(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Department of State bulletin"



,<.f^ ,-,,■■ (■-. 






z^€Aa/}^^(^rrve/w(/ /C^ t/tcote^ 




ol. XXXIII, No. 849 

Oaober 3, 1955 




ENTERING THE SECOND DECADE • Address by 

Secretary Dulles 523 

THE U.S. POSITION ON DISARMAMENT • by 

Ambassador James J. Jfadsuforth 530 

YOUTH AND THE FREE WORLD • by Harold E. 

Stassen 535 

RELATION OF ANTITRUST POLICIES TO FOREIGN 

TRADE AND INVESTMENT O Statement by 
ThoTSten V. Kalijarvi 538 



For index see inside back cover 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

NOV 4 -1955 



tJne z/^e^icfi^l^ent <)£ tHale 




■•«»«• o' 



bulletin 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 849 • Publication 6005 



Oaoher 3, 1955 



For sale by the Superintendent o( Documents 

U.S. Goveroment Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.C. 

Peice: 

£2 Issues, domestic $7.60, foreign $10.26 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 19, 1945). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OP State BoLLExtN as the source will be 
eppreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Public Services Division, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other offi- 
cers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department, Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral internatiorutl interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



Entering the Second Decade 



Address hy Secretary Dulles ^ 



It is always a pleasure for me to return to this 
great Assembly — this center for harmonizing the 
actions of nations. My pleasure today is especial. 
Not only will this session round out a decade of 
United Nations effort, but there are welcome signs 
that the second decade may in fact be more har- 
monious than was the first. Surely it is in our 
power to make it so. 

We can feel that confidence because we see the 
nations becoming more and more sensitive to the 
moral verdicts of this organization. This Assem- 
bly is a hall of understanding, and thus of hope. 
It is also a hall of judgment. Here the nations 
of the world expound, explain, and defend their 
international policies. In the process, national 
purposes are disclosed and oftentimes altered to 
meet the opinions tliat are reflected here. Some- 
times true purposes are sought to be concealed. 
But this Assembly has a way of getting at the 
truth. 

The perceptions and the moral judgments of 
the nations meeting here endow this Assembly 
with genuine power. No nation lightly risks the 
Assembly's moral condemnation, with all that 
such condemnation implies. 

The Problem of Membership 

This fact — that our oi'ganization's power de- 
rives largely from moral judgments formed here — 
illuminates the problem of membership. It shows 
how essential it is that there should be here all of 
those eligible nations which, by their policies and 
conduct, have demonstrated their devotion to the 
purjDoses and principles of the charter. 

" Made before the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 22 
(press release 558). 



Today we have a wide and important member- 
ship. But about a score of sovereign nations are 
not represented here. Most of them meet the 
membership tests of our charter. They are peace- 
loving, and they have shown themselves able and 
willing to carry out the charter's obligations. 
Their governments could reflect here important 
segments of world opinion. 

To block the admission of such nations by use 
of the veto power is not only a grave wrong to 
them ; it is also a wrong to this organization and 
to all of its members. 

I hope that, during this Tenth Session, action 
will be taken by the Security Council and by this 
Assembly to bring these nations into our member- 
ship. Thus, the United Nations would enter its 
second decade better equipped to serve mankind. 

Charter Review 

This Tenth Session of ours must deal with the 
question of a charter review conference. That 
is mandatory under the charter. 

The United States believes that such a confer- 
ence should be held. One impelling reason would 
be to reconsider the present veto power in rela- 
tion to the admission of new members, particu- 
larly if that veto power continues to be abused. 

Also, epochal developments in the atomic and 
disarmament fields may make it desirable to give 
this organization a greater authority in these mat- 
ters. They are vital to survival itself. Wlien 
the charter was drafted, none knew of the awesome 
possibilities of atomic warfare. Our charter is 
a pre-atomic-age charter. 

Our founders believed that, after 10 years, the 
charter should be reviewed in the light of that 
first decade of experience. I believe that they 



Ocfofaer 3, 1955 



523 



were right. That does not necessarily mean that 
drastic changes should be made. On the whole, 
the charter has proved to be a flexible and work- 
able instrument. But few would contend that it 
is a perfect instrument, not susceptible to improve- 
ment. 

The United States believes that this session 
should approve, in principle, the convening of a 
charter review conference and establish a pre- 
paratory commission to prepare and submit rec- 
ommendations relating to the date, place, 
organization, and procedures of the General Re- 
view Conference. 

Let me turn now to eome of the events which 
have occurred since last Pecember, when the Ninth 
Session adjourned. On balance, these develop- 
ments have contributed notably to the advance- 
ment of our charter goals of international peace 
and security in conformity with the principles of 
justice and international law. I shall allude only 
to those events where United States policy has 
played a part, usually in partnership with others. 



Germany and Austria 

Turning first to Europe, we see that the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany has become a free and 
sovereign state by treaties concluded with it by 
France, Great Britain, and the United States. 
Concurrently, the Federal Republic joined the 
Brussels and North Atlantic Treaties. Also, the 
Brussels Tre^aty was itself made over so that, in 
combination with the North Atlantic Treaty Or- 
ganization, there was developed an effective sys- 
tem of limitation, control, and integration of 
armed forces, the like of which the world has 
never seen before. 

This system insures against the use of national 
force in the Western European area for aggressive 
and nationalistic purposes. The arrangements 
provide security, not only for the participants but 
also for the nonparticipants. They end the condi- 
tions which have made Western Europe a source 
of recurrent wars, the last two of which have de- 
veloped into world wars, endangering all. 

Never before have collective security and indi- 
vidual self-restraint been so resourcefully and so 
widely combined. The result can be hailed as a 
triumph by all who believe in the dual principle 
of our charter, that security is a collective task 
and that "armed force shall not be used, save in 
the common interest." 



As a sequence to these developments regarding 
Germany, Austria became free. The Austrian 
State Treaty, which had been pending for 8 years, 
was signed last May and now is in effect. Thus are 
finally fulfilled pledges given by the Moscow Dec- 
laration of November 1943 and hopes which this 
General Assembly expressed at its Seventh Session. 

It should be noted that the Austrian State 
Treaty, bearing the Soviet Union's signature, con- 
templates support for Austria's admission to the 
United Nations. 



The Geneva "Summit" Conference 

Quickly following these German and Austrian 
developments came new efforts by France, Great 
Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States 
to reduce the danger of war and to solve outstand- 
ing issues by negotiation. 

Last May the three Western Powers proposed a 
two-stage effort. The first stage would be a meet- 
ing of the Heads of Government themselves to 
provide "a new impetus" for a second stage, which 
would be that of detailed examination of the sub- 
stance of the problems. 

The first phase of the program occurred at 
Geneva last July when the four Heads of Govern- 
ment met. They clearly manifested their common 
desire for peace and better relations. Specifically 
they agreed that further efforts should be made in 
three fields, namely : 

(1) European security and Germany; (2) dis- 
armament; and (3) development of contacts be- 
tween East and West. 

Now, we enter on the agreed second stage, where 
the "spirit of Geneva" will be tested. A United 
Nations subcommittee is already discussing the 
Geneva ideas about disarmament. Next month, 
the Foreign Ministers of France, the United King- 
dom, the Soviet Union, and the United States will 
meet at Geneva. The Western Powers will asso- 
ciate with them, where appropriate, the Federal 
Republic of Germany and their other Nato 
partners. 

At the coming meeting, agreed priority will be 
given to the closely linked problem of the reimi- 
fication of Germany and the problem of European 
security. This is as it should be. 

The German people have now been forcibly di- 
vided for over 10 years. The perpetuation of this 
division is a crime against nature. 



524 



Deparfmenf of Sfa/e Bullef'm 



German Reunification 

Tliree-quarters of the Germans are in the Fed- 
eral Republic, and they are fortunate in having a 
great leader, Chancellor Adenauer. He stands for 
a united Germany that will be peaceful and that 
will find its mission in friendly cooperation with 
its neighbors. He is determined that Germany's 
legitimate needs for security and sovereign equal- 
ity shall be met without a revival of German 
militarism. 

It would, however, be a tragic mistake to assume 
that, because most of the Germans now have 
chosen that enlightened viewpoint, the injustice 
of dividing Germany can therefore be perpetu- 
ated without grave risk. 

There are many nations who feel that their own 
future security and world peace urgently require 
that Germany should be reunited and enabled, if 
it so desires, to become a party to the Western 
European arrangements for limitation, control, 
and integration of armed forces, so that they can 
never serve an aggressive purpose. There are 
otliers who profess to feel that a united Germany 
within Nato would endanger them even under 
these conditions. 

To bridge this difference, the Western Powers 
are ready to advance some overall plan of Euro- 
pean security which would give the Soviet Union 
substantial additional reassurances. The con- 
junction of this attitude of the Western Powers 
with the like mood of the Federal Republic of 
Germany provides an unprecedented opportunity. 
But the German mood which I describe may not 
always persist. Also, it cannot be assumed that 
the Western Powere, including the United States, 
will always be ready to enlarge their present com- 
mitments to meet Soviet concern about European 
security. 

The present opportunity is so unusual and so 
full of constructive possibilities that it can be 
hoped that the forthcoming four-power Foreign 
Ministers Meeting will find a solid basis for the 
reunification of Germany within a framework of 
European security. 



Tile Sateiiites and Internationai Communism 

At Geneva President Eisenhower mentioned 
two causes of international tension which were not 
accepted for the agenda of tlae conference. The 
first was "the problem of respecting the right of 



peoples to choose the form of government under 
which they will live." As to this, he said that "the 
American people feel strongly that certain peoples 
of Eastern Europe, many with a long and proud 
record of national existence, have not yet been 
given the benefit of this pledge of our United 
Nations wartime declaration, reinforced by other 
wartime agreements." 

President Eisenliower also raised the problem of 
international communism. He said that for 38 
years this problem has disturbed relations between 
other nations and the Soviet Union. It is, indeed, 
difficult to develop really cordial relations between 
governments when one is seeking by subversion to 
destroy the other. The head of the Soviet Gov- 
ernment took the position that these problems were 
not a proper subject of discussion at the Geneva 
conference. Nevertheless, the eyes of much of the 
world will remain focused upon these two prob- 
lems. What, in fact, the Soviet Union does about 
them will, to many, be a barometer of the Soviet's 
real intentions. 

If the "spirit of Geneva" is genuine and not 
spurious, if it is to be permanent and not fleeting, 
it will lead to liquidating abnormal extensions of 
national power, which crush the spirit of national 
independence, and to the ending of political of- 
fensives aimed at subverting free govermnents. 



Tlie Organization of American States 

Turning now from Europe to this hemisphere of 
the Americas, we find the Organization of Ameri- 
can States continuing to demonstrate how the pur- 
poses and principles of the United Nations can be 
effectuated through regional arrangements for col- 
lective self-defense. The organization's general 
meetings have promoted political understanding 
and economic and social cooperation. On three 
occasions within the last 15 months, in relation to 
Guatemala, to Costa Rica, and now in relation to 
the Ecuador-Peru boundary dispute, the organiza- 
tion has acted promptly and effectively to main- 
tain international order. Its activities in this field 
have been fully reported to the Security Council, 
pursuant to our charter. 

Tlie Near East 

In the Near East the situation remains troubled. 
It has been difficult to assure the sanctity of the 



Ocfober 3, 1955 



525 



armistice lines established in 1948 under the aus- 
pices of the United Nations to end the fighting 
between Israelis and Arabs. The United States 
desires to pay high tribute to those who, during 
these troubled days, have been serving the United 
Nations, and particularly to General Burns of 
Canada and his associates. 

On August 26 of this year, I addressed myself 
to certain fundamental aspects of this situation.^ 
I said that if the parties desired a stable settle- 
ment, they could, I thought, be helped from with- 
out. I had in mind financial assistance in relation 
to the problem of Arab refugees, and of irrigation 
projects which would enable the people through- 
out the area to enjoy a better life. I also spoke of 
tlie importance of bringing gi'eater security to the 
area. I said that, if nations from without the area 
made clear their readiness to contribute to these 
three essential aspects of a settlement, it might 
then be more possible to bring order, tranquillity, 
and well-being to the area itself. 

President Eisenhower authorized me to say that 
he would recommend participation by the United 
States in these monetary and security commit- 
ments, if this were desired by the governments 
directly concerned and on the assmnption that 
action wherever feasible should be on an interna- 
tional basis, preferably under the auspices of the 
United Nations. 

The United Kingdom immediately associated 
itself with tliese United States suggestions. A 
number of other countries have also indicated 
their support. 

If there is a favorable response from the Near 
Eastern countries, many aspects of this problem 
would eventually come to the United Nations for 
its action at some future session. 

The Far East 

During the past year the fabric of peace in the 
Far East was strengthened by the coming into 
force of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense 
Treaty. An organizational meeting of tlie Treaty 
Council was held at Bangkok toward the end of 
February at the ministerial level. 

This security arrangement is unique. It marks 
the first time that any considerable number of 
countries have banded together, in eastern Asia, 
for collective self-defense. There are eight parties 
to the treaty, which, in addition, applies to Cam- 

' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378. 



bodia, Laos and Free Viet-Nam. Also, the ar- 
rangement draws together western and Asian 
countries. This would not have been possible had 
not all the parties firmly committed themselves to 
the principle of political independence and self- 
determination. This commitment is found both in 
the preamble to the treaty and in the concurrent 
Pacific Charter, which reflects the aspirations of 
men everywhere to be free. 

The Southeast Asia Treaty does not envisage 
the establislunent of a combined military organi- 
zation comparable to that which has grown up 
under the North Atlantic Treaty. The condi- 
tions in the area do not readily lend themselves 
to the creation of a treaty force, in being and in 
I^lace. Primary reliance is placed on the agree- 
ment of the eight signatories to treat any armed 
aggression in the treaty area as a common danger 
to each party, calling for action on its part. That 
pledge will, we believe, work powerfully to deter 
aggression. 

China 

In the China area the situation is somewhat 
less ominous than it was. We hope that the Chi- 
nese People's Republic will respond to the mani- 
fest will of the world community that armed 
force should not be used to achieve national 
objectives. 

The record of this Communist regime has been 
an evil one. It fought the United Nations in 
Korea, for which it stands here branded as an 
aggressor. It took over Tibet by armed force. 
It became allied with the Connnunist Viet Minh 
in their effort to take over Indochina by armed 
force. Then, following the Indochina armistice, 
it turned its military attention to the Taiwan 
(Formosa) area. It intended to take this area 
by force and began active military assaults on its 
approaches, which assaults, it claimed, were a 
first step in its new program of military conquest. 

This constituted a major challenge to principles 
to which the United States is committed by our 
charter. It was also a direct and special challenge 
to the United States itself. We have a distinctive 
relationship to these islands, a relationsliip which 
is reinforced by a mutual defense treaty with the 
Republic of China covering Taiwan and Penghu 
[the Pescadores]. 

At this point, on January 24, 1955, President 
Eisenhower asked the Congress of the United 
States for authority to use the armed forces of the 



526 



Department of State BuUetin 



United States in the defense of Taiwan and 
Penghu and related areas which the President 
might judge as appropriate to that defense. After 
full hearings in the House and the Senate of the 
United States, the requested authority was granted. 
In the House the vote was 409 to 3, and in the 
Senate the vote was 85 to 3. The authority ter- 
minates whenever peace and secuiity of the area 
are reasonably assured by international conditions 
created by action of the United Nations or other- 
wise. 

I am convinced that this timely warning, given 
with solid, virtually unanimous, national concur- 
rence, served to prevent what could have been a 
dangerous miscalculation on the part of the Chi- 
nese Communists. 

Thereafter the Bandung conference was held. 
There again the peace-loving nations — many of 
them members of the United Nations — made clear 
to the Chinese Communists their adherence to our 
charter principle that states should refrain in 
their international relations from tlie threat of 
force. 

From the site of the Bandinig conference, Mr. 
Chou En-lai proposed direct discussions with the 
United States, a proposal which I promptly indi- 
cated was acceptable to the United States so long 
as we dealt only with matters of concern to the 
two of us, not involving the rights of third parties. 
That reservation applies particularly, so far as the 
United States is concerned, to the Republic of 
China, to which we are loyal as to a long-time 
friend and ally. 

Shortly thereafter the Chinese Communists re- 
leased 4 and, later, the other 11 of the United 
States fliers of the United Nations Command 
whom it had been liolding in violation of the 
Korean Armistice Agreement. This release had 
been sought by resolution of this General Assem- 
bly adopted last December. The outcome justified 
the confidence which the United States had placed 
in the United Nations and our restraint in the 
use or threat of our own national power. 

Some 15 months ago the United States had 
started talks with the Chinese People's Republic 
at Geneva with regard to getting our civilians 
home. As a result of the Bandung statement made 
by Mr. Chou En-lai and my reply, these talks were 
resumed last August, to deal first with the topic 
of freeing civilians for return and then with other 
practical matters of direct concern to the two of us. 

All Chinese in the United States who desire to 



return to their homeland are free to do so. They 
have always been free to do so except for a few 
who were temporarily prevented by restrictions 
arising out of the Korean war. The Chinese 
People's Republic has now declared that all Amer- 
icans on the China mainland have the right to 
return and will be enabled expeditiously to exer- 
cise that right. 

For the favorable trend of events to which I 
refer, thanks are due to many. Our Secretary- 
General worked assiduouslj' to bring about the re- 
lease of United States fliers of the United Nations 
Command.' Other governments and individuals 
were helpful in this and other matters. The will 
of the world community may have operated to 
avert another war, the scope of which could not 
surely be limited. 



Atoms for Peace 

Last year I spoke of the peaceful uses of atomic 
energy. We had gone through a period of dis- 
appointing negotiations to secure the participa- 
tion of the Soviet Union in the program presented 
to you by President Eisenhower on December 8, 
1953. In the face of a negative Soviet attitude, 
we had resolved nevertheless to go ahead. 

Last September I mentioned four activities 
which we promised to commence immediately. 
Since that time, we have made good progress in 
each of these fields. 

The negotiations for establishment of an Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency have led to the 
preparation of a draft statute establishing such 
an agency. 

An International Conference on the Peaceful 
Uses of Atomic Energy was held with outstanding 
success last month at Geneva. This conference 
was so successful that the United States will again 
propose a similar conference to be held in 3 years 
or earlier if the increasing development of the 
peaceful uses of atomic energy will so wan-ant. 

The first reactor training course at our Ar- 
gonne National Laboratory is nearing completion, 
and an enlarged course is about to begin. 

Distinguished doctors and surgeons from other 
countries are visiting our hospitals and research 
establishments where atomic energy is used for 
the cure of cancer and other diseases. 

Tlie Soviet Union is now taking a more coopera- 

' For text of a report by the Secretary-General, see 
ibid., Sept. 26, 1955, p. 512. 



Ocfober 3, 7955 



527 



tive attitude, and we gladly note the recent offer 
of Premier Bulganin to set aside fissionable mate- 
rial for the work of the proposed International 
Agency when it comes into existence. 

Much has happened, we see, to give reality to the 
vista of hope which President Eisenhower por- 
trayed when he spoke to our Eighth Session. 

Radiation Study 

The United States also plans at this session to 
propose the establishment of an international tech- 
nical body on the effects of atomic radiation upon 



Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 
U.S. Representative to the United Nations 

U.S./D.N. press release 2204 dated September 18 

If the United Nations Assembly, which opens next 
Tuesday [September 20], agrees to President Eisen- 
hower's "open sky" plan for mutual aerial inspec- 
tion and exchange of blueprints of the nations' mili- 
tary installations, it will be unique and historic. 
This plan would end the specter of a massive sur- 
prise assault which has haunted the world since the 
end of World War II and which has been one of the 
greatest causes of world tension. This would lead 
the way to the utmost limits of mutual disarmament 
for which the free world yearns. 



human health. It would be composed of qualified 
scientists who would collate and give wide distri- 
bution to radiological information furnished by 
states members of the United Nations, or special- 
ized agencies. 

The United States is itself giving much study 
to this matter. We believe that properly safe- 
guarded nuclear testing and the development of 
peaceful uses of atomic energy do not threaten 
human health or life. But this is a subject of such 
transcendent concern that we believe that all avail- 
able data should be sought out and pooled under 
United Nations auspices. 

