tropical
Tuna Convention (which is open to adherence
by other interested states) has produced the most
extensive and useful series of conservation studies
that have been developed for any stocks of fish in
the southeast Pacific. The work of the Inter-
American Tropical Tuna Commission has already
established a firm basis of knowledge concerning
the condition of these stocks of fish and has placed
the commission in a position to devise and recom-
mend conservation regulations at any time, should
the condition of these tuna stocks indicate such
measures to be necessary.

In the course of the Santiago negotiations the
United States made every effort to include in its
proposals for a conservation agreement measures
and procedures adequate for the cooperative ac- i
tivities necessary to assure the continued produc-
tivity of the stocks of fish in the eastern Pacific
Ocean of interest to the four countries. Such an
agreement would make the participating countries
full partners in a conservation program involving
effective research, recommendations for conserva-
tion based on scientific data, and enforcement of
necessary measures. However, it was not possible
to conclude such an agreement owing to the in-
ability of the delegations of Chile, Ecuador, and
Peru, without further consultation with their re-
spective Governments, to negotiate an agreement
which did not include provisions in effect giving
recognition to their claims to exclusive jurisdic-
tion over large areas of the high seas off their
coasts.

Unanimous U.N. Action
on Atomic Energy Items

The General Assembly on December 3 unani-
mously adopted ttuo resolutions relating to atomic
energy, oi\e on peaceful uses and the other on the
effects of atomic radiation. Following are texts
of statements made in plenary on that date iy
Senator John 0. Pastore and hy Ambassador
James J. Wadsv.'orth, U.S. Representatives to the
General Assembly.

STATEMENT BY SENATOR PASTORE ON PEACE- .
FUL USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY' I

U.S. delegation press release 2308 dated December 3

Two years ago President Eisenhower presented
before this Assembly his memorable proposal for
an international agency devoted to the peaceful
uses of atomic energy. The adoption of this
resolution ^ will mark another milestone in our i
advance toward the establislunent of this agency. \

By stimulating the free exchange of basic scien-
tific knowledge on atomic energy, the international
conference i^rovided for in part A of this resolu-

^ See "Recent Developments Affecting the Regime of
the High Seas," by Herman Phleger, Legal Adviser, De-
partment of State, in Bulletin of June 0, 1955, p. 934.

^ For Senator Pastore's statements In Committee I, see i
iJ)id., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 660, and Nov. 14, 1955, p. 796. |

' U.N. doc. A/Res/334 ; for text, see Bltlletin of Nov.
14, 1955, p. SOI.

1030

Department of State Bulletin

tion will lay a firmer foundation for international
cooperation in this field.

In part B we have set forth further procedures
for negotiations on the International Atomic
Energy Agency. The United States believes that
the debate which took place in the First Commit-
tee was outstanding for the fresh and constructive
thinking that was brought to bear on this subject.
It was an excellent example of what can be done
in the General Assembly — when the desire for
cooperation is present — to reconcile differences
and to attain unanimity.

The debate indicated that the number of issues
which are still outstanding with regard to the
creation of the agency are limited in number. I
am hopeful that the few remaining differences of
opinion can be reconciled quickly and without
great difficulty.

This Assembly may be assured that views ex-
pressed in the debate here, as well as those in-
cluded in the comments which governments are
submitting to the United States, will be given
fullest consideration. These views will be care-
fully studied in the course of the negotiations
which will soon take place in the expanded group
which has been created to consider the agency
statute.^

We are encouraged by the rate at which various
governments are submitting their comments on the
draft statute of the agency. The United States
would like to suggest that those governments
which have not yet done so should send their com-
ments to the Department of State in Washington
before December 15 so that they will be available
for consideration by the negotiating group when
it meets on January 23, 1956.

The establishment of this agency will be a sig-
nificant event in the history of international co-
operation. It will open a great new avenue of
peaceful international activity.

The United States will approach these negotia-
tions in a spirit of good will and with an earnest
•desire to bring the agency into being as soon as
possible. At a time when the settlement of a
number of outstanding international problems
continues to be delayed by political and ideologi-
cal differences, it is all the more important that
we press toward this agreed goal — a goal which
holds so much promise for all mankind. With the

creation of this agency, we may hope, in the words
of President Eisenhower, to "open up a new
channel for peaceful discussion, and initiate at
least a new approach to the many difficult prob-
lems that must be solved in both private and pub-
lic conversations, if the world is to shake off the
inertia imposed by fear, and is to make positive
progress toward peace."

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR WADSWORTH
ON EFFECTS OF ATOMIC RADIATION

U.S. delegation press release 2309 dated December 3

We have just taken in this body an important
step to bring the benefits of the atom to the world,
and now we are called upon to make an effort to
understand its potentially harmful effects.

The potential hazards of radioactivity have been
recognized for a long time, and over the years
scientists have learned a good deal about the prob-
lem. However, we need more knowledge and,
particularly, more widespread dissemination of
this knowledge in terms which are understandable
to all. This is absolutely essential if the world
is going to reap the full advantages of the peace-
ful atom.

The United States attaches the greatest impor-
tance to this problem and will of course lend its
full support to the Scientific Committee estab-
lished by this resolution.* The representative of
my Government will be a scientist eminent in the
field of radiology,'^ and he will be assisted by highly
qualified experts in the scientific specialties in-
volved in the tasks to be undertaken by this com-
mittee.

We hope that the committee will convene as
early as possible next year and will begin quickly
to organize its plan of work.

Let me turn now briefly to the amendments in-
troduced by the delegation of India in document
A/L.204. These are the same amendments which
after thorough debate were rejected by the First
Committee. As several representatives- pointed
out in the First Committee, these amendments
have the effect of reopening political issues on
which this Assembly has already taken decisions.
I stress that they have the ejfect because the state-

'For text of draft statute, see ihid., Oct. 24, 1955, p.
666.

December 79, J955

'U. N. doc. A/Res/335; for text, see ihid., Nov. 21.
1955, p. 855.

°The United States informed the U.N. Secretary-Gen-
eral on Dec. 9 that Dr. Shields Warren of Boston, Mass.,
had been appointed U.S. representative.

1031

ment made by the distinguished representative of
India made it perfectly clear that he had no politi-
cal motive in reintroducing the amendments.
However, the United States does not believe that
this is the appropriate occasion to reconsider an
issue of this nature. The resolution is the prod-
uct of careful study and lengthy debate, and
we believe it should be adopted as it stands.
The United States will therefore oppose the
amendments."

Now, Mr. President, I should like to make a
brief cominent on the action of the Fifth Commit-
tee in approving the payment of travel and per
diem expenses to the representatives who will serve
on this scientific committee. The United States
believes that these payments, particularly the pay-
ment of per diem expenses, would not be consistent
with the governmental character of the commit-
tee. In our view, although this is a committee of
scientists, it is nevertheless a governmental body.
It is composed of 15 states, and the scientists who
will represent these states will be designated by
their governments and not by the General Assem-
bly or by the Secretary-General.

Therefore, the payment of expenses to such
representatives out of United Nations funds
might tend to confuse their status and create the
impression that they are serving either as advisers
to the Secretary-General or even in their personal
capacities — neither of which happens to be the
case. Moreover, we believe it would establish
an undesirable financial practice for other gov-
ernmental committees of this type.

For these reasons, the United States hopes that
the Fifth Committee may wish to review this ac-
tion when it votes on the final budget on second
reading." In any event, it is important that
whatever budgetary action is taken, the govern-
mental character of this committee should not be
confused.

" The Indian amenflnients read :
"1. Operative pnrdf/rnph 2 (a)

For the words 'furnished by States Metnl^ers of the
United Nations or members of the specialized agencies',
substitute the words 'furnished to it'.
"2. Operative paragraph 2 (/)

Delete all the words after the word 'dissemination'."

The fir.st amendment was rejected by a vote of 21-28-8;
the second, by a vote of 22-30-7.

' Committee V on Dec. 13 rejected a U.S. proposal to
delete from the budget the item providing payment of
per diem expenses to representatives on the committee.

Problems of Inspection and Control
of Armaments

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}

We have heard several excellent statements in
the two previous sessions of this Commission. Mr.
Moch - and Mr. Nutting ^ have given us a remark-
able review of developments during the past year,
which has clarified the issues unmistakably. We
have listened with interest to their analyses of the
stage we have now reached in our discussion and
to the sound critiques of Mr. Martin.*

In all truth there is not too much more to say
in the Commission at this time. But there is a
great deal to do. The peoples of the world who
have the greatest stake in avoiding another war
will agree that, after 9 years of talk, the time for
action is at hand. As one action which we believe
would be constructive, the United States has pro-
posed mutual aerial inspection and exchange of
military blueprint information between the United
States and the Soviet Union. We have also of-
fered to negotiate promptly with other countries i
to extend tliis plan to overseas bases and to the \
forces of other countries.

Mr. Sobolev ^ sought to give the impression yes-
terday that it is the fault of the United States that
more progress has not been made. He also in-
cluded France, the United Kingdom, and Canada
in this very serious charge.

The truth is that it has been the consistent un-
willingness of the Soviet Union to agree to, or even
to discuss in any meaningful way, the crucial prob-
lems of inspection and control which has created
the difficulties we face.

Through 9 years of debate, and in the past year
at London and New York, the Soviet Union has
steadily failed to answer the most obvious and
reasonable questions about its position. It says
that inspection is a key element in any disarma-
ment scheme but it has not said just what it would
inspect, or how, or when it would begin inspecting,
in terms specific enough to be convincing to the
other members of the subcommittee, or to the ma-
jority of the United Nations.

' Made in the Disarmament Commission on Nov. 2.5
(U.S. /U.N. press release 2291). Ambassador Lodge is
U.S. Representative on the Commission.

■Jules Moch (France).

'Anthony Nutting (United Kingdom).

'Paul Martin (Canada).

"Arkady A. Sobolev (U.S.S.R.).

1032

Department of State Bulletin

The problem, as we all know, is becoming in-
creasingly difficult because nuclear materials in
militarily significant quantity can now be hidden
away beyond the range of scientific detection. Mr.
Moch has given us a most lucid analysis of the im-
plications of this development.

The problem of inspection will become still
harder when stockpiles are constructed in areas
where they do not now exist. If controls are
inadequate or are evaded, any conflict, however
small or localized, could assume dread dimensions.
And as long-range guided missiles come on the
scene, the difficulties of inspection will increase
tremendously.

There is therefore no time to lose. All of us
must quickly adjust our planning to the new situ-
ation.

The Soviet Union did recognize the dangers in
the new situation in its paper of May 10, 1955.*
But it prescribed no remedies to fit the diagnosis.
It offers no new ideas for coping with the new
problems of inspection; instead Mr. Sobolev now
seems to minimize the analysis his Soviet colleague,
Mr. Malik, made on May 10th last.

The Soviet Union is aware of the increased need
to guard against surprise attack; but to parry the
danger it only suggests inspection by observers at
fixed points on the gromid. This is quite inade-
quate. Aerial inspection should take place at the
outset of any disarmament plan — or of any plan
to prevent aggression.

On behalf of the United States, I gave clear and
early warning at the outset of the London, meetings
last winter that the trend in nuclear production
would eventually create a difficult situation. The
United States has moved rapidly to meet the situ-
ation. It has inaugurated an intensive review of
the inspection problem in all its ramifications in
industry, finance, and national defense. It mo-
bilized a study group of its most eminent nuclear
physicists to tackle the problem of nuclear inspec-
tion. And most important of all, to guard against
surprise attack and to give all of us in every coun-
try time and security while we take stock of our
situation, President Eisenhower made his pro-
posals on July 21 for mutual aerial inspection and
the exchange of military information. To pro-
mote the confidence so necessary for disarmament,

President Eisenhower offered to accept the Soviet
proposals for gi-ound observers in addition to his
own plan.

Now, Mr. Chairman, in the light of what I have
just reported — which is, let me say, but a bare
enumeration of what has been done — it is absurd
for the Soviet Union to accuse us of blocking prog-
ress toward disarmament. Let us have no more
of that kind of propaganda talk.

The President's proposals were made for two
reasons of prime importance. One is that it will-
help protect us all against tlie horrors of a surprise
attack, the dread event which would mark the
opening of a major war. The philosopher Ralph
"Waldo Emerson had a phrase in which he spoke
about the emphasis of understatement. It is an
>inderstatement to say that to protect us against
a surprise attack is surely no less important in
terms of human life than agreement on a particu-
lar progi'am of disarmament, or even than the
savings and improvement of living standards that
would come from the lifting of the arms burden,
important and vital though they are.

The other cardinal reason which actuated the
President is that such inspection and exchange is
a practical firet step toward disannament because
it would create an atmosphere of confidence in
which disarmament can proceed. It should lead
promptly and directly to a comprehensive, pro-
gi-essive, enforceable agreement for the reduction
of military expenditures, arms, armament, and
armed forces under effective inspection and con-
trol. Contrary to Air. Sobolev's baseless state-
ment, the United States is pledged to work for, it
earnestly desires, and it energetically seeks that
goal. But we do not believe that the execution
of this program with its safeguard against war
should be delayed pending agreement on the de-
tails of a comprehensive system.

The United States continues to seek by every
means a safe method to insure that nuclear pro-
duction will be employed for peaceful uses only.
We seek an international agi'eement for the reduc-
tion of armaments which would enable the world
to enjoy the benefits of the savings which would be
realized from lifting the arms burden.

The United States here renews its pledge never
to use any weapons — atomic or otherwise — in any
way which is not in conformity with the charter of
the United Nations and in defense against aggres-

' BtTjjsTiN of May 30, 1955, p. 900.
December 19, 1955

sion.

1033

We members of the United Nations confront
an opportunity seldom given to mortal men. AVe
have the chance of putting tliis organization on
record in favor of a constructive program which
could immediately advance the cause of peace —
and when I say this I gladly include other con-
structive suggestions which have been made by
other powers.

It seems to be the consensus of this group that
debate and concrete action shall await the judg-
ment of the General Assembly and not be con-
sidered and handled in this Commission. Ac-
cordingly the Conunission shall soon present its
report to the Political Committee of the Assembly.

The United States is convinced that the United
Nations should go on record at this session in
favor of a constructive program. It surely can
have no higher purpose than to satisfy the world's
desire for a specific and concrete advance toward
true disarmament and to give the world a prac-
tical safeguard against aggression.''

' The Disarmament Commission decided on Nov. 25
without objection, at the suggestion of NasroUah Entezam
of Iran, to transmit to the General Assembly and the
Security Council the report of the Subcommittee of the
Disarmament Commission (U.N. doc. DC/71) together
with the verbatim records of the meetings of the Com-
mission at which the subcommittee's report was con-
sidered.

Advisory Services in the Field of Human Rights

Statements hy Mrs. Oswald B. Lord

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^

ANALYSIS OF NEW PROGRAM

U.S. delegation press release 2273 dated November 14

In a message on human rights shortly after his
inauguration, President Eisenhower stated : ^

People everywhere are seeking freedom — freedom to
live, freedom from arbitrary restraint, freedom to think
and speak as they wish, freedom to seek and find the
truth. We must press ahead to broaden the areas of
freedom. The United States is convinced that freedom
is an indispensable condition to the achievement of a
stable peace.

Unfortunately, in too many areas of the world today
there is subjugation of peoples by totalitarian govern-
ments which have no respect for the dignity of the human
person. This denial of the freedom of peoples, the con-
tinued disregard of human rights, is a basic cause of
Instability and discontent in the world today.

It is a confirmation of the truth of President
Eisenhower's observation that this is the third
time this year that we have found it necessary to
discuss ways to eliminate barriers to human free-
dom.

^ Made in Committee III ( Social, Humanitarian, and
Cultural) on Nov. 14 and Nov. 16.
" Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 580.

The European refugee problem, which we took
up first, was caused by the denial of human rights
and individual freedoms, and the resolution we
passed this year ^ was designed to preserve the
freedom of the refugee to choose his own destiny.
Likewise, the discussion on the Human Eights
Covenants was rooted in the concept that indi-
viduals should have the right freely to determine
their own form of govermnent. We are now dis-
cussing a third method through which the United
Nations can assist in promoting larger freedoms
for human beings, a program of United Nations
technical assistance in the field of human rights.

The achievement of freedom and liberty is not
simple, nor is its preservation easy. As the words
of Thomas Jefferson, "Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty," imply, freedom must be achieved
and maintained by the people themselves. It can-
not be imposed from the top. But conditions can
be created through legislative and advisory
processes which will encourage its extension. If
this were not so, we would not have included the
human rights provisions in the charter.

' lUd., Oct. 17, 1955, p. 633.

1034

Department of Stale Bulletin

One of the ways in which the United States
hopes that the United Nations will be able to as-
sist in enlarging the area of personal freedom is
through the program of advisory services in the
field of human rights which has been recom-
mended for our adoption by both the Conamission
on Human Eights and the Economic and Social
Council. This program of practical action was
approved by the Human Rights Commission by a
vote of 14 for, 2 against, and 1 abstention and by
E<X)soo by a vote of 14 for, none against, and 4
abstentions. The United States Government,
which originally proposed this concept because of
its belief that the United Nations must press for-
ward to help enlarge human liberty through every
effective means, has been appreciative of the
thoughtful manner in which the idea has been re-
ceived and of the many suggestions made by vari-
ous delegations for its elaboration and improve-
ment. The text of the resolution (document
A/2956) proposed by the Economic and Social
Council has taken these suggestions into consider-
ation. It is in every way a joint product of the
various member states who contributed to it. We
hope that it is in such a satisfactory form that it
can be accepted by the General Assembly with
enthusiasm.

I might at this point make a few remarks about
the details of this new program. The text, I be-
lieve, is self-explanatory, and the idea of technical
assistance or advisory services in the field of hu-
man rights is not new. Technical assistance for
promoting and safeguarding the rights of women,
and in the eradication of discrimination and the
protection of minorities, was approved by the
Eighth General Assembly. Similarly, at the
Ninth General Assembly the Secretai-y-General
was also authorized to provide technical assistance
in freedom of information. The present resolu-
tion pulls together these various programs into
one overall program under which the Secretary-
General of the United Nations is authorized to
undertake "Advisory Services in the Field of Hu-
man Rights." This program is intended to in-
clude, in the words of the resolution, "any sub-
ject in the field of human rights" not now provided
for through the specialized agencies or through
other technical assistance programs. The author-
ization was deliberately left broad because of the
desire to leave to the requesting government the
choice of the assistance needed. The services to
be provided are seminars, fellowships and scholar-

ships, and advisory services of experts. A special
item to cover the costs is to be included in the reg-
ular budget of the organization.

Six Principles

In common with other programs of technical
assistance, the resolution provides for the observ-
ance of several clear principles. The first of these
is that assistance shall be rendered only at the re-
quest of the government concerned. Second, the
recipient government will be asked to bear a share
of the expenses. Third, provision is made for co-
ordination with the work of the specialized agen-
cies and avoidance of any duplication of woi'k.
Fourth, supplemental efforts by various nongov-
ernmental organizations, many of whom are al-
ready highly active in this area, are encouraged.
Fifth, the Secretary-General is made responsible
for determining, subject to the agreement of the
governments concerned, the selection of fellows
and scholars and the amount and conditions of as-
sistance to be rendered. Finally, reports will be
made regularly to the Human Rights Commission,
the Economic and Social Council, and, as appro-
priate, to the Commission on the Status of Women
on measures taken in compliance with the resolu-
tion, so that member states may be kept informed
and have an opportunity to comment on the
program.

I believe this brief comment will suffice on the
technical details of the resolution. The concept
of teclmical assistance, or advisoiy services, is so
well known and its basic guiding principles so
firmly established in the United Nations that we
are all probably awai'e of how well this conforms
to the pattern. This program is not, of course,
restricted to underdeveloped countries, as is the
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance for
Economic Development, but may be utilized by
any member state.

I would like in my remaining remarks to deal
with two main lines of comment which have re-
quired clarification in the Conmiission and in
Ecosoc. One was a worry that the program of
advisory services in human rights might dilute the
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance for
Economic Development. The second was a con-
cern that an advisory services program in human
rights, while desirable in theory, would not be
practical in operation because governments would
not request assistance in this rather sensitive area.

December 79, 1955

1035

Relation to Other Technical Assistance Programs

The first point — that a program of advisory
services in Imman rights might take money away
from economic development — can be resolved by
clarification of what is intended. The program
of Advisory Services in Human Rights will be es-
tablished by this resolution as a self-contained
program to be included as a separate item in the
regular United Nations budget, clearly distinct
from the Expanded Program of Technical As-
sistance for Economic Development, which is fi-
nanced by voluntary contributions. It will also
be distinct from the other three technical assist-
ance programs of the United Nations — tlie regu-
lar Technical Assistance Program for Economic
Development, the Technical Assistance Program
in Public Administration, and the Advisory So-
cial "Welfare Services, which are also separate
items in the regular budget. The Secretary-Gen-
eral has estimated for the first year of operation
that the human rights program will cost only
$60,000. The budget proposals of the Secretary-
General for 1956 show an increase in the Social
Welfare Advisory Services as well. The new hu-
man rights program will thus not only not detract
from economic development or other technical
assistance programs, but it might even be said to
protect their integrity by providing a clear source
of funds for requests for assistance on human
rights questions.

Some services which have a bearing on the
achievement of human rights, such as the develop-
ment of broadcasting facilities, paper and paper
pulp supplies for newsprint, and other services in
the fields of communications, education, and labor
will, of course, continue to be provided through
existing programs. The line between economics,
social welfare, public administration, and human
rights is not always sharp, and the administrators
will have to use some discretion, but the creation
of this program will fill the obvious gap without
which the practical assistance to governments
available through the United Nations is not com-
plete. After all, every technical assistance pro-
gram has as its ultimate end the strengthening of
human rights and the increasing of human dignity.

Question of Practicality

The other observation — that advisory services
in human rights is not practical — has generally
been supported by reference to the fact that only

one request has been received for assistance in the
status of women and none in the areas of discrimi-
nation or freedom of information. This argument
is only partially valid. To begin with, no alloca-
tion was specifically made in the budget for the
financing of these previously approved programs.
Furthermore, this Expanded Program of Techni-
cal Assistance for Economic Development, for
which several million dollars were available from
the outset, was slow in starting, indicating that,
even where a highly active interest in obtaining
assistance is coupled with adequate funds, much
time is required to crystallize programs and carry
them out.

The more significant argument which demon-
strates the practicality of the program, however,
is the fact that a great deal of assistance has al-
ready been rendered in the human rights field over
many years by voluntary organizations and gov-
ernments and also through the United Nations
system. The citation of developments, or the lack
thereof, under the resolutions of tlie Eighth and
Ninth General Assemblies is focused too narrowly,
ignoring a wide range of assistance with which I
am afraid we are not sufficiently familiar.

A few examples will demonstrate how much
can be done. They show, indeed, that the demand
has not even awaited our action on a cohesive
program but has been expressed in various other
ways. "\Miether governments will respond to this
program is, of course, unknown. It is a new and
experimental field which has yet to be tested. I
believe that they will and that the program will
be successful.

Use of Seminars

Paragraph 2 (a) (iii) of tlie draft resolution
provides for seminars. The seminar is used in
all fields of technical assistance. Examples of its
use to promote human rights are numerous.

In the general field of human rights, Unesco
sponsored in 1952 alone, for example, a meeting
of experts (in cooperation with the United Na-
tions) to consider the principal means of practical
application of article 27, paragraph 1, of the
Universal Declaration of Human Eights, a re-
gional seminar in the Americas on human rights
(organized jointly with the Inter- American Acad-
emy of International Comparative Law), and a
seminar held in the Netherlands on methods of
teaching human rights.

1036

Department of State Bulletin

To promote the status of women, Unesco also
convened in the same year a meeting in France of
experts on the participation of women in political
life in France, Norway, Yugoslavia, and the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany and a regional seminar
on the contribution of the social sciences toward
the study of the status of women in South Asia,
held in India in conjunction with the Asian Rela-
tions Organization and the Government of India.
More recently a meeting of experts was held in
Beirut under nongovernmental auspices to dis-
cuss the status of women in the Near East, a meet-
ing chaired by our distinguished colleague, the
representative of Sweden, Mrs. Agda Rossel.

In the field of freedom of information, the re-
port of the Secretary-General on a "Program To
Promote Among News Personnel Wider Knowl-
edge of United Nations, Foreign Countries and
International Affairs" (E/2705), observes that
seminars have proved a very successful method
of technical assistance in many fields of economic
and social development and observes that from a
professional point of view one of the most pro-
ductive eff'orts was the 1954 television seminar in
London, organized by the British Broadcasting
Corporation in cooperation with Unesco. The
Secretary-General also observed that numerous
professional seminars not sponsored by the United
Nations are being held on a State or nationwide
basis in the United States and to a lesser extent
in other countries, and he indicated that within
the limit of its resources the United Nations and
Unesco might assist in programs of this sort.
This whole document indicates a wide range of
teclmical assistance programs which would be
applicable in the field of fi'eedom of information.
In documents E/CN.6/242 and E/CN.6/189, simi-
lar practical advisory services programs on the
status of women are elaborated.

These examples suffice to demonstrate actions
which have already been undertaken, primarily
by Unesco, to promote human rights through the
seminar technique. The scope of human rights
is rich and varied, and I have listed examples from
only a few areas. Much more could be done in
the areas listed. Other aspects of human rights,
such as those related to judicial processes, would
be equally well suited to this procedure. With
limited funds available in the first year, we believe
that priority should be given to fellowships and
to expert services, and in general we would favor
the regional approach to mutual education

through the seminar technique. I mention tlie
many activities in this field to demonstrate pri-
marily what is already being done.

Precedents for Fellowship Program

The granting of fellowships and scholarships is
even more readily adaptable to the field of human
rights. As a matter of fact, the list of fields in
which fellowships and scholarships are awarded
under the United Nations Advisory Social Wel-
fare Services includes as one item "Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms — methods of inipiov-
ing the status of the individual and promoting ob-
servance of human rights and fundamental free-
doms without distinction as to race, sex, language,
or religion." Under the United Nations interne
program also, a number of persons have received
training in methods used by the United Nations
in promoting human rights through service in the
human rights division. Fellowships are also of-
fered by Unesco in the general field of the imple-
mentation of human rights and in such fields as
education of women in citizenship and the exer-
cise of political rights by women.

Here again the path has been charted and tested,
and what this draft resolution does is to provide
an opportunity for the extension of the technique
in a more coherent manner to the many various
aspects of human rights.

The Secretary-General has observed, for ex-
ample, that greater international understanding
and better reporting of world news could be fos-
tered by arranging for the study of information
enterprises in one country by fellows fi'om an-
other, suggesting that fellowship holders could
actually be assigned to work for a period in the
office of a newspaper or at a radio station or film
studio. Properly handled, a fellowship program
in freedom of information could be a valuable
world asset. The advantages of a free press are
so crucial to a free society that every effort should
be made to sustain it or to create it where it does
not exist. I do not hesitate to stress the word
"freedom." Assistance in the "technical" aspects
of information media is already available. What
we need now is to stress the ethical aspect of the
pi'oblem. The report of the special rapporteur
on freedom of information, Mr. Salvador Ivopez
of the Philippines,* showed this connnittee all too
clearly how totalitarian governments have de-

* U.N. doe. E/2426 and Adds. 1 to 5.

December ?9, 1955

1037

stroyed the free press and how restrictions con-
tinue even in many relatively democratic societies.
We would hope that fellowship holders could gain
practical experience in the operation and tech-
niques of free newspapers, radio stations, and
other media.

Expert assistance, finally, is a technique which
is so thoroughly understood as to need no explana-
tion and one which has also been applied in the
field of human rights. My delegation was very
pleased to know, for example, that the Director
of the Status of Women Section of the United
Nations, Mrs. Mary Tenison-Woods, was recently
invited by the Government of Pakistan to assist
it on certain questions with respect to the status
of women.

Expert Missions in Information Field

In the area of information there have been a
large number of expert missions. Between 1950
and 1954, for example, 25 requests in the fields of
printing, audiovisual aids, and broadcasting were
met by Unesco, which further intensified this pro-
gram in 1955-56 on the basis of the recommenda-
tions of the Economic and Social Council. Studies
on educational opportunities for women and social
conditions concerning the access of women to edu-
cation have been undertaken by Unesco in Japan,
Pakistan, and Mexico at the request of those Gov-
ernments. Similarly, with the agreement of the
Government of Brazil, a study was made of the
policy adopted toward Indians scattered over vari-
ous parts of the Brazilian territory. And in
Yugoslavia the National Commission for Unesco
cooperated in a study of policies with respect to
the integration of national and cultural minorities
in Yugoslavia.

Here again the way has been shown. Wliat we
need to do now is to strengthen these United Na-
tions efforts to promote in practical ways the
achievement of human rights, a goal toward which
most governments are earnestly striving. The
widespi-ead influence of the Univei'sal Declara-
tion of Human Rights on constitutions and other
legal enactments in recent years demonstrates the
desires of peoples and governments to enlarge
their human rights, and their receptivity to work-
ing cooperatively with the United Nations in the
process.

A few of my examples and instances have per-
haps touched only tangentially on the goal which

we are seeking. Some of the projects mentioned,
particularly in the information field, have been
concerned primarily with technical questions;
others may have been initiated as aspects of pro-
grams not concerned with human rights as such.
Many other examples could have been cited from
the other specialized agencies ; the work of the Ilo
[International Labor Organization], for example,
often touches on such basic questions of human
rights as forced labor, slavery, and freedom of as-
sociation. All in some measure have promoted the
realization of human rights in important ways.

Implementing U.N. Charter Provisions

Only now, however, have we been given the op-
portunity to authorize a program of practical ac-
tion implementing the provisions of articles 55 and
56 of the charter, under which we have pledged to
promote universal respect for, and observance of,
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all
without distinction as to race, sex, language, or
religion.

The objectives which we seek are broad and
fundamental. The means available to pursue
those objectives are limited. Nevertheless, ap-
proval of this resolution by the General Assembly
will permit the United Nations to make a modest
beginning on a progi'am which is a logical and
important complement to the efforts now being
made in the areas of economic development, public
administration, and social welfare services.

COMMENT ON COMMITTEE VOTE

n.S. delegation press release 2276 dated November 16

The United Nations demonstrated today its sin-
cere interest in achieving greater freedom in all
areas of life, for men and women everywhere, by
the overwhelming vote in favor of the new pro-
gram of advisory services in the field of human
rights. The support of 50 nations, with none
against and only 4 abstaining, is a matter of deep
gratification to the members of the United States
delegation. With the inauguration of this new
progi'am, we have the completion of the first of
the human rights action programs which Presi-
dent Eisenhower suggested to the Human Eights
Commission as a practical way of broadening the
areas of freedom throughout the world.

The budget for these advisory services for the

1038

Department of Stale Bulletin

coming year suggested by the Secretary-General
will be a modest one, but we believe it will have
far-reaching results. The General Assembly has
expressed the hope that international and national
nongovernmental organizations, universities, and
other private groups will supplement this United
Xations program in further research and the ex-
tliange of information concerning human rights.
Consequently the United Nations program will
serve as a catalyst for practical action in many
lields — for example, in promoting women's rights,
eradicating discrimination against minorities, and
encouraging the free flow of information.

Other steps in the United States program of
action suggested by the President to the Commis-
sion on Human Rights are now on the priority
agenda of the Commission. These include studies
by experts of methods of attaining such funda-
mental rights as a fair trial and equality before
the law ; also, annual reports by governments on
their activities in achieving, extending, or safe-
guarding human freedoms.

Through the new advisory services and through
other programs of practical action, the United
Nations can become increasingly effective in rais-
ing the level of practice around the world in the
observance of human rights.

TEXT OF RESOLUTION ON ADVISORY SERVICES
IN THE FIELD OF HUMAN RIGHTS^

r.N. doc. A/C.3/L. 488

The Oeneral Assembly,

Considering that by Articles 55 and 56 of the United
Xations Charter the States Members of the United Nations
luive pledged themselves to promote universal respect for,
;iiid observance of, human rights and fundamental free-
doms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language
ur religion,

Recoynizing that technical assistance, by the inter-
national interchange of technical knowledge through in-
ternational co-operation among countries, represents one
of the means by which it is possible to promote the human
lii-'hts objectives of the United Nations as set forth in
I he Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human
1 lights.

Recalling General Assembly resolution 729 (VIII) of 23

" Recommended by the Economic and Social Council ;
adopted, as amended, by Committee III on Nov. IG by a
\(ite of 50-0-4 (Australia, New Zealand, Sweden, U. K.) ;
ail<ipted by the plenary on Dec. 14 by a vote of 51-0-5
I .\ustralia. France, New Zealand, Sweden, U. K.).

October 1953 authorizing the Secretary-General to render,
at the request of Member States services which do not
fall within the scope of existing technical assistance pro-
grammes, in order to assist those States in promoting and
safeguarding the rights of women.

Recalling General Assembly resolution 730 (VIII) of
28 October 1953 authorizing the Secretary-General to
render, at the request of any Member State, technical ad-
vice and other services which do not fall within the scope
of existing technical assistance programmes, in order to
assist the Government of that State within its territory
in the eradication of discrimination or in the protection
of minorities, or both.

Recalling General Assembly resolution 839 (IX) of 17
December 1954 authorizing the Secretary-General to
render, at the request of Member States, services which
do not fall within the scope and objectives of existing
technical assistance programmes, in order to assist those
States in promoting freedom of information, and Eco-
nomic and Social Council resolution 574 A (XIX) request-
ing the Secretary-General to take steps to put into
operation a programme to promote freedom of informa-
tion by providing such services as experts, fellowships and
seminars,

Taking account of the arrangements previously estab-
lished by the General Assembly concerning the regular
technical assistance programme and the advisory services
of the United Nations in its resolutions 200 (III), 246
(III), 305 (IV), 418 (V), 518(VI) and 723 (VIII),

Considering that the specialized agencies, within their
competence and by virtue of their regular programmes of
technical assistance, are already rendering important
services to their members with a view to ensuring the
effective ob.servance of human rights,

1. Decides to consolidate the technical assistance pro-
grammes already approved by the General Assembly (re-
lating to the promotion and safeguarding of the rights
of women, the eradication of discrimination and the pro-
tection of minorities and the promotion of freedom of
information) with the broad programme of assistance in
the field of human rights proposed in the present resolu-
tion, the entire programme to be known as "Advisory
services in the field of human rights" ;

2. Authorizes the Secretary-General:

(a) Subject to the directions of the Economic and So-
cial Council, to make provision at the request of Govern-
ments, and with the co-operation of the specialized agencies
where ajipropriate and without duplication of their exist-
ing activities, for the following forms of assistance with
respect to the field of human rights :

(i) Advisory services of experts;
(ii) Fellowships and scholarships;
(iii) Seminars;

(b) To take the programme authorized by the present
resolution into account in iweparing the budgetary esti-
mates of the United Nations ;

3. Requests the Secretary-General to undertake the per-
formance of the assistance provided for in paragraph
2 (a) above, in agreement with the Governments con-
cerned, on the basis of requests received from Govern-
ments and in accordance with the following policies :

December 19, 1955

1039

( a ) The kind of service to be rendered to each country
under paragraph 2 (a) (i) shall be determined by the
Governments concerned ;

(b) The selection of the persons under paragraph 2 (a)
(ii) shall be made by the Secretary -General on the basis
of proposals received from Governments ;

(c) The amount of assistance and the conditions under
which it is to be rendered shall be decided by the Secre-
tary-General with due regard to the greater needs of the
under-developed areas and in confomiity with the prin-
ciple that each requesting Government shall be expected
to assume responsibility, as far as possible, for all or a
considerable part of the expenses connected with the as-
sistance furnished to it, by making a contribution either
in cash, or in the form of supporting staff, services and
payment of local costs for the purpose of carrying out
the programme ;

(d) The assistance shall be applicable to any subject
in the field of human rights, in addition to the subjects
covered by the relevant resolutions of the General Assem-
bly, provided however that the subject shall be one for
which adequate advisory assistance is not available
through a specialized agency and which does not fall
within the scope of existing technical assistance pro-
grammes ;

4. Requests the Secretary-General to report regularly to
the Economic and Social Council, to the Commission on
Human Rights and, as appropriate, to the Commission on
the Status of Women, on the measures which he takes in
compliance with the terms of the present resolution ;

5. Recommends that the specialized agencies continue to
develop their technical assistance activities with a view to
aiding Member States to further the effective observance
of human rights ;

6. Invites the specialized agencies to communicate to
the Economic and Social Council, for transmission to the
Commission on Human Rights, any observations wliich
they may find appropriate on the aliove assistance and on
any new measures of assistance which they may deem
necessary with a view to assisting Member States in fur-
thering the effective observance of human rights ;

Y. Expresses the hope that international and national
non-governmental organizations, imiversities, philan-
thropic foundations and other private groups will supple-
ment this United Nations programme with similar pro-
grammes designed to further research and studies, the
exchange of information and assistance in the field of
human rights ;

8. Requests the Secretary -General to inform Member
States of this new programme and of the procedures to
be followed in obtaining assistance ;

9. Requests the Economic and Social Council to submit
to the General Assembly at its thirteenth session a report
containing :

(a) An evaluation of the projects carried out under the
programme of advisory services in human rights with
particular reference to the extent to which these projects
have furthered the aims and purposes of the United Na-
tions in the field of human rights ;

(b) Recommendations concerning the future of the
programme.

The Question of Morocco

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE'

The constructive events which have taken phice
in connection with the Moroccan situation since
it was last considered by the General Assembly
give great satisfaction to the United States. It
is clear now that the General Assembly last year
acted wisely in adopting a resolution which, after
noting reports that negotiations between France
and Morocco would be initiated, expressed confi-
dence that a satisfactory solution would be
achieved.' The discussions held to date between
France and Morocco prove that our confidence was
well placed.

I wish to take this opportunity on behalf of the
United States Government and the American peo-
ple to express again our best wishes to His
Majesty, the Sultan Mohammed V, and to the
Moroccan people.^ His Majesty's return to
Morocco was an important step toward the solu-
tion of the Moroccan problem on a basis agreed
upon by France and Morocco. It is but another
demonstration of the fact that mutually satis-
factory progress can be made on the most difficult
problems if they are dealt with in time by the
parties concerned and if they are approached with
determination, realism, optimism, and good will.

This year has also witnessed the signing of con-
ventions which provide a new framework for close
cooperation between France and Tunisia.^ Agree-
ment on those conventions was reached through
negotiations on a basis of equality between the
parties directly concerned. It is this type of ne-
gotiation which the United States has always
favored.

The United States believes that the similarly
peaceful and progressive development of free po-
litical institutions capable of fulfilling the aspira-
tions of the Moroccan people will benefit both
France and Morocco. It would accord with the
traditional sympathy of the people of the United
States for those who aspire to self-government.

' Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Nov.
28 (U. S. delegation press release 229.5).

' For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 3, 1955, p. 30.

'For a Department statement on the Sultan's return,
see it)id., Nov. 28, 1955, p. 894.

' For a statement by Secretary Dulles on the French-
Tunisian conventions, see ihid., Aug. 22, 19.5.5, p. 301.

1040

Departmenf of State Bulletin

The Foreign Minister of France and the Sultan
of Morocco announced on November 6 the basis
on which the two Governments have agreed to
undertake negotiations which we hope will re-
sult in more lasting bonds of amity between the
two countries. It is therefore incumbent upon
us in the General Assembly to do everything we
can to contribute to an atmosphere in which the
parties directly concerned can work out the prob-
lems outstanding between them. Their solution
requires the utmost good will, patience, and re-
straint on both sides. That is why the United
States strongly hopes that the recent disorders
within the Moroccan community will cease.

The United States believes that the best way to
encourage progress on this question is to demon-
strate our faith in the common purpose of the two
Governments directly concerned. We hope that
everything will be done to make as harmonious
as possible the pending negotiations which have
as their goal the orderly political development
and the social and economic advancement of the
Moroccan people.

We hope that these negotiations will strengthen
the links of friendship between the peoples of
France and Morocco. The progress already made
toward a more constructive relationship is evi-
dence that this approach has commended itself
to both France and Morocco as the only approach
which can lead to a just and harmonious settle-
ment of remaining differences, a settlement con-
sistent with the spirit of the charter.

The sincere good wishes of the United States
go out to the people of France and Morocco as
they turn to the important negotiations which
will, we are certain, lead to the achievement of
their common purpose. We believe that the
31-power resolution which is before the com-
mittee is consistent with this approach. We shall
therefore support it.

TEXT OF RESOLUTION'

U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 148

The Oeneral Assembly,

Having considered the question of Morocco,

Notinff that negotiations between F'rance and Morocco
will be initiated regarding this question,

Expressing confidence that a satisfactory solution of
tlie question of Morocco will be achieved.

Decides to i)ostpone further consideration of this item.

PUBLICATIONS

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requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
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The International Educational Exchange Program— 14th
Semiannual Report, July 1-December 31, 1954. Pub. 5982.
International Information and Cultural Series 43. 19 pp.
15^.

The report reviews the activities carried out by the Inter-
national Educational Elxehange Service of the Department
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TIAS 3052. Pub.

"Adopted by Committee I on Nov. 28 by a vote of
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Emergency Flood Relief Assistance.

5605. 4 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Pakistan. Ex-
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United States Educational Foundation in Australia.

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Agreement between the United States and Australia
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Defense — Use of Practice Bombing Range Near Cux-
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3063. Pub. 5807. 21 pp. 15^.

Arrangement between the United States and the Federal
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Construction of Remedial Works at Niagara Falls. TIAS

3064. Pul). 5686. 3 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Canada. Ex-
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Relief Supplies and Equipment — Duty-Free Entry and
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Agreement between the United States and Pakistan. Ex-
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Technical Cooperation — Program of Industry. TI.\S
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December T9, 1955

1041

Agreement between the United States and Ecuador —
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Defense — Offshore Procurement Program. TIAS 3069.
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Germany— Allied Control Council. TIAS 3070. Pub.
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Germany — Zones of Occupation and Administration of
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Protocol between the United States and Other Govern-
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July 26, 1945. Entered into force August 13, 1945.

Defense— Facilities Assistance Program. TIAS 3072.
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Agreement between the United States and France. Ex-
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Establishment of Revolving Loan Fund for Southern
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Economic Aid to Yugoslavia. TIAS 3075. Pub. 5730. 5
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Agreement between the United States and Yugoslavia.
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Claims for Damages by United States Forces in Germany.
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Air Transport Services. TIAS 3078. Pub. 5762. 2 pp.
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Agreement between the United States and Pakistan. Ex-
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Entered into force June 16. 1948.

Technical Cooperation — Public Health Program. TIAS

3079. Pub. 5754. 2 pp. 5(?

Agreements between the United States and Ethiopia
amending agreement of April 29, 1953, as amendetl —
Signed at Addis Ababa June 30, 1953 ; entered into force
June 30, 19.53— Signed at Addis Ababa June 11, 1954;
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Reparations — Restitution and Liquidation of Confiscated
Property Recovered in Italy from German Forces.
TIAS 3080. Pub. 5896. 6 pp. 5('.

Agreement between the Administrator of the Paris Repa-
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Governments — Accepted July 23, 1954. Entered into force
July 23, 1954. And agreement between the United States
and the International Refugee Organization. Exchange
of notes — Signed at Washington November 15 and 16,
1950. Entered into force November 16, 1950.

Emergency Flood Relief Assistance. TIAS 3082. Pub.
5937. 2 pp. 5^.

Agreement between the United States and Pakistan amend-
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1954. Entered into force December 16, 1954.

Inter-American Highway. TIAS 3084. Pub. 5699. 9
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Agreement between the United States and Guatemala
amending agreement of May 19, 1943, as supplemented.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington July 28 and
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TIAS 3086. Pub.

Guaranty of Private Investments.

5701. 4 pp. 5«i.

Agreement between the United States and Thailand. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington August 27 and
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Economic Cooperation — Informational Media Guaranty
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Agreement between the United States and Pakistan. Ex-
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Technical Cooperation — Agricultural Development Pro-
gram. TIAS 3089. Pub. 5706. 19 pp. 15^.

Agreement between the United States and El Salvador —
Signed at San Salvador July 16, 1954. Entered into force
August 10, 1954.

Technical Cooperation — Program of Agricultural Re-
search. TIAS 3092. Pub. 5711. 5 pp. 50.

Agreement Iietween the United States and Costa Rica.
Exchange of notes — Signed at San Jose June 28 and 30,
1954. Entered into force June 30, 1954.

Saint Lawrence Waterway — Establishment of Saint Law-
rence River Joint Board of Engineers. TIAS 3116. Pub.
5760. 2 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and Canada. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington November 12.

1953. Entered into force November 12, 1953.

Parcel Post. TIAS 3125. Pub. 5773. 23 pp. 150.

Agreement and detailed regulations between the Postal
Administration of the United States and the Ryukyu Com-
munications Administration — Signed at Tokyo July 19,

1954, and at Washington July 30, 1954. Entered into force
October 15, 1954.

Mutual Defense Assistance — Loan of United States Naval
Vessels to the Republic of Korea. TIAS 3163. Pub.
5867. 6 pp. 50.

Agreement between the United States and the Republic
of Korea. Exchange of notes — Signed at Seoul January 20,
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Double Taxation — Taxes on Estates, Inheritances, and
Gifts. TIAS 3175. Pub. 5857. 35 pp. 150.

Convention between the United States and Japan — Signed
at Washington April IG. 1954.

1042

Department of State Bulletin

December 19, 1955

Index

Vol. XXXIII, No. 860

Africa. The Question of Morocco (Lodge, text of

ri'solutioii) 1040

American Principles. The New Phase of the Strug-
gle With International Communism (Dulles) . 1003

Asia. Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary

Dulles' News Conference 1007

Atomic Energy. Unanimous U.N. Action on Atomic

Energy Items (Pastore, Wads worth) .... 1030

Austria. Recognition of Austrian Neutrality

(texts of notes) 1011

Chile. Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Conserva-
tion Problems Among Chile, Ecuador, Peru,
and the United States 1025

Disarmament. Problems of Inspection and Con-
trol of Armaments (Lodge) 1032

Economic Affairs

Review of Tenth Session of Contracting Parties

to GATT 1016

Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Conservation
Problems Among Chile, Ecuador, Peru, and
the United States 1025

Supplemental Notice Concerning Multilateral and

Reciprocal TarifC Negotiations 1020

Ecuador. Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Con-
servation Problems Among Chile, Ecuador,
Peru, and the United States 1025

France

The Question of Morocco (Lodge, text of resolu-
tion) 1040

Relations Between NATO Military Forces and

Local Communities (Dillon) 1014

Germany

Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary Dulles'

News Conference 1007

United States Protests Berlin Incident (Dasher,

Conant) 1012

Health, Education, and Welfare. Advisory Services
in the Field of Human Rights (Lord, text of
resolution) IO34

India. Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary

Dulles' News Conference 1007

International Organizations and Meetings

Review of Tenth Session of Contracting Parties

to GATT 1016

Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Conservation
Problems Among Chile, Ecuador, Peru, and
the United States 1025

Mutual Security. The New Phase of the Struggle

With International Communism (Dulles) . . 1003

Near East. Excerpts From Transcript of Secre-
tary Dulles' News Conference 1007

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Relations
Between NATO Military Forces and Local
Communities (Dillon) 1014

Peru. Santiago Negotiations on Fishery Conserva-
tion Problems Among Chile, Ecuador, Peru, and
the United States 1025

Portugal. Excerpts From Transcript of Secretary

Dulles' News Conference 1007

Protection of Nationals and Property. United
States Protests Berlin Incident (Dasher,
Conant) 1012

Publications. Recent Releases 1041

Treaty Information. Current Actions 1024

U.S.S.R.

The New Phase of the Struggle With International

Communism (Dulles) 1003

United States Protests Berlin Incident (Dasher,

Conant) 1012

United Nations

Advisory Services in the Field of Human Rights

(Lord, text of resolution) 1034

Problems of Inspection and Control of Armaments

(Lodge) 1032

The Question of Morocco (Lodge, text of resolu-
tion) 1040

Unanimous U.N. Action on Atomic Energy Items

(Pastore, Wadsworth) 1030

Name Index

Conant, James B 1013

Dasher, Charles L 1012

Dillon, C. Douglas 1014

Dulles, Secretary 1003, 1007

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 1032, 1040

Lord, Mrs. Oswald B 1034

Pastore, John 0 1030

Wadsworth, James J 1031

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 5^11

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.

Press release issued prior to December 5 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 675 of
December 1.

No. Date

*679 12/5

080 12/6

681 12/6

682 12/7

683 12/8

t(;S4 12/S

*685 12/8

t686 12/9

i!r*687 12/11

Subject
Educational exchange.
Notes on Austrian neutrality.
Dulles : transcript of news conference.
Review of 10th session of GATT.
Dulles : Illinois Manufacturers'

ciation.
Mnri)liy : Seton Hall University.
Program for Batlle Berres trip.
Level of Lake Ontario.
Dulles: death of Henry Suydam.

Asso-

*Not printed.