Limitation of Armament 

On July 21st of this year, at Geneva, the Presi- 
dent of the United States took still another major 
initiative. Dealing with disarmament, and ad- 
dressing himself for the moment principally to the 
delegates from the Soviet Union, he proposed that, 
as a beginning, each of our two nations should 
provide the other with information as to its mili- 



tary establishments and with facilities for un- 
restricted aerial reconnaissance of the other. 

The logic of this proposal is simple and clear. 
Major aggression is unlikely unless the aggressor 
can have the advantage of sui-prise and can hope to 
strike a blow which will be devastating because 
unexpected. But the preparation of an attack of 
such magnitude could hardly be concealed from 
aerial inspection. Aerial inspection would not, of 
course, detect everything. We do not think of it 
as itself a final comprehensive system of inspection. 
But aerial inspection would detect enough to ex- 
clude the greatest risk. Because it would do that, 
it would open the way to further steps toward 
inspection and disarmament which we all, and I 
emphatically include the United States, want to 
se« taken. 

Long experience makes it apparent that, when 
there is a sense of insecurity, when there is an 
ominous unknown, then arms seem needed and 
limitation of armament becomes virtually im- 
attainable. Reductions of armament occur when 
fear is dissipated, when knowledge replaces ex- 
aggerated speculation, and when in consequence 
arms seem less needed. 

It was, I believe, immediately sensed by all that, 
if the United States were to j)ermit Soviet over- 
liights of its territory and if the Soviet Union were 
to permit the United States overflights of its terri- 
tory, that would go far to show that neither had 
aggressive intentions against the other. Then, as 
President Eisenhower pointed out in his plea at 
Geneva, it would be easier to move on to a compre- 
hensive, scientific system of inspection and dis- 
armament. The essence of the President's pro- 
posal was that it would, as a beginning, do what is 
required of a beginning; namely, make it more 
possible to take subsequent steps. 

I hope that the sentiment of this General Assem- 
bly will make clear that this beginning should be 
made as simply as may be and as quickly as may 
be. From such a beginning can come, and I be- 
lieve will come, solid advance toward our charter 
goal of reducing the "diversion for armaments of 
the world's human and economic resources." 
Then we can realistically look forward to fulfill- 
ing the desire close to the hearts of all our people — 
a desire voiced by President Eisenhower at our 
recent meeting in San Francisco — that more of 
this earth's resources should be used for truly con- 
structive purposes, which would particularly 
benefit the underdeveloped areas of the world. 



528 



Department of State Bulletin 



A Decade for Peaceful Change 

It was 10 years ago last inoiith that the fighting 
stopped in World War II. We have lived through 
the subsequent decade without another world war. 
That is something for which to be j^rofoundly 
thankful. But true peace has not been enjoyed. 
There have been limited wars; free nations have 
been subverted and taken over ; there has been the 
piling up of armament, and the rigidities of posi- 
tion which are imposed upon those who regard 
each other as potential fighting enemies. 

That phase may now be ending. I believe that 
all four of the Heads of Government, who were at 
Geneva, wanted that result and that each contrib- 
uted to it. In consequence, a new spirit does in- 
deed prevail, with greater flexibility and less 
brittleness in international relations. 

Some find it interesting to speculate as to which 
nations gained and which lost from this develop- 
ment. I would say that if the "spirit of Geneva" 
is to be permanent, then all the world must be the 
gainer. The "smnmit" meeting, if it is to be his- 
toric rather than episodic, must usher in an era of 
peaceful change. 

It will not be an era of placidity and stagnancy, 
in the sense that the status quo, with its manifold 
injustices, is accepted as permanent. It will be an 
era of change, and it will have its strains and its 
stresses. But peoples and governments will re- 
nounce the use of war and of subversion to achieve 
their goals. They will accept orderly evolution 
toward the realization of legitimate national as- 
pirations. They will develop wider economic in- 
tercourse among themselves. They will increas- 
ingly respect human rights and fundamental 
freedoms. And human effort will be dedicated to 
what is creative and benign. 

The United Nations, too, will change. Given 
good will and mutual confidence, many provisions 
of the charter will gain new meaning and new 
vitality. 

Let us together strive that the next decade shall 
be known as the healing decade of true peace. 



William H. Jackson Appointed 
Special Assistant to Secretary 

Press release 55-4 dated September 19 

William H. Jackson of New York has been 
appointed, effective September 19, 1955, as a 
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State to co- 
ordinate within the U.S. Government the develop- 
ment of U.S. positions for phases of the Foreign 
Ministers meeting at Geneva pertaining to East- 
West contacts and exchanges. 



Eighth Anniversary of Death 
of Bulgarian Patriot 

Statement hy Hinder Secretary Hoover ^ 

Eight years ago tomorrow Nikola Petkov, a 
gi'eat Bulgarian patriot, was hanged in Bulgaria. 
After a trial which made a mockery of justice, he 
was judicially murdered on September 23, 1947, 
in order that conununism in his country might 
triumph. 

Nikola Petkov was a courageous liberal and a 
valiant defender of democracy in his country. 
His countrymen will never forget the boldness 
and selflessness with which he and his colleagues 
fought Commimist injustice even after their cause 
seemed lost. That the Communist press in Bul- 
garia should finally have described his death as 
an "imperative state necessity" is striking evi- 
dence of the vigor of his struggle. 

Although Nikola Petkov's voice and pen have 
been silenced, his spirit still lives. His devotion 
to the cause of justice and democracy will ever 
serve as inspiration to his countrymen and to all 
liberty-loving people who look forward to the 
day when the captive peoples can once again live 
in freedom under governments of their own 
choosing. 

' Made on the eighth anniversary of the death of Nikola 
Petkov (press release 559 dated Sept. 22). 



October 3, 7955 



529 



The U.S. Position on Disarmament 



iy James J. Wadsworth 

Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^ 



At Geneva, 2 months ago, the Heads of State of 
France, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, 
and the United States met for the fii-st time in 10 
years. That meeting was marked by the emer- 
gence of a new climate in international affairs 
which has become known as the spirit of Geneva. 

This spirit depends largely upon the intentions 
proclaimed by the Soviet Union, together with 
the rest of us, to seek new ways to ease interna- 
tional tensions and lift the fear of war. 

The spirit of Geneva could amount to no more 
than a cruel illusion unless it is translated into 
deeds. In a still agonized world, there is no lack 
of troubles in which it can be put to the test. In 
Eastern Europe, nations with a proud history of 
freedom are not free; subversion and conspiracy 
are still active throughout the world ; ancient states 
remain divided. 

The birth and growth of a sovereign and dem- 
ocratic Germany, its contribution to collective se- 
curity, and its progi-ess under Dr. Adenauer to its 
rightful place in the comity of nations, recognized 
by other states, including the Soviet Union, can 
only strengthen the spirit of Geneva. But so long 
as all Germans are unable to voice the national 
will in free elections and while Germany remains 
partitioned, the spirit of Geneva cannot find full 
expression. 

In the United Nations the spirit of Geneva will 
find still other testing grounds. In the firgt Gen- 
eral Assembly since the Geneva meeting, the peo- 
ples of the world are preparing to observe its 
workings in a broad range of issues. 

Already the meetings of France, Canada, the 
United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and the 



' Address made before the Foreign Policy Association, 
New Yorlf, N. Y., on Sept. 16 (U.S./U.N. press release 
2203). 

530 



United States in the subcommittee of the United 
Nations Disarmament Conmiission are providing 
a first and a most important test. 

I propose to speak today about these discussions 
and particularly about the new U.S. position in 
the subcommittee meetings. 

As you are all aware, President Eisenhower at 
Geneva on July 21 presented a new and historic 
American proposal.^ That proposal called for the 
exchange of blueprints of military information 
between the United States and the Soviet Union, 
to be verified by mutual aerial reconnaissance. 
These blueprints would include : first, the identifi- 
cation, strength, command structure, and disposi- 
tion of personnel, units, and equipment of all 
major land, sea, and air forces, including organ- 
ized reserve and para-military; second, a complete 
list of military plants, facilities, and installations 
with their locations. 

Later, in the subcommittee, Harold E. Stassen, 
the President's Special Assistant for Disarma- 
ment, presented a U.S. Government outline plan 
for putting the President's proposal into imme- 
diate efl'ect. This plan makes provision, among 
other things, for unrestricted but monitored aerial 
reconnaissance by visual, photographic, and elec- 
tronic means; for freedom of communications ; for 
the presence aboard inspecting aircraft of per- 
sonnel of the country being inspected ; for simul- 
taneous delivery of similar types of information 
by each participating government; and for many 
other essentials. 

One noteworthy provision is for the presence 
of ground observers in each country to assist in 
verifying the exchange of military information. 
Now the proposals of the Soviet Union for arms 

' Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173. 

Department of State BuUetin 



control as put forward on May 10 of this year' 
included something similar in calling for observers 
at large ports, airdromes, railway junctions, and 
highways. These proposals do not clearly estab- 
lish tlie right of the inspectors to move about 
freely and to see the things they must see. They 
are vague in identifying the things which are to 
be inspected. And most important, they do not 
yet contemplate or permit aerial reconnaissance. 
Without aerial reconnaissance the United States 
believes that reasonable security against surprise 
attack or aggression is impossible. 

Prevention of Surprise Attack 

The great boon of the President's plan is pre- 
cisely that it provides against the possibility of 
great surprise attack. While it is in operation 
no state which participates in it could hope to 
launch a successful attack upon another state with 
nuclear or any other weapons. If we can exorcise 
the specter of such a surprise attack by any major 
nation or involving any major nation, we may be 
able to prevent war itself. 

We may be able to convert the arms burden 
the world now bears into higher living standards 
for humanity, and we may devote the peaceful 
benefits of atomic energy to the advancement of 
all peoples. 

Not only is it desirable to shackle surprise at- 
tack; it is also, as soldiers and scientists in many 
countries now agree, probably the only way now 
open to us to achieve the kind of international 
control of arms and armed forces on which peoples 
could rely. 

I shall explain why this is so. 

At the present time there is no known method 
through which an inspection and control system 
could account for the complete elimination of 
nuclear weapons. At any given time some current 
or nuclear production and much past production 
can be hidden away beyond the range of detection, 
even by the most modern devices. This secret 
store could be used for illicit fabrication of atomic 
weapons, and these weapons could be used for 
sudden assault on unsusjaecting nations. 

So far as the United States knows, no other 
government and no other scientists have been yet 
able to discover a means to inspect and keep track 
of all fissionable material within an acceptable 
margin of error. The Soviet Government itself, 



= Ibid., May 30, 1955, p. 90O. 



in its May 10 proposals and at Geneva and in the 
current meetings of the subcommittee, has recog- 
nized the limitations on the effectiveness of control 
over nuclear weapons material. 

I am able to tell you here today that some of 
our most eminent scientists are now engaged in a 
new stepped-up effort to achieve a breakthrough 
to some new measure to control nuclear matter 
more effectively. But while that search continues, 
the problem grows yearly more difficult and more 
awesome as stocks pile up and the means for deliv- 
ering an attack are multiplied. 

The United States is striving to find an answer 
before the arms race reaches a point of no return. 
The massive reconnaissance urged by President 
Eisenhower could halt this ominous drift. It will 
also enable us to make progress in the vital field 
of inspection. 

In any system of international control of arma- 
ments the role of inspection is paramount. With- 
out reliable inspection it is impossible to construct 
a system in which nations can put their trust. 
Without it no nation could be expected to reduce 
its strength in accordance with an international 
agreement. Even Marshal Bulganin has said 
that disarmament really "boils down to inspec- 
tion." 

The new situation with respect to nuclear ma- 
terials has transformed the problem of inspection 
and with it many of the fundamentals of arms 
control. 

Need for Reappraisal 

The United States therefore believes it to be the 
course of realism — and an honest course — to place 
a reservation upon the positions so far reached in 
the United Nations deliberations. In asserting 
this reservation in the subcommittee, Mr. Stassen 
has stressed that we do not reject or disavow our 
past policies, nor do we reaffirm them in blanket 
fashion. We do believe they must be reappraised. 

We are firmly convinced — and in this all of the 
Western nations in the subcommittee seem 
agreed — that, before the project for arms reduc- 
tions worked out earlier in the United Nations or 
any other schedule of arms reduction is applied, 
there must be agreement upon an effective system 
of control and inspection. 

The United States wishes, in concert with other 
nations and in the new atmosphere since Geneva, 
to explore and develop means of inspection appro- 



Oc/ober 3, 1955 



531 



priate to the new situation. The adoption of the 
President's plan would go very far toward re- 
building international confidence, without which 
the installation of a reciprocal, pennanent inspec- 
tion system is almost impossible. For upon the 
day that the two major nuclear powers decided to 
open up to each other, upon that day the security 
of the world would be increased. In the general 
environment of suspicion countries have not 
agreed to give inspection a fair trial, except upon 
a series of conditions which none has yet been able 
to grant. President Eisenliower's proposal could, 
at one stroke, rescue arms control from this vicious 
cycle. 

Despite the bold sweep of the President's plan 
and the seal it would set against war, it is not in- 
tended to be the whole answer to the quest for dis- 
armament. The President hunself declared, 
when he launched his prodigious idea, that "what 
I propose is, I assure you, but a beginning." 

Our concentration upon the President's concept 
and our determination to make a new start in the 
subcommittee in the spirit of Geneva should not 
for a moment cause us to lose sight of the objective. 
Let me say categorically and emphatically just 
what this is. 

The United States is pledged to work for, 
earnestly desires, and energetically seeks a com- 
prehensive, progressive, enforceable international 
agreement for the reduction of arms, annaments, 
and armed forces. This program would incorpo- 
rate the results of the latest studies in this country 
and abroad. 

The President's plan is a first step — a crucial 
one, but only a first step toward such a program. 
It is, as Governor Stassen has told the subcom- 
mittee again and again, a "gateway to disarma- 
ment." It is not intended to be a substitute for 
an overall arms plan. It is intended to make one 
possible. 

It is not an exclusive step. Our colleagues in 
the United Nations, Britain and France, have put 
forward suggestions of merit. These, too, will 
aid in the eflFort to lift the arms burden and to 
secure peace. 

This then is the philosophy back of the U.S. 
position. Suspicion has blocked acceptance of 
and cooperation in an all-out disarmament and 
inspection plan of the type one could consider 
truly secure. We want to provide relief from that 
suspicion by offering a simple means of mutual 
disclosure and verification to the Soviet Union to 



prove to them and to the world that we are ready to 
lay bare our military potential for the common 
cause of peace if they will do the same. 

This is the prelude which should precede the 
main body of limitations and reductions of arma- 
ments. If the Soviets should reject this offer the 
insincerity of their professions in favor of dis- 
armament will be exposed. 

Wliere does this leave the United States ? Are 
we euchred into a position of accepting unrealistic 
and unsound proposals ? Are we caught in a web 
of halfway beliefs and promises? Far from it. 
"VVe are in a position to say to the Soviets, in con- 
cert with our friends : "Here is the test of sincerity. 
If you want real reduction of annaments, then you 
will accept the principle of doing these things in 
plain sight of one another. If we have notliing 
to hide, you should have nothing to hide." 

I cannot predict the future of this plan and of 
this great opportunity for mankind. We hope 
that the General Assembly of the United Nations 
on behalf of the anxious multitudes it represents 
will record its approval of the President's plan 
during its current session. 

Two Alternatives 

Two alternatives loom on the troubled horizon 
of international cooperation : 

First: The Soviets accept the principle of the 
Eisenhower plan. This will lead through many a 
hard month of guiding negotiation as to details, 
but it will mean the final breakthrough of peace- 
loving man toward the ideal of tranquillity for 
the world. 

Second: The Soviets reject the principle of the 
Eisenhower plan, thereby plunging the world into 
still another round of the Ballet Russe, but while 
doing that, demonstrating in awful clarity the 
utter bankruptcy of their position and the falsity 
of the attitude which has led to this so-called 
Geneva spirit. 

Let me close by recalling both the fallibility and 
the indestructibility of human beings. In spite 
of all the disappointments, all the frustrations, all 
the times we have fallen on our faces, we always 
get up and keep on plugging. Sometimes our ef- 
forts have earned little more than a sneer ; some- 
times the god Mars has blasted our hopes and am- 
bitions. But everlastingly mankind is pushing on 
toward the abandonment of war as an instnunent 



532 



Department of State Bulletin 



of national policy. Doggedly, stubbornly, some- 
times stupidly, we grope toward the ultimate solu- 
tion. But we will get there. Mark my words, we 
will get there ! 

I do not know what the Soviet Union will do. 
I have spent many months this year and last de- 
bating disarmament issues with Mr. Gromyko and 
Mr. Malik in the closed sessions of the United Na- 
tions Disarmament Subcommittee. I have fol- 
lowed the record of the current meetings in which 
Harold Stassen so ably represents the United 
States. 

I can only say that I think that the spirit of 
Geneva is perceptibly influencing the Soviet ap- 
proach if it has not yet materially altered their 
proposals. I do believe that the Soviet Union still 
has the President's plan under close and serious 
study. 

All of us should be aware that the execution 
of the Eisenhower plan will confront the Soviet 
people as well as ourselves with undertakings of 
delicate and far-reaching character. Yet I know 
of no other plan which could create so much real 
security against surprise attack or give so gi-eat 
an easement of fear. We believe that we cannot 
do less. 

The Soviet Union could give us the real measure 
of its willingness to lift the fear of war by doing 
as much. We are prepared to meet them halfway. 



U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes 
Established by 1949 Agreement 

Announcement of Meeting 

Press release 553 dated September 19 

The Department of State and the Civil Aero- 
nautics Board announced on September 19 that 
they would convene in Washington that after- 
noon a meeting between the aeronautical authori- 
ties of the United States and Canada pursuant to 
a request of the Government of Canada for con- 
sultation to review the route pattern established 
by the 1949 Air Transport Agreement between 
the two Governments.^ It is understood that the 
Canadian officials may also desire to discuss col- 
lateral matters not within the scope of the air 
agreement. 

According to Eoss Eizley, Chairman of the 

' For an announcement of the signing of the 1949 agree- 
ment, see Bulletin of June 12, 1949, p. 766. For text, 
see Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1934. 



Civil Aeronautics Board and Chief of the U.S. 
delegation for these meetings, the Civil Aeronau- 
tics Board welcomes this opportunity to renew 
acquaintance with the Canadian Air Transport 
Board and to discuss problems of mutual inter- 
est. Joseph P. Adams, Vice Chairman of the 
Civil Aeronautics Board, will be Alternate Chief 
of the U.S. delegation. Other U.S. representa- 
tives will include Joseph C. Watson and Dorothy 
E. Thomas of the Civil Aeronautics Board; 
Henry Snowden, C. J. Kolinski, George Vest, of 
the Department of State; and Philip S. Bogart, 
U.S. Transport and Communications Attache at 
the Embassy in Ottawa. 

The Canadian delegation will consist of W. J. 
Matthews, Chairman of the Air Transport Board ; 
A. D. McLean and J. L. G. Morisset, Board mem- 
bers ; A. S. McDonald, Executive Director of the 
Air Transport Board ; and James Brandy of the 
Department of External Affairs. 

Exchange of Views 

Press release 561 dated September 22 

The meeting between Canadian and U.S. civil 
aviation authorities which began on September 19 
concluded on September 22. William J. Mat- 
thews, Chairman of the Air Transport Board, 
headed the Canadian delegation, while Joseph P. 
Adams, Vice Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics 
Board, headed the U.S. delegation. 

A beneficial exchange of views took place on the 
developments in air transportation between the 
two countries. The existing route pattern estab- 
lished under the 1949 bilateral air transport agree- 
ment was reviewed. Suggestions for additional 
services between the western region of Canada and 
the United States are to be given further study. 

An arrangement will be made so that, until the 
airport at Sault Ste. Marie, Ont., is completed, 
Canadian airlines will be free to make use of the 
airport facilities at Sault Ste. Marie, Mich., for 
any of their domestic Canadian services. During 
this period the Canadian airlines will also provide 
service to U.S. passengers at Sault Ste. Marie, 
Mich. 

It was agreed that more frequent meetings be- 
tween the civil aviation authorities of the two 
countries should take place in the future. The 
Canadian Chairman expressed the hope that the 
next such meeting might take place at Ottawa in 
1956. 



Ocfober 3, 1955 



533 



In a special meeting between the Air Transport 
Board and the Civil Aeronautics Board, there was 
a useful discussion of a number of collateral mat- 
ters outside the scope of the air agreement. It was 
the first time that all five members of the Civil 
Aeronautics Board have met with all members of 
an aviation board of another country. 



Meeting of ANZUS Council 

Press release 565 dated September 24 

The Anztjs Comicil, established by the Security 
Treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and the 
United States, met at Washington on September 
24. Richard G. Casey, Minister for External Af- 
fairs, represented Australia; Thomas L. Mac- 
donald, Minister of External Afl'airs, represented 
New Zealand; and Secretary Dulles represented 
the United States. 

In addition to the Ministers the delegations in- 
cluded : for Australia, Sir Percy C. Spender, Am- 
bassador to the United States; John Quinn, of the 
Department of External Affairs; and Lt. Gen. 
Henry Wells, Chief of the General Staff; for New 
Zealand, Sir Leslie K. Munro, Ambassador to the 
United States; and Alistair D. Mcintosh, Secre- 
tary of External Affairs; and for the United 
States, Under Secretai-y Hoover; Livingston T. 
Merchant, Assistant Secretary for European Af- 
fairs; Walter S. Robertson, Assistant Secretary 
for Far Eastern Afl'airs-; Douglas MacArthur, II, 
Counselor ; and Adm. Felix B. Stmnp, Commander 
in Chief, Pacific and United States Pacific Fleet. 

At the conclusion of the meeting the Council 
issued the following statement: 

The Anzus Council affords the Foreign Ministers of 
the tliree Governments the opportunity of regular, peri- 
odic consultation in regard to international and defense 
matters of mutual interest and concern. The over-riding 
objective of the Anzits partners is to strengthen the re- 
lationships between their Governments and to seeli ef- 
fective means of providing for their mutual security. 

At this meeting the representatives of the three Govern- 
ments were glad to note that since their last meeting in 



1954, at which tliey had agreed on the need for the early 
establishment of collective defense in Southeast Asia,* 
the Manila Pact has been concluded. They unanimously 
agreed that the Manila Pact, which is history's first multi- 
lateral collective defense organization with East Asian 
participation, represents a further highly significant de- 
velopment toward sustaining and strengthening peace and 
security in an area of vital concern to the free world. In 
addition to mutual membership in Anzus and the Manila 
Pact, the Ministers noted that their countries have other 
relationships which contribute to the development of 
strength and stability in the area. 

The Ministers discussed at some length the develop- 
ments in the world situation occurring since the last meet- 
ing of the Anzus Council. They noted with satisfaction 
the efforts made at the Geneva meeting of heads of gov- 
ernment toward reducing the causes of world tension. 
They expressed the hope that these preliminary steps 
would be followed by positive action. They were in firm 
agreement that world developments do not so far justify 
any relaxation of the efforts of the free world to maintain 
a posture of defensive strength. 



U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence 
to ''Northern Tier" Pact 

Press release 560 dated September 24 

Pakistan has announced its formal adlierence to 
the Pact of Mutual Cooi:)eration signed by Iraq 
and Turkey on February 24, 1955, and adhered to 
by the United Kingdom on April 5, 1955. 

The United States has continually been in sym- 
pathy witli the desire of these nations to provide 
for their legitimate self-defense through a collec- 
tive arrangement within the framework of the 
United Nations. In the view of the United States 
such an arrangement, particularly between the 
"Northern Tier" nations of the Middle East, con- 
tains the elements needed for an effective area de- 
fense structure. 

The United States welcomes Pakistan's adher- 
ence to the pact which will facilitate the coopera- 
tion of these nations for tlieir mutual benefit and 
common defense. 



" Bulletin of July 12, 1954, p. 50. 



534 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



Youth and the Free World 



hy Harold E. Stassen 

Special Assistant to the President ^ 



In responding to your invitation to discuss with 
you on this occasion "Youth and the Free World,'' 
may I first note that we meet here in Ann Arbor 
on Labor Day. The great productive processes 
of a free people under a system of individual en- 
terprise have made this Nation a great power. 
In 1955, free labor has confidently and abundantly 
turned out full production for peace. 

Let us never forget those dark days of war when 
American industry was called on to perform her- 
culean feats of production for the defense of this 
Nation. Now as we work to build a secure peace, 
American labor has given ringing testimony to the 
Tightness of our free economic system. Never 
before have more than 65 million people been 
gainfully employed in these United States. 

We have entered an era of unprecedented peace- 
time prosperity. Personal income has climbed to 
new peaks; more people are finding better jobs; 
take-home pay is at record heights; and America 
is having its best economic year in history. 

Our age has revealed a striking and often 
stormy tempo of change. With a stepped-up pace, 
events that once spanned centuries have been 
crammed into generations. This offers a great 
opportunity for genuine progress, but it also pre- 
sents a sterner challenge than ever before. Will 
the youth of our Nation and of other free countries 
be equipped, physically and spiritually, to meet 
the challenge and grasp the ojDportunity ? 

It is my feeling that a free world of people 
living together in harmony and assured peace will 
be achieved only to the extent our youth can suc- 



' Address made before the National Training Confer- 
ence for Boy Scout Executives at the University of Michi- 
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich., on Sept. 5 (White House press 
release). 



cessfully meet this challenge of change. Today, 
and still more in the years ahead, America and 
the entire world will look to leaders who are able 
to think courageously, act with judgment and 
speed, with imagination and enterprise, and yet 
with patience and restraint. 

The knowledge through experience available to 
nearly 3 million Scouts is helping effectively to 
prepare future citizens for a constructive role in 
the worldwide effort for a lasting peace with 
justice. 

If the younger generation is to successfully live 
in, and lead in, the turbulent world of reality in 
the decades ahead, they must know what is hap- 
pening around them. To state it another way, 
a climate must be developed which will encourage 
our youth to be part of the world rather than 
apart from the world. 

Just a few weeks ago the eighth World Boy 
Scout Jamboree was held. Youngsters from 64: 
nations, i-epresenting all races and faiths, gathered 
together for this important assembly. 

I commend you warmly, not only because of the 
excellent work you are iierforming here in the 
United States but also for the exceptionally sig- 
nificant programs you have carried on with scout- 
ing groujjs from other nations in the interest of 
brotherhood and stronger ties among all peoples. 

Just before I closed out my work as Director 
of the Foreigii Operations Administration, a pro- 
gram was evolving at the request of the Guate- 
malan Government with a view of furnishing use- 
ful leisure-time activities for urban youth in 
that country. Before launching these activities 
my Washington staff consulted extensively with 
the Boy Scouts of America, after which a con- 
tract was negotiated for the Boy Scouts of Guate- 



Ocfober 3, 1955 



535 



mala. I understand that a nucleus for a volun- 
teer staff has been assembled and a youth center 
is now being organized. 

This is the kind of cooj>erative approach that is 
taking hold increasingly throughout the free 
world. For us, it is the practice of a great Nation 
to help other free peoples to help themselves in 
the common quest for a more satisfying, more 
fruitful, and more prosperous life. 

It is also a relatively new element in our for- 
eign relations. Less than a quarter of a century 
ago most people drew the line of cooperation 
pretty well at our national borders, or at most 
within the limits of the continent. 

But two World Wars and a near-disastrous de- 
pression have taught some grim lessons. Now we 
are at a stage in history when even the most pow- 
erful nations must know they can no longer heed- 
lessly risk the devastation of war. 

Can you see why I am moved to express my 
belief that the youth of today will face a challenge 
of unprecedented proportions? 

Last October the President said, "Since the ad- 
vent of nuclear weapons, it seems clear that there 
is no longer any alternative to peace. . . . The 
soldier can no longer regain a peace that is usable 
to the world." 

War is not inevitable. History strengthens my 
conviction that Providence has directed man's 
genius to release the energy of the atom for a 
good purpose. 

Not long ago I listened to a man talking to a 
scientist about the threat of the atom bomb. 
"While he believed unswervingly in God, he could 
not understand why the Divine Power had per- 
mitted man to devise such an instrument. The 
scientist, who doubtlessly had wrestled with the 
same question, answered that in a few centuries 
our supplies of conventional fuel would be ex- 
hausted. Having to rely solely upon our hands 
and our body, we would be faced with the bleak 
prospect of receding to the primitive stages from 
which we developed. 

The discovery of nuclear energy, said the sci- 
entist, has changed all this by opening up entirely 
new avenues to virtually inexhaustible supplies of 
power, thus assuring man's future progress. 

It is a plain fact that the materials which give 
the atom bomb its awful power can be used to 
create amazing plenty for mankind. 

This was confirmed by the daily headlines grow- 
ing out of the recently completed International 



Conference on the Peaceful Usesi of Atomic En- 
ergy. Here the prospects of nuclear energy as a 
powerful force for the benefit of mankind were 
most dramatically revealed. 

But if atom power is to be man's ultimate bene- 
factor, I do not believe we can arrive at that goal 
through inaction. We can be neither smug nor 
complacent, nor can we resign ourselves to head- 
in-the-sand hopelessness. 

The dogged, patient insistence on making prog- 
ress must be an essential part of America's future 
as it has been a vital part of our past. 

It is ever present in the inspiring leadership of 
President Eisenhower. It must be ever present 
in our youth upon whom the legacy of leadership 
will fall. 

The origin of peace is in the hearts and minds 
of men. 

Let us see to it that our youth have strong faith 
in themselves, in their individual chance for great- 
ness, in their country's moral and spiritual values, 
and in the future. 



U.S. Airlift Drops Rice 
to Famine Victims in Laos 

The International Cooperation Administration 
announced on September 13 that the largest peace- 
time air drop in Southeast Asia's history began 
that day in the Kingdom of Laos as the first of 
1,000 tons of rice, a gift from the people of the 
United States, was parachuted to the famine- 
stricken villagers of a rugged, mountainous area 
too remote to be supplied by road. The first vil- 
lage to be supplied in the emergency operation is 
Bonn Neua, located in Phong Saly j^rovince, which 
borders on Eed China's southern province of 
Yunnan. 

Rice, which comprises 90 percent of the diet of 
the Laotians, is also being airdropped to 24 other 
points in the northern section of the country where 
famine is widespread and where, because of the 
rainy season, roads and rivers are impassable and 
much needed relief can come only from the air. 

In addition to the 1,000 tons being airdropped, 
another 4,000 tons of rice are being distributed 
throughout the kingdom by truck and river barge. 
The entire relief operation, as well as the rice it- 
self, is being financed by the United States through 
the International Cooperation Administration 



536 



Deaarfment of Slate BuUefin 



and is being carried out by the Royal Government 
of Laos. Thailand, Laos' friendly neighbor to the 
west, contributed another 500 tons of the food 
staple. 

The famine in Laos — which until last year was 
one of the Associated States of Indochina — is an 
aftermath of the Communist Viet Minh invasion. 
When Ho Chi Minh's troops from Communist 
North Viet-Nam withdrew from Laos last Novem- 
ber, they left wholesale destruction behind. Tliis 
devastation, coupled with severe droughts in Laos 
over the past two seasons, led to the present serious 
food shortages. 



Department Reply to Protest on 
"Blackboard Jungle" Incident 

Press release 557 dated September 21 

Following is the text of a letter from Acting 
Assistant Secretary Robinson Mcllvaine, which is 
in reply to a letter from Mr. Arthur M. Loew of 
Augiist 29: 

September 19, 1955 

Dear Mr. Loew: The Secretary of State has 
asked me to reply to your letter of August 29, 
1955, protesting the reported action by the Amer- 
ican Ambassador to Italy in regard to the pres- 
entation of the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer picture 
"Blackboard Jungle", at the Venice Film Festival. 

Let me first of all assure you that neither the 
Department of State nor the Chiefs of Mission 
abroad would ever attempt in any way to curb 
the free dissemination of views and opinions or 
to pre-judge any artistic presentation. By the 
same token, neither the Department nor our rep- 
resentatives abroad are required officially to en- 
dorse any given presentation. 

In going over the facts, I cannot find that 
there was any attempt at censorship, but rather 
that Ambassador Luce was carrying out her own 
responsibilities in not wishing to attend the per- 
formance of a film which — whatever its artistic 
merits — she did not consider truly representative 
of America. 

I believe a review of the developments in this 
matter will fully reinforce this conclusion. 

Ambassador Luce discovered on her arrival at 
Venice, August 25, that "Blackboard Jungle" had 
been substituted for another film in the list of 
American entries. The Ambassador then met 



with the Director of the Festival. She made it 
quite clear that she assumed no authority over the 
selection of American entries nor any official power 
to request their withdrawal. She also stressed 
strongly to the Festival Director that, in keeping 
with the principles of free enterprise and non- 
interference by Government with private indus- 
try, Ajnerican motion picture producers were free 
to enter and submit any film they wished in such 
festivals. She did, however, state to the Director 
that she did not believe she should give official 
endorsement to "Blackboard Jungle" by her pres- 
ence at the Festival when she believed that the 
film would create a seriously distorted impression 
of American youth and American public schools 
and, thus, abet the anti-U. S. propaganda of the 
Communists in Italy. The Festival authorities 
remained free to retain the entry. 

Prior to his conversation with the Ambassador, 
the Festival Director had queried the Rome Mpaa 
rejjresentative on this entry. He in turn contacted 
the Mpaa in New York and reportetl back to the 
Director that the Mgm original entry, "Interrupted 
Melody", should be substituted for "Blackboard 
Jungle". 

The Director of the Venice Film Festival has 
already publicly corroborated that the American 
Ambassador neither imposed censorship nor mis- 
used the prestige of her office. 

It is interesting to note that, according to the 
Director, the United States is the only participat- 
ing country in which private industry and the Gov- 
ernment do not coordinate their entries. In keep- 
ing with our tradition, the Department believes it 
fitting that we continue in that maimer, confident 
that there is no conflict of interests that may not be 
resolved by the enlightened and mutual under- 
standing of Amencan Government officials and 
leaders of private business. 

I regret, therefore, tliat anyone should consider 
the Ambassador's decision not to lend positive en- 
dorsement to this film as an effort to pre-censor or 
curb the free dissemination of views or opinions. 
Sincerely youi-s, 

Robinson McIlvaine 

Acting Assistant Secretary 

for Public Affairs 

Mr. Arthur M. Loew, President, 
Loew^s International Corporation, 
Loew Building - 15/^0 Broadway, 
New York 36, New York. 



Oc/ober 3, 1955 



537 



Relation of Antitrust Policies to Foreign Trade and Investment 



Statement hy TJwrsten V. Kalijarvi ^ 



I am Thorsten V. Kalijarvi, Acting Deputy 
Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, 
and am appearing here in response to the com- 
mittee's request for the Department of State to 
present its views concerning the relationshii? of 
antitnist policies to foreign trade and investment. 

One of the major objectives of our foreign eco- 
nomic policy is to promote an expanding world 
economy. It is our belief that an expanding 
world economy produces a stronger economy at 
home and, at the same time, helps to achieve the 
desires of peoples abroad to shai'e more broadly 
in the advantages of modern industrial techniques 
and progress. The greater economic strength 
thus achieved contributes to the security of the 
free world in general. Thus an expanding world 
economy is directly related both to our economic 
well-being and to our national security. 

It is to this basic objective that three programs 
in which the committee is interested are addressed, 
namely, the promotion of world trade, the foster- 
ing of private investment abroad, and our 
espousal of competition as an alternative to car- 
telism and socialism. We are convinced that all 
of these are important steps toward realization 
of an expanding world economy. 

The Congress has recognized this in the laws 
which it has enacted. Thus, in the Thye amend- 
ment [sec. 413] to the Mutual Security Act of 
1954,^ the Congress has declared it to be the policy 
of the United States "to encourage the efforts of 

' Made before the Antitrust and Monopoly Subcom- 
mittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee on Sept. 15 
(press release 545). For a statement by Mr. Kalijarvi 
on May 24 before the Antitrust Subcommittee of the 
House Judiciary Committee, see BtrLLETiN of June 13, 
1955, p. 974. 

' Public Law 665, S3d Cong. 



other free nations ... to foster private initiative 
and competition" and ''to discourage monopolistic 
practices." The essential principle of this policy 
is to carry abroad the conviction, developed out 
of our own experience, that competitive free enter- 
prise provides the dynamic force for economic 
progress. The policy set forth in the Thye 
amendment recognizes that an economy weighted 
down with private restraints is like a ship drag- 
ging anchor. Private agreements to limit pro- 
duction, to hold up prices, to discriminate against 
firms that show independent initiative, to hold 
back technological progress, to keep inefficient 
producers in business, wherever they occur in the 
free world, retard progress and work against our 
own interests. 

The Department, and the other executive agen- 
cies concerned, following this congressional policy, 
seek to explain abroad how our competitive econ- 
omy works. We encourage foreign officials and 
nationals to come to this country to study our 
economic system and antitnist laws. We pro- 
vide assistance to other countries in the develop- 
ment of anticartel laws and enforcement pro- 
cedures. In our economic relations, we point out 
the existence of restrictive business practices that 
impair the ability of other countries to export to 
the United States or achieve other economic ob- 
jectives. We practice competitive bidding, 
wherever possible, in our procurement abroad. 
We encourage other countries and international 
agencies to utilize competitive bidding. Through 
technical aid programs we emphasize the need, 
in achieving higher levels of productivity, to elim- 
inate restraints on production and trade. We en- 
courage American businessmen, labor leaders, and 
other citizens to help in pointing out the advan- 
tages of a competitive economy. 



538 



Department of State Bulletin 



Progress Since World War II 

The results which have been achieved in the 
years since AV^orld War II have not been insignifi- 
cant. Before the war support of cartels by gov- 
ernments abroad was widespread; as a matter of 
fact, frequently foreign law required membership 
in cartels. This past spring, however, the U.N. 
Economic and Social Council noted with satis- 
faction that "a number of Governments have 
undertaken new measures, or strengthened exist- 
ing measures, to prevent or control restrictive bus- 
iness practices or their harmful effects" and that 
there is a growing awareness that "these practices 
may have harmful effects upon economic develop- 
ment, employment and international trade." ^ In 
support of this view, it might be pointed out that 
there is now legislation in most counti-ies of West- 
ern Europe designed to control restrictive business 
practices, and, what is more important, active 
enforcement of such legislation is proceeding in 
most cases. 'N^Hiiile this legislation is not as com- 
prehensive as our own antitrust laws, there is a 
constant trend toward making it more effective. 
Perhaps the most dramatic development has been 
the inclusion in the Schuman Plan Treaty estab- 
lishing the European Coal and Steel Community 
of strong anticartel and antimonopoly pro- 
visions, closely akin to United States antitrust 
principles, rather than to the traditional Euro- 
pean concepts of cartel regulation. There is every 
reason to believe that effective enforcement of 
these provisions will take jilace and that such en- 
forcement will have a profound and beneficial im- 
pact upon the economies of all the Western Euro- 
pean countries. 

Another significant change in recent years 
which should be called to the committee's atten- 
tion has been a marked shift in official attitudes in 
Europe in favor of more competitive economies. 
For example, in the United Kingdom, the Mon- 
opolies Commission has recently issued a report 
recommending the outlawing by statute of a num- 
ber of restrictive practices most prevalent in Brit- 
ish industry. In commenting on this report in 
parliamentary debate, Mr. Thorneycroft, presi- 
dent of the U.K. Board of Trade, made the follow- 
ing statement reflecting the point of view of the 
Conservative Party : 

It is for these reasons that we have pursued the aims 
we have, to remove the obstacles to trade abroad, to rid 



' U.N. doc. K./Res. (XIX)/14 dated May 26, 1055. 
Ocfober 3, 1955 



ourselves of the network of manufacturing controls at 
home and to eradicate abuses in the field of monopoly or 
restriction. We are, and remain, the party of free enter- 
prise and competition, in an age when both are needed 
to the full. 

xlnother manifestation of the shift of attitude 
which has taken place is increased public interest 
in the problem. Widespread attention is being 
given to the subject in the press. There is broad 
public support for the concept of increased pro- 
ductivity. Public concern has been expressed over 
restrictive practices as revealed by official inves- 
tigations. I shall confine myself to one example. 
A public opinion poll taken in West Germany in 
1951 showed only 37 percent of the people in favor 
of free prices and 47 percent for fixed prices. In 
contrast, a poll on the same subject in the same 
area more than 2 years later showed 54 percent 
for a free economy and only 31 percent against. In 
the light of this and other information that comes 
to us from time to time, it is our belief that the 
philosophy of competitive enterprise is making 
significant headway in other areas of the world. 