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Vol. XXXIII, No. 861

December 26, 1955

NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL HOLDS MINISTERIAL

SESSION 1047

EDUCATION FOR TODAY'S WORLD • by Deputy Utider

Secretary Murphy 1054

WOMEN IN THE FOREIGN SERVICE: A TRIBUTE

TO AiMBASSADOR WILLIS • by Ambassador Donald

R. Heath 1051

A REVIEW OF THE WORLD ECONOMIC

SITUATION • by Thorsten V. Kalijarvi 1057

ADMISSION OF NEW iMEMBERS TO THE UNITED

NATIONS O Statements by Ambassador Henry Cabot.
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lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
tlie Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.

Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.

North Atlantic Council Holds Ministerial Session

TEXT OF FINAL COMMUNIQUE'

The North Atlantic Council held its regular
December Ministerial Session in Paris on the 15th
and 16th of December. Member governments
were represented by Foreign, Defence and Finance
Ministers. Dr. Kristinn Gudmundsson, Foreign
Minister of Iceland, acted as chairman.

I. The Council examined and assessed the
present international situation.

It unanimously welcomed the vigour with which
the three Western Ministers had presented to the
second Geneva Conference the proposals already
outlined at previous meetings of the North Atlan-
tic Council. These proposals aimed at the reunifi-
cation of Germany through free elections ; left the
unified German Government free to choose its own
foreign policy and offered a security pact to the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

The Council noted with regret :

1. that the U.S.S.R. had repudiated the pro-
posal to negotiate on the reunification of Germany
through free elections, in spite of the directive
agi-eed at the first Geneva conference.

2. that the U. S.S.K. was opposed to any effec-
tive system for the control of armaments includ-
ing the air inspection plan proposed by President
Eisenhower.

3. that the U.S.S.R. had given proof of its fear
and hostility with regard to the free exchange of
infoi'mation between the people of the Soviet
Union and the free world.

The Council declared that the negative outcome
of the Geneva Conference had in no way halted the
efforts of the North Atlantic powers to secure the
reunification of Germany in freedom, such reuni-
fication continuing to be held by them as an essen-
tial condition for the establishment of a just and
lasting peace.

' Issued at Paris on Dec. 16.

The Council reaffirmed that they consider the
Government of the Federal Republic as the only
German Government freely and legitimately con-
stituted and therefore entitled to speak for Ger-
many as the representative of the German people in
international affairs; it sti-essed once again that
the security and welfare of Berlin shoidd be con-
sidered as essential elements of the peace of the
free world in the present international situation ;
it urged the importance of consulting further
within Nato on the question of German reunifica-
tion and on the situation in Berlin.

The Council also reviewed recent provocative
moves and declarations by the Soviet Union re-
garding the Middle East and Asia. They recog-
nised that these tactics, coupled with a continued
increase in Soviet military capability, created new
problems and a new challenge to the Free World.

II. Following a report by the Secretary Gen-
eral on the work and activities of the Organization
in the last eight months, the Council discussed
future defence planning of Nato. It considered
the Annual Review Report for 1955 and approved
force goals for 1956, 1957 and 1958. The Council
welcomed the German Federal Republic's partici-
pation for the first time in the Nato Annual Re-
view. The Council adopted procedures designed
to give new impulse and direction to the future de-
fence planning of the Alliance and to ensure even
closer co-operation in this field. The Council ex-
pressed the firm determination of all member
governments to see the Atlantic forces equipped
with the most modern weapons. The Council
noted with satisfaction that substantial progress
could be achieved in this respect as a result of the
valuable assistance of the United States, the
United Kingdom and Canada.

The Council devoted major attention to improv-
ing the arrangements for air defence and warning
in Europe. It accepted recommendations for the

December 26, 1955

1047

re-organization and closer co-ordination of the air
defence in Nato European countries, so as to inte-
grate further Nato activities in this vital field.
The Council also received a report on a new type
of communications system for air defence and
warning. The United States offered to finance a
pilot project for this new system.

III. The Council recognised that recent de-
velopments in the international situation made it
more necessary than ever to have closer co-opera-
tion between the members of the Alliance as en-
visaged in Article 2 of the Treaty. They decided
to instruct the Permanent Council to examine and
implement all measures conducive to this end.

IV. In concluding its work, the Council de-
clared that the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion remains the essential foundation of the
security of the fifteen associated nations. Such
associations are in direct contrast to the obsolete
system under which isolated nations are in danger
of being subjugated, one by one, by despotic groups
such as the Communist bloc.

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES ^

Press release 693 dated December 13

I am leaving to attend the North Atlantic
Treaty Council which will be held in Paris the
latter part of this week.

This will be the fourth of the North Atlantic
Council meetings which I will have attended this
year. The first one was in May at the time when
the arrangements were completed to bring the
Federal Republic of Germany into the Noi-th
Atlantic Treaty. Then at the same time we went
to Vienna to sign the Austrian State Treaty, which
liberated Austria from Soviet occupation.

Then there came the meeting that we had before
the summit conference at Geneva, where policies
and programs for that conference were discussed
with the North Atlantic Treaty Council. And
then before the Foreign Ministers meeting which
was held last October and November, we had an-
other meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty
Council. And now tliis meeting comes.

At this meeting we expect to deal not only with
the military problems which the North Atlantic

"Made on Dec. 13 as he left Washington to attend the
Nac meeting (press release 693). The United States was
represented at the meeting by Secretary Dulles, Secretary
of the Treasury George JI. Humphrey, and Secretary of
Defense Charles E. Wilson.

1048

Treaty Organization always has to deal with but
to exchange views about the significance of the
Soviet action during recent months. I hope we
can reach an agreement as to the significance of
these moves, these zigzags, that have been taking
place.

All of this shows the increasing vitality and
strength of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion. As I say, it is not merely a military organi-
zation, but the members are constantly seeking
for and finding ways to express their fellowship
and unity by being helpful to each other in other
waj's than purely military.

Then, of course, these meetings also give a
chance for talks on the side as between the Foreign
Ministers of coimtries which have special matters
in common. I look forward very much to seeing
M. Pinay, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs.
I will be seeing Mr. Macmillan, the British For-
eign Secretary, and no doubt others. These meet-
ings are very important byproducts of our North
Atlantic Treaty Council meetings. I expect to be
back next Sunday.

U.N. Human Rights Day, 1955

A PROCLAMATION'

Whereas December 10, 19.55, marlis the seventh anni-
versary of the proclaiming of the Universal Declaration
of Human iliglits by the General Assembly of the United
Nations as a common standard of achievement for all
nations and all peoples, and will be observed by the mem-
bers of the United Nations as Human Rights Day ; and

Whereas December 15, 1955, marlis the one hundred
and sixty-fourth anniversary of the adoption of our Bill
of Rights as the first ten Amendments to the Constitution
of the United States ; and

Whereas the great fundamental of our national life is
our common belief that every human being is divinely
endowed with dignity and worth and with inalienable
rights, and that to grow and flourish i)eople must be free ;
and

Whereas one of the great purjwses of our Government
is to maintain freedom and justice among ourselves and
to champion them for others so that we may work effec-
tively for enduring peace :

Now, THEREFORE, I, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER,
President of the United States of America, do hereby pro-
claim December 10, 1955, as United Nations Human Rights
Day. I do call upon the people of the United States to
celebrate this day by the study and reading of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by
the United Nations, and the Bill of Rights in the Con-
stitution of the United States, that we may strengthen

• No. 3121 ; 20 Fed. Reg. 9327.

Department of State BvlleI'm

our determination that every citizen of the United States
shall have the opportunity to develop to his fullest capacity
in accord with the faith which gave birth to this nation,
and may realize more fully our obligation to labor ear-
nestly, patiently, and prayerfully for peace, freedom, and
justice throughout the world.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this eighth day of

December in the year of our Lord nineteen hun-

[seal] dred and flfty-five, and of the Independence of the

United States of America the one hundred and

eightieth.

X-/ LJ.S-yLJ~Z^U-<^u^ A.o^^'V^

By the President :

John Foster Di'lles
Secretary of State

Meeting With Congressional Leaders

Stntement hi/ Jcnnes C. Hagerty
Press Secretary to the President

White House press release dated December 13

The President met today with the leaders of
both political parties in the Senate and the House
of Representatives for a bipartisan conference on
the problems of foreign affairs and national de-
fense which will be submitted to the 1956 Congress.

Subjects under discussion included foreign af-
fairs, the national defense budget, mutual security
appropriations, the program of the United States
Information Agency, policies on the question of
disarmament, and the Organization for Trade
Cooperation.

^Vt the start of the meeting the President
thanked the leaders for accepting his invitation to
discuss these subjects. He pointed out that he de-
sired to discuss them on a bipartisan basis with
the leaders of the legislative branch of the govern-
ment and to receive their observations and sug-
gestions prior to the opening of the Congress.

The Secretary of State presented a review of
world conditions since the Foreign Ministers
Meeting at Geneva. He said that his department
placed special emphasis on the economic aspects
of foreign policy, particularly in view of the
stepped-up Soviet campaign in this field in South-
east Asia and the Middle East. He also urged ap-

proval by the Congress of American participation
in the Organization for Trade Cooperation.

The Secretary of Defense reviewed with the
leaders the program of the defense establishment
of the United States and the force levels which
must be maintained to protect the Nation against
attack and to assure the maintenance of peace in
this atomic age.

The Director of the International Cooperation
Administration outlined the aspects of mutual
security, including mutual military support and
economic and technical assistance for our allies and
friends.

The President discussed the program of the
United States Information Agency. The Presi-
dent and the Deputy Director of the Agency
stressed the necessity for expanding the Agency's
program to present America's proposals for peace
to all the peoples of the world.

The Special Assistant to the President for Dis-
armament Planning discussed in detail proposals
for disarmament, particularly those phases deal-
ing with the President's "open sky" recommenda-
tion. He pointed to the overwhelming vote
taken yesterday at the United Nations ^ as an indi-
cation of worldwide support and interest in our
country's pursuit of world peace.

A general discussion was held after each sub-
ject was presented.

The President asked me to add one f urtlier thing
directly from him :

"I want to give my thanks and my very real
gratitude to the leaders on both sides of the aisle
in the Senate and the House of Representatives for
the very great contribution they have made and
are making to true bipartisanship."

Continued Detention of U.S. Civilians
by Communist China

Press release 699 dated December 16

The Chinese Communists on December 15 issued
a statement defending their continued detention

' The Political and Security Committee of the General
Assembly on Dec. 12 approved by a vote of 53-5 a resolu-
tion on disarmament which, inter alia, gives priority to
early agrcH'ment on and early implementation of President
Eisenhower's aerial in.spection plan.

December 26, 1955

1049

of U.S. civilians in China. At the same time they
accused the United States of not complying with
the agreed announcement of September 10 ' re-
garding the repatriation of civilians to Com-
munist China.

Because the Communist statement contains
many errors, this statement is being made. The
facts show that the United States has scrupulously
complied with its agreement and that Chinese in
the United States are now and have at all times
since the announcement been free to leave.

Unfortunately the same is not true with respect
to the Chinese Communist performance of its
agreement to permit U.S. civilians to "expediti-
ously" return to the United States. Of the 19
U.S. citizens in Communist China who were being
prevented from returning on September 10, the
date of the Chinese Communist agreement, only 5
have been released.

U.S. Ambassador Johnson has repeatedly pro-
tested to Communist Ambassador Wang, in the
Geneva talks, the failure of the Communists to
permit U.S. citizens to leave China. He has also
protested the cruel and inhuman treatment of
those concerning whom facts are available.

The answer to these protests has been the public
statement by the Communists charging that the
United States has not permitted Chinese to leave
the United States.

In the agreed announcement of September 10,
the Chinese Communist Ambassador declared :

The People's Republic of China recognizes that Ameri-
cans in the People's Republic of China who desire to return
to the United States are entitled to do so, and declares
that it has adopted and will further adopt appropriate
measures so that they can expeditiously exercise their
right to return.

This declaration is simple, clear, and positive.
It says that any U.S. citizen has the right to leave
China and that the Communists have taken or will
take the necessary steps so that those who wish
may leave "expeditiously." No distinction is
made as between those in prison and those out of
prison. All U.S. citizens who wish to leave should
have been out of Communist China long before
this. The continued holding of these U.S. citizens
by the Conununists is a violation of their agreed
announcement, for which the United States must
continue to protest.

As for the Communist charge that the United
States is preventing Chinese from leaving the

' Bulletin of Sept. 19, 1955, p. 456.

United States, it is sufficient to point out that not
a single Chinese has been refused exit. If anyone
knows of any Chinese who wishes to leave and who
claims he is being prevented, he should commtmi-
cate at once with the Department of State or the
Indian Embassy at Washington, D.C., which the
United States has agi'eed may render assistance.
Tlie Indian Embassy has made no representation
that any Chinese is being prevented from leaving.
It is unfortunate that the Chinese Communists
have seen fit to make a public announcement con-
taining charges which are without foundation.
This cannot conceal the fact that U.S. citizens con-
tinue to be held in prison by the Communists in
violation of their public aimouncement of Septem-
ber 10. It is to be hoped that these U.S. citizens
will be permitted promptly to leave Commimist
prisons and return to their homes.

Discussions Concerning Financing
of Egyptian Dam Project

Press release 700 dated December 17

Mr. Abdel Moneim El Kaissouni, Egyptian
Minister of Finance, met yesterday with Acting
Secretary of State Herbert Hoover, Jr., British
Ambassador Sir Roger Makins and World Bank
President Eugene Black for final talks before his
departure for Cairo.

During their stay in AVashington, Mr. Kaissouni
and his colleagues have been carrying on discus-
sions with the management of the World Bank
and representatives of the United States and
United Kingdom Governments concerning pos-
sible assistance in the execution of the High Aswan
Dam project.

The United States and British Governments as-
sured the Egyptian Government through Mr.
Kaissouni of their support in this project, which
would be of inestimable importance in the devel-
opment of the Egyptian economy and in the im-
provement of the welfare of tlie Egyptian people.
Such assistance would take the form of grants
from the United States and the United Kingdom
toward defraying foreign exchange costs of the
first stages of the work. This phase, involving
the Coffer Dam, foundations for the main dam,
and auxiliary work will take from four to five
years. Further, assurance has been given to Mr.
Kaissouni that the Governments of the United

1050

Department of State Bulletin

States and the United Kingdom would, subject to
legislative authority, be prepared to consider sym-
pathetically in the light of then existing circum-
stances further support toward financing the later
stages to supplement World Bank financing.
Mr. Kaissouni plans to leave Washington for

Egypt today, and it is understood that he will
report to his Government on his talks here. Final
understandings with the British and American
Governments and the World Bank will await Mr.
Kaissouni's consultation with the Egyptian
Government.

Women in the Foreign Service

A TRIBUTE TO AMBASSADOR WILLIS

hy Donald R. Heath
Ambassador to Lebanon ^

I take a personal and professional f>ride in be-
ing present at this ceremony. In presenting your
Eminent Achievement Award to Frances Willis ^
you are honoring a bi'illiant woman who truly
deserves that award. You are also honoring the
Foreign Service of the United States, in which I
have served for the past 35 years. I venture to
say that the men and women of the Foreign Serv-
ice Officer Corps, who protect your Nation's inter-
ests in 76 countries across the world, will feel as
I do. They will approve higlily of your judg-
ment, and they will identify themselves with your
recognition of her achievement.

I feel that I can speak for the men and women
of the Service. More directly I am speaking for
Deputy Under Secretary of State Loy Henderson,
who, as you know, had planned to be with you
and Ambassador Willis at tliis ceremony. He has
asked me to read this message.

I deeply regret that the pressure of official duties in
Washington prevents my attendance at the Eminent
Achievement Award Luncheon sponsored by the American
Woman's Association in tribute to my esteemed colleague,
the Honorable Frances E. Willis, United States Ambas-
sador to Switzerland.

Bestowing this year's award for high achievement to
Ambassador Willis not only constitutes a special recog-
nition of distinct attainment by a woman of extraordinary

' Address made before the American Woman's Associa-
tion at New York, N.Y., on Nov. 19.
'U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland.

capacity and versatility, but it also underlines the im-
portance the American jieople attach to the work of our
representatives who are conducting our foreign relations
abroad.

It is the aim of the members of the Foreign Service not
only to promote the interests of the United States through-
out the world but also faithfully to represent the ideals
of the American people. Ambassador Willis' long and
brilliant career in the Foreign Service is typical of the
service of those dedicated men and women upon whose
judgment, perspicacity, and patient efforts much of the
security, prestige, and welfare of the Nation depends.

I take this opportunity to extend my most cordial felici-
tations to Ambassador Willis, our first woman career
Ambassador, for the honor the American Woman's Asso-
ciation has bestowed upon her and my best wishes for her
continued success and happiness in the Foreign Service.

I am sure that all of us join in that gracious
wish for the continued success and happiness of
Ambassador Willis.

Women in Foreign Service

Having been a convinced feminist since my
teens — which was a good many decades ago — it is
a matter of surprise to me that the progi'essive
United States took until the year of our Lord 1953
to appoint its first career woman ambassador. We
should have admitted women into the career For-
eign Service quite a few years before we did. At
that, I don't know that we are much behind other
progressive countries — 1 will not say in feminizing
our Foreign Service — I prefer to say in im-proving
our Foreign Service by taking women into it.

December 26, J 955

1051

Ambassador Willis was not the first woman cai'eer
member of our Foreign Service. She came in in
1927, but 2 years before that another woman had
successfully passed the Foreign Service examina-
tions. That was Miss Lucile Atchei-son. And
back in 1925 I had the pleasure of working with
her in Bern, Switzerland — the very capital to
which our first career woman ambassador was
appointed.

As I said. Ambassador Willis entered the For-
eign Service of the United States in 1927 — at the
foot of the ladder, I may say. Step by step she
worked her way up the ladder, assuming increas-
ing responsibilities with each step upward, reach-
ing the top rung in 1953. On July 20 of that year
she became our Ambassador to Switzerland.

Her case sounds like proof positive of what we
tell our young Class 6 Foreign Service officers.
We tell them that opportimity to work their way
up to the top is limited only by their own ability ;
and we point out to them that 6 out of 10 of our
ambassadors and ministers today have come up
from the ranks.

The number of women career Foreign Service
officers is increasing rapidly now, and since the
Wriston Committee's recommendations for inte-
gration of the Department's Foreign and De-
partmental services, the participation of women
in the career service is accelerating.

Although Ambassador Willis is the first career-
service woman in history to become Chief of Mis-
sion, we have had five other women in the history
of the service who have become Chiefs of Mission ;
two others. Ambassadors; and three, Ministers.
But Ambassador Willis is the only one to have
come up from the ranks of the career Foreign
Service.

Growth of the Foreign Service

The career of Ambassador Willis exemplifies a
fundamental growth of the Foreign Service into a
truly professional Service. In 1927 the United
States had diplomatic representatives in 54 coun-
tries. Of these Chiefs of Mission only 8 were
career officers. In 1955 we have Chiefs of Mission
in 76 countries, and 42 of them are career officers.

The farsighted Rogers Act, approved on May
24, 1924, is the starting point for any consideration
of the Foreign Service. It broke down the previ-
ously hard-and-fast line between the diplomatic
and consular services. It provided that the two

Services be amalgamated and known as the For-
eign Service of the United States, and it created
the title "Foreign Service officer."

Just as there was a rise in professional compe-
tency— and the recognition of that competency —
there has been an increase in the size of the For-
eign Service officer corps. That increase was
not marked, however, until the years following
World War II when our Nation accepted the re-
sponsibilities of world leadership. In 1924 the
Eogers Act amalgamated 512 consular officers and
122 diplomatic officers into a Foreign Service of
634 men and women. In 1940 the total of For-
eign Service officers was 826. Today, by the latest
figures out of our IBM calculators, there are 2,146
FSO's. Of tliese present officers, 118 are women—
an extraordinary figure, considering the personal
sacrifice and dedication their careers represent.
And this figure of 118 will, as I have said, increase
steadily and rapidly.

A breakdown of the total strength of the For-
eign Service might be interesting and help clarify
the position of the career FSO :

Chiefs of Mission Total

(33 political appointees and 42 FSO's) .... 75

FSO's (not including Chiefs of Mission) ..... 2, 104

Foreign Service Reserve 383

Foreign Service StafC 4,236

Consular Agents (in special category) 20

Total 6,818

Local employees 9, 725

This growth in size is a direct index of the re-
sponsibilities our country has been forced to as-
sume in the conduct of its foreign relations. To
preserve our Nation's interests we must have a
highly trained, integrated, and fully competent
Foreign Service. We are moving to reach that
goal.

You have heard of the so-called Wriston Com-
mittee, the Secretary of State's Public Committee
on Personnel. This committee, under the chair-
manship of Dr. Henry Wriston, recommended to
the Secretary many fundamental changes.^ A
major recommendation accepted by the Secretary
and now in process of enactment is the integration
into one Foreign Service officer corps of all the
Civil Service and Foreign Service staff positions
above a certain level of employment.

' See report of the committee entitled Toward a Stronger
Foreign Service, June 1954, Department of State publica-
tion 5458.

1052

Department of State Bulletin

Thus within a very few years we will have an
officer corps of perhaps 4,000 men and women
trained and available for assignments anywhere
in the world.

Officer Training

Training for these officers is crucial. Hereto-
fore the Foreign Service in all its history has never
had sufficient manpower to make it possible for its
officers to be spared in any appreciable numbers for
study and training. Under the new planning
there will be three periods — one at the time of
entry into the Service as an FSO-6; a second in
midcareer as an FSO^ or FSO-3, before promo-
tion to Class 2 ; and a senior training period as an
FSO-1 or FSO-2. Each of these periods will con-
sist of 3 months' concentrated training, full time.
In addition, a number of officers will i-eceive train-
ing in colleges and universities with specialized
facilities, usually for a full year's residence. A
reorganized and expanded Foreign Service Insti-
tute is carrying forward these plans.

"When the present operation of integrating Civil
Service positions into a Foreign Service officer
corps is completed, all recruitment to the Service
will be from the bottom, the entry class of FSO-6.
With this aim in view the Department has exerted
itself to make the youth of the country aware of
the opportunities for a career in the Foreign Serv-
ice. The recruitment was begun in 1954, and as
of today 174 young men and women have been
sworn into the Service. For 2 years prior to the
program there had been no entries whatsoever at
this level. In addition, 10.5 are waiting appoint-
ment, and 737 are at some stage of the examining
procedure.

These young men and women are coming from
eveiy State in the Union. They are entering an
historic profession. They will spend most of their
lives overseas in the service of their country. You
will not often see them in the United States, and
relatively few of you will meet them abroad.
That, of course, will hold true for all of the For-
eign Service officer corps.

This ceremony today is proof that they are not
and will not be forgotten, that their service will be
recognized by those at home. With that added
warmth and belief, I join you in honoring Am-
bassador Willis, who epitomizes the best and finest
in a dedicated Foreign Service.

In conclusion I would like to state a very sin-

cere conviction, a conviction strengthened by a
longtime observation of Ambassador Willis and
other women in our Foreign Service. My convic-
tion is that, in addition to the undoubted and at
least — I repeat, at least — equal intelligence of
women, the presence of women in our diplomatic
service, our Foreign Service, enriches and
strengthens our diplomatic representation. I am
not going to expatiate on this conviction although
I could do so at length and cite individuals and
instances in support of it. But I have talked too
long as it is, so I will merely terminate by saying
that it is a very good thing, a very good thing in-
deed, that the American Foreign Service is now a
real coeducational institution.

Meeting of Public Committee
on Personnel

Press release 692 dated December 13

The Secretary of State met on December 12 with
the following members of his Public Committee
on Personnel : Dr. Henry INI. Wriston, chairman,
John A. McCone, Morehead Patterson, Charles E.
Saltzman, and John H. "\Aniitney. This marks the
third reconvened session of the committee for the
purpose of auditing the administrative program
adopted by the Secretary in May 1954.

Although the final report to the Secretary on
the committee's findings at this session will not be
made until the session is completed, the committee
made several general observations on the status of
the program. It expressed its gratification at the
considerable progress that has been made on the
integration program and on the results of the re-
cruitment activities of the past year. It cau-
tioned, however, against the dangers attendant
upon any diminution of the momentum toward
integration or any failure to capitalize fully on the
accelerated procedures for examining and induct-
ing new Foreign Service officers.

In the latter connection, the committee wel-
comed the renewed enthusiasm for Foreign Service
careers among young men and women throughout
the country as evidenced by the tenfold increase in
the number of applicants during the past year but
cautioned that delay in processing these applicants
might dampen this enthusiasm. It felt that the

December 26, 1955

1053

shortened examination has produced promising re-
sults and should result in a system which will re-
duce the period of time necessary to produce
qualified Foreign Service officers.

The committee also strongly recommended a
major increase in the use of mechanical means for
processing personnel records. It felt that the re-
moval of present deficiencies in this respect would
not only introduce substantially greater efficiency
in the normal personnel processes of the Depart-
ment but would also have an important and direct
bearing on the speed with which new Foreign
Service officers could be brought into the
Department.

The committee expressed its "deepest apprecia-
tion for the wholehearted cooperation and sup-
port" given by the Secretary and congratulated
the Secretary on the "substantial and significant
administrative achievements" already made under
his program.

Finally, the committee praised the "excellent
judgment and vigorous leadership" which Deputy
Under Secretary Henderson had brought to lus
task of administering the program and reiterated
its admiration and respect for the manner in which
the men and women of the Foreign Service officer
corps were carrying out their "crucial and deli-
cate" tasks.

Education for Today's World

iy Deputy Under Secretary Murphy ^

It is a happy privilege to pay tribute to the men
and the institution who have given a century of
service to our Nation and our faith.

The Seton Hall of today of couree is a far dif-
ferent place from the tiny institution Bishop Bay-
ley, with the support of Bishop McQuaid, the first
president, hopefully founded at Madison. Your
college of arts and sciences carries on the vital
function of undergraduate education, though on a
far larger scale. Under the leadership of Arch-
bishop Walsh your schools of education, business
achninistration, nursing, law, and divinity, have
come into being to carry even further Bishop Bay-
ley's objective of the development of an educated
and cultured laity in this region. Certainly Seton
Hall has come far in fulfilling the hopes of its
founders. It has served our faith and our church
in a manner worthy of Mother Elizabeth Seton,
foundress of the Sisters of Charity in America,
for whom it was well named.

Since my field of work is foreign affairs, I can-
not help but note that in the centuiy since the
founding of Seton Hall our Nation and our world
have undergone many changes, too. America en-
dured a bloody civil war and its aftereffects. The

' Ar]dre.ss made at New York, N.T., at a dinner marking
the 100th anniversary of Seton Hall University on Dec. 8
(press release 684).

world has seen two great conflicts and a niunber of
smaller ones. Modern science has brought changes
in ways of living, working, and fighting that are
both wonderful and terrible.

"WHien Seton Hall was in its infancy, America,
too, was still in the time of its "childhood." Of
course, we are still a yoiuig nation, but America
has changed its role from a minor to a major one
in the world. Reluctantly, but with a sense that
it was our duty, we carried a tragically heavy load
in the two great world conflicts and in the most
recent minor one. Now, in the bloodless economic,
diplomatic, and spiritual battle to preserve peace,
destiny has put us in a position of the niost grave
responsibility.

The path for Seton Hall was by no means a
sure or easy one during the years of its growth,
as you well know. There were financial difficul-
ties and disastrous fires. That it has survived and
flourished is a tribute to the faith, the hard work,
the patient determination and the sacrifice of the
Bishops of Newark, the presidents of the univer-
sity, and the faculty, both lay and clerical.

Nor has the survival of our American Nation
from its beginning been by any means easy or
sure. But again, faith, hard work, patient deter-
mination, and sacrifice by our statesmen, our sol-
diers, our clergy, and our citizens have brought us
to the prosperity and power we know today.

1054

Department of S/afe Bulletin

Let us earnestly pray tliat the next century of
growth for our Nation and your university may
be as productive and as happy in outcome as the
last has been.

Challenge to Education

Questions of the future of our Nation bring us
unavoidably to questions of the future of Ameri-
can education, of which our Catliolic universities
play so important a part. Does the education
provided by Seton Hall University give to our
young Americans the equipment, the sinews, the
intellectual toughness to deal with the challenges
posed to us by today's world? Can our people
learn to cope with nations guided by values ut-
terly opposed to everything toward which Bishop
Bayley, Archbishop Walsh, and all the otliers la-
bored and built ? Can our system match the high,
if brutal, efficiency of the Soviet educational sys-
tem, which subjects the students from childhood
to relentless drive, to hard, unsentimental compe-
tition under the dominant, impersonal influence
of the Communist state?

Having worked for many years with young
people who have been trained at such institutions
as Seton Hall, it is my own observation and belief
that the ideas and morality, the training and
knowledge, the acquaintance with a deeper spirit-
ual tradition which you impart do provide your
graduates with the culture and perspective, with
the technical tools, with the moral discipline they
need to deal with the challenge and the problems
of today's world.

Yet we must never deceive ourselves that the
battle will be easy, that our Nation's present ma-
terial advantages or our past successes will alone
protect us from the threat to our values and our
survival. We live in a world of struggle. Con-
stant struggle is the keynote of the Soviet orbit.
Its more than three-quarters of a billion people
are endlessly driven forward to higher produc-
tion, more technical learning, more relentless and
skillful opposition to our Western World — a world
they describe to their youth as the decadent cul-
ture, the coiTupt social order of capitalism.

That education in our Catholic schools is today
meeting the needs of our young people — and the
young people of other faiths — is in no way a guar-
anty that it will do so tomorrow. Only the most
constant efforts to improve, to broaden, to
strengthen and increase the effectiveness and
soundness of the education we give can meet

changing and expanding needs. The truths we
teach are ancient; the faith we hold is eternal.
But the world to which they must apply is a dif-
ferent world each time the sun rises. Our young
people must each day meet the world as it is, not
the world as it was nor as we might wish it to be.

As you are aware, the Communist nations en-
courage the most rigorous examination and self-
criticism of the execution of industrial, agricul-
tural, and educational programs. This without
doubt is in part responsible for the brutal efficiency
with which they too often operate.

If such universities as Seton Hall are to con-
tinue to meet the challenge of our times, their
faculties and boards of directors must be, as I
think they are, toughminded, relentless, and tire-
less in evaluating, in criticizing, in perfecting the
job they do.

We must never forget, of course, the one gi-eat
weapon, the priceless advantage we have that our
opponents do not. I refer to our faith, the reason
for being of such institutions as Seton Hall.

Power of Faith

The story of our religion is the story of the
power of faith in one true God over the false
deities of materialism and worldly might. It is
the story of the endurance of institutions built on
respect for the supreme importance of the lunnan
soul, the dignity of the individual, over those built
on the spiritually bankrupt worship of the all-
powerful state.

We must ever be reminded that it would be un-
pardonably blind to ignore our faith in the name
of curriculum and efficiency.

But at the same time we must not forget that it
would be hypocrisy or self-deception to ignore
efficiency and curriculum in tlie name of faith.

More could be said about the need for continu-
ing self-evaluation and improvement of the way
we teach. But those of you whose life is teaching
are much more aware than I of our needs and the
means of meeting them. So in the time I have left
I want to draw on my own field of work and dis-
cuss with you recent events in today's world —
this challenging, dangerous, and often unpredict-
able world tliat our teachers must teach about and
our people must learn to live in.

The most recent event of major political im-
portance was the meeting of Foreign Ministei-s
at Geneva. As you know, that meeting grew out
of the summit conference between the Heads of

December 26, 1955

1055

State last summer. Our Secretary of State went
to this second Geneva meeting in a further eifort
to make some progress, however slight, toward so-
lutions of the difficult problems which for 10 years
have threatened the peace. Mr. Dulles was fully
aware not only of the complexity of these prob-
lems but of the conflicts of interests involved. As
the Secretary of State said of our delegation in
his initial statement, it was "dedicated to explor-
ing patiently and sincerely all possible approaches
to realistic solutions of these problems."

In his report to the Nation following his return
from Geneva,^ Mr. Dulles told why agreements
were not reached. "Tlie Soviet Union," he said,
"appears to want certain results in terms of Euro-
pean security, disarmament, and contacts of a sort.
But it is not yet willing to pay the price needed to
get these results. And when I say pay the price,
I do not refer to bargaining terms. I mean the
price in terms of doing what is inherently neces-
sary to reach the results which we all say we want."

Discussions at Geneva

The Ministers discussed first the question of
European security and Germany. The Soviet
Union at the summit conference had explicitly
promised to consider the reunification of Germany
by free elections and had explicitly recognized
the close link between the reunification of Ger-
many and European security. But when the
Soviets came to face up to what reimification in-
volved, they balked, as they have always balked
since Potsdam. Obviously, if Germany were re-
unified by free elections this would mean the end
of the puppet regime in East Germany. This in
turn would almost surely have had serious reper-
cussions upon the other satellite countries of East-
ern Europe, where the Soviet-controlled govern-
ments are facing rising pressure. So Mr. Molo-
tov for the first time publicly took the position
that, while the U.S.S.K. is eager to achieve a treaty
of European security, it would not sacrifice the
East German regime to do so. In other words,
Mr. Molotov brazenly abandoned the principle of
free elections in East Germany to which the
U.S.S.R. has given lip service since it agreed to
them in 1945.

The second problem discussed was the limitation
of armaments. Both sides indicated an eager de-

sire to bring about limitation. But the Western
nations naturally are miwilling to agree to disarm
unless they can be sure that both sides are carry-
ing out whatever agreement is made. That is
why they insist that disarmament be effectively
supervised.

But the Soviet Government was, at Geneva, un-
able to allow inspection and control which, if ade-
quate, would open up a society still largely based
on secretiveness. So these seeds of a stronger
peace fell also upon barren ground. The discus-
sion of disarmament was inconclusive.

The third item on the agenda was the develop-
ment of contacts between East and West. The
Western powers put forward 17 proposals, many
of them involving the freer exchange of ideas, in-
formation and news.^ All such proposals were
rejected by the Soviet delegation. After a gener-
ation of the most rigid thought control, the Soviet
rulers could not bring themselves to permit wider
contacts with the fi'ee nations.

At the empty end of the second Geneva confer-
ence many people wondered whether those hope-
ful words "the spirit of Geneva" had lost their
meaning.

When he returned to this country, the President
told the people that the acid test of the summit
conference would begin when the Foreign Min-
isters met. That testing has so far shown that the
Soviet leaders to some extent would retain the ap-
pearance of cooperative relations with the West,
but they have not yet shown that they are willing to
create the necessary conditions for secure peace.

During the course of their tours in India and
Burma, the Soviet emissaries. Premier Bulganin
and Party Secretary Khrushchev, lost no oppor-
tunity to flatter Asians at the expense of the West,
to promote discord between East and West, to
indulge in invective against the Western powers.
Our Secretary of State well describes this conduct
as at least qualifying the elements of survival of
the spirit of Geneva, observing that so far in any
event the element of threat is absent.*

Thus we have seen the Stalinist period of crass
military aggression succeeded by an exuberant
splurge of ideological revival meetings mider
the personal direction of Messrs. Bulganin and
Khrushchev, who keynote the inevitability of the

' Bulu;tin of Nov. 28, 1955, p. 867.

'' /bid., Nov. 14, 1955, p. 77a
* Ibiil., Dec. 19, 1955, p. 1007.

1056

Department of State Bulletin

world reaching Lenin's goal of a classless society
but amiably suggest that the socialist state in the
Soviet Union is prepared, no doubt as a matter of
grace, to live at peace with the capitalist world.
We are witnessing a renaissance of the Communist
method of penetration and proselytizing which
takes the line that countries which are decadent
enough or backward enough still to cling to demo-
cratic methods involving two or multiparty sys-
tems rather than the single-party system of the
Soviet Union are to be pitied. The present cam-
paign involves all the classical distortion of facts
in an eti'ort to mislead and tempt, by one form of
offer or another, the peoples of the micommitted
areas or those involved in regional or local con-
troversies or difficulties. It involves an effort to

undermine the Western collective security system,
to reduce the free woi'ld's defense contributions by
casting doubt on the need for such effort in the
light of Soviet charm, and a direct campaign
against the maintenance by the United States of
foreign bases.

The outcome of the second Geneva conference
makes clear to us again the grim realities of the
world we live in today. It shows us the stern de-
mands that meeting these realities makes upon our
strength, spiritual, physical, and mental. An
awareness of these realities and these demands can
give you at Seton Hall and at our other great Cath-
olic schools across the land a guide in providing an
education whose greatness can meet the challenges
that face us all today.

A Review of the World Economic Situation

iy Thorsten V. Kalijarvi

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs'^

Dealing with the world economic situation is a
little like trying to follow the design of a kaleido-
scope. The bits and pieces remain constant but
the pattern is always changing, depending on the
viewpoint from which the kaleidoscope is re-
garded. With this in mind, I thought it might
be helpful to say something tirst about the basic
pieces that go to make up the economic patterns
and then describe one or two of the patterns.

Western Europe

Let us begin with Western Europe. This is an
area characterized by high industrial skills, a
dynamic economic philosophy, and a political
climate conducive to high-level production. This
area has experienced a spectacular economic up-
swing since the fall of 1952, and signs are now
appearing which suggest that the slack in in-
dustrial capacity and manpower may be largely
taken up.

A highly significant facet of the postwar re-

' Address made at the Agricultural Outlook Conference
at Washington, D. C, on Nov. 28.

covery of Western Europe is revealed by a close
look at the prime sources of support of continued
expansion in different periods. Right after the
war, expansion was chiefly iiromoted by the re-
construction expenditures of governments. After
Korea, govermnent spending — this time in the
form of defense spending — was again the impel-
ling force raising the level of economic activity. A
slackening occurred from mid-1951 to late 1952.
Then expansion resumed and its moving force was
the private expenditure of European investors and
consumers. It is heartening to see this solid evi-
dence of Europe's economic strength and of
European citizens' confidence in Europe's destiny.
From mid-1952 to mid- 1955, the Western Euro-
pean countries in the Oeec, the Organization
for European Economic Cooperation, raised the
total volume of their exports by more than 20
percent, their industrial production about 15 pei'-
cent, and their gold and dollar reserves over 25
percent. Except in the United Kingdom, hard
currency reserves in Western Europe are at com-
fortable levels, in fact, at record highs. For the

December 26, 1955

1057

first time in the postwar period the rapid eco-
nomic expansion was accompanied by relative
stability in wages and prices and by conservative
monetary and fiscal policies. Many of the coun-
tries have undertaken extensive measures to free
international trade and payments and to remove
internal economic controls. Furthermore, this
boom was marked by substantial increases in capi-
tal investment and housing, and a rise in the pro-
duction of durable consumer goods involving
heavy installment credit finance.

During the last year, however, storm warnings
have gone up signaling a danger that "Western
Europe may be straining the limits of its present
capacity. The rate of expansion has been slow-
ing down, and inflationary pressures seem to be
increasing.

The high levels of economic activity caused a
sharp rise in imports, largely those from the dollar
area. The general trade deficit of the combined
Oeec countries increased by 50 percent in the first
6 months of 1955, and the rise in the dollar trade
deficit in the first quarter of 1955 was even greater.
The rate of increase in gold and dollar reserves
has slowed down, reflecting a deterioration of the
position of the U.K. and tlie sterling area.

Industrial production has held up but has be-
gun to level off. By the first quarter of this year,
the curve of industrial output for Norway, Den-
mark, and Sweden flattened out altogether and
the curves for the U.K. and France look as
though they may be starting to flatten also.

Wages and prices have recently risen sharply
in several countries, notably the U.K., and a threat
of similar increase exists in Germany.

The storm warnings are not going unheeded by
European governments.

The British Government raised its bank rate
to 41/^ percent, invoked restrictions on installment
credit, trimmed the investment programs of the
nationalized industries and of the central govern-
ment, and requested local authorities to take simi-
lar action.

The Federal Eepublic of Germany is concerned
lest higher prices for imported scarce products,
especially coal, and liigher wages will push up
prices and deteriorate Germany's competitive po-
sition. However, Germany's strong external posi-
tion makes it possible to keep the price level under
pressure through increased imports. Monetary
and fiscal policy are likely to remain strongly con-
servative. And inflationary pressures among

Germany's competitors are more inunediate and
stronger. In addition, the slow start on the Ger-
man rearmament program may very well reduce
the overall demand on the economy below orig-
inally anticipated levels. Thus, the German anxie-
ties may be exaggerated.

The Far East

Another piece in our kaleidoscope is the Far
East. Like Europe, this area was drastically af-
fected by World War II. Moreover, the free
world and the Conmiunist countries of the area
have suffered from the economic impact of later
military conflicts. If pressed for a one-sentence
summary of the economic situation of the free na-
tions of this area, I would say that the past record
has not been too bright but that the economic pic-
ture is on the whole more encouraging today.

All the nations of the Far East have very low
standards of living from our viewpoint. Most are
new countries which have emerged from colonial
status since the war. With the notable exception
of Japan, they have on the whole been suppliers
of raw materials and importers of manufactured
goods. However, many of them now feel that
they must attain a greater degree of industrial
self-sufficiency as an essential factor in their na-
tional independence.

Virtually all of the countries of the Far East
suffered severe damage during World War II,
and in every case economic patterns of long stand-
ing were disrupted. Nearly all of the free coun-
tries suffered also from Communist disruptive
tactics ranging from planned rioting and strikes
to armed uprising, civil war, and invasion.

Let us consider the area in five parts — Japan,
Korea, the Eepublic of China, Communist China,
and then Southeast Asia.

Japan. Japan is a nation in which the pressure
of population on arable land is one of the highest
in the world. Japan must trade to be able to
maintain even a standard of living which is low
in comparison with the West. And in the postwar
period Japan's customary economic problems have
been intensified by loss of markets in China and
a low level of trade with Korea and Southeast
Asia.

Japan's importance to the United States and
to the free world led us to seek to promote Japan's
reemergence as a major trading nation. All our
hopes for cooperation from Japan's free-world

1058

Department of Sfafe Bulletin

partners have not yet been realized, but there were
encouraging developments in 1955.

The improvement in Japan's foreign trade and
exchange position was dramatic. Exports con-
tinued their upward trend and are likely to reach
an annual level of nearly $1.9 billion, compared
to $1.6 billion in 1954 and $1.3 billion in 1953.
No similar rapid increase in imports developed.
Industrial production in the firet three quarters of
1955 was 6 percent above the same period a year
ago. The rice harvest is expected to bo one of
the largest in Japan's history.

Nonetheless, Japan still faces gi-ave problems.
The increase in foreign exchange occurred because
the trade deficit was exceeded by foreign exchange
receipts from other sources, notably from U.S.
military procurement and troop expenditure.
Other weak spots are evident. Small business is
squeezed by high cost of imported raw materials
and by shortages of capital and high interest rates.
Because of rising international prices of freight
and raw materials, Japanese businessmen have re-
cently again considered the possibility of increas-
ing coal and possibly also iron ore imports from
Communist China.

On balance, Japan's economy in 1955 registered
a continued though moderate expansion. The in-
flationary pressures which had threatened internal
economic stability and the foreign trade position
in 1953-54 have been successfully contained bj' de-
flationary measures of the Government without
depressing economic growth.

The $64 question in Japan is whether the cur-
rent rate of expansion is sufficient over the longer
run to absorb the rapidly expanding labor force.
In the shorter run, Japan will remain very sensi-
tive to the fluctuations of international business
conditions.

Korea. Let us look briefly at Korea. The di-
vision of this country at the 38th parallel left the
South with an overcrowded peninsula, a chaotic
fiscal situation, and a substantial but ill-balanced
and rundown plant which Koreans could not ef-
fectively operate. Progress had been attained by
the spring of 1950, when the Communists struck
and Korea became a battlefield. With the help of
the U.S. and the U.N., Korea has reached a stage
at which both industrial and agricultural produc-
tion exceed the 1949 level. However, with the
handicap of the burden of supporting a large
military force, it is doubtful that Korea can soon
attain the goal of self-support.

The Repuhlic of China. Since 1949, the Govern-
ment of the Republic of China on Taiwan — some-
times called Formosa — has had to cope with two
abnormal economic burdens: (1) the influx of
some two million refugees from tlie mainland —
roughly an immediate population jump of one-
quarter; and (2) the necessity to maintain a dis-
proportionately large armed force in face of the
Communist threat.

In spite of these abnormal burdens, the Gov-
ernment of the Eepublic of China can point to
heartening production increases in industry and
agriculture. A factor contributing to increased
agricultural production has been the successful
implementation of the land I'eform program.

Taiwan has made good use of U.S. economic
aid. Prices have become increasingly stable.
Taiwan's standard of living is considered to be
the highest in the Far East, except for Japan.

C'o77imumst China. As for Communist China,
its Government has embarked on an ambitious
program calling for the development of heavy in-
dustries and socialization in which the consumer
receives no priority.

The economy of Communist Cliina continued
to expand during the past year, but at only about
one-half of the 10 percent rate of increase achieved
from 1950 through 1954. In looking at these fig-
ures, it is well to remember that they reflect in-
creases over a very low base. Industrial output
is to rise only 5 percent mider the 1955 plan, com-
pared to the reported rise of 17 percent during
1954. Agricultural output appears to have re-
covered from the sharp setback it received in 1954
when the rice crop was below the previous year's
level and cotton production was considerably re-
duced by the widespread floods. Prices remain
stable largely because of the Government-con-
trolled distribution system.

The Government in 1955 continued to invest
largely in heavy industry and transport and com-
munications and budgeted an increase in military
expenditures of 20 percent over that of 1954.

Despite tlie Communist efforts, the increase in
food production per capita on Taiwan has been
far greater than on the mainland.

Sotithea-'it Asia. The kaleidoscope contains
some highly important bits and pieces often
grouped together as the countries of Southeast
Asia. These countries may be genei-ally classi-
fied as miderdeveloped coimtries. They liave
very limited industrial developments, and low per

December 26, J955

1059

capita income, and are largely dependent upon the
demand for, and price of, their three basic com-
modities— rice, tin, and rubber.

With the exception of Burma, the economic pic-
ture in these countries has improved considerably
during the past year. In Thailand, Malaya, Indo-
nesia, and the Philippines the budgetary situation,
the balance of payments, and foreign exchange
reserves have all been strengthened. The surplus
commodity problem, which appeared extremely
serious at the beginning of the year, was, for the
most part, overcome when Thailand and, to a
lesser extent, Burma largely disposed of their
surplus rice. The world market for rubber and
tin continues strong, and the rapidly increasing
price for rubber which has developed has served to
bolster the economies of those countries that pro-
duce it.

Viet-Nam, Laos, and Cambodia still suffer from
the dislocations resulting from 7 years of strife,
and much of the rice lands are still out of produc-
tion. In these countries it now appears desira-
ble to shift our aid programs from measures de-
signed to meet emergency wartime situations to
longer-range programs which will help restore
the productivity of its land and encourage the
industry of its people.

A summary view of recent economic develop-
ments in South and Southeast Asia must clearly
make allowances for the exceptionally favorable
conditions due to good crop yields. The govern-
ments are determined to speed economic growth,
but they have many problems before them. The
absence of an indigenous entrepreneurial class and
the association of foreign private capital with
colonialism, along with the oppressive poverty
which makes domestic savings and investment
very difficult, are tremendous obstacles to eco-
nomic growth in the underdeveloped coimtries of
the world.

India

A particularly interesting fragment in the
kaleidoscope is India. Large in terms of popula-
tion, area, and production, India has been experi-
encing a substantial and a rising rate of economic
growth. Attributable in part to exceptional
weather bringing good crops, these increases were
accompanied by drops in prices despite increased
Government expenditures and a record pace of
investment expenditure making up for the slow
progress of earlier years. But it has yet to be de-

1060

termined whether, in tlie absence of fortuitous
factors, a rate of investment can be sustained at
levels required for steady growth in per capita in-
come. This is a key element of the appraisal of
the prospects for the success of the Indian 5-year
plan. Another is the climate for investment
which India is prepared to create.

The Near and Middle East

The vast area comprising the Near East, South
Asia, and Africa is large geographically. It does
not loom so large in the economic kaleidoscope to-
day. However, this area is in a state of economic
and political transition. As a whole, it is usually
regarded as an underdeveloped area. The popu-
lation is unevenly distributed, and there has been
relatively little systematic develoi^ment of the nat-
ural resources with which many coimtries in the
area are richly endowed. Moreover, by and large,
this area of the world stands in vivid contrast with
the nations in which education, industrial train-
ing, economic philosophy, and political outlook
are all consistent with high-level and expanding
production and rising living standards. Except
for Greece and Turkey, there is little evidence that
the rate of growth in the Near and Middle East
is on a level which can achieve steady increases in
per capita income. In Greece, and especially Tur-
key, the process of development has brought with
it internal inflation and external balance-of-pay-
ments problems. But these may well be economic
growing pains.

Agricultural production in the Near East in
1955 seems to be larger than in the previous year
with particularly good crops in Greece and Tur-
key. The Turkish crop failure of 1954, as a re-
sult of a serious drought, was one of the major
factors contributing to the rapid inflation and the
substantial foreign trade deficit of that year and
the even greater one in the first half of 1955, which
resulted in a 26 percent drop in foreign exchange
reserves from mid-54 to mid-55.

Industrial production has continued to expand
at a fairly rapid rate in the more developed coun-
tries of the area, including Greece, Lebanon, and
Israel. Industrial production in Greece was more
than 10 percent above 1954 in the first half of 1955.
Production in Turkey continued its steady rise
even though hampered by shortages of imported
raw materials.