Importance to Foreign Relations 

At this point, I think it would be useful to the 
committee to state four major reasons why the 
Department believes that our policy of free com- 
petition is important to our foreign relations. 

First, the Dejjartment believes this policy has 
been a factor in frustrating international cartels. 
Such cartels, accompanied by fixed higher prices, 
discouragement of new investment, and a static 
rather than an expanding economy, have a restric- 
tive effect on the world economy. The United 
States is not merely one of a number of producing 
nations of the world — it alone produces as great a 
volume of manufactures as the rest of the world 
combined. Without the participation of Amer- 
ica's industrial strength, effective cartelization in 
field after field of world trade is unrealizable. It 
needs little argument to discern how different 
would be the course of world trade if the United 
States had embraced international cartelism. 
American free competition has therefore been one 
of the healthiest influences in contributing to effi- 
cient, expanding world trade. 

Second, our policy of free competition is a major 
factor in encouraging other countries to strengthen 
competition in their own economies. As I men- 
tioned before, there are many activities of this 
Government designed to encourage other coun- 



539 



tries to strengthen the forces of competition in 
their economic life. But there is no better form 
of encouragement than to practice what we preach. 
If, for example, our policy had been to exclude 
the field of foreign commerce from the coverage 
of our antitrust laws, our advocacy of competitive 
enterprise could have had but little meaning to 
countries whose economic lifeblood depends upon 
their foreign trade. 

Third, our policy of free competition enables 
us to protect and promote our industry and com- 
merce abroad, for it arms us with a basic phil- 
osophy on which to rest representations to foreign 
governments concerning restrictive practices that 
are injurious to American interests. It is true 
that the United States may not always be suc- 
cessful in such approaches. But we have a much 
stronger basis for opposing restrictive practices 
aimed at our trade and commerce abroad when 
we do not practice them against others. 

Fourth, the Department believes that our policy 
of free competition contributes to the respect with 
which American industry is held in the world. 
Our antitrust laws and policy are evidence to other 
countries that our aim is not to exploit but to com- 
pete, openly and fairly, to bring more and better 
goods and services to others at more reasonable 
prices. It is in this spirit that we reach out to the 
market places of the world. Of course there will 
always be those who will slander our country and 
our industry with charges of "colonial exploita- 
tion," "economic imperialism," and the usual string 
of expletives, but our policy of free competition is 
one of the most effective answers we have to such 
charges. 

Effect on U.S. Investments Abroad 

Let us now turn to some of the problems we 
encounter in the field of antitrust enforcement as 
it relates to foreign policy. The first of these is 
the effect of our antitrust laws on the making of 
United States investments abroad. As already 
stated, the State Department is strongly in favor 
of maximizing productive U.S. investment abroad 
because of the important contribution which it 
makes to the economic strength of other free coun- 
tries. Much has been written and said about 
alleged deterrent effects of the antitrust laws or 
their administration on such investments. It has 
been said, first, that there is uncertainty concerning 
the status of various forms of foreign investment 



540 



under the antitrust laws and second that, to the 
extent they are covered by the laws, the making of 
foreign investment is adversely affected. On the 
first point, the Department, in submitting its views 
to the Attorney General's National Committee To 
Study the Antitrust Laws, conunented that "a 
clarifying statement concerning the application 
of antitrust policy to foreign investment would 
be a constructive means of removing existing un- 
certainties in the minds of potential investors." 
The Department believes that the analysis of the 
law contained in the foreign trade chapter of the 
committee's report ^ constitutes a valuable contri- 
bution to this needed clarification. 

Wliile the Department is not in a position to 
give any definitive position with respect to the sec- 
ond point, permit me to state those factors which 
we believe it is necessary to consider in any effort 
to arrive at a balanced analysis in the overall 
public interest. 

First, the Department has observed many cases 
in which the antitrust laws have altered the man- 
ner in which American firms have invested abroad. 
It is, however, hard to point to any specific case 
and say that the antitrust laws prevented this in- 
vestment from being made. The reason is that 
any important foreign investment proposal is gen- 
erally based on more than one consideration. 
There are such factors to be taken into account, 
for examj^le, as the receptivity of a foreign govern- 
ment toward the investment ; the evaluation by the 
investor of his ability to operate effectively in a 
distant and unfamiliar enviromnent; the com- 
peting investment opportunities in the United 
States; the safety of an investment and the con- 
vertibility of earnings; the ability of the investor 
to make satisfactory arrangements abroad to per- 
mit investment on promising terms; and tax in- 
ducements or deterrents. Therefore, it is ex- 
tremely difficiUt if not impossible to determine in 
most cases if a proposed investment fell through 
because of antitrust policy or law. 

Second, the question has to be decided whether, 
in terms of our basic objective (of promoting an 
expanding free world economy), foreign invest- 
ments made with restrictions now prohibited by 
the antitrust laws should be fostered by the United 
States Government. Suppose an American firm 



'Report of the Attorney General's National Committee 
To Study the Antitrust Laws, March SI, 1955, for sale by 
the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, $1 a copy. 

Department of State Bulletin 



were willing to invest in a going concern in another 
country, but only subject to the condition that the 
recipient firm would limit its sales to its home 
territory. The question arises whether the disad- 
vantages resulting from this impediment to the 
foreign trade of the other country and that of the 
United States outweigh, or are outweighed by, the 
contribution which the investment may make to 
the domestic economy of the foreign country. 

Third, it is important to consider what the effect 
abroad would be if the antitrust laws were changed 
so as to permit investors to engage in practices 
now banned by the antitinist laws. We should not 
forget in this context the contribution which our 
policy of free competition makes to tiie respect 
with which American industry is regarded abroad. 
The general investment climate in foreign coun- 
tries can be directly affected by any changes in our 
policy of free competition. Also, foreign cartel 
and monopoly practices are one of the significant 
barriers to investment in some countries. In this 
connection, the President has asked the Secretary 
of State, in accordance with the recommendation 
of the Commission on Foreign Economic Policy, 
to "make clear to other nations that laws or estab- 
lished business practices in their countries which 
encourage restrictive price, production or market- 
ing arrangements will limit the willingness of 
U.S. businessmen to invest abroad and will reduce 
the benefits of such investment to other nations.'' 
There is little doubt that our legalizing practices 
now illegal would make more difficult the position 
of advocates of free enterprise abroad and our 
ability to carry out the President's directive. 

These considerations, in our judgment, must be 
weighed when assessing the effect of the antitrust 
laws on United States investment abroad. Ob- 
viously any specific proposals for dealing with 
this problem which may be advanced would need to 
be considered in the light of other factors as well 
as those which have been outlined. The Depart- 
ment would be glad to comment from the stand- 
point of foreign policy on any specific proposals 
that may subsequently be developed, should the 
committee so desire. 

Ivet us next turn to a second problem area in tlie 
field of antitrust enforcement. This consists of 
specific antitrust cases which present "conflicts of 
jurisdiction" with foreign countries or difficulties 
in our relations with other governments. Con- 
flicts of jurisdiction may arise when the laws or 
decrees of other countries prohibit companies from 
taking in those countries action which the laws of 



the United States require them to take. Such 
would be the case, for example, if a foreign country 
prohibited one of its companies from producing 
records before a United States court. These 
cases, wliich are relatively infrequent, do not fall 
into any set pattern and do not readily lend them- 
selves to a general formula for treatment. As a 
practical matter the Departments of State and 
Justice work closely together to develop adequate 
solutions in specific cases. 

Wliere the problem is one of a potential strain 
on our relations with other governments, the De- 
partment of Justice has been helpful in working 
out the timing and method of handling the case 
so as to keep the strain to a minimum. 

International Efforts To Curb Restrictive Practices 

Finally, for the sake of completeness, we should 
not neglect to mention the efforts which have been 
made to achieve international cooperation to curb 
restrictive business practices. This is a part of the 
overall interest of the committee. Accordingly, 
let me briefly sketch the considerations which have 
been involved. The advantages of such coopera- 
tion, where feasible, are apparent — in theory, at 
least, it would minimize areas of conflict between 
countries resulting from the pursuit of unilateral 
policies, and it would I'esult in a more effective 
elimination of undesirable restraints on interna- 
tional trade. A proposal for an international 
agreement on this subject was considered this past 
spring at the 19th session of the Economic and 
Social Council of the United Nations. This 
agreement would have established an international 
agency to study specific restrictive practices in 
international trade and, where appropriate, to rec- 
onmiend action to member governments to sup- 
press them or eliminate their harmful effects. 
The member governments would then be expected 
to take action in accordance with their national 
laws. 

The United States opposed this agreement on 
the grounds that the substantial differences in 
national policies and practices which still exist 
in this field would make the agreement ineffective 
in accomplishing its purpose of eliminating re- 
strictive business practices which interfere with 
international trade.^ "Wliile encouraging progress 



'For the test of a note transmitted to the Secretary- 
General of the United Nations by the U. S. representative 
to the U. N. on Mar. 28, see Bulletin of Apr. 18, 1955, 
p. 665. 



October 3, J 955 



541 



has been made in tlie adoption of foreign laws on 
the subject, these developments have not reached 
the stage at which the recommendations of the 
proposed international body could be carried out 
effectively at the national level. This Government 
recommended to the Council that present empha- 
sis be placed on further development of national 
programs. 

Thus, while the plan for international cooper- 
ation proposed by the Economic and Social Coun- 
cil is not feasible, the Department continues to 
believe in the importance of developing greater 
cooperation among governments in other less for- 
mal ways in handling common problems in this 
area. We are encouraged in this respect by many 
evidences of similar interest on the part of many 
foreign governments. But we believe that prog- 
ress, to be healthy, must follow a normal pattern 
of growth. This, we believe, is provided by the 
resolution adopted by the Economic and Social 
Council in the spring. This resolution urges 
countries to examine the problem of restrictive 
business practices and to develop means of deal- 
ing with them. It provides also for a sharing 
of experience among countries. We believe these 
are first steps that cannot be bypassed and that 
can eventually lead to a common acceptance of 
the competitive system. As President Eisenhower 
stated in his Economic Report to the Congress 
last January : 

Our own interest clearly calls for a policy that will 
in time extend into the international field those principles 
of competitive enterprise which have brought our people 
great prosperity with freedom. 

In closing, I am sure it is not necessary to em- 
phasize that the Department of State is concerned 
mainly with the foreign policy aspects of restric- 
tive business practices and that it is not the de- 
partment most prominently concerned with anti- 
trust enforcement. The technical aspects of the 
antitrust laws and their enforcement are subjects 
on which other departments or agencies are more 
competent to sj^eak. 



Calendar of Meetings 

The Calendar of Meetings, usually published in 
the first issue of the month, will appear instead 
in the October 10 issue of the Bulletin. 



Portugal Frees Certain Imports 
From Dollar Area 

Tress rele.ise 563 dated September 23 

The foUowing joint statement of the Depart- 
ments of State and Convmerce v)as released on 
September 23: 

Tlie U.S. Government welcomes the recent ac- 
tion of the Portuguese Government under which 
licenses will automatically be issued for the im- 
portation of an extensive list of commodities into 
Portugal from the dollar area. This marks the 
first step by Portugal to free imports from the 
dollar area. 

Tlie list of goods freed constitutes 53 percent of 
the value of dollar imports in 1953. The com- 
modities included in the liberalization list, to- 
gether with their corresponding paragraph num- 
bers from the Portuguese import tariff", are as 
follows : 

Live animals (13); animal hairs and bristles 
(15) ; animal products, not otherwise specified 
(IG) ; crude rubber (62); hops (81); vegetable 
ivory (91) ; resins (105) ; tobacco (110 and 111) ; 
petroleum pitch (117); asbestos (118); sulphur, 
not otherwise specified (128) ; gypsum plaster 
(134) ; coal (135-B) ; petroleum, noninflammable 
at ordinary temperatures (142-A) ; petroleum es- 
sences, not otherwise specified (144) ; bitmninous 
preparations for paving (145-A) ; infusorial earth 
(146); aluminum and alloys (150); cast lead 
(152); scrap lead (152-A) ; copper ingots and 
alloys (156) ; steel scrap (162) ; galvanized steel 
sheets (163); galvanized wire (165); tin plate 
(165-A); enamelled steel sheets (166); organic 
accelerators for vulcanizing rubber (186-A) ; ace- 
tone (191); boric acid (198); alcohol (216 and 
218) ; aromatic amines (223-A) ; antioxidants for 
the rubber industry (229-D) ; anthraquinone 
(230-A) ; sodium borate (245) ; calcium carbonate 
(254) ; medicinal extracts, not otherwise specified 
(292) ; tri-sodium phosphate (294r-A) ; calcium 
phosphate (296) ; furfural (298-A) ; gases, not 
otherwise specified (299) ; naphthols (313-A) ; 
iron oxides (323) ; paraffin (326) ; peptones (327) ; 
medicinal plants (330) ; photographic developers 
and fixers for retail sale (337) ; diazonium salts 
(339-A) ; subnitrate bismuth (351) ; sulfanila- 
mides (352-A) ; sodium sulfites (364) ; vaselines 
(379) ; potassium or sodium xanthates (379-C) ; 



542 



Deparfment of State Bulletin 



aluminum in paste (381-A) ; carbons, not othei'- 
wise specified (381-B) ; carbon black (390). 

Metallic cloths (539) ; canvas for painting 
(558) ; alcoholic beverages, not otherwise speci- 
fied (563) ; wheat (592) ; fish (615) ; preserved 
foods, not otherwise specified (616) ; electric bat- 
teries and parts (648) ; aerometers (661) ; carbons 
for electrical use (671) ; sensitized plates for pho- 
togi-aphy (673) ; compressors and pumps, up to 
200 kilos (676-B) ; electric condensers (676-C) ; 
collections of works of ai't, not otherwise specified 
(705) ; parts for gas, electric, and liquid meters, 
not otherwise specified (707-B) ; electric energy 
control, distribution, and observation panels 
(718) ; ball and roller bearings (718-C). 

Aircraft (725-A) ; automobile chassis (728 and 
730) ; automobile brakelining and clutch disks 
(748-A) ; watercraft for sport acquired by mem- 
bers of [stipulated organizations] (751) ; parts for 
railway rolling stock (757 and 761) ; springs for 
vehicles (762) ; parts for vehicles (764-C, 764-D, 
764-F). 

Laboratory glassware (847) ; specified other 
glassware (849) ; dictionaries (911) ; books (915, 
916, 917, 918, 919) ; manuscripts and typescripts 
(922) ; carbines and shot guns (945, 950, and 951) ; 
artificial teeth (999) ; phonograph records and 
sound tapes (1001) ; card-punch business machines 
(1009) ; motion picture films (1013, 1013-C, 1013- 
D, 1014) ; photoengi-aving plates (1020) ; medici- 
nal capsules (1023) ; electronic organs (1026-A) ; 
electric lamps for heating (1030) ; serums and 
vaccines (1048) ; dental preparations for prothesis 
(1062) ; resistance coils for electrical heating ap- 
paratus (1076-A) ; smoking tobacco (1083) ; elec- 
tronic tubes (1089-A). 

This voluntary action by the Portuguese Gov- 
ernment is commendable evidence of the desire of 
the countries in the Organization for European 
Economic Cooperation (Oeec) to move in the 
direction of freer trade with the dollar area. 



Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 

White House Office (Denver) press release dated September 9 

The President announced on September 9 that 
he would not request the U.S. Tariff Commission 
to investigate, pursuant to Section 22 of the Agri- 
cultural Adjustment Act, as amended, the advisa- 
bility of imposing import quotas on oats and barley 
beyond September 30, 1955, the date on which 



the quotas presently in efl'ect will expire. 

The quotas on oats and barley for the current 
crop year, October 1, 1954 through September 30, 
1955, are presently only 45 to 50 percent filled 
despite ample supplies in Canada, the chief ex- 
porter of these commodities to the United States. 
The relationships between U.S. and Canadian 
prices during recent months have not been con- 
ducive to the importation of these grains into the 
United States. Unless there is considerable 
change in present conditions, therefore, it appears 
unlikely that oats and barley would be imported 
in such quantities as to interfere materially with 
domestic price support progi'ams for these grains. 
The Department of Agriculture has assured the 
President, however, that it will continue to main- 
tain a close review of the situation and that if 
conditions should change to such an extent as to 
make it necessary, the Department will recom- 
mend new investigations under Section 22. 

The President's action was based on recom- 
mendations contained in letters from the Acting 
Secretary of Agriculture, Earl L. Butz, to the 
President. Texts of the Acting Secretary's letters 
follow. 

Letter Concerning Oats 

Dear Mr. President : This is concerning import 
quotas for oats after September 30, 1955. Presi- 
dential Proclamation No. 3070,^ authorized under 
Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act, 
as amended, limited imports of oats from all 
sources during the period October 1, 1954 to Sep- 
tember 30, 1955. Imports under the present quota 
were approximately 581/2 percent unfilled as of 
August 17 of this year. 

Based on preliminary information now avail- 
able to the Department it appears unlikely that 
oats will be imported in sufficient quantities dur- 
ing the coming year to interfere materially with 
the operation of our price support program. This 
is based primarily upon the present and indicated 
future relationship between United States and 
Canadian prices. 

Accordingly, we are not recommending that 
action be taken at this time to extend import con- 
trols on oats after the expiration of the present 
controls. We shall, however, continue to main- 
tain a close review of the situation and if condi- 
tions should change to such an extent that import 

' Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954, i>. 057. 



Ocfober 3, 1955 



543 



controls appear to be necessary we shall inform 
you as promptly as possible. 
Sincerely yours, 

Earl L. Btjtz 

Acting Secretary 

Letter Concerning Barley 

Dear Mr. President: This is concerning im- 
port quotas for barley after September 30, 1955. 
Presidential Proclamation No. 3075,^ authorized 
under Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment 
Act, as amended, limited imports of barley from 
all sources during the period October 1, 1954 to 
September 30, 1955. Imports under the present 
quota were approximately 40 percent unfilled as 
of August 17 of this year. 

' Ibid., Nov. 29, 1954, p. 818. 



Based on preliminary information now avail- 
able to the Department, it appears unlikely that 
barley will be imported in sufficient quantities dur- 
ing the coming year to interfere materially with 
the operation of our price support progi-am. This 
is based primarily upon the present and indicated 
future I'elationship between United States and 
Canadian prices. 

Accordingly, we are not recommending that ac- 
tion be taken at this time to extend import con- 
trols on barley after the expiration of the present 
controls. We shall, however, continue to main- 
tain a close review of the situation and if condi- 
tions should change to such an extent that import 
controls appear to be necessary we shall inform 
you as promptly as possible. 
Sincerely yours. 

Earl L. Butz 
Acting Secretary 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Chinese Representation 
in tiie United Nations 

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

Mr. President,^ 

Permit me first to congratulate you on the mes- 
sage of hope with which you greeted us today. 

For reasons which are well known, the United 
States will not engage in a discussion of the sub- 
stance of tlie question that has been raised by the 
Kepresentative of the Soviet Union [Vyacheslav 
M. Molotov]. Instead, we make the following 
motion : ^ 

The (ieneral Assembly 

Decides not to consider, at its tenth regular session 
during the current year, any proposals to exclude the 
representatives of the Government of the Republic of 
China or to seat representatives of the Central People's 
Government of the People's Republic of China. 



' Made in the opening plenary session of the Tenth 
General Assembly on Sept. 20 (U.S. delegation press re- 
lease 2205). 