There has been a steady upward trend in petro-
leum production in the Near East which continued

Department of State Bulletin

into the first half of 1955, reaching a new high
point. Well over half of the exports of the Near
Eastern countries consists of petroleum. In 1954
the four major petroleum exporters of the area,
Iraq, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait, increased
their exports and with them, despite an increase
in imports, their already substantial foreign trade
surplus.

The other countries of the area continued to run
a large foreign trade deficit even though imports
were restricted below their peak 1951 level and
total exports were slowly rising, approaching the
1951 peak. Egypt's position shifted from a mod-
est surplus in the first half of 1954 to a moderate
foreign trade deficit in the first half of 1955,
largely as the result of a sharp drop in exports.
This reflected lower cotton prices and difficulties
in marketing the crop. Barter agi-eements with
Soviet-bloc countries were made in an attempt to
alleviate the serious foreign trade problem of the
country.

The European Soviet Bloc

Another piece in the global economic kaleido-
scope is the European Soviet bloc.

Eastern Europe and the U.S.S.E. showed con-
tinued increases in total production in 1954 and
1955 although this gi'owth in the satellites was not
as smooth as in the U.S.S.R. In the satellites the
rate of industrial growth slackened in 1954, and
agricultural production was subnormal. 1955
brought considerable recovery in both regards.

Agricultural and industrial output in the bloc
both rose in 1955. As regards agriculture, the in-
crease was attributable to the combined impact of
good weather, expanded acreage, and greater use
of fertilizer and machinery. Industrial produc-
tion in the European Soviet bloc in the first 6
months of 1955 was generally 10 percent higher
than in the first half of 1954.

Some attempt was made to ease domestic eco-
nomic problems by an expansion in imports from
the non-Communist world financed through an in-
crease in exports and partly through gold ship-
ments. Both the expansion of trade and the ship-
ment of gold started during the latter half of 1953
and has continued to date. A substantial part of
the increase in imports in 1954 from the non-Com-
munist world consisted of foods. There was no
significant change in imports of capital goods or
of industrial raw materials. But with the total

December 26, J 955

369751—55 3

imports of the European Soviet bloc from the non-
Communist world amounting to only $1.5 billion
per year, the impact of even large changes in this
on the total economy of the bloc must necessarily
be quite limited.

Indications point to continued rapid economic
expansion in the bloc, since a high rate of invest-
ment continues to be maintained.

Latin America

Now let us look at some of the Western Hemi-
sphere pieces in our economic kaleidoscope. First
of all, Latin America. The economic outlook for
Latin America over any short-run period simply
is the outlook for a relatively small number of
export products. Most of these countries are still
dependent in large measure on their export trade.
A number still possess primarily one-commodity
economies.

Chile, for example, depends principally on cop-
per for the foreign exchange with which she buys
her imports. At the moment copper prices are
relatively high and prosjDects are good, at least for
the near future. In spite of the favorable prices
now obtaining, however, Chile has a balance-of-
payments problem and has had to maintain con-
trols on imports as a result of internal inflation
which has plagued the country for a number of
years.

Bolivia has a similar problem. Tin prices are
far below wai-time peaks. Production has de-
clined in recent years, and the Government is ex-
periencing great difficulty in providing adequate
foreign exchange for even essential imports. Bo-
livia is one of the few countries in Latin America
which has received grant aid from the United
States in the form of surplus agricultural com-
modities, although a number of others have ar-
ranged to purchase cotton and foodstufl's for local
currencies, under the provisions of title I of Public
Law 480.

Venezuela derives 70 percent of its foreign ex-
change from exports of petroleum and related
products. The petroleum industry has had a
rapid expansion througliout the i^ast decade, and
the Venezuelan market is, and should continue to
be, one of the best in Latin America for both agri-
cultural and industrial exports from the U.S.

Sugar is the principal export of Cuba, Haiti,
and the Dominican Republic and is also important
in the trade of Peru, ]\Iexico, and Nicaragua.
Sugar has been in surplus supply for several years.

1061

During the past year prices have been relatively
stable at, or slightly below, the lower limit pro-
vided under the International Sugar Agreement.
Consideration is now being given to renewal of the
agi-eement, and it is hoped that, when renegoti-
ated, it will cover an increased share of the world
trade in sugar and provide a greater measure of
price stability.

Latin America's most important export, both
from the standpoint of total value and as to num-
ber of countries affected, is coffee. It is exported
by 14 countries and is the most important export
of 5 of these countries. In 1954 coffee accounted
for 61 percent of the total value of Brazil's ex-
ports, for 84 percent of Colombia's, for 88 percent
of El Salvador's, 78 percent of Guatemala's, and
79 percent of Haiti's. Considering the 20 Ameri-
can Kepublics as a whole, coffee exports repre-
sented 36 percent of the total value of their exports
in 1954.

Coffee prices are currently at approximately
the 1953 level, and if they remain near this level
the producing countries will have little cause for
concern. However, coffee future prices are cur-
rently well below the spot-market level, reflecting
an anticipated decline in price as production in-
creases over the next few years, with large new
plantings coming into bearing ; and the producing
countries are greatly concerned that this may
mark the beginning of a long-term downward
price trend. They recall the ruinously low prices
which prevailed throughout the 1930's and 1940's
and are endeavoring to agree upon measures for
joint action to stabilize prices. The outlook for
American exports in this area depends to a con-
siderable degree on whether or not these measures
are successful.

Something might perhaps be said about the
political outlook in certain areas where trade has
been affected by political developments. With the
new regime in Argentina there is reason to expect
an increase in agricultural production, which was
formerly the backbone of the Argentine economy.
Tlie new Jlinister of Commerce has announced
that, to remunerate producers and promote expan-
sion of areas under cultivation, prices of 1955-56
agricultural crops will be raised across the board.
The new Minister of Trade has stated that Ar-
gentina's future trade policy would be aimed at
freeing overseas trade, returning the trade to pri-
vate enterprise, and encouraging an expansion of
exports. These policies, if carried out success-

fully, will bolster Argentina's internal economy,
encourage new capital investment, and lead to a
sound expansion that will benefit both Argentina
and the countries which trade with her.

Guatemala is recovering rapidly from the revo-
lution against the Communist regime which dis-
rupted her economy last year. This recovery
should be furthered by the decision of the U.S. to
lielp complete the Inter-American Highway
within 3 years if possible. When completed, this
through route from the Mexican border to Panama
should lead to a considerable expansion of tourist
traffic and, later, to the development of an in-
creasing trade with the Central American coun-
tries which it traverses.

Haiti, which suffered serious hurricane damage
last year, has also made a rapid recovery.

Brazil, by its very size, is a factor of importance
in any appraisal of the outlook for Latin America.
Coffee is its principal export, and there, as I have
said, the long-run outlook is somewhat doubtful.
However, Brazil's coffee exports during the past
2 months have been very high in relation to those
of earlier months of this year. The newly elected
government will come to power in January with a
somewhat less pressing fiscal problem than might
have been predicted a few months ago, and the
outlook for containing inflation, and possibly
relaxing import controls, is brighter than in some
time.

Other Countries

Time does not permit even a brief mention of
all countries in the world. I am especially con-
scious of having omitted most of the British Com-
monwealth countries. Of these, Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, and the Union of South Africa
are rapidly developing countries of the British
Commonwealth facing the problem of maintain-
ing growth without inflation.

The United States

Before we finish with the bits and pieces of the
world economic situation, a word about the U.S.
is in order. The phenomenal economic growth of
our country is staggering to foreign observers, as
it often seems to many of us at home. The extent
to which all levels have shared this prosperity is
perhaps less widely realized abroad than here.
However, many of our friends abroad who follow
developments here are keenly conscious of the

1062

Department of Siafe Bulletin

grave problem of the discrepancy in the economic
position of agricultural and nonagricultural sec-
tors of our economy. And they are understand-
ably interested in the course of action we plan to
take to resolve this dilemma.

In foreign eyes, the U.S. is often awfully
viewed as the economic giant which, through its
unprecedented vast market and economic strength,
affords opportunities for economic growth but
which, by the same token, can plunge the world
into economic disaster. Two heartening develop-
ments to them were the fact that U.S. economic
growth has indeed been spectacular and that the
slackening of activity here which ended a year
ago was short-lived and did not herald a down-
turn of the economic activity of the free world.

Recapitulations

We have looked at the pieces in our kaleido-
scope. Let us now look at two patterns formed
by those pieces: first, for the immediate future;
and second, the long-range outlook.

Immediate Outlook. In examining the im-
mediate outlook it should be noted that in 1955
the more highly industrialized countries of the
free world continued to maintain their rate of
unprecedented economic expansion, and Western
Europe increased its gross production over 5 per-
cent. Western Europe is on the verge of press-
ing to the limit its plant capacity and available
manpower. Inflationary pressures are evident in
some countries. Orthodox measures are being
adopted to combat inflation in response to these
signs of economic and financial strain. With the
major exception of the U. K., the international
economic position of this part of the free world,
both in terms of current transactions and size of
financial reserves, is quite good.

In contrast only a few of the less industrialized,
or so-called underdeveloped, countries of the free
world have been able to expand their production
at half the rate of Western Europe. Economic
progress in most of the underdeveloped countries
has barely kept pace with population growth.
The immediate prospects of these countries are
bound up with a worldwide fall in all agricultural
prices — with the major exception of rubber — and
with the appearance of surpluses of most major
crops. The most troublesome surpluses are those
of wheat, rice, and cotton.

Although some of the underdeveloped countries

have experienced fairly good overall rates of
growth during the postwar period as a whole,
tliis has been partly due to factors which may
not recur. For example, in Latin America, per-
capita-wise output has been constant since 1951
and investment particularly has fallen below the
1951 and 1952 levels. In South and Southeast
Asia the postwar growth was in part the result
of the especially good crops of 1952-53 and 1953-
54. These factors may have resulted in a higher
rate of economic expansion than can be sustained
over the longer run. Even in the case of India,
with its ambitious program for expansion, there
is concern that a sufficient volmne of capital for-
mation is not being attained to sustain a steady
increase in per capita income.

This somewhat somber picture does not presage
an immediate and rapid economic growth through-
out the free world. Nor does it suggest that the
problems associated with agricultural surpluses
are soon to evaporate.

Long-Range Outlook. Now let's discuss the
long-range outlook, which, incidentally, has a
brighter aspect. On a long-term basis the record
of economic growth is distinctly favorable in the
U.S., Canada, Western Europe, and Latin Amer-
ica. Western European capacity to save is prov-
ing sufficient, not alone for its own investment
needs, but is also furnishing a source of capital for
underdeveloped countries.

In the underdeveloped countries profits make
possible comparatively favorable rates of return
on direct investments. Wliether these rates will,
in fact, be favorable enough to attract adequate
capital for sustained economic growth depends
on a variety of factors, including political devel-
opments in these countries.

It is noteworthy that, although on an overall
basis in Southeastern Asia and Latin America,
economic growth has barely kept pace with ,the
growth of population, this is not true of all
countries and pter capita economic progress has
been significant in several. There is also evidence
that Southeast Asia may be moving off dead center
after a period of stagnation.

Perhaps the most reassuring indication is the
fact that thus far the dislocations and economic
downturns have shown no tendency to snowball.
Evidence of a latent basic economic strength in
the free world, hitherto not fully appreciated, ap-
peared during this period. For example :

December 26, 1955

1063

Western Europe maintained its rate of invest-
ment when U.S. aid slackened off.

Western Europe is also turning out to be a good
market for Latin America.

The U.S. economy has proved stable and has
demonstrated a striking capacity to adjust itself
without capsizing, as some foreign observers
feared it might.

Some years ago, apprehensions were epitomized
in the phrase: "Wlien the U.S. sneezes, Europe
gets pneimionia." These forebodings saw no
realization in 1954. In fact, sustained European
purchases in the U.S. during this period actually
helped our recovery from what turned out to be
only a mild cold.

Thus the prospects for continued economic
growth in the free world give us good grounds for
encouragement — but not for complacency.

Cotton Textile Imports
From Japan

Following is an exchange of correspondence
between Secretai-y Dulles and Senator Margaret
Chase Smith.

Secretary Dulles to Senator Smith

Decesiber 1, 1955

Dear Senator SivirrH : I have read with much
interest your letter of November 21, 1955 on the
cotton textile situation. The problem you describe
has been of concern to the Department and I have
discussed the matter i?ersonally with leaders of
the American textile industry.

I do not believe that there is any real difference
between the Administration's foreign trade pro-
gram and the position that you state in your letter.
You will recall that on February 17, 1955 the
President wrote to Representative Joseph A.
Martin in support of the renewal of the Trade
Agreements Act.' In this letter, the President
said that no American industry will be placed in
jeopardy by the administration of the Act. This
Department and the eight other departments and
agencies of the Government that participate in
the Trade Agreements Committee follow this
policy. Furthermore, I have personally advised
representatives of the Japanese Government that

' Bulletin of Mar. 7, 1955, p. 388.

they should exercise restraint in their exports and
not attempt to capture so much of the American
market that an American industry will be injured.

The Japanese Government and textile industry
are aware of the attitude of the domestic textile
industry toward increased imports of cotton tex-
tiles. They appear to be genuinely engaged in an
attempt to allay the fears of our domestic pro-
ducers by devising controls on exports of textiles
and finished goods to the U.S. Reports from
Tokyo indicate that apparently both quality
standards and quantitative controls will be insti-
tuted. We are informed that until these controls
have been worked out the Japanese Government
will refuse to accept any further applications for
the export of cotton textiles and finished goods to
this country.

The legislation under which the trade agree-
ments program operates has a number of safe-
guards for American industry. The Tariff Com-
mission determines in advance of trade agreement
negotiations the limit to which concessions may be
made in the existing tariff structure without caus-
ing or threatening serious injury to a domestic
industry. These so-called "peril points" were not
breached in the 1955 concessions granted to Japan.

The domestic textile industry has complained
that despite the fact that the "peril points" were
not breached, the industry is being injured or
threatened by imports of Japanese textiles. A
further safeguard exists in the so-called "escape
clause" of the Trade Agi-eements Act. Under this
provision the domestic textile industry could re-
quest the Tariff Commission to conduct an investi-
gation to determine whether, as a result of the
concessions granted to Japan or to other countries,
textile imports have increased to such a degree as
to cause or threaten serious injury to the domestic
industry. It may be that certain sectors of the
domestic textile industry may require relief from
imports. If such is the case this provision offers
the industry the avenue through which to get relief.
Under the pro^dsions of Senate Resolution 121 of
the last session of Congress, the Tariff Commission
was directed to keep itself currently informed on
the effect of textile imports on the domestic indus-
try so that it may act promptly on an escape
clause action.

The Department has explained these procedures
to the textile industi-y. The industry appears re-
luctant, however, to apply for i-elief under the
escape clause. Considering that the "peril points"

1064

Department of State Bulletin

were not breached in the concessions granted to
Japan, that the reduced tariff rates have been in
effect only ten weeks, and that the industry has been
rehictant to request an escape clause investigation,
this Department has no basis on which to concur in
the industry's claims that it is being injured or
threatened by Japanese textile imports. Our dif-
ficulty is enhanced by the fact that although textile
imports have increased over 1954 levels, cotton
cloth imports during the first eight months of this
year were at an annual rate of only slightly more
than 1 percent of our domestic cotton cloth pro-
duction and less than one-fifth of the level of our
own cotton cloth exports. Furthermore, there is
every indication from press reports that the do-
mestic textile industry in general is operating at
a high level of activity, with the output of many
mills sold ahead as far as the spring of 1956.

You refer in your letter to Congress taking ap-
jjropriate action at its next session presumably to
curb imports of Japanese cotton textiles. The De-
partment is aware of legislation (S. 2702) spon-
sored by more than sixty Senators at the last ses-
sion to accomplish this purpose. I consider legis-
lation to establish import quotas on Japanese tex-
tiles would be most unfortunate.

Such action would strike a serious blow at the
Administration's foreign trade program which the
President has worked so hard to establish over the
last three years. It would serve to restrict trade at
a time when the free world must depend for so
much of its strength on the expansion of trade and
the economic viability of countries such as Japan.
Only economically strong countries can share with
the United States the mutual defense burden of
the free world.

The United States does not have in effect today
a single import quota on manufactured products.
We are continually using this fact in negotiations
with other govermnents in our efforts to get them
to liberalize their own trade restrictions to admit
more American goods into their countries. Sig-
nificant progress has been made in this direction.
But the opportunity for further progi'ess would be
seriously diminished by Congressional action es-
tablishing import quotas on textiles. In fact,
such restrictive action on our part might prompt
other governments similarly to increase restric-
tions on imports from Japan.

Such action would be unfortunate as well in
view of Japan's efforts to establish a policy of
restraint on her textile exports to the United

States, particularly in view of the reluctance of
the American textile industry to request an escape
clause investigation that would determine the na-
ture of the injury caused or threatened to the do-
mestic textile industry.

Finally, I believe such action would be im fortu-
nate because of its effects on the ability of this
country to sell goods to Japan. We want Japan
to be able to buy our surpluses of cotton, wheat,
and rice, and our coal and petroleum because these
goods are essential to Japan's economic stability
and her national security and because American
producers of these goods look upon Japan as a
good market. It should be noted that Japan is
the largest importer of American raw cotton, tak-
ing 653,000 bales during the 1954-1955 cotton sea-
son, or nearly 20% of our total raw cotton exports.
Japan cannot be expected to maintain a high level
of imports from the U.S. if we restrict her exports
to us to a low level. In 195-1, Japan exported
$276 million worth of goods to the U.S. and im-
ported $677 million, leaving a net import deficit
of $400 million. This gap was filled by the ex-
penditures of our military forces in Japan, but
such expenditures are declining as a result of the
redeployment of our forces in the Far East and di-
minishing offshore procurement. Instead of re-
stricting her exports to the United States, Japan
is faced with the problem of increasing her dollar
earnings to bridge its dollar gap or eventually her
imports from the United States will decline.

I know that the many and complex factors bear-
ing on the problem which I have attempted to out-
line will be considered carefully by you and your
colleagues in the Congress.
Sincerely yours,

John Foster DtrLLES

The Honorable

Margaret Chase Smith,
United States Senate.

Senator Smith to Secretary Dulles

November 21, 1955

Honorable John Foster Dulles,
Secretary of State,
Defartment of State,
Washington, D. C.

My Dear Mr. Secretary : It was almost a year
ago on December 14, 1954 when I protested to you
against the threat of a lowering of the tariff
schedule on textile products. At that time, I

December 26, 1955

1065

pointed out that the largest single New England
manufacturing industry is textiles, providing a
payroll of one hundred seventy-eight thousand
pei-sons.

Ultimately protective measures were agreed
upon by Congress and the State Department and
the threat was lessened. Perhaps the action of the
Japanese in restricting exports while the Recipro-
cal Trade Bill was being debated in Congress
gave the impression tliat the threat was not as
grave as it seemed at the time. But if that were
the case, then all such illusions were dispelled
when after the passage of the Reciprocal Trade
Bill Japanese exports soared.

As I stated to you a year ago, the objective of
maximum trade between nations of the world is
worthy. I have consistently supported the Re-
ciprocal Trade Agreements legislation. But, as I
pointed out, we must not let our desires in that
regard blind us to the inequities, both to textile
workers and textile manufacturers of New Eng-
land, that would result from any reduction of
tariffs on textile products which would allow na-
tions with lower wage and living standards than
ours to invade the American market and cause
unemployment and a loss to our regional economy.

I want to empliasize again that it is one thing to
help other nations of the world raise their living
standards, but it is another thing to permit cheap
foreign labor to undermine our own textile indus-
try and thus take jobs away from textile workers
and destroy the hard earned investments of textile
managements and investors with tmemployment
and the shutting down of textile plants.

The Administration has a solemn duty to protect
American workers and management from the cut
rate competition created by the lower wages and
lower living standards of competing foreign
nations.

I am not unmindful of the complexity of this
problem — of the desire to help Japan become so
strong economically that the danger of the Com-
munists taking over that country would be re-
moved. In fact, earlier this year I conferred in
Tokyo with the then acting Foreign Minister of
Japan on this subject. I assured him that our
counti-y wanted to be helpful on this point — but
I warned him not to the point of literally export-
ing textile jobs and industry out of Maine to build
up such industry in Japan, especially when Japa-
nese labor received wages of only one-tenth or less
of that which American labor received.

Our country has been more than generous to
Japan, giving her the money to build an entirely
new and modem textile industry of seven billion
spindles. The tariffs were then lowered making
it possible for thirteen and a half cent-an-hour
Japanese labor to flood our markets with textile
merchandise.

The element of reciprocity seems to be absent
as Japan expresses its appreciation for the help
we have thus given her by now buying their cot-
ton in Brazil and Mexico.

These results lead me to the inescapable con-
clusion that in this Japanese textile matter our
country must make a reappraisal of its policy
however agonizing that reappraisal may neces-
sarily be, because of these facts :

(1) The present policy is leading to the
destruction of the New England textile industry;

(2) It is forcing American labor to compete
with cheap thirteen and a half cent-an-hour
Japanese labor;

(3) And at that rate, it is not helping Japan
raise her living standards — but rather would only
serve to lower our own with the ultimate choice
being that of either forcing our American economy
back to a thirteen and a half cent-an-hour stand-
ard or writing the textile industry off as
expendable ;

(4) There is nothing reciprocal in this policy
with Japan purchasing her cotton from other
nations ;

(5) We must be mindful that our country has
given Japan the money to build an entirely new
and modern textile industry — when our own New
England textile industry could well have used
such United States financial assistance to modern-
ize its mills ;

(6) "While the threat of a nation going Com-
munist because of economic weakness is serious,
we must not let that be used as a perpetuated
economic blackmail ; and

(7) While we want to help our foreign friends,
even our once bitter enemies like Japan and Ger-
many, let us use reason that invites respect from
the recipient instead of blind, imlimited generos-
ity that ultimately breeds contempt.

The time is overdue when we must stop the
cutting of tariffs and the increasing of quotas on
Japanese textile imports. I am sure that many
of my colleagues in the Congress share these views
and that in the next session of Congress appro-
priate action will be sought.

1066

Deparlmenf of State Bulletin

In closing, let me say that while I expect to
continue the past support that I have given to
Reciprocal Trade, I will not do so in such extreme
as to join those who seem to feel that the New
England textile industry is expendable. To the
contrary, I intend to fight not only for the sur-
vival of the New England textile industry but for

its full recovery and maximum expansion in which
I have the greatest confidence if its own Govern-
ment will permit.

I would appreciate hearing from you on this
matter at your earliest convenience.
Sincerely yours,

Margaket Chase Smith

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES

Admission of New Members to tlie United Nations

STATEMENT BY HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR.
U. S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE U. N.'

In his speech at the opening of the General
Assembly on September 22d, Secretary of State
Dulles pointed out that "our organization's power
derives largely from moral judgments formed
here" and that, therefore, it is essential that "there
should be here all of those eligible nations which,
by their policies and conduct, have demonstrated
their devotion to the purposes and principles of
the charter."

He pointed out that about a score of sovereign
nations are not represented here and many of them
meet the memberehip tests of our charter. "They
are peace-loving, and they have shown themselves
able and willing to carry out the charter's obliga-
tions. Their govermnents could reflect here im-
portant segments of world opinion. To block the
admission of such nations by use of the veto power
is not only a grave wrong to them; it is also a
wrong to this organization and to all of its mem-
bers. I hope that, during this Tenth Session,
action will be taken by the Security Council and
by this Assembly to bring these nations into our
membership. Thus, the United Nations would
enter its second decade better equipped to serve
mankind."

A large number of deserving and qualified na-
tions have been blocked from admission to the

' U.S. delegation press release 2271 dated Nov. 13.
December 26, 1955

United Nations because of the Soviet Union's
abuse of the veto power in the Security Council.
Among these nations, in the European area, are
Italy, Austria, Finland, Eire, and Portugal. The
Security Council has not as yet taken up the appli-
cation of Spain, which is also a deserving and
qualified nation. In the Near and Far East, the
number of deserving and qualified nations in-
cludes seven countries specifically endorsed for
immediate United Nations membership by the
Bandung conference of last spring: Cambodia,
Ceylon, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Libya, and Nepal.

It has been reported that the Soviet Union would
be willing to withhold its veto and accept these
free nations as members of the United Nations if
the free world is willing to accept the admission
of nations behind the so-called Iron Curtain —
nations whose governments are not equals among
equals as are nations of the free world, but are in
a subordinate relationship to Moscow.

To refrain from preventing the entrance of
satellites into the United Nations does not mean
approval of their present systems of government,
nor does it condone the violations of himian rights
in which these governments have persistently en-
gaged. Indeed, there is reason to hope that mem-
bership in the LTnited Nations will to some extent
bring the peoples of these countries closer to in-
dependence.

The overriding fact is that the admission of 13
free nations gi-eatly outweighs whatever draw-
backs there may be in the admission of the others

1067

because the 13 nations would add so tremendously
to the moral weight of the United Nations.

For these reasons, the United States intends to
vote for the admission of the 13 and to abstain on
the others. Our abstention in the Security Council
on the applications of satellites is consistent with
our national policy, as expressed in the Vanden-
berg resolution of 1948 (80th Congress), which
called for voluntary agreement among the perma-
nent members of the Secui-ity Council to remove
the veto from the admission of new members. This
proposal covers 17 new members, 13 of whom we
favor. The satellites would include Albania, Bul-
garia, Hungary, and Rumania, since it is obvious
that Outer Mongolia cannot make the grade.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE, DE-
CEMBER 72

On this question of the admission of new mem-
bers, the United States is guided by three basic
principles :

1. To bring into membership all qualified states
which apply;

2. To follow the provisions of the charter as to
judging the qualifications of the applicants;

3. To avoid thwarting the will of a qualified
majority by use in the Security Council of the
veto, a voting privilege given to five nations in the
expectation that it would only be used in excep-
tional circumstances. The United States recalls
that the Yandenberg resolution, overwhelmingly
adopted by the United States Senate in June 1948,
expressed the view that there should be agreement
never to use the veto to prevent the admission of
new menibei*s.

Consistent with the foregoing principles, we
shall continue to seek the admission of all qualified
states which have applied. They would be mem-
bers already if the great majority had its way.
Only the Soviet veto, or threat of veto, bars them.

The recent statement of the Soviet delegate
which was carried in an Associated Press dispatch
of November 17 that the Soviet Union would
"categorically refuse to consider any proposal"
other than one for 18 applicants is an example of a
rigid, inflexible attitude which, if adopted by all
nations, would make it impossible for the United

"Made in the Ad Hoc Political Committee (U.S. delega-
tion press release 2312 dated Dec. 8) .

Nations to function. International relations re-
quire some spirit of accommodation and com-
promise— and tliis is especially true of the
membership problem.

There are six European applicants clearly quali-
fied for membership, namely, Austria, Finland,
Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. There are
the seven Asian-African applicants whose mem-
bership was recommended by the Bandung con-
ference for present admission, namely, Cambodia,
Ceylon, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Libya, and Nepal.
Tliese also are equally clearly qualified.

All of these 13 we support. We believe that
there are other qualified applicants. For ex-
ample, we do not believe that the Eepublic of
Korea should be barred from membership merely
because part of its territory is wrongfully and
forcefully detached from the authority of what
this General Assembly has held to be the only law-
fully elected goverimient in Korea. The Eepublic
of Viet- Nam is another qualified applicant, barred
only by Soviet veto.

We shall not support in any form the applica-
tions made for Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Outer
Mongolia, and Rumania. In our opinion, the gov-
ernments of these states are not now independent
and their present subject status constitutes, or
derives from, a violation of treaties and other in-
ternational engagements.

The United States recognizes, however, that the
issues before us are those about which there can be
honest differences of opinion. For this reason,
among others, it is not our intention to use the veto
in the Security Council to thwart what may be the
will of a qualified majority in the Security Council
and in the General Assembly in relation to the
subject matter of the joint resolution. Should
this bring before the Security Council resolutions
on admission which, in our opinion, involve infrac-
tions of the charter, we shall, in accordance with
the spirit of the Vandenberg resolution, abstain
from voting so as not to exercise, on this question
of admissions, the veto power.

We shall abstain from voting on the joint reso-
lution now before us [U.N. doc. A/AC. 80/L.
3/Rev. 1] because, while in form tliis resolution
only requests the Security Council to "consider"
certain applications, some practical interpretations
of that resolution are such that we hesitate to vote
for it lest that might seem to involve us in a de-
parture from our principles enumerated above.

1068

Department of Stale Bulletin

We earnestly hope that out of the present dis-
cussion will come the admission of those qualified
states whose exclusion clearly violates our charter
and whose presence amongst us will add greatly
to the wisdom of our councils and to the weight
of moral authority which is exercised by this
organization.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE, DE-
CEMBER 13 '

What I am about to say is said as the representa-
tive of a govermnent which profoundly believes
in the desirability of admitting new members to
the United Nations. With that in mind and with
the very great respect that I have for you, sir,
[Sir Leslie Munro, President of the Council] I
must say that I do not share your belief as to the
fact that there is a definite purpose in this reso-
lution,'' or a definite obligation here, to give effect
to whatever the General Assembly may have
voted. We certainly have the obligation to give
it tremendous weight and give it very respectful
consideration. But, certainly, we cannot contend
that the Assembly has a right to bind the Security
Council any more than the Security Council has
a right to bind the Assembly. They are autono-
mous organs. To my mind, the resolution intro-
duced by New Zealand and Brazil has as its
primary purpose to provide an orderly method of
voting, an orderly procedure for considering these
questions. And it is with that understanding that
we look at it.

Now, the representative of China [Dr. T. F.
Tsiang], who is making what I think is both a
highly intelligent as well as a gallant fight for
principles he believes in, is, I think, well within his
rights in moving this amendinent. In view of the
overwhelming sentiment in this Council in the past
in favor of the Kepublic of Korea and in favor
of the Republic of Viet-Nam, Ms motion is, I think,
entirely appropriate.

The members of the Council will recall that in
April 1949 we voted 9 to 2 in favor of the Republic
of Korea, and in September we voted a vote of 10

General Assembly Resolution
on New Members ^

The General Assembly

Havinff noted the general sentiment which has
been expressed on numerous occasions in favour
of the widest possible membership of the United
Nations,

Having received the preliminary report ( A/2973 )
of the Committee of Good Offices established by the
General Assembly resolution 718 (VIII) of 23
October 1953,

Taking into account the statements about the ad-
mission of new members made by permanent mem-
bers of the Security Council in the general debate of
the present session of the General Assembly,

Believing that a broader representation in the
membership of the United Nations will enable the
organization to play a more effective role in the
current international situation,

1. Expresses appreciation of the work and efforts
of the Committee of Good Offices ;

2. Requests the Security Council to consider, in
the light of the general opinion in favour of the
widest jwssible membership of the United Nations,
the pending applications for membership of all those
eighteen countries about which no problem of
unification arises ;

3. Requests further that the Security Council
make its report on these applications to the Gen-
eral Assembly during the present session.

' U.N. doc. A/ AC. SO/Ii. 3/Rev. 1 ; adopted in the
Ad Hoc Political Committee on Dec. 7 and in the
General Assembly (A/Res./357) on Dec. 8 by the
same vote: 52 to 2 (China, Cuba), with 5 absten-
tions (Belgium, France, Greece, Israel, U.S.).
South Africa was absent.

'Made in the Security Council (U. S. delegation press
release 2323).

' U. N. doc. S/3o06, submitted by China as an amend-
ment to the Brazil-New Zealand resolution (S/3502). The
draft amendment called for the addition of the Republic
of Korea and the Republic of Viet-Nam to the list of 18.

to 1 for the Republic of Viet-Nam. The United
States has always supported these countries in ac-
cordance with this overwhelming sentiment, and
we continue to feel that countries who are divided
only because of the aggressive action taken against
them by others shoidd not be ban-ed from mem-
bership by virtue of that illegal division.

In addition to the view that I have expressed
about Viet-Nam, I would like to say that the Re-
public of Korea must always have a special place
here in the United Nations. The Republic of
Korea not only is important in and of itself, but
it was a great symbol of the effort of the free
world to take collective action to repel an aggres-
sion— something which was deliberately and dtily
voted by the United Nations and wliich marked the
first time in human history that an aggression was

December 26, 1955

1069

repelled by collective military action under the
auspices of an international organization.

Now, in that contest, in that struggle, which
involved more than the Republic of Korea, that
small country contributed 52 percent of all the
men in the division forward zone, wliich is where
the fighting and the dying took place. I do not
think that any member of this body goes outside
of the proprieties in offering an amendment simi-
lar to that offered by the Eepublic of Cliina.°

SECOND STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE,
DECEMBER 13 »

The remarks of the Soviet representative
[Arkady A. Sobolev] are as inaccurate as they
are uncalled for, and that is saying quite a good
deal.

Wlien he says that we should ponder well as to
who wants and who does not want a solution of the
membership question, I echo him. That's the
only respect in which I do, because a candid
pondering of this situation and a careful exami-
nation of the facts can leave no f airminded person
in doubt as to where the responsibility lies.

He said that the attitude of the Soviet Union
was well known. Indeed, yes, it was very well
known. There are lots of things that are well
known, and we know them but we don't like them.
The salient feature of the attitude of the Soviet
Union was an attitude of take it or leave it —
"either we have every single thing that we want or
else we don't play."

It was perfectly clear that we today could have
had 17 nations admitted to the United Nations if
it had not been for the Soviet Union. We could
have had Albania, Jordan, Ireland, Portugal,
Hmigary, Italy, Austria, Eumania, Bulgaria, Fin-
land, Ceylon, Nepal, Libya, Cambodia, Japan,
Laos, and Spain. That is what we could have

° In the voting which followed, the amendment sub-
mitted by China was vetoed by the U.S.S.R. Thereafter
the 18 applicants listed in the joint resolution were voted
upon separately, and following the Chinese veto of Outer
Mongolia, the U.S.S.R. vetoed all the applicants except
the Eastern European satellites. Thus 4 applicants (Al-
bania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania) survived the
results of the individual country votes, but when the para-
graph as a whole was put to the vote, it failed of adoption
by a vote of 1 (U.S.S.R.) -4 (Brazil, China, Peru, Turkey )-
6 (Belgium, France, Iran, New Zealand, U.K., U.S.).

"Made in the Security Council after the vote on the
membership question (U.S. delegation press release 2324) .

had, Mr. Chairman. But the Soviet representa-
tive insisted on having all or nothing.

As I have said in the Ad Hoc Committee, if
there is never to be any spirit of compromise, any
spirit of accommodation, any give and take, you
cannot operate the United Nations. If everybody

Security Council Draft Resolution
on New Members '

The Security Council,

Noting resolution A/Res./357 adopted by the Gen-
eral Assembly on 8 December 1955 in which the
Security Council was requested "to consider in the
light of the general opinion in favour of the widest
possible membership of the United Nations the pend-
ing applications for membership of all those eight-
een countries about which no problem of unification
arises,"

Having considered separately the applications for
membership of Albania, the Mongolian People's Re-
public, Jordan, Ireland, Portugal, Hungary, Italy,
Austria, Roumania, Bulgaria, Finland, Ceylon,
Nepal, Libya, Cambodia, Japan, Laos and Spain,

Recommends to the General Assembly the admis-
sion of the above-named countries.

' U.N. doc. S/3502 dated Dec. 10, co-sponsored by
Brazil and New Zealand. The resolution failed of
adoption on Dec. 13 by a vote of 1-ir-Q. For details
of the voting, see footnote 5 below.

comes in liere with absolutely rigid positions, and
we just have this as nothing but a place for a series
of head-on collisions, why there is no point in
having the LTnited Nations. Of course, you would
like to have everything your own way. I would
like to have everything my own way. But we
have discovered that we can't do it. The essence
of tolerance and the essence of the democratic
system is that we have some regard for the views
of others.

Then the Soviet representative spoke about the
representative of the Republic of China and said
that Dr. Tsiang only represents himself. Well,
many of us in this room can remember the govern-
ments in exile during World War II from Norway,
from Belgium, from Holland, from Poland, from
many other countries. And the statement that
Dr. Tsiang only represents himself is only true if
the governments in exile during World War II
only represented themselves.

Then the Soviet representative trotted out the
stale old smear that the United States was the

1070

Department of State Bulletin

devil behind this whole thing. He talked about
the preparatory campaign of the United States. I
am sure every man in this room knows the United
States made no campaign. You cannot find a sign
of it anywhere. When there are 52 votes in the
General Assembly on a position different from that
of the United States, that is not a sign that the
United States made much of a campaign.

When you look at the Vandenberg resolution
which passed the Senate in 1948, in which mem-
bers of both parties in the United States went on
record in favor of never using the veto on mem-
bership questions, and you look at the way the
United States representative has never used the
veto on membership questions, you can see very
well that the United States has never sought to
influence this situation but has contented itself
simply wnth stating our position — that we favored
the 1-3 free nations and we would abstain on the
satellite nations.

"WHien you see that there have been 9 votes here
all afternoon, Mr. Chairman, for the satellites —
vote in and vote out there were 9 votes for the
satellites — that shows perfectly clearly that no ef-
fort was made by me or anybody else to organize
votes against the satellites. I do think it would be
only fair of the Soviet representative to recognize
that fact.

The truth of the matter is that, in the type of
thinking which the Soviet representative reflects,
the idea of equals, people being equals among
equals, of small nations and big nations being
equals, of their respecting each other's sovereign-
ty— all those concepts are concepts which he sim-
ply cannot believe. It is all an idea of the strong
and the weak, and the master and the servant.
And those are ideas, of course, which are directly
contrary to everything that we believe in this coun-
try. Because we have been a small country for
most of our national existence, we are a country of
little people who came here from all over the
world to escape oi^pression, and we look at the
world through the eyes of a small country. The
idea of our going in for any arm twisting — to use
the journalistic phrase — or to seek to put any pres-
sure, or to seek to dictate, or to seek to deliver, is
something which the United States can never do.

No, Mr. Chairman, the truth of the matter is
that the responsibility is squarely on the Soviet
Union. Just count it up for yourselves. Out of
16 vetoes which were cast this afternoon, the So-

viet Union cast 15. Now, that is not rhetoric;
that is not oratory ; that is not something that I
have just invented. That is right in the steno-
graphic transcript of the proceedings, and it will
be there for all time to come.

No, Mr. Representative of the Soviet Union,
you cannot escape the record. You cannot escape
the verdict of history. The truth is mighty and
it will prevail.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE, DE-
CEMBER 14'

The United States has long favored the admis-
sion of all qualified applicants for membership.
We are overjoyed that 12 free nations have been
elected.* They will bring us much in civilization
and in wisdom.

We of the United States have worked hard in
collaboration with many others, to whom we ex-
press our thanks tonight, to help bring this about.
The result speaks well for the spirit of give and
take without which this organization cannot work.

As I have made clear by actions in the Security
Council today, we keenly regret that Japan was not
elected. But we will continue to work for her
acbnission.

We cordially welcome all these new members and
believe that their presence here will greatly add
to the usefulness of the United Nations.

DEPARTMENT STATEMENT, DECEMBER 15 °

The United States is greatly pleased that de-
spite continued Soviet obstruction over the past 9
years, including the casting of 44 vetoes on admis-

' Made in the plenary session of the General Assembly
(U.S. delegation press release 2327).

' On Dec. 14, at an urgent meeting requested by the
U.S.S.R., the Security Council adopted a Soviet proposal
recommending to the Assembly admission of 16 appli-
cants— those included in the previous joint resolution,
minus Outer Mongolia and Japan. The vote was 8 to 0,
with 3 abstentions (Belgium, China, U.S.). A U.S.
amendment to add Japan was vetoed by the U.S.S.R.
Following the adoption of the resolution calling for the
admission of the 16, Ambassador Lodge introduced a
resolution according to which the Security Council would
recommend to the General Assembly that it admit Japan
at its 11th session. The General Assembly met on the
evening of Dec. 14 and approved the admission of the 16
api)licants recommended by the Council.

° Made to correspondents by Lincoln White, Acting Chief
of the News Division, Department of State.

December 26, 7955

1071

sion of new members, 12 free nations have at long
last taken their rightful place in the United
Nations.

These countries have a great contribution to
make to this world body and should increase con-
siderably the vitality and usefulness of the organi-
zation.

One glaring injustice remains. As Ambassador
[John M.] Allison informed the Japanese Foreign
Minister early today, we are extremely sorry that
the Soviet Union has once again seen fit to veto
Japan's admission to the United Nations. Japan's
just claim to membership, which the United States
has consistently and actively supported, has again
been frustrated by the Soviet Union. The cynical
action of the Soviet Union was in defiance of the
recognition by the overwhelming majority of the
present members of the United Nations that Japan
is fully eligible for membership under the charter.
It is clear that the Soviet Union in vetoing Japan
has sought only to preserve for itself a bargaining
pawn. We think the opinion of the world will
know how to appraise this self-serving tactic.

Ambassador Lodge made every effort yesterday
to bring about the seating of Japan, and the United
States will continue to urge upon the United Na-
tions the admission of Japan, which, like the other
free nations already admitted, has a considerable
contribution to make to the effectiveness of the or-
ganization. Indeed, it is not too late to hope that
the Soviet Union will yield to the tremendous
pressure of world opinion and withdraw its veto
of Japan. There is still time to do this if the
Soviet Union will but recognize the injustice of
Japan's exclusion.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE, DE-
CEMBER 15 >o

It is somewhat hard to understand the argument
that the Soviet representative made when he said
that the resolution of the United States, which
reconmnends Japan's admission, is not aimed at
solving the problem of new members." Those
words are quoted from what he said. Surely,
Japan would be a new member if she were elected.
As Japan is the one great undivided country that
is not a member, it seems to me that what we are
doing here is directly aimed at solving the prob-
lem of new members.

The Soviet representative refers to the General
Assembly resolution which has been interpreted
as stipulating 18 members, although the figure 18
never occurs anywhere in its text. Surely, it
would have been within the reach of the Soviet
representative in the Ad Hoc Committee to have
proposed an amendment stipulating 18 if he really
wanted to specify that figure. ^^

In any case, the United States record is per-
fectly clear. "We never supported the figure of 18.
I made it clear for the United States Govermnent
on November 13 that we thought that 17 was a
proper figure.

But even if we had, Mr. President, it must be
fundamental that, just as the Security Council
cannot bind the General Assembly, so is it true
that the General Assembly does not bind the Se-
curity Council. As a matter of fact, the resolu-
tion in the General Assembly did not seek to bind
the Security Council. The resolution in the Gen-
eral Assembly asked the Council to "consider."
That verb "consider" was in the resolution. Well,

"Made in the Security Council (U.S. delegation press
release 2329).

"On Dec. 15 the U.S.S.R. vetoed the U.S. resolution
recommending admission of Japan at the 11th session of
the General Assembly. At the same meeting a Soviet
resolution recommending admission of Outer Mongolia
and Japan at the 11th session was rejected by a vote of
1 (U.S.S.R.) - 0, with 10 abstentions. The U.K. then
proposed that the Security Council take note that Japan
is fully qualified for membership and express the hope
it will soon be admitted. On Dec. 21, following rejection
of a Soviet amendment adding Outer Mongolia to the
British resolution, the Council decided to suspend further
consideration of the proposal.

" In a further intervention Mr. Lodge said : "Mr. Presi-
dent, I unwittingly made a misstatement of fact, which
my staff called to my attention, when I said that the
General Assembly resolution did not mention the figure
18. The original draft did not but it was amended so
that it had the figure 18 in it. Of course, that does not
in the least bit vitiate my argument. It still is true that
the resolution merely asked the Security Council to con-
sider. It did not seek to bind us. It did not seek to direct
us. Obviously, the General Assembly is autonomous, and
the Security Council is autonomous. When the Security
Council gives due weight to, and considers the views of,
the General Assembly, it is doing all it is supposed to do.
Certainly, no one could contend that the General Assembly
establishes the agenda for the Security Council. I might
also add, as I said before, that the United States in any
case did not support 18 and that therefore the position
that we are taking here is thoroughly consistent. I regret
the misstatement and I wanted to correct it so that
everything I said would be completely correct."

1072

Department of State Bulletin

we have considered it. We have thoroughly kept
faith and given due weight to the General As-
sembly resolution.

Then, Mr. President, the Soviet representative
puts Japan and Outer Mongolia in the same
bracket. We in the United States just cannot ad-
mit that. I do not have in mind so much the fact
of Japan's poi^ulation, importance in size, and con-
tribution to the economic life of the world — al-
though those things in themselves are very
impressive. In the city of Boston, Massachusetts,
from where I come, is a museum which we think
contains the finest exhibit of Japanese art that
exists in the world outside of Japan. And any-
one who sees that exhibit, which I have from boy-
hood, and anyone who studies Japanese culture and
Japanese philosophy, Japanese contribution to
civilization, must be shocked at the notion that
Japan and Outer Mongolia should be put in the
same bracket.

Of course, there have been tragic periods in our
history with Japan. But we are here looking for-
ward, not looking back. We are here working for
the peace of the world. Certainly, no one can
speak with greater authority on a matter of that
kind than did Sir Winston Churchill when he
condemned those who harp forever on past wars
and refvise to look ahead with optimism and faith
to peace. And it is in that spirit that I believe we
should recommend the admission of Japan.

Now, Mr. President, I regret to have to do this,
but the truth is that the Soviet representative in
spite of two reminders by me did not give you
here in the Council the full text of what he said.
I call your attention to page 3 of the verbatim
record of the 705th meeting yesterday. In the
next to the last paragraph on page 3, which the
Soviet representative read, it said that "Japan and
the Mongolian People's Republic would be re-
ferred to the next session." Then he went on to
say, and I am quoting from the bottom of page 3

and over to the top of page 4, "Such a proposal
with regard to Japan in no way alters our positive
attitude to the admission of Japan to the United
Nations, as may be seen from the Soviet draft reso-
lution submitted earlier to the Security Council.
This proposal merely means that the question of
the admission of Japan is being postponed until
the next session for reasons which are clear to
everyone." That's the end of that quotation. As
a matter of fact, the reasons are not clear to me
and he never saw fit to state them. But this state-
ment deals with Japan. The whole paragraph
deals with nothing but Japan. There is no refer-
ence to Outer Mongolia at all.

Then on pages 9 and 10 of the verbatim record
of the 705th session comes this statement from the
Soviet representative: "Our vote against the
amendment does not mean that we have changed
our attitude on the admission of Japan to the
United Nations." Not a word here about Outer
Mongolia. "As before, we support the admission
of Japan to the United Nations, and the action to
be taken by the Security Council at the present
time will merely mean that the admission of Japan
is postponed until the next session of the General
Assembly."

It was on the strength of that statement that I
thereupon introduced this resolution, hoping that
it would at once be accepted by the Soviet repre-
sentative and that there could be a demonstration
of international harmony and good feeling here
which certainly would be most welcome.

Now, that is the actual background for the ac-
tion which the United States representative has
taken. I will not delay the Council any longer,
IMr. President. I assume of couree that the vote
will be taken on my resolution first, which was the
first introduced. I have moved it to a vote, and I
hope the vote will be taken as soon as other mem-
bers have completed whatever statements they
wish to make.

December 26, 1955

1073

The Korean Question

Statements hy Jacob Blaustein

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly

QUESTION OF KOREAN REPRESENTATION'

It has been the practice in this committee to
invite a representative of the Republic of Korea
to participate in the committee's deliberations on
this item.^ We have accorded this privilege to
the Republic of Korea in keeping with the general
feeling that the victim of the aggression, which
called forth the collective action of the United Na-
tions in Korea, should be heard in this debate. In
our opinion it is just and proper that a duly ap-
pointed representative of the Republic of Korea —
which represents the vast majority of the Korean
people — should be given the opj^ortunity to state
their views before this body.

The United States believes that a representative
of the Republic of Korea should again be invited
to participate in the deliberations on this item
which so vitally affects the future of that Republic.
I therefore move that a representative of the Re-
public of Korea be invited to participate, without
the right to vote, in the discussion of this item.

At this point I should like to state very briefly
the gi'ounds on which the United States will op-
pose the proposal of the distinguished representa-
tive of Syria [Ahmed Shukairy] to invite repre-
sentatives of the North Korean authorities along
with the representatives of tlie Republic of Korea
to take part in this debate.

The United States believes it would be unthink-
able to extend an invitation to representatives of
the authorities which committed the aggression in

^ Statement made in Committee I (Political and Se-
curity) on Nov. 10 (U.S. delegation press release 22G8).

-The agenda item entitled "The Korean Question" was
divided into three sub-items: (a) Report of the U.N.
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of
Korea, (b) Reports of the Neutral Nations Repatriation
Commission in Korea, and (e) Problem of Ex-Prisoners
of the Korean War. The last two items were proposed
by India.

Korea. The North Korean regime was found
guilty of that aggression by the General Assembly
and has no right to participate in our debates. We
are not now engaged in a political conference
where, obviously, both sides would be represented
if there is to be an agi'eement. We sit here as a
committee of the General Assembly, about to con-
sider certain United Nations aspects of the Korean
problem.

The United States, therefore, sees no need for
the representation here of the Communist authori-
ties of North Korea. They have no right to be
heard here, particularly since they have never
accepted the competence of the United Nations on
the Korean problem and have done nothing to
purge themselves of the aggression.