' Jos6 Maza of Chile. 

' U.N. doc. A/L. 195. 



Logically, this motion takes precedence over 
the Soviet Union proposal * and therefore I ask 
that rule 93 of the Rules of Procedure be invoked. 
This rule reads as follows : 

If two or more proposals relate to the same question, 
the General Assembly shall, unless it decides otherwise, 
vote on the proposals in the order in which they have 
been submitted. The General Assembly may, after each 
vote on a proposal, decide whether to vote on the next 
proposal. 

Now, Mr. President, that rule, you will observe, 
gives the Assembly the power to decide questions 
of precedence, and I accordingly ask the Assembly 
to decide to put my motion to the vote first and 
then I will ask for a vote on the motion itself. 

I, therefore, ask the President to put the follow- 
ing proposal to the Assembly : 

The General Assembly decides to consider first the 



* U.N. doc. A/L. 194. The Soviet draft resolution called 
on the General Assembly to decide "that the representa- 
tives of China in the General Assembly and in the other 
organs of the United Nations are the representatives 
appointed by the Central People's Government of the 
Chinese People's Republic." 



544 



Department of Sfafe BuHetin 



motion Just offered by the Representative of the United 
States." 

Then, Mr. President, after that motion has been 
voted on, I shall move that the Assembly vote on 
the substantive proposal which I have made." 



Proposed Inscription of Cyprus 
Item on Assembly Agenda 

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.'' 

The United States will not address itself to the 
arguments on the substance of this question which 
have been made here today either by the distin- 
guished representative of Greece [George V. 
Melas], or the distinguished representative of 
Turkey [Selim Sarper], or the distinguished rep- 
resentative of the United Kingdom [Anthony 
Nutting]. The United States generally believes 
that matters of international concern should go 
onto the agenda of the General Assembly when- 
ever there is reason to think that discussion will 
promote the purposes of the charter. 

Debate in the United Nations is, of course, not 
an end in itself. It is a means to an end. Public 
debate is curative in many cases. But it cannot 
cure all problems any more than a certain medicine 
will cure all diseases. The General Assembly 
should not allow itself to be used to defeat its own 
purposes. 

It is to be observed that the charter itself pro- 
vides that in certain cases the parties to an inter- 
national dispute should "first of all" seek a solu- 
tion by negotiation and other such means.^ 

The United States has given very careful con- 
sideration to the proposed inscription again of the 
Cyprus matter on the United Nations General As- 
sembly agenda at this time. 

Last year the United States was dubious about 
inscription because we doubted that, as a practical 
matter, jjositive results could be achieved here. 



'The vote on giving priority to the U.S. proposal was 
41-10 ( Soviet bloc, Burma, India, Indonesia, Norway, 
Sweden) ; Afghanistan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Syria, 
Yemen, and Yugoslavia abstained. 

" The U.S. proposal was adopted by a vote of 42-12 
(Soviet bloc, Burma, Denmark, India, Indonesia, Norway, 
Sweden, Yugoslavia) ; Afghanistan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi 
Arabia, Syria, and Yemen abstained. 

' Made in the General Committee on Sept. 21 (U.S. dele- 
gation press release 2206). 

* Article 3.3. 



Therefore, we abstained on the question of inscrip- 
tion. However, the General Assembly decided to 
proceed with the matter. But after the debate 
had taken place, the General Assembly, last De- 
cember, concluded that it was not apj)ropriate to 
adopt any resolution on the matter of Cyprus and 
that it should not consider the item further." 

The debate at that time was conducted in a spirit 
of relative moderation. Since then the situation 
has become more inflamed. It seems to us that the 
considerations which actuated the General Assem- 
bly last December apply even more strongly now. 

A decision at this time not to accept the matter 
of Cyprus for General Assembly debate would not 
mean that nothing will happen. Eather it means 
that the matter can and will be dealt with under 
different and more auspicious conditions. There 
are occasions when quiet diplomacy is far more 
effective than public debate, and this seems to be 
one of those occasions. 

The representatives of the United Kingdom 
have given assurances that they will actively pur- 
sue a program which will afford the Cypriots a 
greater opportunity to attain their legitimate 
aspirations. The United States pledges itself to 
continue an active interest in the Cyprus situation. 
We believe that developments in the general inter- 
est are more likely to occur if the General Assem- 
bly does not now take jurisdiction of the matter. 

We have come to this decision only after grave 
thought, because the matter is one of great impor- 
tance. It particularly concerns, in varying ways, 
three nations, the United Kingdom, Greece, and 
Turkey, with each of which we have the closest 
ties. To make a decision which may be contrary 
to the desires of our Greek friends to whom we 
feel so close is particularly painful for us, follow- 
ing the tragic events which have recently occurred 
in Turkey. 

We feel, however, that we are taking the course 
of true friendship in seeking to avoid what we 
believe would in reality be a disservice to our 
charter goals, both those relating to non-self- 
governing territories and those relating to the 
development of friendly relations among nations. 

For this reason we shall now vote against in- 
scription of the Cyprus matter. This is, of course, 
without prejudice to our right to support inscrip- 
tion later if we think it would advance the pur- 
poses and principles of the charter. However, as 



° Bulletin of Jan. 3, 1955, p. 31. 



Ocfofaer 3, J 955 



545 



matters are, we believe it best now to follow the 
decision of the General Assembly itself of last 
December, namely that the General Assembly 
should not now consider the item further. 

The primary purpose of the United Nations is 
to encourage in every possible way the peaceful 
settlement of international disputes. We do not 
believe that the inscription of the Cyprus item on 
the agenda of the General Assembly at this time 
will contribute toward that end.^° 



Question of Inscribing Algerian Item 
on Assembly Agenda 

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}^ 

We believe the Assembly should bear in mind 
certain relevant factors as it decides whether to 
inscribe on its agenda the item entitled "The Ques- 
tion of Algeria." 

Remembering that a vote on the inscription of 
an item is without prejudice to the ultimate ques- 
tion of the Assembly's comi^etence, we must in this 
particular case take into account the following : 

Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, which are French 
protectorates, Algeria under French law is admin- 
istratively an integral part of the French Eepublic. 
We have noted in the explanatory memorandum 
(document A/2924:) wliich has been submitted by 
the members that have proposed the item respect- 
ing Algeria that it is stated that "there is an imper- 
ative need for negotiations between the Govern- 
ment of France and the true representatives of the 
Algerian people" and that consideration of the 
Algerian question by the General Assembly would 
facilitate a solution by making the need for nego- 
tiation evident. We have noted further that ref- 
erence is made to the right of the people of Algeria 
to independence as well as to the concern of the 
international community in a prompt solution of 
the Algerian problem, a concern to which the 
French Government is claimed to have failed to 
respond. This memorandum indicates clearly 



" The General Committee's vote on inscription was 4 
(Egypt, Mexico, Poland, U.S.S.R.)-7 (Chile, France, 
Luxembourg, New Zealand, Norway, U.S., U.K.)— 4 (China, 
Ethiopia, Haiti. Thailand). On Sept. 23 the Assembly 
voted 28-22-10 to uphold the General Committee's recom- 
mendation against inscription. 

" Made in the General Committee on Sei)t. 22 (U.S. dele- 
gation press release 2208). 



that what is .sought by the sponsors of the item is 
the sanction of the General Assembly to a course of 
action intended to bring about fundamental 
changes in the composition of the French Republic. 
It is the considered conclusion of the U.S. Govern- 
ment that the proposed item, viewed in the context 
of the action proposed to be sought in the General 
Assembly, falls within the provisions of article 2, 
paragraph 7 of the United Xations Charter. 

For these reasons, the United States will vote 
against including this item in the Assembly's 
agenda.^ 



Action Under Rio Treaty in 

Costa Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated 

Following is the text of a resolution approved 
on September 8 by the Council of the Organization 
of A7nerican States, acting provisionally as Organ 
of Consultation under the Rio Treaty, together 
vnth the text of a report submitted to the Cov/ncil 
by a special coimnittee established hy the Council 
to assist Costa Rica and Nicaragua in settling 
problems of concern to the two Governments} 

OAS doc. C-i-284 Rev. 1 

GAS COUNCIL RESOLUTION OF SEPTEMBER 8 

The Council of the Organiz.\tiox of American 
States, Acting Provisionally as Organ of 

CoNStTLTATION, 

H.\^^NG SEEN the report of the Special Commit- 
tee of the Council, Acting Provisionally as Organ 
of Consultation, presented today. 

Resolves : 

1. To cancel the call for a Meeting of Consulta- 
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs that was 
made, in accordance with the Inter-American 
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, in the January 
11, 1955 resolution of the Council of the Organiza- 
tion, and, consequently, to terminate the provi- 
sional activities of the Council as Organ of Consul- 
tation. 

2. To retain the Special Committee while the 

'" The vote on inscription was .5 (Egypt, Mexico, Poland, 
Thailand, U.S.S.R.)-S (France, Haiti, Luxembourg, New 
Zealand, Norway, U.K., U.S., Assembly President )-2 
(China, Ethiopia). 

' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 31, 1955, p. 178. 
The resolution and report were transmitted to the U.N. 
Secretary-General and circulated as U.N. doc. S/3438 
dated Sept. 14. 



546 



Deparimeni of Sfate Bulletin 



negotiations for the signing of the bilateral agree- 
ment provided for in the present Pact of Amity 
and in Resolution II approved by this Council on 
February 24, 1955, are in course, so as to enable it 
to continue to cooperate with the Representatives 
of Costa Rica and Nicaragua whenever they re- 
quire such cooperation. The Special Conunittee 
shall duly I'eport on this matter to the govern- 
ments, through the Council of the Organization. 
3. To state that it is pleased that the Commis- 
sion on Investigation and Conciliation has been 
established by Costa Rica and Nicaragua and to 
repeat that it is confident the two Parties will 
utilize the services of the aforesaid Commission, in 
accordance with the treaties in force between 
them. 



SPECIAL COMMITTEE'S REPORT OF AUGUST 26 

Resolution III, approved on February 24, 1955, 
by the Council of the Organization, Acting Pro- 
visionally as Organ of Consultation, established 
this Special Committee for the purpose of offering 
its cooperation to the Representatives of the Gov- 
ernments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua in carrying 
out the pertinent provisions of Resolution II ap- 
proved on that date, especially with regard to the 
preparation of the bilateral agreement called for 
by the Pact of Amity between these two Republics 
and the establishment of the Commission of Inves- 
tigation and Conciliation contemplated in the 
American Treaty on Pacific Settlement. 

This Special Committee was composed of the 
Representative of Uruguay who was elected Chair- 
man of the Committee, and the Representatives of 
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, 
Mexico, Paraguay, and the United States. The 
Committee, installed on February 28 last, has been 
meeting regularly since then in order to fulfill the 
iiigh purposes of the responsibility entrusted to it. 
Immediately after the resolutions of February 24 
had been approved by the Council, the Presidents 
of Costa Rica and Nicaragua each sent a message 
to the Chairman of the Council in which they 
acknowledged the effectiveness of the action taken 
by the Council of the Organization of American 
States, and reaffirmed their determination to settle 
their differences in a friendly manner. At the 
same time, the attitude of Ambassadors Fernando 
Fournier and Guillermo Sevilla Sacasa, the Rep- 
resentatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, respec- 
tively, their encouraging statements, and the spirit 



of cordiality demonstrated whenever the Commit- 
tee met with them, showed a splendid desire to 
reach the best understanding possible, in accord- 
ance with the recommendations of the Council act- 
ing provisionally as Organ of Consultation. The 
Committee has noted with pleasure the cordial 
meeting of May 7, 1955, between the Foreign Min- 
isters of Costa Rica and Nicaragua held at their 
common border on the occasion of the opening of 
the section of the Pan American Highway that 
unites these two Republics. 

The Commission on Investigation and Concilia- 
tion referred to in Resolutions II and III of 
February 24, has been established, thanks to the 
diligent efforts of both governments. This Com- 
mission is composed of Mr. John C. Dreier, Chair- 
man, and Messrs. Alberto Dominguez Campora, 
Mario A. Esquivel, Mario de Pimentel Brandao, 
and Oscar Sevilla Sacasa. Also, at meetings of the 
Special Committee the Costa Rican and Nica- 
raguan RejDresentatives stated that several other 
problems of concern to both governments either 
had been, or were being, satisfactorily settled. In- 
sofar as concerns the bilateral agreement men- 
tioned in the Pact of Amity entered into by Costa 
Rica and Nicaragua on September 21, 1949, for 
the signing of which a cordial appeal was made in 
Resolution II approved by the Council, Acting 
Provisionally as Organ of Consultation, the Chair- 
man of this Special Committee had occasion, at 
the meeting of August 4, to report to the aforesaid 
Organ that the two preliminary steps in the nego- 
tiations for the signing of this important docu- 
ment had been taken. These were: (1) the pre- 
sentation on May 27 to the Government of Nica- 
ragua by the Government of Costa Rica of a draft 
containing the basic provisions for the agreement; 
and (2) tlie transmittal on August 2 by the Gov- 
ernment of Nicaragua to the Government of Costa 
Rica of its observations on this draft. In the oral 
report that by decision of the Sj^ecial Conunittee, 
its Chairman presented to the Council, Acting Pro- 
visionally as Organ of Consultation, at the meet- 
ing of August 4, the Committee expressed its sat- 
isfaction with all these evidences of f riendshijD and 
good will and the concrete measures that had been 
taken by both governments. At the same meeting 
and in the afternoon meeting held on that day, the 
Representatives of both parties provided addi- 
tional information concerning the most important 
aspects of the draft. After taking into considera- 
tion the additional information provided by the 



October 3, 1955 



547 



Representatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua and 
the views expressed by other Members of the Coun- 
cil, it was decided : 

1. Tliat the Special Committee shall meet, as 
soon as its Chairman deems it convenient, to draft 
a report covering the course of the bilateral nego- 
tiations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua for the 
purpose of preparing the bilateral agi-eement pro- 
vided for in Resolutions II and III of February 
24, 1955. 

2. That the Special Committee, in the light of 
the views expressed at today's meetings, submit an 
opinion as to the advisability of canceling arrange- 
ments for the consultation. 

Insofar as the first point of the above-cited deci- 
sion of the Council is concerned, the additional in- 
formation indicated the progress made up to Au- 
gust 4 in the direct negotiations that were being 
carried out between Costa Rica and Nicaragua for 
the purpose of preparing the bilateral agreement. 
The negotiations have continued to be carried out 
most diligently since then, and even now. Ambas- 
sadors Fernando Fournier and Guillermo Sevilla 
Sacasa, the Representatives of Costa Rica and 
Nicaragua respectively, are, in a spirit of true co- 
operation, doing everything within their power to 
expedite the signing of the agreement. 

With regard to the advisability of canceling the 
Meeting of Consultation, the Committee has kept 
upjDermost in its mind the views expressed at the 
meetings of August 4, Resolution II (6) of Febru- 
ary 24, and the understanding on the basis of 
which Resolution II (6) was drafted and ap- 
proved. These facts show that the Council is duly 
qualified to decide whenever it so desires, to cancel 
the Meeting of Consultation in the light of the 
development of the situation, within a reasonable 
length of time. In view of the decision taken by 
the Council on August 4, and taking as a basis the 
afore-mentioned facts, this Special Conmiittee has 
come to the conclusion that the Meeting of Con- 
sultation referred to in the resolution approved by 
the Council of the Organization on January 11 
should now be canceled. 

To fulfill the higli purposes of the February 24 
resolutions, and in view of the opinions expressed 
at meetings of botli the Council and the Special 
Committee, a final measure that could be adopted 
at the same time that the Meeting of Consultation 
is canceled would be to authorize the Committee 
to continue to oli'er both Parties all the coopera- 



tion they desire until the negotiations now being 
carried on are concluded. Tliis Committee would 
subsequently report to the governments, through 
the Council of the Organization, with respect to 
the results of its work. 

In view of these considerations, this Special 
Committee has the honor to submit the following 
draft resolution : 

The Council of the Organization of American States 
Acting Pkovisionally as Okgan of Consultation 

Having seen the report of the Special Committee of 
the Council Acting Provisionally as Organ of Consultation, 
presented today, 

Resolves : 

1. To cancel the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers 
of Foreign Affairs that was convoked, in accordance with 
the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, by 
the January 11, 1955 resolution of the Council of the 
Organization. 

2. To terminate the provisional activities of the Council 
as Organ of Consultation. 

3. To retain the Special Committee while the negotia- 
tions for the signing of the bilateral agreement provided 
for in the present Pact of Amity and in Resolution II 
approved by this Council on February 24, 1955, are in 
course, so as to enable it to continue to cooperate with the 
Representatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua whenever 
they require such cooperation. The Special Committee 
shall duly report on this matter to the governments, 
through the Council of the Organization. 

4. To state that it is pleased that the Commission on 
Investigation and Conciliation has been established by 
Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and to repeat that it is con- 
fident the two Parties will utilize the services of the 
aforesaid Commission, in accordance with the treaties In 
force between them. 

August £6, 1955. 

Josfe A. Moea 

Ambassador of Uruguay 

Chairman of the Committee 



HECTOR David Castro 

Ambassador, 

Representative of 

El Salvador 

d'ost R. Chiriboga V. 

Ambassador, 

Representative of Ecuador 

Guillermo Enciso Velloso 

Ambassador, 
Representative of Paraguay 

Jorge Ibmael Saravia 

Ambassador, 

Representative of Argentina 



John C. Dreieb 

Ambassador, 

Representative of the United 

States 

Fernando IjObo 

Ambassador, 

Representative of Brazil 

ALBEHiTO SEpCLVEDA 

Contreras 

Ambassador, 

Representative of Chile 

Andr:6s Fenochio 
Representative of Mexico 



548 



Department of State Bulletin 




Designations 

William Barnes as Chief, Foreign Reporting Staff, effec- 
tive July 31. 



THE FOREIGN SERVICE 



Regulations on Post Differentials 
and Cost-of-Living Allowances 

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10636' 

Amendment of Executive Oedee No. 10000 or Septembeb 
16, 1948, Pbescbibing Regulations Goveenino Additionai, 
Compensation and Credit Geanted Certain Employees 
OF the Federal Government Serving Outside the United 
States 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 207 
of the Independent Offices Appropriation Act, 1949, as 
amended by section 104 of the Supplemental Independent 
Offices Appropriation Act, 1949 (62 Stat. 1205), and by 
section 301 of title 3 of the United States Code, and as 
President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as 
follows : 

1. Subsection (a) of section 106 of Executive Order No. 
10000 of September 16, 1948,' prescribing regulations gov- 
erning additional compensation and credit granted cer- 
tain employees of the Federal Government serving outside 
the United States, is amended to read as follovFS : 

"(a) The following regulations shall govern the pay- 
ment of foreign post differentials under this Part : 

( 1 ) Payments shall begin as of the date of arrival at the 
post on assignment or transfer and shall end as of the date 
of departure from the post for separation or transfer, ex- 
cept that In case of local recruitment such payments shall 
begin and end as of the beginning and the end of employ- 
ment, respectively. 

(2) Payments for periods of leave and of detail shall 
begin and end as determined in regulations prescribed 
under section 102 (c) hereof. 

(3) Payments to persons serving on a part-time basis 
shall be pro-rated to cover only those periods of time for 
which such persons receive basic compensation. 



(4) Payment shall not be made for any time for which 
an employee does not receive basic compensation." 

2. Subsection (a) of section 208 of the said Executive 
Order No. 10000 is amended to read as follows : 

"(a) The following regulations shall govern the pay- 
ment of Territorial post differentials and Territorial cost- 
of-living allowances under this Part : 

(1) Payments shall begin as of the date of arrival at 
the post on assignment or transfer and shall end as of the 
date of departure from the post for separation or transfer, 
except that in case of local recruitment such payments 
shall begin and end as of the beginning and end of employ- 
ment, respectively. 

(2) Payments for periods of leave and of detail shall 
begin and end as determined in regulations prescribed 
under section 202 (c) hereof. 

(3) Payments to persons serving on a part-time basis 
shall be pro-rated to cover only those periods of time for 
which such persons receive basic compensation. 