The United States delegation will accordingly
vote against the proposal of the representative of
Syria.

Moreover, in order to clarify the issue on which
we are about to vote, I wish now to make a prior
motion. Mr. Chairman, I move that the United
States proposal to invite a representative of the
Republic of Korea be put to the vote before the
proposal of the distinguished representative of
Syria is voted upon. I make this motion under
Rule 132, which reads as follows : "If two or more
proposals relate to the same question, a conmiittee
shall, unless it decides otherwise, vote on the pro-
posals in the order in which they have been sub-
mitted. . . ."

Under this rule, as you know, this committee is
free to decide that the United States proposal to
invite a representative of the Republic of Korea
shall be voted on first.^

^On Nov. 11 the committee adopted (44-5-9) the U.S.
proposal to invite a representative of the Republic of
Korea. The Syrian proposal was rejected (14-34-10).

1074

Department of State Bulletin

U. S. POSITION *

As we direct our attention once more to the
Korean question, we may find some satisfaction in
the fact tliat the cease-tire continues to be observed
and tliat the aggi'ession has not been renewed.
Unfortunately, however, tliere is little ground for
satisfaction beyond that, particularly since no
significant progi-ess has been made toward solving
the problem of Korea's reunification.

At times the problem of a Korean political set-
tlement may appear in these conference rooms to
involve little more than a repetition of old argu-
ments, a reaffirmation of old objectives. How easy
it seems to be on the part of some to forget that
we are discussing the fate of the Korean people, a
people whose country remains divided against it-
self because of the intransigence of the powers who
are now in military and political control in the
north. The will of the Korean people — as demon-
strated by the overwhelming majority which
found it possible to express itself freely in honest
elections under United Nations obsei-vation and
later fought so bravely to defend the Republic they
had created — their will is for the whole country
to be united under a free and independent gov-
ermnent dedicated to a genuinely democratic way
of life. This is their just goal. And this is also
the objective of the General Assembly as expressed
in various resolutions since 1947.

Their goal and our objective remain thwarted
by the rulers of North Korea, who continue un-
willing to surrender their control over North
Korea to freely elected representatives of all the
Korean people. Wliat is needed to solve the
Korean problem is an honest election. What is
needed is resort to the democratic process as it is
practiced by all free peoples. The United States
is convinced that there can be no solution to the
Korean problem until the people of Korea are en-
abled to exercise fully and freely this elementary
and indispensable right. They are now being de-
nied this right by a regime which fears freedom,
and, in this situation, the United States believes
that United Nations supervision is necessary to
safeguard this right.

Fifteen nations which responded to the appeal
of the United Nations and participated in tlie
military action in Korea to repel the Communist
aggression reported last year to the General As-

' Statement made in Committee I on Nov. 11 (U.S. dele-
gation press release 2269 dated Nov. 10).

senibly on the results of the postarmistice con-
ference held at Geneva in the spring of 1954.^ At
that conference and during the Assembly debate
last fall it was evident that the Communist side
was more anxious to challenge the competence of
the United Nations to deal with Korea than it was
to seek agreement on acceptable terms for unifi-
cation.

Sixteen-Nation Declaration

Faced with this attempt to imdermine the au-
thority of the United Nations, the 15 participating
nations, in concert with the Republic of Korea,
issued a declaration based on two fundamental
principles which they believed would provide the
basis for a Korean settlement consistent with the
objectives of the United Nations. These princi-
ples, which were noted with approval in Resolu-
tion 811 (IX) of December 11, 1954, read as
follows :

1. The United Nations, under its Charter, is fully and
rightfully empowered to take collective action to repel
aggression, to restore peace and security, and to extend
its good offices to seeking a peaceful settlement in Korea.

2. In order to estalalish a unified, independent and
democratic Korea, genuinely free elections should be held
under United Nations supervision, for representatives in
the national assembly, in which representation shall be
in direct proportion to the indigenous population in Korea.

During the past year, the Communists, regret-
tably, have given no indication whatsoever that
they are now ready to accept these two cardinal
principles and to move toward a solution of the
Korean problem on these terms. Instead, they
have proposed further conferences, ranging from
limited meetings between groups in North and
South Korea to deal with such local problems as
trade and travel, to a large-scale international con-
ference on outstanding Asian problems, including
Korea. Not one such proposal, however — and
they have been made with increasing frequency
since sununer — contains the slightest intimation
that the Communists are at last ready to partici-
pate in genuinely free elections under United
Nations supervision, an essential first step in a
Korean settlement.

In these circumstances, no one should expect the
Republic of Korea, or those United Nations mem-
bers wMch came to its assistance with military
contributions, or the General Assembly, to believe
that these Communist proposals for more confer-

^ U.N. doc. A/2786.

December 26, 1955

1075

ences reflect a sincere desire to achieve an equitable
solution of the Korean problem. Certainly, in the
absence of some clear-cut indication of Communist
willingness to proceed on terms which the United
Nations has already made plain are essential to a
Korean settlement, such Commmiist proposals
cannot be given serious consideration. The past
record indicates that the Communists intend by
such proposals to produce disagreement and dis-
sension in the hope of undermining the monu-
mental achievement of the United Nations in its
successful collective security action in Korea. I
submit that, in the absence of any sign of a sincere
willingness to reach an acceptable settlement,
Communist propaganda must not be permitted to
shake the unity of purpose that has marked the
actions of the United Nations in respect to Korea,
thereby jeopardizing the fate of the Korean
people.

When proposals for a new conference are ad-
vanced, we have a right to ask: In what respect
has the Communist position changed? "Wliat is
the new element in the Communist position which
could promote agreement on an acceptable settle-
ment where none was possible before ?

Armistice Agreement and Security Measures

Although it was not intended that the Korean
Armistice Agreement would remain in force in-
definitely, it still remains and, failing any satis-
factory arrangement for the peaceful unification
of Korea, probably must remain the formal basis
for arrangements with the Communists concern-
ing Korea. The Communists have violated the
agreement in many respects, the most important
and ominous of which is their repeated and con-
tinuing violations of paragraphs 13 (c) and (d) of
the armistice agreement. These provisions regu-
late the introduction of combat personnel and ma-
teriel into Korea.

These paragraphs provide in part as follows :

The Commanders of the opposing sides shall . . .

(c) Cease the introduction into Korea of reinforcing
military personnel : provided, however, that the rotation
of units and personnel, the arrival in Korea of personnel
on a temporary duty basis, and the return to Korea of
personnel after short periods of leave or temporary duty
outside of Korea shall be permitted within the scope
prescribed below. . . .

(d) Cease the introduction into Korea of reinforcing
combat aircraft, armored vehicles, weapons, and ammuni-
tion ; provided, however, that combat aircraft, armored
vehicles, weapons, and ammunition which are destroyed,

1076

damaged, worn out, or used up during the period of t
armistice may be replaced on the basis of pieee-for-pic
of the same effectiveness and the same type. . . .

These paragraphs further provide that sm
personnel and materiel may be "introduced in
Korea only^giirough the ports of entry enumerati
in paragraph 43" of the agreement. It is al
provided that, in order to justify the requireme
for introducing materiel into Korea, "reports co
cerning every incoming shipment of these itei
shall be made to the j\L\c [Military Armisti
Commission] and the Nnsc [Neutral Nations S
pervisory Commission]. . . ." And it is specifi
that "the Nnsc, through its Neutral Nations I
spection Teams, shall conduct supervision ai
inspection" of the replacement of such mater
at the approved ports of entry.

Well, the Communist side has neglected to su
mit more than an insignificant fraction of t
reports required under the armistice; it has c
structed inspection by the Neutral Nations Supt
visory Commission in North Korea; and it h
introduced illegally a modern air force of 400
500 planes, over 300 of which are recent jet typi
The United Nations Command has protested the
and other violations "^ and for its part has co
tinned to abide scrupulously by all the provisio
of the armistice agreement.

In spite of the significant Communist buildi
in air force and in imijortant types of groui
equipment, including tanks and heavy artille
in North Korea, the Communists claim to ha
withdrawn a considerable number of Chinese Coi
munist troops. They claim to have withdrav
some 486,000 men, an overall reduction of al^o
30 percent in the overall Communist troc
strength in North Korea and about a 55 perce
decrease in the Chinese Communist personii
strength there. Tlie inadequacy of their repoi
to the Supervisory Commission and their obstru
tion of the inspection teams make it impossit
to verify the accuracy of these claims and, indee
has rendered the commission ineffective.

The United Nations Command for its part li
witlidrawn a much larger proportion of foreij
military personnel from Korea. These wit
drawals were fully reported to, and checked b
the Nnsc. The non-Korean strength of tl
United Nations Command in Korea has been r
duced to the point where it now constitutes on

° For a recent protest by the U.N. Command, see Buli
TIN of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 191.

DeparfmenI of State Bullet

'.bout 20 percent of what it was when the armistice
kent into effect. In contrast, the Chinese Com-
nunist strength still constitutes about 45 ijercent
)f its strength at the time the armistice went into
'ffect. This sharp decrease in United Nations
roop contributions has been compen ated to some
!xtent by a strengthening of the Kepublic of
vorea armed forces, which comprised about 540,-
)00 men when the armistice was signed and whicli
low comprises about 650,000 men in 20 army divi-
ions. The expansion of the Kepublic of Korea
irmed forces, as you realize, has been completely
onsistent with the provisions of the Korean
Vrmistice Agreement. It should be noted, too,
liat the equipment furnished to the Kepublic
)f Korea was provided from stocks formerly held
)y United Nations troops which have now de-
larted from Korea or fi'om replacement of these
stocks, in strict accordance with the provisions of
he armistice agreement.

In order to protect the security of the Kepublic
if Korea against the possibility of a renewal of
:lie Communist aggression, it will probably be
lecessary to continue to maintain Republic of
[vorea military forces at a high level. Meanwhile,
)f course, the great deterrent to any renewal of
he Communist aggression is the exjierience of the
Communists in connection with the 1950 Security
Council resolutions on tlie Comnuinist aggression,
lie subsequent response of members of the United
Stations to the appeal for military assistance in
he name of collective security, the decisive action
)f the General Assembly to meet the entrance of
;he Chinese Communists into the Korean hostil-
ties, and the consequent joint policy declaration
3f the United Nations members who participated
n the collective action.

Jnited Nations Commission for the Unification and
Rehabilitation of Korea (UNCURK)

Among the matters concerning Korea which are
:o be considered by the General Assembly this
session is the report of Uncukk. This body,
*vhich was established by the October 7, 1950,
I'psolution of the General Assembly,^ was designed
primarily to supervise and assist in the political
reunification of Korea, which at that time ap-
peared imminent as a result of the collapse of
lie North Korean Army. In spite of the prolon-
gation and stalemating of the fighting which re-

' For text, see ibid.. Oct. 23, 1950, p. 648.

suited from the subsequent intervention of Com-
munist China — an action which was adjudged by
the General Assembly to be a new aggression —
Uncurk was promptly constituted and situated
in the Republic of Korea. It was our hope that
its presence and the fact that it was ready to
assist the reunification of Korea would eventually
prove of value, and that as the agent of the
United Nations in Korea it could exert a useful
influence in hastening the day when reunification
might be possible. Unfortunately, Communist
intransigence has prevented the fulfillment of this
hope.

Nevertheless, Uncurk has continued to perform
a useful function in its on-the-spot representation
of the United Nations in Korea, and the United
States believes it should continue, with its terms
of reference unaltered. However, in light of pres-
ent circumstances and the obviously limited range
of what it may currently expect to accomplish
in working toward our agreed goal of unification,
the commission has decided for the time being
to work through a subcommittee of four, all of
whom are to be permanently located in Korea.
The other three members, however, will continue
to be available for meetings of the full commis-
sion at such times as it prepares its annual report,
as well as upon the express call of the chairman
of the commission. My delegation considers this
arrangement eminently reasonable.

Problem of Ex-Prisoners of the Korean War

The delegation of India has submitted for our
agenda two items relating to tliose ex-prisoners
of the Korean conflict who did not desire re-
patriation. In their explanatory memorandum
the Indian delegation indicated the desirability
of the Assembly's considering the reports of the
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission (Nnrc)
and also requested the General Assembly to make
definite arrangements for resettling and meeting
the costs of the care and maintenance of the ex-
prisoners who were taken to India, pending their
final disposition.

The Nnrc ceased to exist more than a year ago.
Even at this late date, however, it is most fitting
that we here should note with appreciation the
work of the commission, and particularly the out-
standing service of the custodial forces provided
by India which had the difficult task of actually
caring for the prisoners in their camps in Korea.

December 26, J 955

1077

In this connection, I would like to read Presi-
dent Eisenhower's letter of February 19, 1954, to
Prime Minister Nehru :

Dear Mr. Prime Minister: Now that the mission of
Indian troops is drawing to a close in Korea, I want to
express to you my appreciation and that of my country-
men for the performance of the Indian Custodial Forces.

No military unit in recent years has undertaken a more
delicate and demanding peacetime mission than that faced
by the Indian forces in Korea. The vast majority of
prisoners placed in their charge had from months of im-
prisonment and uncertainty become highly nervous and
volatile. The confidence inspired by the exemplary tact,
fairness and firmness shown by the Indian officers and men
led by their their two able commanders, Lieutenant Gen-
eral Thimayya and Major General Thorat, did much to
alleviate the fears and doubts of these prisoners. The
performance of these officers and their troops was fully
in keeping with the high reputation of the Indian Army.
They deserve the highest commendation.

With best wishes.
Sincerely,

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower

It is unfortunate that after all this time there
still remain in India some 82 ex-prisoners who de-
sire to avail themselves of those pro\asions of the
Prisoner-of-War Agreement permitting them to
go to neutral destinations of their choice, and
whose resettlement thus far has not been achieved.
We note that the Government of Brazil has gen-
erously offered to accept for permanent resettle-
ment former prisoners who desire to go to Latin
America. My delegation sincerely hopes that ar-
rangements will promptly be made for a solution
of this problem. I know all here share the hope
that these ex-prisoners can soon be engaged in
normal, constructive pursuits in their new homes.

Illegally Detained Military and Civilian Persons

Before concluding my remarks, I must also re-
fer to a matter which my Government views with
great concern and which has already been the sub-
ject of a United Nations General Assembly reso-
lution last December.^ I refer to the continued
detention by the North Korean and Chinese Com-
munist authorities of captured and displaced per-
sonnel and the failure of these authorities to ac-
count for such personnel. This is a violation of
the Korean Armistice Agreement. Thanks to the
expression of concern by this body and to the
skillful and tireless efforts of the Secretary-Gen-
eral and others, the release of certain United
States fliers, who were members of the United

•IMd., Dec. 20, 1954, p. 932.

Nations Command and who were detained il-
legally in Communist China, was recently ob-
tained." However, there still remain in Commu-
nist control tens of thousands of people who are
entitled under the terms of the Korean Armistice
Agreement to be permitted and assisted to proceed
to the territory under the control of the Eepublic
of Korea.

Most of those who are still known to be living
are Korean. Eye-witness reports still continue to
arrive by means of escapees from Communist ter-
ritory which indicate that many of these unfortu-
nate people are being exploited in forced labor
gangs in North Korea. Although the exact num-
ber of those still alive is unknown, it is known
that there were about 24,000 Republic of Korea
military personnel alive at one time in Communist
custody for whom the Communists have never
accounted. It is also known that there are at
least 17,000 civilians, most of them people with
special talents, including prominent Republic of
Korea officials, who were captured when the Com-
munists overran Seoul in 1950.

Additionally, there are a number of non-Korean
civilians who are known to have been alive at one
time in Communist custody and who have never
been accounted for by the Communists. The na-
tionalities reported include Irish, French, German,
American, and others. There is also one stateless
refugee, who there is reason to believe is still alive
in North Korea and who desires to proceed to the
Republic of Korea to join her family. The United
States urges that the Communists take early steps
to account for these unfortunate people and to
release those still alive.

In conclusion, I would like to recall once more
that the Korean problem is one with which the
United Nations has been continuously concerned
since 1947. It is a problem on which it has taken
a consistent, honorable, and forthright position
throughout. The United Nations has striven al-
ways for the establishment of a united, free, in-
dependent, and democratic Korea under a repre-
sentative form of government. It has resisted
vigorously and successfully — by means of the first
collective-security military action in modern his-
tory— an attempt by the Communists to conquer
the entire area.

I am confident that in our detailed discussions
of the Korean item we shall live up to the fine

° IhUi., June 13, 1955, p. 953, and Aug. 15, 1955, p. 262.

1078

Deparfment of Sfofe Bullelin

traditions which this body has already establislied
in dealing with Korea.

REFUTATION OF SOVIET CHARGES"

I listened with great attention yesterday to the
statement of the distinguished representative of
the Soviet Union [Yakov A. Malik]. I had hoped
to hear in this statement some indication of a
change in the Communist attitude, or at least a
hint that some change might be in the offing. But
unfortunately we heard nothing of the kind.

The Soviet representative was quite vague yes-
terday in his suggestions with regard to a solution
to the Korean liroblem. He said : "As before, the
Soviet Union considers it essential to assure the
unification of Korea through the carrying out of
all-Korean, free elections on the basis of an agree-
ment between North and South Korea, and in con-
ditions that would rule out foreign intervention or
any kind of pressure whatever on the voters." He
said these elections "should be carried out not by
foreigners but by the Koreans themselves under
the supervision of an unbiased international
organ."

While these suggestions are vague, there is
nothing vague as to their meaning. For these are
the same suggestions which the Communist side
made at Geneva and has been repeating ever since.
The possibilities of these suggestions were ex-
plored at length at Geneva, and the results of those
efforts are well known. Wliat the Soviet repre-
sentative has now proposed, in eifect, is that we
should consider once more the same Communist
proposals that we have considered, found sterile,
and rejected in the past. These proposals, includ-
ing the establishment of economic and cultural
contacts between North and South Korea, were
and are designed to prolong discussion, to mislead
I^eoples into thinking there was agreement where
in fact there was none, and, most importantly,
to prevent the people of Korea from having a
genuinely free choice as to their representation in,
and the nature of, the government which is to
administer a imified Korea.

These proposals have an objective as simple as
it is devious. The objective is not a free, unified,
and independent Korea under a democratic form

" statement made in Committee I on Nov. 15 (U.S. dele-
gation press release 2274).

of government. The objective does not square
with that of the United Nations. Instead, the
Communist objective is to im]^x)se Communist
domination on the whole of Korea. Recognizing
that tills cannot be done as long as the Republic
of Korea and the United Nations remain alert, the
Communists by these proposals hope to give the
false impression of willingness to work toward the
objectives of the United Nations while at the same
time chipping away at those objectives by what-
ever means they can fiind.

The Communist rulers of North Korea have
never dared face an honest election. Indeed,
there has been to the knowledge of my Govern-
ment only one election — and I repeat — one election
for the so-called "Supreme Peoples Council."
That was in 1948 and under Soviet supervision,
where the customary single slate of candidates
was presented for approval. The Communist pro-
posals now suggest that representatives of this
Supreme Peoples Council which rules a minority
of the Korean people sit down together with the
duly elected representatives of the three-quarters
of the Korean people who live in the Republic of
Korea. It is suggested that there be equality of
decision between these groups ! That jointly on
this basis of parity they work out the laws and
regulations to govern a future election through-
out the country ! Now, Mr. Chairman, the free
world has had some experience with arrangements
of this kind and with the governments that spring
therefrom. We are all too familiar with the type
of election the Communist representation would
seek to impose on the Korean people. We remem-
ber the fate of some of the peoples of Eastern
Europe.

We are told by the distinguished representative
of the Soviet Union that we must recognize the
realities of the situation. Is this reason for aban-
donment of a principle so fundamental as the
freedom and independence of a long-suffering
people ? Certainly it cannot be said that the So-
viet suggestion is worth trying just because it
offers the only terms which the Communist side
is willing to consider at tliis time ! The United
Nations has proclaimed just and proper objectives
for a Korean settlement. Because they are just
and proper, we must not be diverted from them.

The vast majority of the Korean people — those
who fought so bravely and incurred such tremen-
dous casualties against the Communist aggressors
from the north — are adamant in tlieir refusal to

December 26. 1955

1079

embrace such proposals. And they have a per-
fect right to take such a position. The Govern-
ment of the Republic of Korea has agreed to stake
its fate on free elections under United Nations
supervision. Why, then, should anyone expect
that Government and the people it represents to
subject themselves to the delaying and misleading
tactics of the Communist proposal ? "V^Hiy should
anj'one expect this Government to afford the totali-
tarian voice of communism a greatly dispropor-
tionate position — indeed a veto — in determining
the future of the Korean people? On the con-
trary, I submit that it is the Communist regime
in the north that should stand up and be counted,
counted in a free election under United Nations
supervision.

The distinguished representative of the Soviet
Union ended his speech yesterday by telling us
that in light of the facts — his facts — it becomes
all the more obvious that it is necessary to convene
a conference of the interested states on the Korean
question. As I remarked earlier, there has been
no change in the Communist position. They have
given us no indication that they are now willing
seriously to discuss the unification of Korea on a
basis acceptable to the United Nations and to a
majority of the people of Korea. I note that my
distinguished colleague from Canada [Paul Mar-
tin] is also of the view that the time is not ripe
for such discussions.

Question of Troop Reductions

Before concluding my remarks, I would like to
address myself to several other points made by
the Soviet representative. Yesterday he at-
tempted to cast some doubt on certain figures and
percentages which I cited in my statement of
November 11. He said that I had occupied myself
with "complicated calculations'' concerning the
reduction of foreign troops in North and South
Korea.

Actually, the figures which I cited are quite
simple and clear. They have been made available
to every member of this committee, so that there
is no mystery about them. These figures demon-
strate that the United Nations Command has with-
drawn from Korea a much larger proportion of
non-Korean personnel than have the Chinese Com-
munists. The reductions in the non-Korean
strength of the forces under the United Nations
Command were reported to, and checked by, the

Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission. It is
not surprising, therefore, that the Soviet repre-
sentative, who found my figures "complicated,"
was unable to contest any of them.

The distinguished representative of the Soviet
Union went on to say that the increase — it is a
moderate increase — which has taken place in the
size of the Republic of Korea Army prevents a
"normalization" of the situation in Korea. I do
not know what he means by "normalization" ; but
if he means that this increase is an understandable
effort by the Republic of Korea to avoid a repeti-
tion of the nearly disastrous situation of June
1950, he is quite right. Certainly there is no need
for me to belabor the fact that the Republic of
Korea was the victim of the aggression, or the fact
that its people constitute over three-fourths of the
total population of Korea.

Moreover, as already made clear, the Communist
side has substantially strengthened its materiel
effectiveness by violating several provisions of the
armistice agreement. The record of these viola-
tions has been set forth frequently by the repre-
sentative of the United Nations Command in the
Military Armistice Commission at Panmunjom.
And finally, in terms of military potential, there
is, of course, a vast difference between Chinese
Communist armies withdrawn from Korea but
poised just across the Yalu River and United Na-
tions personnel withdrawn to their home territo-
ries, most, some ten thousand miles from Korea.

Naturally, cormnon prudence dictates some in-
crease in the size of the army of the Republic of
Korea. But, as I said in my first statement, and I
wish now to repeat, "tlie equipment furnished to
the Republic of Korea was provided from stocks
formerly held by United Nations troops which
have now departed from Korea or from replace-
ment of these stocks, in strict accordance with the
provisions of the armistice agreement."

Fundamental Principles in Korean Settlement

Mr. Chairman, let us turn again briefly to the
fundamental problem with which we are con-
cerned. I have spoken thus far of the position of
the Government of the Republic of Korea and the
attitude of the great majority of the Korean people
who elected that Government. But we here have
an equal responsibility to ourselves and to tlris
organization to see to it that the aims and ob-
jectives of the United Nations are achieved. For

1080

Department of State Bulletin

the position of the General Assembly, as expressed
in its various resolutions on this subject, is a posi-
tion based on fundamental principles. It is not
based on procedural or tactical considerations.
We would be doing a gross disservice to those who
fouffht on the United Nations side in Korea were
we to abandon tliese princix^les merely to demon-
strate our willingness to engage in renewed nego-
tiations and at a time when it is evident that such
negotiations could not lead to any constructive
result.

That is why the United States delegation has
submitted the resolution which is before you in
document A/C.1/L.145. We have sought in this
resolution to give expression to the consensus of
the views of the great majority of delegations rep-
resented here. This resolution recalls the prin-
ciples which we regard as essential to a Korean
settlement and reaffirms our intention to seek an
early solution of the Korean question in accord-
ance with the objectives of the United Nations.
My delegation does not see how the United Nations
could do otherwise.

In closing, Mr. Chairman, I should like to sug-
gest a minor modification in the last paragraph
of the United States resolution, a modification
which will make for greater clarity. We have
asked in this paragi-aph that the Secretary-Gen-
eral place "this item" on the provisional agenda of
the Eleventh Session. Since the main Korean
item this year includes sub-items, and since there
is a separate resolution dealing with one of these
sub-items, I would suggest that in place of the
words "this item" we should substitute the words
"the Korean question." The paragraph would
then read "Requests the Secretary-General to place
the Korean question on the provisional agenda of
its Eleventh Session."

Mr. Chairman, we believe that this resolution
deserves the support of the overwhelming major-
ity of this committee.

REFUTATION OF POLISH CHARGES "

It is with reluctance that I find it necessary to
intervene again in this debate. I am aware that
other urgent matters await the attention of the
committee, and I am conscious of the desirability
of dealing with those matters as soon as possible.

"Statement made in Committee I on Nov. 21 (U.S.
delegation press release 2282).

However, the importance of the Korean question
and the importaiice of the objectives of the United
Nations with respect to Korea, as well as the na-
ture of some remarks which have been made dur-
ing the debate, make a further intervention on my
part unavoidable.

The difficulties which lie in the way of achieving
the objectives of the United Nations with respect
to Korea are great enough ; they should not be in-
creased by statements before this committee which
contain errors of fact and groundless accusations
which do not assist the committee in a fair and
dispassionate appraisal of the Korean situation.

After the series of protracted debates which
have taken place on the Korean question, it is not
necessary at this stage to deal with every charge,
especially when we all know they were made for
propaganda purposes. However, my Govern-
ment cannot ignore the statement of last Wednes-
day by the representative of Poland [Juliusz
Katz-Suchy] . Nor do we believe that this Assem-
bly would wish that such a statement go unchal-
lenged. For although the representative of Po-
land addressed himself primarily to the United
States, he has really questioned the veracity of the
United Nations Command and, thus, of the gov-
ernments which have participated in that com-
mand or given it their support in other ways.

The purpose of my intervention today is to lay
before this committee for the record some facts
which will demonstrate the true character of the
statement made by the representative of Poland.
Let me give you but one example of the way in
which he has introduced irrelevant information
in a manner designed to leave mistaken im-
pressions.

After attempting to paint a ridiculous picture
of Nnsc inspection trips made by helicopter, as
if this were some cruel form of torture, he said :
". . . only a few days ago during one such inspec-
tion flight over South Korea three Polish mem-
bers of the Supervisory Commission lost their
lives in an accident." Now the representative of
Poland knows — because these facts were checked
by other Polish members of the Commission and
reported to his Government — he knows that this
flight in the first place was not an inspection trip.
The accident occurred when Communist members
of the inspection team stationed at Kimsan were
being flown back to Panmunjom in an L-20 liai-
son plane — not a helicopter, by the way — as part
of a normal rotation of personnel. He also knows,

December 26, J 955

1081

but failed to mention, that the American pilot of
the plane also lost Ms life. Mr. Chairman, this
attempt to exploit an unfortmiate accident and
the loss of four lives to substantiate a baseless
charge is typical of the techniques employed
throughout his statement.

Charges of Armistice Violations

Let me now turn to some of the more extreme
charges concerning violations of tlie armistice
agreement.

The delegate from Poland stated that the
charges of Communist violations of the armistice
agreement made by the United States and Aus-
tralian delegates were not detailed or substan-
tiated. He then said that the only detailed charge
was that North Korea "organized a modern air
force of about 400-500 jet aircraft." Now I wish
to make clear that the charge we made was not that
North Korea had no air force but that, up to the
signing of the armistice agreement, whatever air
force it did have was not based in North Korea.
The Polish delegate correctly refers to commu-
niques of the United Nations Command describ-
ing action by jet aircraft over North Korea and,
I trust, will recall that these communiques also
noted that the Commmiist planes fled back across
tlie Yalu River to their bases in Manchuria.

At the time the armistice was signed, all airfields
in North Korea were inoperative. They had been
under continuous and effective attack by the air
forces of the United Nations Command, and pho-
tographs taken by that command on July 27,
1953 — the armistice became effective on the eve-
ning of that day — prove that on that day the Com-
munist side had no combat aircraft operating from
Korean air bases. Within a few months after
the armistice was signed, however. United Nations
Command radar surveillance detected continu-
ously increasing jet aircraft activity from North
Korean bases, thus establishing that the Commn-
nist side was in violation of paragraph 13 (d) of
the armistice agreement. That provision of the
agi'eement, you will recall, limits the introduction
of combat aircraft, as well as other military ma-
teriel, to replacement "piece for piece" of the same
effectiveness and the same type of equipment de-
stroyed, damaged, wornout, or used up during the
period — and I emphasize — during the period of
the armistice.

Requesting your indulgence, Mr. Chairman, for

a few moments more on this aspect of the subject,
I would like to call attention to the statement of
the Polish delegate that this charge — he referred
to the charge of illegal introduction of aircraft
into North Korea — "was considered at a meeting
the Supervisory Commission held on 22 February,
and the commission did not take it into considera-
tion." Now I am not certain just what he meant
by the statement that the charge was considered by
the commission and the conmiission did not take it
into consideration. I believe, however, he may
have reference to the request the senior member
of the United Nations Conmiand on the Military
Armistice Commission made to the Neutral Na-
tions Supervisory Commission on February 21,
1955.^ If so, what are the facts?

This request — the third such — was for the des-
patch of three mobile inspection teams to the air
installations in the vicinities of six specific areas
in North Korea. The command requested an in-
vestigation of the illegal introduction into North
Korea of combat aircraft of MIG type as well as
arms and ammunition therefor, between the period
July 27, 1953, and February 5, 1955, and also an
investigation of the failure of the Communist side
to report such introductions of materiel to the
Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission. The
Czech and Polish representatives successfully
stalled this inspection for one week, during wliich
time, as the United Nations Command radar sur-
veillance established, the Commimist side was
able to fly most of its MIGs out of tliese areas.
Finally three mobile inspection teams (#6, #7,
and #8) were despatched to carry out this in-
vestigation.

Report of Swiss and Swedish Representatives

The Swiss and Swedish representatives — repre-
senting, as you know, countries strictly neutral —
found it impossible to reach a convincing judg-
ment as to the justification of the charges made
by the United Nations Command. But the Swiss
and Swedish members of Team #7 concluded
specifically, and I refer to Nnsc Document No. 132
of April 30, 1955, that "the team was not in a
position to conduct the investigation in a suffi-
ciently thorough manner which would have al-
lowed [it] to reach a convincing judgment. . . ."
This was so because, as the Swedish and Swiss
members of this team reported :

"Bulletin of Mar. 14, 1955, p. 428.

1082

Depar/menf of %\a\e Bulletin

1. Except for three planes the inspectors were
not permitted to approach MIG aircraft closer
than 15 meters;

2. The Communist side refused the request of
the Swiss and Swedish representatives to be shown
the records of the aircraft movements. Proper
records, of course, would have indicated when
these planes were introduced into North Korea;

3. The Swiss and Swedish members had serious
doubts about the alleged boundaries of the air-
fields, and their repeated requests to inspect even
the nearest surroundings were denied. This, of
course, made it impossible for them to ascertain
whether additional aircraft were dispersed beyond
the immediate confines of the airfield, which is the
normal practice at military air bases.

The Swiss and Swedish members of Team # 6
and Team # 8 reported that they encountered
similar difficulties, and accordingly they arrived
at similar conclusions.

This, then, is also an indication of the way in
which the Communist side has failed to cooperate
with the Nnsc in North Korea. In that connec-
tion I would also refer to the statement of the
representative of Poland when he said that ". . .
in North Korea the control duties fan he carried
out to the extent provided by the agreement. . . ."
I note his careful use of the verb "caw ie carried
out" and his candor in not using the verb "^a*
been carried out."

As regards the cooperation of the two sides in
assisting the proper functioning of the Neutral
Nations Supervisory Commission, let me quote
briefly from a report to the Military Armistice
Commission of May 7, 1954, by the Swiss and
Swedish representatives of the Neutral Nations
Supervisory Commission.

The United Nations Command side . . . took from the
beginning a broad view of its obligations and threw itself
open to full control by the Neutral Nations Inspection
Teams stationed at the ports of entry in the territory
under its military control. Partly on its own initiative
and partly on request, it put at the disposal of the In-
spection Teams all documents . . . relating to incoming
and outgoing materiel. . . . The Inspection Teams were
therefore in a position to inspect and to report on any
materiel they felt to be interested in. . . . No restric-
tiims were imposed on the control activities of the In-
spection Teams. . . . full access was given to whatever
documents they wanted to consult. The Inspection Teams
took full advantage of these privileges. The Korean
People's Army and Chinese People's Volunteers side, on
the other hand, . . . never submitted any other docu-
ments for inspection than prior notification reports. . . .

the Inspection Teams were unable to check efficiently on
other movements and this because of the stand taken by
their Czechoslovak and Polish members. ... in the ter-
ritory under the military control of the Korean People's
Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers the Czechoslo-
vak and Polish Members of the Inspection Teams, thanks
to their "veto" power, have kept those spot check controls
to a bare minimum. . . . they have merely become a face
saving device devoid of any real significance. The In-
spection Teams in the North have therefore never gained
the insight in movements of materiel as have the Inspec-
tion Teams in the South.

On another occasion, Mr. Chairman, the Swiss
and Swedish members rejected in its entirety a
report of April 29, 1954, submitted by the Polish
member of the Nnsc for the commission's consid-
eration. This report charged the United Nations
Command with violations of the reinforcing pro-
visions of the armistice. In a memorandum of
May 4, 1954, addressed to the Military Armistice
Commission, the Swiss and Swedish representa-
tives said:

There is no evidence whatsoever to show that the
United Nations Command side has increased its combat
strength in Korea since the Armistice agreement came into
force. On the contrary, the Swedish and Swiss Mem-
bers concluded ... for the months of October-November
1953, the United Nations Command side had considerably
reduced its over-all combat strength during this period.
The same trend has prevailed in the following months. . . .

The charge that the United Nations Command side has
violated the provisions of the Armistice Agreement re-
lating to the replacement of combat materiel piece-for-
piece of the same effectiveness and of the same type is
merely a product of the imagination of the Czechoslovak
and Polish Members.

The Swiss and Swedish representatives then
went on to analyze the Polish report in which the
Czech member subsequently had concurred, and
concluded as follows :

These are some of the comments the Swedish and Swiss
Members want to present in order to refute allegations
which they consider to be a tissue of malicious fabrica-
tions, gratuitous distortions, misleading half-truths, and
delusive insinuations without foundation in reality. The
methods resorted to consist largely in isolating facts and
figures from their proper context and in making sweeping
generalizations on the basis of premises thus distorted. . . .

... as far as the Swedish and Swiss Members have
been able to find the United Nations Command has loy-
ally and sincerely abided by both the letter and the spirit
of the Armistice agreement.

U.N. Command Protests

Mr. Chairman, in statements made in the Mili-
tary Armistice Conmiission on July 5 and 14, 1955,

December 26, 7955

1083

Major General [Harlan C] Parks, the United
Nations Command Kepresentative on that com-
mission, summarized the manner in -which the
Communist side has violated the armistice agree-
ment and, in collusion with the Czech and Polish
members of the Nnsc, has rendered ineffective all
investigations of the illegal buildup of the Com-
munist combat forces." I shall not take the time
to quote at length from General Parks' statements,
which are a matter of public record. I shall pre-
sent only a few statistics which will demonstrate
the manner in which the two sides have observed,
or not observed, the reporting provisions of the
armistice agreement. General Parks, in the 60th
meeting of the ]Militai*y Armistice Commission on
July 5, 1955, pointed out that the Communist side,
with a force of about 1,200,000 men at the time the
armistice was signed on July 27, 1953, made no
personnel reports until September 12 of that year
and no materiel reports until October 6, 1953.
The combat materiel report on October 6 reflected
an outgoing shipment of four — and I repeat
four — 57 mm antitank guns with only 20 rounds
of ammunition. Not until February 9, 1954, was a
combat materiel report made reflecting an incom-
ing shipment — one 37 mm antiaircraft gun. It
was apparently expected that the Neutral Nations
Supervisory Commission and the United Nations
Command would believe it possible logistically to
support the huge Communist military forces in
war-torn North Korea during the 6 months' period
up to February 9, 1954, without a single incoming
shipment !

During the first year of the armistice, the United
Nations Command submitted 370 personnel re-
ports; the Communist side only 42 such reports.
The United Nations Command reports covered
287,343 arrivals and 362,122 departures. The
Communist side reported only the ridiculous
figures of 12,748 arrivals and 31,201 departures.

During this same period the United Nations
Conunand submitted 1,057 combat materiel re-
ports ; the Communist side submitted only 24. The
United Nations combat reports covered the move-
ment of 9,717 combat aircraft, 1,034 armored ve-
hicles, 194,385 weapons, and 386,828,087 rounds of
ammunition. The Communist side, on the other
hand, did not report the movement of even one
combat aircraft during this 6 mouths' period and

^' For text of General Parks' July 5 statement, see ibid.,
Aug. 1. 1955, p. 191.

reported only 14 armored vehicles, 1,848 weapons, .
and 746,500 rounds of ammunition. i

The delegate from Poland has referred to cer- I
tain recent difficulties which confront the per-
sonnel of the Neutral Nations Supervisory Com-
mission in the Kepublic of Korea. In view of the
state of affairs that I have described and the con-
tinued evidence of Communist violations of the
armistice, is it surprising that the people of the
Republic of Korea have reacted strongly against
the presence of the Conmiunist members of the
Supervisory Commission on their territory ? For
its part, the United Nations Command has
scrupulously observed its obligation under the
armistice agreement to afford the necessary pro-
tection to the personnel of the Supervisory Com-
mission. That is why it has been necessary to take
special precautions, such as helicopter transporta-
tion, for their safety. But, Mr. Chairman, I wish
to make clear to this Assembly that, despite the
precautions taken by the United Nations Com-
mand, there has been no interference with the
carrying out of the responsibilities of the inspec-
tion teams stationed in the three ports of entry
in the Eepublic of Korea.

The representative of Poland has also com-
mented on the number of divisions and the amount
of equipment withdrawn from Korea by the
United Nations Command. He referred to in-
formation which he alleges was furnished to the
Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission by the
United States Military Command — I am sure he
meant to say United Nations Command — to the
effect that 15 divisions and equipment for 17
divisions had been withdrawn from Korea. He
wonders, then, how it has been possible to equip
the Republic of Korea Army from remaining
stocks.

Now, j\Ir. Chairman, I am not aware of the in-
formation he cites on withdrawals of materiel and
divisions. But I remind the representative of
Poland that the United States had only 8 divisions
in Korea at the time of the armistice and has with-
drawn 6 of them to the continental United States.
Incidentally, the number of U.S. forces in areas
adjacent to Korea has declined since the armistice
agreement. As to combat materiel, the repre-
sentative of Poland knows well that any such
equipment withdrawn by either side, under the
armistice terms, can be replaced on a piece-for-
piece basis.

The representative of Poland also referred to

1084

Department of State Bulletin

the development of 10 new Eepiiblic of Korea re-
serve divisions. I had confined my earlier
remarks to active forces on both sides. Tliat
these reserve divisions — and I emphasize their
reserve nature — are in the process of organization
is correct. I again wish to reiterate that the de-
velopment of the Eepublic of Korea military
forces is fully consistent with the armistice pro-
visions. I have already made clear the necessity
for these forces.

Meaning of "Free Elections"

Before I conclude, Mr. Chairman, let us con-
sider briefly the remarks of the representative of
Poland with regard to free elections in Korea.
There is one sentence in his statement with the
language of whicli we fully agree, even though we
differ as to its meaning. He said.

The difference between the two positions with regard
to free elections lies in the fact that we favor really free
elections in which the Korean people would decide on
their future; we reject a mockery of free elections in
which favorable results for one of the parties would be
assured in advance.

It is certainly interesting to hear the representa-
tive of a Communist government express his
opposition to "election in which favorable results
for one of the parties would be assured in ad-
vance." This is news !

If the Communist side were in fact willing to
subscribe to this language and, what is more im-
portant, to interpret it as it is understood by free
peoples throughout the world, a just Korean settle-
ment could quickly be achieved. Unfortunately,
we know that his language is merely another ex-
ample of upside-down Communist terminology.
It is precisely because of their interpretation of
the words "free election" that we must insist on a
supervision of elections in Korea which would as-
sure honesty in the sense in which the free world
understands this term. That is why we must con-
tinue to reject the Communist proposal for super-
vision by a body in which there would be an equal
number of Commimist and non-Communist mem-
bers. That is the composition of the Neutral Na-
tions Supervisory Commission in Korea which we
have just discussed. "Wliat better reason is there
for rejecting a similar body with such a built-in
veto to supervise elections?

Mr. Chairman, in summary, this is what the
record shows.

The United Nations Command has observed the
armistice agreement; the Conuuunist side has not.

The United Nations Command has cooperated
fully with the Nnsc and has tried to make the
inspection system work; the Communist side has
deliberately frustrated and obstructed the work of

Text of Resolution on Korean Question'

U.N. doc. A/C.1/722 dated November 22

The Oeneral Assembly,

Having noted the report of the United Nations
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation
of Korea signed at Seoul, Korea, on 7 September
1955,

Recalling that in resolution 811 (IX), in approv-
ing the report of the fifteen nations participating
in the Geneva Conference in behalf of the United
Nations, the General Assembly expressed the hope
it would soon prove possible to malce progress to-
wards the achievement by peaceful means of a uni-
fied, independent and democratic Korea under a rep-
resentative form of government and full restoration
of international peace and security in the area,

Noting that paragraph 62 of the Armistice Agree-
ment of 27 July 1953 provides that the Agreement
"shall remain in effect until expressly superseded
either by mutually acceptable amendments and ad-
ditions or by provision in an appropriate agreement
for a peaceful settlement at a political level l3etween
both sides",

1. Reaffirms its intention to continue to seelv an
early solution of the Korean question in accordance
with the objectives of the United Nations ;

2. Urges that continuing efforts be made to
achieve these oljjectives ;

3. Requests the Secretary-General to place the
Korean question on the provisional agenda of its
eleventh session.

'Sponsored by the U.S.; adopted by Committee I
on Nov. 22 by a vote of 4.5-0-11 ( Soviet bloc, Bolivia,
Burma, Chile, India, Indonesia, Syria). The resolu-
tion was adopted in plenary on Nov. 2!) by a vote
of 44-0, with the same group of 11 countries
abstaining.

the inspection system and caused it to fail in North
Korea.

The nations represented on the United Nations
Command proposed at Geneva a program which
calls for, and would insure, free elections in Korea,
and their report on that conference was approved
in the last session of the General Assembly; the
Communist side has proposed a plan which would
give the North Korean regime, under which live

December 26, 1955

1085

only a minority of the population of Korea, a veto
over the more than three-quarters of the Korean
people who live in the south.

The United Nations has long endeavored to find
some solution for the Korean problem consonant
with its objectives; the Communist side has re-
fused even to recognize the legitimate interest of
the United Nations in the problem on the grounds
that the United Nations was a belligerent. This,
Mr. Chaii'man, denies the very principle of collec-
tive security for which the United Nations stands
so firmly.

All that I can say in conclusion, Mr. Chairman,
is to hope that before long the Communist side
will find it possible to agree to satisfactory ar-
rangements which will allow for genuinely free
elections within Korea and thus enable the unifi-
cation of that divided land under a free and inde-
pendent government which will afford, at last, for
the millions of people in North Korea, the freedom
they desire.

TREATY INFORMATION

Current Actions

MULTILATERAL

Austria

State treaty for the re-establishment of an independent
and democratic Austria. Signed at Vienna May 15, 1955.
Entered into force July 27, 1055. TIAS 3298.
Adherence deposited: Yugoslavia, November 28, 1955.

North Atlantic Treaty

Agreement between the parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty for cooperation regarding atomic information.
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.'

Notifications of being hound by terms of the agreement:
Denmark, November 30, 1955 ; Greece, December 2,
1955 ; Germany and Norway, December 6, 1955.

BILATERAL
Chile

Agreement amending agreement for a cooperative pro-
gram of technical assistance to medium and small in-
dustry of June 30, 1952 (TIAS 2750). Signed at San-
tiago October 28, 1955. Entered into force October 28,
1955.

Egypt

Agi-icultural commodities agreement pursuant to title I,
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
19.54, as amended (68 Stat. 4.54, 455; P. L. 25 and 387,
84th Cong., (1955)). Signed at Washington December
14, 1955. Entered into force December 14, 1955.

Haiti

Agreement amending agreement establishing a Joint
Council for Economic Aid of April 15, 16, 26, and 27, 19.55
( TIAS 3430 ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Port-au-
Prince November 25 and 28, 1955. Entered into force
November 28, 1955. TIAS 3431.

Israel

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act,
as amended. Signed at Washington November 10, 1955.
Entered into force November 10, 1955.

Libya

Agreement for a cooperative program in agriculture.

Signed at TriiwU July 28, 1955. Entered into force

July 28, 1955.
Agreement for a cooperative program in education.

Signed at Tripoli July 28, 1955. Entered Into force

July 28, 1955.
Agreement for a cooperative program in natural resources.

Signed at Tripoli July 28, 1955. Entered into force

July 28, 1955.
Agi'eement for a program of public health. Signed at

Tripoli July 28, 1955. Entered into force July 28, 1955.

Yugoslavia

Agreement providing for the purchase of additional wheat
by Yugoslavia. Effected by exchange of letters at Bel-
grade October 1, 1955. Entered into force October 1,
19.55.

FOREIGN SERVICE

'Not in force.

Consular Offices

The Consulate at Hanoi, Viet-Nam,
December 11, 1955.

was closed as of

1086

Department of State Bulletin

December 26, 1955 Index

China, Communist. Continueil Detention of U.S.

Civilians by Communist Cliina 1049

Congress

Cotton Textile Imports From Japan (Dulles,

Smith) 1064

Meeting With Congressional Leaders (Hagerty) . 1049

Economic Affairs

Cotton Textile Imports From Japan (Dulles,

Smith) 1064

A Review of tlie World Economic Situation

(Kalijarvi) 1057

Egypt. Discussions Concerning Financing of

Egyptian Dam Project 1050

Europe. Education for Today's World ( Murphy ) . 1054

Foreign Service

Consular OflBces 1086

Meeting of Public Committee on Personnel . . . 1053

Women in the Foreign Service (Heath) .... 1051

Health, Education, and Welfare. Education for

Today's World (Murphy) 1054

Japan. Cotton Textile Imports From Japan

(Dulles, Smith) 1064

Korea. The Korean Question (Blaustein state-
ments and text of General Assembly resolution . 1074

Mutual Security. Discussions Concerning Financ-
ing of Egyptian Dam Project 1050

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. North At-
lantic Council Holds Ministerial Session (text
of communique and Dulles statement) . . . 1047

Presidential Documents. U.N. Human Rights Day,

1955 (proclamation) 1048

Protection of Nationals and Property. Continued
Detention of U.S. Civilians by Communist
China 1049

State, Department of. Meeting of Public Commit-
tee on Personnel 1053

Treaty Information. Current Actions 1086

United Kingdom. Discussions Concerning Knauc-

ing of Egyptian Dam Project 1050

United Nations

Admission of New Members to the United Nations
(Lodge statements, text of General Assembly
resolution, and text of Security Council draft
resolution) 1067

Vol. XXXIII, No. 861

The Korean Question (Blaustein statements and

text of General Assembly resolution) .... 1074

U.N. Human Rights Day, 1955 (Eisenhower) . . 1048

Viet-Nam. Closing of Hanoi Consulate .... 1086

Name Index

Blaustein, Jacob 1074

Dulles, Secretary 1048, 1064

Eisenhower, President 1048

Hagerty, James C 1049

Heath, Donald R 1051

Kalijarvi, Thorsten V 1057

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 1067

Murphy, Robert 1054

Smith, Margaret Chase 1065

Willis, Frances 1051

Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: December 12-18

Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.

Press release issued prior to December 12 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 684 of
December 8.

Subject

Bishop sworn in as ambassador to
Thailand.

Wriston Committee meeting.

Correspondence with U.S.S.R. on ec-
clesiastics.

Berlin Conference Hall.

Wriston Committee report.

Dulles: departure for Nac meeting.

Educational exchange.

Renegotiations under Gatt.

Visas issued in fiscal 1955.

Institute of Agricultural Sciences
(rewrite).

FSO's given rank of Minister.

Communist China's failure to release
Americans.

Talks concerning Aswan Dam.

*Not printed.

fHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.

No.

Date

*688

12/12

*689

12/12

tC90

12/12

tool

12/12

692

12/13

693

12/13

*694

12/14

t695

12/16

*096

12/16

t697

12/16

*69S

12/16

699

12/16

700

12/17

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