(4) Payment shall not be made for any time for which 
an employee does not receive basic compensation." 

3. Regulations prescribed by the Secretary of State 
pursuant to section 106 (a) (2) and by the Civil Service 
Commission pursuant to section 208 (a) (2) shall, so far 
as practicable, be of uniform application. 

This order shall be effective as to each officer or em- 
ployee affected thereby upon the beginning of his first pay 
period commencing after November 1, 1955. 

/C-/ (.JiS-y L'CXU (.J-t:.u.^ Xyio-^^ 

The White House 
September 16, 1955. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Aviation 



' 20 Fed. Reg. 7025. 
' 13 Fed. Reg. 5453. 



Convention for unification of certain rules relating to 
international transportation by air, and additional pro- 
tocol. Concluded at Warsaw October 12, 1929. Entered 
into force February 13, 1933 (49 Stat. 3000.) 
Adherence deposited: Venezuela, June 15, 1955. 

Commerce 

International convention to facilitate the importation of 
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated 
at Geneva November 7, 1952.' 



' Not in force. 



Ocfofaer 3, 1955 



549 



Ratification deposited (with reservation) : Germany, 
September 2, 1955. 

Nationality 

Couvention on the nationality of women. Signed at Mon- 
tevideo December 2C, 193.3. Entered into force August 
29, 1934. 
Ratification deposited: Nicaragua, August 81, 1955. 



BILATERAL 

Belgium 

Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense as- 
sistance agreement of January 27, 1950, as amended 
(TIAS 2010, 2878, 3223) . Effected by exchange of notes 
at Brussels August 24 and Sejitember 3, 1955. Entered 
into force September 3, 1955. 

Bolivia 

Agreement extending the Army mission agreement of 
August 11, 1942 (56 Stat. 1583), as extended. Effected 
by exchange of notes at La Paz August 9 and September 
9, 1955. Entered into force September 9, 1955. 

Haiti 

Military assistance agreement. Signed at Washington 
January 28, 1955. 

Entered into force: September 12, 1955 (upon receipt by 
the United States of notification of ratification bv 
Haiti). 

Korea 

Agreement relating to the loan of IS additional naval ves- 
sels to Korea. Effected by exchange of notes at Seoul 
August 29, 1955. Entered into force August 29, 1955. 



PUBLICATIONS 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, 
except in the case of free puMications, which may 6e 
obtained from the Department of State. 

The Department of State, 1930-1955: Expanding Func- 
tions and Responsibilities. Pub. 5852. Department and 
Foreign Service Series 44. tiO pp. 400. 

A pamphlet on the growth in the Department's functions 
and responsibilities in the past quarter century. 

Participation of the United States Government in Inter- 
national Conferences, July 1, 1953— June 30, 1954. Pub. 
5776. International Organization aud Conference Series 
I, 28. X, 234 pp. 700. 

A record of the ofBcial ijarticipation of the United States 
Government in multilateral international conferences and 
meetings of international organizations dui-ing the period 
July 1, 1953— June 30, 1954. 

United States Participation in the United Nations, Re- 
port by the President to the Congress for the year 1954. 

Pub. 5769. International Organization and Conference 
Series III, 104. xiii, 277 pp. 700. 

A comprehensive reijort by the President to the Congress 



for the year 1954 and a review of the ninth year of the 
United Nations. 

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, First Protocol 
of Rectifications and Modifications to the Geneva, An- 
necy, and Torquay Schedules. TIAS 2885. Pub. 5414. 
443 pp. $1.25. 

Agreement between the United States and Other Govern- 
ments — Signed at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered into 
force October 21, 1953. 

Visits of Naval Vessels. TIAS 2965. Pub. 5513. 19 pp. 
15^. 

Arrangement between the United States and Cuba. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Habana February 11 and 21. 
1949. Entered into force February 21, 1949. And exten- 
sions and amendment. 

Defense, Facilities Assistance Program. TIAS 2973. 
Pub. 5.527. 5 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States and Norway. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Oslo May 7, 1954. Entered 
into force May 7, 19.54. 

Passport Visa Fees. TIAS 2977. Pub. 5.532. 10 pp. 100. 

Agreement between the United States and El Salvador. 
Exchange of note.s — Signed at San Salvador December 7 
and 15, 1953. Entered into force December 15, 1953. 

Mutual Defense Assistance, Special Program of Facilities 
Assistance. TIAS 2998. Pub. 5.566. 4 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States and the United 
Kingdom. Exchange of notes — Signed at London June 8 
and 15, 1954. Entered into force June 15, 1954. 

Civil Aviation Mission to Honduras. TIAS 3005. Pub. 
5587. pp. 100. 

Agreement between the United States and Honduras. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Washington March 7, 1952. 
Entered into force February 15, 1954. 

Technical Cooperation, Project in Developmental Engi- 
neering. TIAS 3(107. Pub. 55S9. 9 pp. 100. 

Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex- 
change iif notes — Dated at Mexico April 6, 1954- Entered 
into force April 6, 1954. 

Special Economic Assistance. TIAS 3009. Pub. 5591. 
8 pp. 100. 

Agreement between the United States and Lebanon. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Beirut June 11 and 18, 1954. 
Entered into force June 18, 1954. 

Technical Cooperation. TIAS 3010. Pub. 5.592. 2 pp. 

50. 

Agreement between the United States and Israel — amend- 
ing agreement of February 26, 1951. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Tel Aviv June 21, 1954. Entered into force June 
21, 1954. 

American Dead in World War II, Military Cemetery at 
Madingley. TIAS 3011. Pub. 5593. 3 pp. and map. 150. 

Agreement between the United States and the United King- 
dom. Exchange of notes — Signed at London June 21, 1954. 
Entered into force June 21, 1954. 

Technical Cooperation, Application to Eritrea. TI.\S 

3026. i'ub. 5620. 6 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex- 
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa May 18 and June 
12, 19.54. Entered into force June 12, 1954. 



550 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 3, 1955 



Index 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 849 



Africa. Question of Inscribing Algerian Item on 

Assembly Agenda (Lodge) 546 

American Principles. Youth and the Free World 

(Stassen) 535 

American Republics. Action Under Rio Treaty in 
Costa Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text 
of resolution and report) 546 

Australia. Meeting of ANZUS Council 534 

Bulgaria. Eighth Anniversary of Death of Bul- 
garian Patriot (Hoover) 529 

Canada 

Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 543 

U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes Established by 

1949 Agreement 533 

China. Chinese Representation in the United Na- 
tions (Lodge) 544 

Congress, The. Relation of Antitrust Policies to 

Foreign Trade and InAestmeut (Kalijarvi) . . 538 

Costa Rica. Action Under Rio Treaty in Costa 
Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text of reso- 
lution and report) 546 

Disarmament 

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Repre- 
sentative to the United Nations 528 

The U.S. Position on Disarmament (Wadsworth) . 530 

Economic Affairs 

Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 543 

Portugal Frees Certain Imports From Dollar Area . 542 
Relation of Antitrust Policies to Foreign Trade and 

Investment (Kalijarvi) 538 

U.S. Airlift Drops Rice to Famine Victims in Laos . 536 
U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes Established by 

1949 Agreement 533 

Foreign Service. Regulations on Post Differentials 
and Cost-of-Living Allowances (text of Execu- 
tive order) 549 

International Information 

Department Reply to Protest on "Blackboard 

Jungle" Incident (Mcllvaine) 537 

William H. Jackson Appointed Special Assistant to 

Secretary 529 

Italy. Department Reply to Protest on "Black- 
board Jungle" Incident (Mcllvaine) .... 537 

Laos. U.S. Airlift Drops Rice to Famine Victims 

iu Laos 536 

Mutual Security. Meeting of ANZUS Council . . 534 

Near East 

Proposed Inscription of Cyprus Item on Assembly 

Agenda (Lodge) 545 

U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence to "Northern 

Tier" Pact 534 

New Zealand. Meeting of ANZUS Council ... 534 

Nicaragua. Action Under Rio Treaty in Costa 
Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text of reso- 
lution and report) 546 

Pakistan. U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence to 

"Northern Tier" Pact .534 



Portugal. Portugal Frees Certain Imports From 

Dollar Area 542 

Presidential Documents. Regulations on Post Dif- 
ferentials and Cost-of-Living Allowances (text 

of Executive order) 549 

Publications. Recent Releases 550 

State, Department of. Designations 549 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 549 

United Nations 

Chinese Representation in the United Nations 

(Lodge) 544 

Entering the Second Decade (Dulles) 523 

Proposed Inscription of Cyprus Item on Assembly 

Agenda (Lodge) 545 

Question of Inscribing Algerian Item on Assembly 

Agenda (Lodge) 546 

The U.S. Position on Disarmament (Wadsworth) . 530 

Name Index 

Barnes, William 549 

Butz, Earl L 543 

Dulles, Secretary 523 

Ei.senhower, President 543, .549 

Hoover, Herbert, Jr ' 529 

Jackson, William H 529 

Kalijarvi, Thorsten V 538 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 528, 544, 545, 546 

Mcllvaine, Robinson 537 

Stassen, Harold E ] 535 

Wad-sworth, James J 539 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 19-25 

Releases may be obtained from the News Division, 
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C. 

Press release issued prior to September 19 which 
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 545 of 
September 15. 

No. Date Subject 

.5.53 9/19 U.S.-Canadian civil aviation meeting. 

5.^4 9/19 W. H. Jackson appointment. 

555 9/20 Trade agreement negotiations (see 

BlTLLETIN of 9/26). 
*556 9/20 Educational exchange. 
.557 9/21 Mcllvaine letter on "Blackboard 

Jungle." 
558 9/22 Dulles : "Entering the Second Decade." 
5.59 9/22 Hoover : anniversary of Petkov death. 
*o60 9/22 Visit of Foreign Minister Breutano. 
561 9/22 U.S.-Canadian civil aviation meeting. 
*.562 9/23 Revi.sed Hoover-Hullister itinerary. 
563 9/23 Freeing of iujports into Portugal'from 

dollar area. 
t564 9/23 Morton : "U.S. Program for Refugee 

Aid." 
565 9/24 Anzus Council Meeting. 
.566 9/24 Pakistan adherence to Northern Tier 

pact. 

■"Not jirinted. 

tHehl for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



U. S- GOVERNMENT PRtNTrNG OFFICE; 1955 




the 

Department 

of 

State 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D. C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. *300 

IGPO) 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



Department of State publications on the United Nations . . . 

Charter of the Uriited Nations Together With the Statute 
of the International Court of Justice 

Signed at the United Nations Conference on International 
Organization, San Francisco, Calif., June 26, 1945. 

Publication 2353 20 cents 

United States Participation in the United Nations 

Report by the President to the Congress for the year 1954. 
Publication 5769 70 cents 

Tenth Anniversary of the United Nations 

Address by President Eisenhower at the Tenth Anniversary 
Meeting of the United Nations, held at San Francisco, Calif., 
June 20-26, 1955. 

Publication 5942 10 cents 

You and the United Nations 

Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representative to the United 

Nations, answers your questions. 



Publication 5887 



25 cents 



To: 



Order Form 

Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 



These publications concerning the United Nations may be 
purchased from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. 



Please send me 
copies 

I I 



Charter of the United Nations Together With the Statute 
of the International Court of Justice 

United States Participation in the United Nations 

Tenth Anniversary of the United Nations 

You and the United Nations 



Enclosed find: 



(cash, check, or 
money order). 



Name: 

Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



fJne/ U^efid^t^ne^ aw tnaie/ 




Vol. XXXIII, No. 850 



October 10, 1955 




INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PEACEFUL 

USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY • by Lewis L. Strauss . 555 



THE U.S. PROGRAM FOR REFUGEE RELIEF • by 

Assistant Secretary Morton 561 



AMERICAN POLITICAL DEMOCRACY AND THE 
PROBLEM OF PERSONNEL SECURITY • by 

R. W. Scott McLeod 568 



ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS BY WOMEN 

OF THE AMERICAS • by Mrs. Frances M. Lee . . . 584 



For index see inside back cover 



Boston Public LiTjrary 
Superintendent of Documents 

NOV 4- 1955 



•tJ/ie z/^e/i€t'»^(^m,€nt c^ t/tcile 




bulletin 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 850 • Pubucation 6015 



OOjoher 10, 1955 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

tJ.S. Government Printing 0£Bce 

Washington 25, D.C. 

Price; 

62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department oj State BULLETIN, 
a iceekly publication issued by the 
Public Services Division, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
reUitions and on the tcork of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other offi- 
cers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on variotis phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



International Conference on the Peaceful Uses 
of Atomic Energy 



hy Lewis L. Strauss 

Chairman, U.S. Atomic Energy Commission ^ 



The posture of a nation is a composite of the 
words of its leaders and the deeds of its people. 
The Atomic Energy Conference had its origin in 
President Eisenhower's unforgettable words to the 
United Nations in December of 1953 when he told 
of the great promise in store for peoples every- 
where if the world's scientists and engineers could 
be free to devote themselves fully to the benign 
uses of the atom. 

Four months later we moved to translate the 
President's vision into deeds. We proposed a 
world conference to compare notes on the peaceful 
atom, for we were convinced that such a confer- 
ence would give to the peoples of the world a 
clearer understanding of the paramount problem 
of this age — a realization of the blessings denied to 
all of us by reason of the fact that atomic arma- 
ment must have first call upon the resources, in- 
tellectual and material, of a world precariously at 
peace. 

The problem is not a new one. As children, we 
all grew up with the Arabian Nights story of the 
fisherman who found a bottle in Ms nets, un- 
corked it, and released a great cloud which rapidly 
transformed itself into the monstrous and threat- 
ening Djinn. The story ended happily, as you re- 
call, by the fisherman's artifice in inducing that un- 
welcome apparition to return to the bottle and be- 
come captive once more. 

This fable, even to the illustrations of the great 
mushroom cloud from which the Djinn material- 
ized, is like the situation we face today — how to 
render atomic energy harmless, how to get it back 



'Address made before the Atomic Industrial Forum 
and the American Nuclear Society at Washington, D.C., 
on Sept. 28 (Atomic Energy Commission press release). 



into its bottle, under control, so we may make it 
fulfill our wishes for good purposes only. 

The Geneva conference was a step toward that 
goal, but only a step. The press of the world, 
which sent some 800 reporters to Geneva, was en- 
thusiastic and generous in its appraisal of the 
proceedings. They were described as a resound- 
ing triumph of "atoms for peace." But this 
should not conceal for us the fact that the con- 
ference was only a preliminary move in a right 
direction and that succeeding steps will have to 
be taken if any permanent good is to result. 

Participation of 72 Nations 

But it was a truly gratifying beginning. The 
enthusiasm and cooperation which it inspired 
among the nations, great and small, surpassed 
the expectations of those whose task it was to set 
up the conference machinery. They had antici- 
pated that the conference might attract some 400 
scientists and that perhaps 300 papers would be 
submitted. Actually we found that 72 nations 
were eager to participate and that, not 400 scien- 
tists and engineers, but 1,400 would attend. The 
number of reports and papers submitted was not 
300, but nearly four times as many — so many in 
fact that only a fraction could be presented orally. 
But most of them, brilliant works, will be pub- 
lished. 

The day is not yet here for a precise evaluation 
of these more than 1,100 papers and discussion 
sessions. However, enough time has perhaps 
elapsed for a reminiscent look at the conference, 
to appraise its more obvious and immediate ef- 
fects and some of the initial benefits gained from 



October 10, 7955 



555 



it. Within those limits I would like to give you 
my impressions, admittedly from the viewpoint 
of a prejudiced observer. 

First, I might say something about our own 
participation. Our United States delegation 
was selected with great care and nmnbered 384 
persons, of whom 239 were scientists and engi- 
neers, the remainder being the necessary staflP to 
operate the exhibits, the reactor, and other 
services.^ 

Of the 1,110 papers presented to the conference 
by all the participating countries, either orally 
or for inclusion in the published proceedings, ap- 
proximately one-half — to be precise, 48.2 percent — 
were submitted by the United States. All our 
papers had been prepared months in advance and 
carefully reviewed to make certain that no mat- 
ters of military significance were compromised. 

"The Tennessee Chalet" 

The nations having atomic energy programs of 
any magnitude had imjjressive technical exhibits 
at the conference, but incontestably the star at- 
traction was our operating research reactor, built 
at our Oak Ridge Laboratory, flown to Geneva, 
and erected on the grounds of the Palace of Na- 
tions. The attractive redwood structure we put up 
to house the reactor quickly acquired the nickname 
of "The Tennessee Chalet," and it was visited by 
more than 63,000 persons during the 2 weeks of the 
conference. Incidentally, for most of the dele- 
gates from other countries, including scientists and 
engineers come to deliver learned papers on atomic 
energj', it was their first opportunity to see an ac- 
tual atomic reactor of any kind, much less to op- 
erate its controls as very many of them did. We 
also had in our main exhibit an outstanding dem- 
onstration of what Americans are doing in pure 
science, industry, medicine, and biology, and more 
about power development. Many of you here 
tonight contributed to this exhibit and are familiar 
with it. Some of those exhibits, brought from 
Geneva, are included in the Trade Fair on exhi- 
bition here. 

At a trade exposition in another section of Ge- 
neva, industrial firms of several countries — the 
Soviets excepted — showed their products to good 
effect, but we made it clear that we had not come 
to Geneva to boast of our scientific prowess or, in 



' For a list of the U.S. delegation, see Bulletin of Aug. 
8, 1955, p. 243. 



other words, that we had not entered with the 
spirit of carrying off all the laurels in a sort of 
atomic Olympic Games. 

Soviet Exhibit 

The Soviet had a large technical exhibit which 
was chiefly remarkable, from my point of view, 
for the fact that it was there at all. We have had 
"atoms for peace" exhibits circulating around the 
world for more than a year. But, until this con- 
ference, we had seen nothing of Russian progress 
in this field. Therefore, great interest and con- 
jecture attached itself to anything they proposed 
to show. Because the rest of the world knew so 
little of what the Russians were doing with the 
peaceful atom, it was clear that whatever they ex- 
hibited, or even reported, would be in the nature 
of a revelation. 

Let me at this point say that they did come up 
with a great deal. There was no evidence, how- 
ever — photograf)hic or otherwise — to support the 
statement made by Soviet official spokesmen a few 
years back to the effect that, whereas the United 
States was engrossed with atomic energy to make 
bombs, they, the Soviets, were using atomic energy 
to change the courses of rivers and to remove 
mountains. On the other hand, their exhibits in 
areas of biology, in certain industrial applications, 
and in general instrumentation were not unim- 
pressive and occasionally not greatly dissimilar 
from our own. 

However, it was electrical power generation 
from atomic energy that attracted particular in- 
terest in the Soviet exhibit. They demonstrated 
a scale model of their 5,000-kilowatt reactor and a 
motion picture of the reactor itself, well photo- 
graphed and accompanied by a narration in Eng- 
lish. They also indicated that larger power re- 
actors of a different design were planned. We, of 
course, have had units substantially larger than 
the Soviet plant operating for a considerable time, 
and far larger ones are building. 

Soviet written reports to the conference showed 
careful preparation and a considerable amount of 
detail. But it became apparent early in the pro- 
ceedings that, in answering the questions of dele- 
gates, they were not prepared to engage in the 
same degree of frankness as other delegations. 

The Russian delegation, of whom some 79 were 
technicians, impressed our people as generally 
competent and, in some instances, as exceptional 



556 



Department of State Bulletin 



men. We have no way of knowing whether it was 
their first team, but as one of our people said, 
"They were good enough to be a first team." 

It is the general impression among the members 
of our delegation that, on the basis of Geneva, we 
are well ahead of other nations — all other na- 
tions — in both the scope and the state of our tech- 
nology in using atomic energy for peaceful pur- 
poses. This, however, was to be expected since 
we appear to have a considerably larger program 
than any other country and we have been engaged 
upon it for a longer time. 

In this connection it is interesting to note, how- 
ever, that at least one of the Russian papers pre- 
sented at the conference bore the date of 1943, 
indicating that they had been seriously concerned 
with the subject for a longer time than many of 
us realize. 

"WHiile what the Russians revealed at Geneva did 
not contain anything new or startling, it did give 
some insight into their working methods and into 
the caliber of their research. On the basis of their 
role at Geneva, they appeared stronger in basic 
research than in its practical applications. 

No Justification for Complacency 

The fact that we appear to be ahead in the 
peaceful applications of atomic energy — perhaps 
by a scant few years — certainly offers no justifica- 
tion for complacency. To the contrary, the situ- 
ation must be regarded as a serious challenge. The 
Soviets have not outstripped nor equaled us in any 
peaceful application, but at the same time — and 
this is important — we did not show anything at 
Geneva which they camiot have in a few years, 
given the talent and zeal which we believe them 
to possess. 

Too many of us have been thinking of the Rus- 
sians, either by education or temperament, as not 
quite equal to us in the technological sense. De- 
spite the many things wrong with their political 
system from our point of view, let us not fall into 
the easy attitude of assuming that they cannot 
compete with us in mastering atomic energy. The 
early date at which they produced nuclear weapons 
should be a constant reminder of the fallacy and 
danger of such an attitude on our part. We can 
never let down our research without letting down 
our guard at the same moment. 

Also, the belief that science cannot thrive under 
conditions designed solely to protect the security 



of data already in hand and deemed important 
to national defense would seem to be brought into 
question by the degree of Soviet progress. This 
progress was achieved under security provisions 
which are part of a complete tyranny where com- 
munication is rigidly controlled and the individual 
has no rights. Since lue proceed under the policy 
of removing information from classification as 
rapidly as possible, the Soviet results present 
something of a paradox. 

Power From Atomic Energy 

With respect to power from atomic energy, the 
Geneva conference made it evident that, while 
others are engaged in extensive undertakings, our 
program is presently substantially ahead in ex- 
tent and in the versatility of its approach. As 
you know, we are relatively close in the United 
States to the production of economic, electrical 
energy. Even today, the kilowatts we are pro- 
ducing in our reactors would be economic in some 
parts of the world. 

But different countries are taking different 
paths to power development, depending upon 
varying economic factors. England, for example, 
foresees the end of her increasingly expensive 
coal. For England, therefore, time is of the es- 
sence ; she cannot afford to wait for development 
of the ultimate reactor of maximum efficiency. 

Soviet Russia has no private industry interested 
in developing the peacetime uses of atomic energy 
and no spirit of competitive free enterprise. In 
Russia the whole show is a government monopoly. 
It will be interesting to see how this will affect the 
search for a more economic and efficient power 
system than the one they exhibited. 

We, in the United States, are fortunate in that 
we face no urgent shortage of conventional fuels. 
We have time and the opportunity to attack the 
problem from every side and to experiment simul- 
taneously with a whole variety of atomic power 
systems. That is exactly what we are doing. 
Last week the Commission took another step for- 
ward and invited proposals from industry and 
other groups for the design and construction of 
small atomic power plants. This marks the sec- 
ond round of a partnership program designed to 
speed the development of efficient, economic nu- 
clear power. Our first power demonstration 
reactor progi-am began, as you know, earlier this 
year and produced proposals for large plants. 



Ocfofaer 70, 1955 



557 



American industry is dedicating risk capital in a 
conservative race to produce the best and most 
efficient means of atomic power — knowing full 
well that the first plants will not be economic. 

To sum up, we did not go to this conference in 
an effort to carry away all the honors. If there 
was some semblance of a contest, in the technical 
exhibits and in the papers presented, no one lost 
in this competition. All the nations gained, and 
the winner was mankind. 

New Understanding of U.S. Desire for Peace 

From the viewpoint of our national self-inter- 
est, however, the conference was certainly a victory 
for fundamental American policy. We achieved 
new understanding abroad of our earnest effort 
to promote a decent and enduring peace. 

As a people, knowing full well the sincerity 
of our own desire for peace, we have not always 
appreciated how the rest of the world regarded 
us. Sometimes even nations whose safety from 
aggression has depended upon our possession of 
nuclear weapons have shown a tendency to view 
us with suspicion. Too often, in the past, Com- 
munist propaganda has had some success in de- 
picting us as warmongers interested in the atom 
only to make bombs and ready to use them to gain 
our supposed imperialist aims. This myth was 
effectively demolished at Geneva and without our 
having to brand it as a myth. Our scientists and 
engineers who went to Geneva and who unfolded 
there a factual account of our purpose and efforts 
to use the atom for man's benefit were ambassa- 
dors of peace, plenipotentiary and extraordinary. 

The conference was convened without any po- 
litical objective. Nor did it, in its 162 hours of 
sessions, encounter any political complications. 
Under its "ground rules" any discussion of politi- 
cal topics or of atomic weapons was out of bounds 
by common consent, in advance. The fact that 
no violations of either the letter or the spirit of 
the conference occurred is one of the principal 
explanations for its success. But notwithstand- 
ing the absence of politics from the conference, it 
is bound to have a profound international politi- 
cal impact. 

Chief Results of Conference 

What were its chief results? It would appear 
that there were several, both immediate and for 
the not-distant future : 



First, the free world — perhaps even the Soviet — 
has a new understanding of the absolute sincerity 
of our desire to strip the atom of its "military 
casing" and "adapt it to the arts of peace." The 
conference substantially advanced the President's 
program of "atoms for peace." Any suspicion 
of our motives, imported to the conference, could 
not have survived the 2 weeks of Geneva, and 
many delegates volunteered that statement to me 
in similar words. 

Second, commmiication was reestablished be- 
tween men of science who for many years had ex- 
perienced the isolation of finding those lines down. 
As a result, much cross-fertilization of ideas will 
occur and that, inevitably, will stimulate new in- 
ventions in many phases of the atomic art during 
the next year or two. 

Third, there can no longer be any talk of na- 
tions which, from the point of view of possessing 
information for the peaceful applications of 
atomic energy, are "have not" nations. The 
smaller nations were impressed by the fact that 
the development of atomic power is a very complex 
and expensive undertaking — an undertaking 
which requires, first of all, a grounding in the 
basic technology and then a substantial body of 
trained scientists and engineers. The notion that 
all they have to do is place an order for a reactor 
out of a catalog and be immediately in business 
to provide electrical energy from atomic power — 
if such a notion existed — was, or should have 
been, dispelled at Geneva. 

Fourth, we gained much information of value 
to ourselves from the conference. One byproduct, 
I believe, was a rebirth of humility. We learned 
not to underrate the competence of others and to 
cease to think of ourselves — those of us, that is, 
who were so inclined — as especially and exclusively 
gifted with imagination and ability in exploring 
the possibilities of the new worlds that lie ahead. 
This realization could save us in the future from 
some grievous error of judgment. 

Fifth, all of us were impressed by the disturbing 
fact that Russia appears to be training scientists 
and engineers at a faster rate than we are. Mr. 
Allen Dulles, the distinguished Director of our 
Central Intelligence Agency, has publicly stated 
that, between 1950 and 1960, Soviet Russia will 
have graduated 1,200,000 scientists and engineers, 
compared with about 900,000 in the United States 
in our present program. Those figures would not 



558 



Department of State Bulletin 



be so important did we not know tliat our own col- 
leges and universities are turning out only about 
half the number of engineers we require today. 
Unless corrected, this situation, a generation 
hence, will become a national calamity, imperiling 
our security and freedom in an age of expanding 
dependence upon science and technology. This is 
a most serious subject and demands prompt con- 
sideration and more emphasis than I can give it 
in this general report. 

Sixth and finally, in this listing of the results 
of the world's first Conference on the Peaceful 
Uses of Atomic Energy, I come to the brightest, 
most appealing of all its accomplishments. As 
our story of the peaceful atom was printed widely 
overseas, the result was that for millions of people 
all over the world Geneva cast off the mesmerism 
of the bomb. No other event that has occurred 
has done so much toward taking the horror — the 
terror — out of the atom. 

The first decade of man's mastery of the atom, 
in its actual application, began on an early morn- 
ing in July of 1945 in a blinding flash over the 
sands of Alamogordo. The monstrous Djinn had 
been released from the bottle. The second decade 
of the atom may be said to have begun in Geneva, 
10 years later, but this time it emerged, not as a 
terrifying monster, but as tlie powerful, obedient 
servant of man. Wider horizons of grander view 
were opened. To many, it must have seemed that, 
overnight, the atom had been transformed from a 
thing of fear and terror to a promise of great 
blessing. 

Histoi'y may record that in Geneva, at the open- 
ing of this second decade of the atom, mankind's 
stake in peace was lifted out of the paralysis of 
fear to a vision so compelling as to render un- 
thinkable the very notion of another major war. 
If the conference produced such a vision, it made 
a good and auspicious beginning. "We must not 
allow that vision to fade — either for us or for 
other men. 



Foreign Ministers Discuss 
Coming Geneva Conference 

Press release 574 dated September 29 

Following is the text of the coimnimique issued 
at New York on September 28 at the conclusion 
of the meeting held there September 27 and 



28 hy the Foreign Ministers of France^ the United 
Kingdom, and the United States. 

The Foreign Ministers of France, the United 
Kingdom and the United States of America met 
in New York on September 27 and September 28 
to continue preparations for the forthcoming Ge- 
neva Conference. 

In reviewing progress already made in this re- 
spect, they found themselves in complete accord. 
In particular they agreed that priority should be 
given to the reunification of German}', within the 
framework of a plan for European security. 

They also made provisions for further consulta- 
tion with their Nato partners, and expect to meet 
in Paris with the other members of the North At- 
lantic Council prior to the Geneva Conference. 

On September 28, they were joined by the For- 
eign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany 
and continued their discussion of matters of com- 
mon concern. 

The three Foreign Ministers also met with the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union 
and had a useful discussion of the arrangements 
for the Geneva Conference. 



U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany 

Press release 573 dated September 29 

The following statement was issued at New York 
on September 28 hy the Foreign Ministers of the 
United States, the United Kingdom, and France. 

The Foreign Ministers of the United States, the 
United Kingdom, and France wish to make known 
their view on certain points in connection with the 
agi'eements of September 20, 195.5, as reported in 
the press, between the Soviet Union and the regime 
in the Soviet zone of Germany. 

They wish in the first place to emphasize that 
these agreements cannot affect the obligations or 
responsibilities of the Soviet Union under agree- 
ments and arrangements between the Three 
Powers and the Soviet Union on the subject of 
Germany and Berlin. The Soviet Union remains 
responsible for the carrying out of these obliga- 
tions. 

Secondly, the three Foreign Ministers reaffirm 
that the Federal Republic of Germany is the only 
German Government freely and legitimately con- 
stituted and therefore entitled to speak for Ger- 
many as the representative of the German people 



Oc/ober ?0, J 955 



559 



in international affairs. These three governments 
do not recognize the East German regime nor the 
existence of a state in the Soviet zone. 

Finally, as regards a statement which has re- 
cently appeared in the Soviet press on the frontiers 
of Germany, the three Foreign Ministers reaffirm 
the repeatedly expressed position of their Gov- 
ernments that the final determination of the fron- 
tiers of Germany must await a peace settlement 
for the whole of Germany. 



Policy on Supplying Arms 
to Countries of Middle East 



The conversation was informal and of a general 
nature, since there had already been a full ex- 
change of views on matters of common concern 
when Dr. von Brentano and Secretary Dulles re- 
cently met in New York with the Foreign Min- 
isters of the United Kingdom and France. 

Among subjects covered here was the situation 
of Berlin in the light of recent developments. 
They also touched on the matter of European 
integration. The Secretary indicated the impor- 
tance which the United States attaches to this 
development. 

The meeting served to underline the close and 
friendly relations between the Federal Republic 
and the United States. 



Joint U.S.-British Statement ' 

The United States Secretary of State and Brit- 
ish Foreign Secretary discussed together reports 
relating to their arms supply policies in the Mid- 
dle East. 

They wish to state that the United States and 
British Governments have for some time been in 
close consultation with each other as well as with 
other governments in relation to this matter and 
that there has been, and continues to be, complete 
harmony of views between their two governments. 

Both governments base their policies on the de- 
sire, on the one hand, to enable the various coun- 
tries to provide for internal security and for their 
defense, and on the other, to avoid an arms race 
which would inevitably increase the tensions in 
the area. They will continue, and hope other 
governments will continue, to be guided by these 
principles. 



Talks Between Secretary Dulles 
and German Foreign Minister 

Press release 579 dated September 30 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal 
Republic of Germany, Dr. von Brentano, with his 
advisers, met on September 30 with the Secretary 
of State and officials of the State and Defense De- 
partments. After first meeting at the Department 
of State, they continued their talks during 
luncheon at Blair House. 



^ Issued at New Tork City on Sept. 27 by Secretary 
Dulles and Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan. 



U.S. Friendship for Greece 

Following is the text of a letter froin President 
Eisenhower to King Paul of Greece, delivered m 
Athens on- SeptemJ)er 29. 

In the present difficult situation, I desire to as- 
sure Your Majesty that I remain deeply convinced 
of the paramount importance of the ties of strong 
friendship which unite Greece and the United 
States. Even if there are differences of opinion 
over how the Cyprus question should be handled, 
we shall not let this one issue trouble our deep 
friendship and sympathy for Greece. 

With kindest personal assurances, 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 



Recognition of New Government 
of Argentina 

White House Office (Denrer) press release dated September 25 

The Ambassador of the United States of Amer- 
ica at Buenos Aires, Albert F. Nufer, informed 
the Argentine Foreign Office at 9 a. m., e. s. t. (11 
a. m., Argentine time) on September 25 that the 
Government of the United States recognizes the 
new government headed by Maj. Gen. Eduardo 
I^nardi as the Government of the Republic of 
Argentina. 

In taking this action, the United States Gov- 
ernment looks forward to the continuance of the 
friendly relations which have existed between the 
United States and Argentina. 



560 



Department of State Bulletin 



The U.S. Program for Refugee Relief 



hy Thruston B. Morton 

Assistant Secretai'y for Congressional Relations^ 



United States citizenship is a proud and honor- 
able claim. Those of us who hold it through an 
accident of birth do not always appreciate just 
how much it means. Only through meeting and 
talking to those who have sweated and struggled 
to win American citizenship can we gain a full 
appreciation of what this privilege means to those 
less fortunate than ourselves. 

"We natives sometimes lose sight of the strength 
and protection offered by our Constitution and by 
our historic Bill of Eights — which, incidentally, 
was proposed to the Congress just 166 years ago 
today. To thousands of new Americans who have 
for a decade or more lived in the shadow of fear 
and oppression and the secret police, however, this 
great document and its amendments truly offer a 
new lease on life and new hope. 

All of you are familiar with the famous words of 
Emma Lazarus : 

Give me your tired, your poor, 
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, 
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. 
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me : 
I lift my lamp beside the golden door. 

These words are as vital today as they were 
when tliey were written. The lamp is still burn- 
ing brightly; the golden door has not been shut. 

All of us here are descendants, no matter how 
far lemoved, of immigrants. Our forebears saw 
in America a land of promise. They came here 
seeking fulfillment of that jaromise. 

Today more men, women, and children are com- 
ing to our shores. These new immigrants and fu- 
ture citizens will one day stand as equals before 
the law with descendants of the Mayflower's pas- 

'- Address made at the Citizenship Day Festival of the 
Americanization League of America at Milwaukee, Wis., 
on Sept. 25 (press release 564 dated Sept. 23). 



sengers. The Constitution, as Wendell Willkie 
aptly phrased it, does not provide for first- and 
second-class citizens. 

Much of America's strength has been drawn 
from the energy and imagination of our new 
citizens. In Israel Zangwill's words, "America 
is God's Crucible, the great Melting-Pot where 
all the races of Europe are melting and reform- 
ing. . . ." Each group of new Americans 
brings to this country a new wealth of spirit, a 
new stoi-e of promise and of hope. "Homeless, 
tempest-tossed," they are the same material upon 
which this nation of ours was built. 

Many who come to our shores today are refu- 
gees who have risked life itself to escape from 
totalitarian oppression. These people have a 
spirit which refuses to submit to chains. And 
they had the will and strength to break out of 
the chains that bound them. 

In many parts of the world men are still in 
chains. This is particularly true of the eastern 
part of Germany and the formerly independent 
nations of Eastern Europe and the Baltic area. 

U.S. Position at Geneva 

Since the "summit" conference at Geneva there 
has been some feeling that what is called the 
"spirit of Geneva" will cause us to forget the 
captive peoples of Eastern Europe. 

Let me assure you that this will not happen. 

We went to Geneva because of the American 
people's belief in peace. At Geneva we fully sup- 
ported the principles upon which Americans be- 
lieve an enduring peace must be based. There 
was no compromise with these principles as a 
result of the conference. 

A cardinal principle among these beliefs is the 
right of every nation to independence and a free 



Ocfofaer 10, J 955 



561 



choice of its institutions. This concept lies at the 
very foundation of American political traditions. 
No administration in this coxmtry could ever fail 
to make it a basic principle in American foreign 
policy. 

Americans naturally believe this principle ap- 
plies to Eastern and Central Europe, where kin- 
ship and common culture strengthen their ties 
with the people. Woodrow Wilson's well-known 
advocacy of self-determination for the peoples of 
this area was one of the clearest expressions of 
that unchanging desire of Americans to see the 
Eastern European nations enjoy freedom and 
independence. More recently, President Eisen- 
hower's memorable address of April 16, 1953,- 
reemphasized this principle. 

The United States remained faithful to this 
principle at Geneva. The question of self-govern- 
ment in Eastern Europe was raised as a funda- 
mental issue by President Eisenhower ^ when he 
said: 

On a broader plane, there is the problem of respecting 
the right of peoples to choose the form of government 
under which they will live; and of restoring sovereign 
rights and self-government to those who have been de- 
prived of them. The American people feel strongly that 
certain peoples of Eastern Europe, many with a long 
and proud record of national existence, have not yet 
been given the benefit of this pledge of our United Nations 
wartime declaration, reinforced by other wartime agree- 
ments. 

That is the unswerving position of the United 
States in this matter. President Eisenhower made 
clear the attitude of the American people on the 
need to restore sovereign rights and self-govern- 
ment to the peoples of Eastern Europe. 

"We sought at the Geneva conference to lay a bet- 
ter basis for peace. And, at the same time, we 
sought to work in a positive and practicable way 
through diplomatic means toward steps which 
would assist the eventual winning of freedom by 
the captive peoples. 

One definite goal was to bring about an im- 
proved international situation based on coopera- 
tion that might induce the Soviet Union to recog- 
nize that there can and must be freedom for the 
Central and Eastern European peoples without 
jeopardy to its own security. Freedom for these 
nations is indeed an essential component of se- 
curity for all European nations. 



The American people welcome, as a step in the 
right direction, the changed attitude of the Soviet 
leaders and the apparent agreement at Geneva that 
the Soviet Union and the West will in the future 
attempt to resolve the issues between them through 
peaceful negotiations in a more favorable inter- 
national atmosphere. 

We must have deeds in addition to words, how- 
ever. For the American people, Geneva will re- 
main a gesture without substance unless it leads 
to concrete actions on the part of the present Com- 
munist governments in the form of benefits to the 
cajative peoples, an alleviation of their burdens, 
and the restoration of their freedom. 

In the meantime we will continue to work con- 
structively for the creation of a secure peace. We 
continue to believe that the question of the status 
of the captive peoples must be settled satisfactorily 
in obtaining a secure peace. We are determined to 
do all we can to find positive means to open the 
door to the emancipation of these people. We are 
certain that this purpose expresses the unalterable 
conviction of the American people. 

But while the present situation exists in the 
satellite countries, the flow of refugees continues. 
And as long as these refugees pour out from behind 
the Iron Curtain, we have a moral responsibility 
to do what we can to help them readjust and re- 
settle in the free world. 

Administration of Refugee Relief Program 

One of the princii^al ways in which we are doing 
this is through the Refugee Relief Program. All 
of you here, I am sure, are familiar to some extent 
with this program. Some of you may actually 
have come to this country under the program's 
auspices. If any of you have, may I add my own 
expression of welcome to our country and the hope 
that your life here will compensate for the un- 
pleasant experiences of the past. 

The Refugee Relief Act was put into effect on 
August 7, 1953.* Under the terms of the act a 
maximum of 214,000 victims of war's aftermath, 
natural disaster, oppression, persecution, and ad- 
verse economic conditions in their native lands may 
become permanent residents of the United States 
and eventually American citizens. 

This program came about because of President 
Eisenliower's deep concern over the increasing 



' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599. 
'/Md., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 172. 



* For articles on the Refugee Relief Act, see ihid., Aug. 
24, 1953, p. 231, and Sept. 27, 1954, p. 452. 



562 



Department of State Bulletin 



numbers of refugees, particularly those coming 
from behind the Iron Curtain. Wlien he recom- 
mended the emergency legislation known as the 
Eef ugee Relief Act of 1953,^ he said : 

These refugees, escapees, and distressed peoples now 
constitute an economic and political threat of constantly 
growing magnitude. They look to traditional American 
humanitarian concern for the oppressed. International 
political considerations are also factors which are in- 
volved. We should take reasonable steps to help these 
people to the extent that we share the obligation of the 
free world. 

Both Houses of Congress took action in trans- 
lating the President's request into legislation and 
agreed on a compromise figure of 214,000 people 
to be admissible under the act. 

Let me clear up one minor point of confusion 
at this juncture. A figure of 209,000 is often used 
in connection with this program rather than the 
total of 214,000. That lower figure is the total 
nmnber of visas permissible under the act, because 
5,000 of the overall total are nonimmigrants al- 
ready in the United States. 

The various Govenmiental units which work 
together in administering this act are the State 
Department's refugee relief administration; the 
Immigration and Naturalization Service of the 
Justice Department; Labor's Bureau of Employ- 
ment Security and the U.S. Employment Service; 
the U.S. Public Health Service of the Department 
of Health, Education and Welfare; the Army's 
Counterintelligence Corps; and the Treasury 
Department. 

In addition help is provided by the Intergov- 
ernmental Comniittee on European Migration 
(Icem), 30 voluntary agencies, and 37 Governor's 
Committees throughout the United States. 

The Icem is composed of 26 members, of which 
the United States is one. We contribute slightly 
more than one-third of the Committee's operating 
budget and work very closely with it in helping 
people get not only to this country but to other 
places in the Western Hemisphere. 

The voluntary agencies, which include such 
groups as the Lutheran Refugee Service, the Na- 
tional Catholic Welfare Conference, Church 
World Service, and the United Hl\s Service, have 
been of great value in helping to arrange travel 
and transportation in cooperation with Icem. 

The Governor's Committees came about as a 



result of a personal plea from President Eisen- 
hower on August 7, 1954.^ He called the Gover- 
nors' attention to the urgent need to stimulate the 
flow of assurances through the establishment of 
local refugee committees. New York at that time 
had already set up such a committee, and 36 other 
States have since followed its lead. There is still 
time for the remaining States to take action, how- 
ever, and such a move would be more than wel- 
comed by those most concerned with the progi-am. 
The more interest and participation that can be 
obtained at the gi'ass roots, the greater the chances 
will be for a completely successful progi-am. 

The Refugee Relief Act is an extremely intri- 
cate and complicated piece of legislation. It 
requires a complex organizational setup to ad- 
minister its technical requirements. That organi- 
zation is now established and fully operative, and 
it is working out quite well. The present staff 
can easily meet the current workload and more, 
and reserves are available to handle any increase 
in volume. 

Changes in the program's administration and 
amendments made to the regulations in order to 
speed up the steps necessary to process a refugee 
have greatly simplified the situation that existed 
in the program's early stages. Practices and pro- 
cedures are being scanned constantly to assui'e 
maximmn efficiency and simplicity of operations. 

The two things most necessary now to further 
expedite the fulfillment of the aims of the act are 
an increased flow of assurances and congi'essional 
approval of the amendments to the act proposed 
by President Eisenhower. 

More Assurances Needed 

The act provides that a refugee must have an 
assurance of a job, housing, and against becoming 
a public charge. This assurance must be signed 
by a U.S. citizen and verified by the Administrator. 

In the early days of the program many of the 
assurances went for overseas relatives known to the 
assurer. Today the relative category has been 
pretty well used up and we need assurers who will 
sign for people they don't know. This is, of 
course, a much more difficult job. 

This is where the voluntary agencies and the 
Governor's Committees are needed the most. And 
it is where such groups as yours can be of great 



^Ibid., May 4, 1953, p. 639. 
October 10, 1955 



'Ibid., Aug. 16, 1954, p. 239. 



563 



assistance in spreading the word of the urgent 
need for assurances. 

Perhaps some facts and figures on where we 
stand now will help explain the need for assur- 
ances. 

Visa issuance in the Refuge Relief Program, I 
am happy to report, has now exceeded the 50,000 
mark. 

Total of visas issued by September 16 was 
52,068. This is an increase of 35,018 visas since 
last January 1 — and the increase each week now 
is near 1,500 visas. 

There is another impressive gain in the number 
of cases entering the program's so-called "pipe- 
line." This figure is the cumulative total of all 
persons who have been notified of documents re- 
quired to process their cases. The total of all ap- 
plicants is now 169,229, a gain of 106,376 since 
January 1. 

It is of interest to note that from the beginning 
of the program in August 1953 until December 31, 
1954 — a period of nearly 17 months — 17,053 visas 
were issued. On the other hand, between January 
1 of this year and September 16 — a period of not 
quite 9 months — 35,018 visas were issued, more 
than twice the total on record the first of this year. 
This graphically demonstrates the extent of the 
increase in the rate of visa issuances in 1955. 

During the same period of 1955, however, veri- 
fied assurances from U.S. citizen sponsors were 
only 73 percent greater than the number of verified 
assurances received during the preceding 17 
months. 

I think those figures point up the seriousness of 
the lack of assurances. This situation camiot be 
overemphasized. We are reaching the stage of 
the program where time has become critical. 

As many of you may know, the State Depart- 
ment recently held a conference of chairmen of 
Governor's Committees at Washington at which 
the whole emphasis was on the procurement of 
assurances. Secretary Dulles told this conference : 

We are facing a situation now where tlie bottleneck is 
. . . the problem of getting assurances .... The visas 
are being issued at a rate which is going to catch up with 
our present backlog and then the question is getting these 
assurances. 

I know Wisconsin ranks tenth in the Xation in 
procuring assurances for refugees, however, and it 
is a very fine record. But, to repeat myself, time 
is running short and an increased flow of assur- 



ances must be stimulated if we are to make the 
deadline of December 31, 1956. 

Pierce J. Gerety, the program's Deputy Admin- 
istrator, emphasized this point when he told the 
delegation at the conference : 

The next 6 or 8 months are very critical in the role you 
people can play, which is producing assurances back home. 
We have to get the assurances in sufficient number back 
home in order to give us time to process the applications 
and issue the visas so people can come to the United 
States. 

The three major areas where assurances are most 
needed are Germany, Austria, and the Nether- 
lands. When we ask for assurances, we are ad- 
dressing ourselves primarily to these areas because 
we have enough assurances in Greece and Italy, 
the two other major refugee centers. 

Under the act 90,000 expellees and escapees are 
admissible from Germany and Austria, and 17,000 
refugees and relatives are admissible from the 
Netherlands. To date we have only 437 verified 
assurances in the Netherlands, only 14,079 in Ger- 
many, and only 5,494 in Austria. That is what 
makes these three areas more critical than any 
other spots in the program. 

Up imtil a short time ago, some social welfare 
agencies, upon whom great reliance must be placed 
for the procurement of assurances, argued that 
assurances were slow in forthcoming because of 
the small number of peojjle who had entered the 
country under the terms of the act. Wliile this 
may have been true in the act's early days, it is no 
longer valid today. Steps leading to the issuance 
of a visa have been simplified greatly and the 
major concern now is getting enough assurances. 

Amendments Recommended by President 

In an eli'ort to exj^edite the flow of assurances 
and make it possible for the program to fulfill its 
aims, President Eisenhower on May 27 of this year 
asked for 10 specific amendments to the act.'' He 
pointed out that the purposes of the act are not 
being achieved as swiftly as we had all hoped. 
Although administrative imjDrovements have been 
made, the President noted, such improvements by 
themselves are not enough. For that reason Mr. 
Eisenhower recommended amendments which em- 
braced these changes : 

1. A redefinition of the terms "refugee," "es- 
capee," and "expellee," the effect of which will be 



'Ibid., June 13, 1955, p. 951. 



564 



Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



to relax somewhat the restrictions contained in the 
definitions of those terms in the act, removal of 
the limitation that all those who are foiind to be 
"firmly resettled" are ineligible for visas, and 
abandonment of the requirement that a "refugee" 
must be "out of his usual place or abode" in order 
to qualify. 

2. Adoption of a provision enabling members of 
a family who are separated from the principal ap- 
plicant and who cannot accompany the principal 
applicant at the time the visa is issued to follow 
to join him in the United States. 

3. Adoption of a provision to permit an alien 
afflicted with tuberculosis to come to the United 
States with his family if all are eligible, notwith- 
standing the bar of the immigration laws against 
a person so afflicted. 

4. The reallotment of visas unused during the 
life of the act to the use of orphans on a worldwide 
basis and the raising of the maximum-age limita- 
tions for eligible orphans from 10 years to 12 years. 

5. Definition of the term "eligible orphan" and 
the imposition of certain limitations upon the 
adoption abroad of an orphan by a U.S. citizen and 
spouse. 

6. Eevision of the criteria for adjustment of 
status of aliens in the United States to eliminate 
the requirement that they must have entered this 
coiuitry in lawful status as nonimmigi-ants in all 
cases. 

7. Adoption of a provision to permit voluntary 
agencies, as well as individual citizens, to file as- 
surances of employment, housing, and against be- 
coming a public charge. 

8. Elimination of the requirement that a valid 
passport or similar document be produced in each 
case as a prerequisite to the issuance of a visa. 

9. Adoption of a provision to place exclusive 
responsibility upon the consular officer for the de- 
termination of eligibility of an applicant. 

10. Elimination of the requirement that a 2-year 
history covering the period prior to application for 
visa must be available. 

Of these 10 amendments suggested by the Presi- 
dent, we feel that two are of primary importance 
and are needed most urgently. 

First is the so-called agency assurance, which is 
in effect now by regidation but which would be 
much simpler for everybody if it were in the act. 



This situation has been helped by the Administra- 
tor's instruction to consular officers of February 
18, 1955, which permits the "preprocessing" of 
cases. Preprocessing, in simple terms, means that 
a case may be processed before the receipt of an 
assurance if the sponsoring agency states that an 
assurance to cover the case will be received. The 
obvious advantage of this procedure is that in- 
dividual cases may be processed and made ready 
for completion upon the arrival of an assurance. 

The second important amendment is the redefi- 
nition of the term "refugee." We are working 
with definitions first put forward in 1948, and the 
many changes which have taken place in refugee 
conditions throughout the world making a re- 
definition necessary are readily apparent. 

None of these amendments was adopted in the 
first session of the 84th Congress. Not only would 
they be of tremendous benefit in aiding the Ref- 
ugee Relief Program, but they would contribute 
toward the correction of deficiencies in our immi- 
gration and naturalization policies. 

The proposed amendments are relatively simple 
and offer an immediate correction of some of the 
existing deficiencies. The liberalization of immi- 
gi-ation requirements which the amendments pro- 
vide would facilitate the admission of many de- 
serving persons to this country. This would 
clearly and promptly indicate to the peoples of 
friendly nations the intent of the President and 
the Congress in this subject. 

Secretary Dulles has strongly urged the adop- 
tion of these amendments in the early days of the 
coming session of the Congress. Favorable action 
on these amendments will be highly beneficial to 
our relations with friendly countries. Passage of 
the amendments, I am confident, will also bring 
forth the necessary assurances in greater numbers 
than ever before both from voluntary agencies and 
from individual citizens. 

At this time of year, when we commemorate 
Citizenship Day, it is appropriate that Americans 
everywhere take note of these matters concerning 
possible future citizens. If we in America live 
up to our fijiest humanitarian tradition and act 
with wisdom, many unfortunate people who today 
live in refugee camps watching for a glimmer from 
liberty's torch may in future years celebrate this 
occasion with us. 



October 10, 1955 



565 



U.S.-Yugoslav Talks Concluded 

Following is the text of a joint communique 
released at Belgrade on Octoler 1. 

The visit of Deputy Under Secretary Robert 
Murphy to Belgrade has provided opportunity 
for frank and fruitful discussion of a wide range 
of problems of mutual interest to Yugoslavia and 
the United States. As a result, differences of 
opinion have been ironed out and a clearer under- 
standing of objectives reached. This has been 
achieved in a very cordial atmosphere and should 
establish a solid basis for the further cooperation 
of the two countries. These meetings gave further 
evidence of the confidence and mutual respect 
which has been established between the two 
countries in recent years. 

During his visit Mr. Murphy, accompanied by 
Ambassador [James W.] Riddleberger, had 
luncheon and two conversations with President 
Tito and several meetings with Under Secretary 
of State for Foreign Affairs Prica, Vice President 
Vukmanovic-Tempo, and Defense Minister 
Gosnjak. Mr. Murphy concluded his conversa- 
tions with a luncheon on October 1 tendered at the 
American Embassy in honor of Vice President 
Kardelj and other high-ranking Yugoslav and 
American officials. 



President Eisenhower has been one of the great- 
est advocates of a government of principles and 
not a government of personalities. He has con- 
stantly striven to hammer out governmental poli- 
cies through Cabinet and National Security 
Council discussions and decisions. These have 
been shared by the Vice President, by the Cabinet 
members, and by heads of governmental agencies. 
Thus President Eisenhower has forged a team, 
and the principles and policies under which that 
team operates are well known to all of its mem- 
bers. 

Thus, there can be ample time for the President 
to make a full recovery without any jeopardy to 
the welfare of the Nation or to the steady prosecu- 
tion of our national and international policies for 
peace and human welfare. 

I have been asked whether I shall go ahead with 
plans for meeting with the other three Foreign 
Ministers at Geneva the end of next month. The 
answer is that, of course, I expect to be there. 
Our national bipartisan attitude toward these 
matters is well known, and nothing M'hich in any 
event we intended to improvise. 



Mr. Hoover and Mr. Hollister 
Leave for Far East 



Illness of President Eisenhower 

Press release 575 dated September 29 

In response to questions from the press, Secre- 
tary Dulles made the following informal state- 
ment just prior to departing for Ottawa, Canada, 
September 25, 1955, to attend the meetings of the 
Joint United States-Canadian Committee on 
Trade and Economic Affairs. 

President Eisenhower's illness is a cause for 
sadness, which is felt throughout the nation and 
throughout the world. But it is not a cause for 
alarm. 

I have no knowledge of a medical character 
which is not known to everyone. But this infor- 
mation, that we all have, seems to indicate that the 
attack is similar to that which many people incur 
without any permanent ill effects. That is what 
all the world hopes. 

In the meantime, our governmental processes, 
both foreign and domestic, are going to go for- 
ward in an orderly and uninterrupted manner. 



Departure Statement by the Under Secretary 

Press release 572 dated September 29 

Mr. Hollister and I are making a visit to the 
Far East to study at first hand the problems of 
that area. I will leave Manila for Washington on 
October 14. Mr. Hollister will go on to be head of 
our delegation to the Colombo Plan conference at 
Singapore and will visit some other countries in 
that area on his way home. 

By this personal visit we hope to add to our 
understanding of the many countries through 
which we will travel. We are looking forward 
to the opportunity to talk with leaders and officials 
of these countries. Through friendly discussions 
we hope to arrive at a deeper knowledge of how 
best to proceed with our common effort. Of course 
we will also visit our own diplomatic and opera- 
tions missions. 

The Colombo Plan conference to which Mr. Hol- 
lister will be our chief delegate is of considerable 
importance. As you know, the Colombo Plan is 
concerned with economic development as a means 



566 



Depatimeni of S/afe Bo//efin 



of providing greater opportunity for the peoples 
of Soutlieast Asia. 

I am pleased that Mr. Herbert V. Prochnow 
is also accomjjanying us. jNIr. Procluiow was 
sworn in today as a special consultant and it is 
Secretary Dulles' intention to recommend to the 
President that Mr. Prochnow be appointed Deputy 
Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs.^ 

Announcement Concerning Itinerary 

Press release 580 dated September 30 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 29 that Under Secretary Hoover would re- 
turn to "Washington October 17 from his current 
trip to the Far East to enable him to have a few 
days in Washington before the Secretary of State 
departs for Geneva. Herbert V. Prochnow, Con- 
sultant to the Secretary of State, will return with 
Mr. Hoover.^ 

At the same time it was announced that John 
B. Hollister, Director of the International Coop- 
eration Administration, would serve as U.S. Rep- 
resentative at the Ministerial Meeting of the Con- 
sultative Committee for Economic Development 
in South and Southeast Asia which is to be held 
at Singapore from October 17 to October 22, 1955. 

The revised itinerary follows : ^ 

September 29 leave Washington 

September 30 arrive HiclJham Field, Honolulu 

October 1 leave Hickham Field, Honolulu 

October 3 arrive Tokyo 

October 5 leave Tokyo 

October 5 arrive Seoul 

October 8 leave Seoul 

October 8 arrive Taipei 

October 11 leave Taipei 

October 11 arrive Manila 



' The President signed Mr. Prochnow's commission as 
Deputy Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs on 
Oct. 4. 

^ It was subsequently decided that Mr. Prochnow wiU 
make the balance of the trip with Mr. Hollister and will 
attend the Colombo Plan meeting at Singapore as adviser 
to the U.S. delegation. 

' For the original itinerary, see press release 549 dated 
Sept. 16 (not printed here). 



Mr. Hoover will leave Manila October 14 and 
arrive in Washington on October 17. 

Mr. Hollister and his associates will leave Ma- 
nila on October 15. The balance of their itinerary 
follows : 

October 15 arrive Djakarta 
October 16 leave Djakarta 
October 16 arrive Singapore 
October 21 leave Singapore 
October 21 arrive Bangkok 
October 24 leave Bangkok 
October 24 arrive Vientiane 
October 24 leave Vientiane 
October 24 arrive Phnom Penh 
October 25 leave Phnom Penh 
October 25 arrive Saigon 
October 27 leave Saigon 
October 30 arrive Washington 



Change in U.S. Delegation 
to Colombo Plan Meeting 

Press release 576 dated September 30 

On September 16 the Department released the 
names of the U.S. delegation to the Seventh Meet- 
ing of the Consultative Committee for Economic 
Development in South and Southeast Asia (com- 
monly known as the Colombo Plan), which is to 
be held at Singapore from September 29 to Octo- 
ber 22, 1955.* At that time it was announced that 
Acting Deputy Under Secretary of State for 
Economic Affairs Thorsten V. Kalijarvi would 
serve as U.S. Representative to the INIinisterial 
Meeting which is to be held from October 17 to 22. 

The Department announced on September 29 
that John B. Hollister, Director of the Interna- 
tional Cooperation Achninistration of the Depart- 
ment of State, would serve as U.S. Representa- 
tive at the Ministerial Meeting. With the revi- 
sion of Mr. Hollister's itinerary of his current 
Far Eastern trip permitting him to attend the 
Colombo Plan meeting, it was felt essential that 
Mr. Kalijarvi remain in Washington. 



' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 513. 



Ocfober JO, 1955 



567 



American Political Democracy and the Problem of Personnel Security 

by R. W. Scott McLeod 

Administrator^ Bwreau of Security and Consular Affairs ^ 



You will note that I have altered the subject 
originally assigned for discussion by exchanging 
the words "Personnel Security" for the words 
"National Security." This seems to me a more 
accurate statement of the matter within my compe- 
tence. I do not believe that American political 
democracy needs a new endorsement. I believe 
we are all devoted to it as the best human system 
of government yet devised. Over a period of 175 
years of tremendous changes in society we have 
found it to be flexible enough to endure. And it 
is exactly because we so cherish it that some of us 
have been given special duties to protect it. 

As you know, there are three kinds of security 
as we practice it in government today. There is 
physical security, by which we mean tlie protection 
which is afforded to documents. It embraces the 
systems of codes and ciphers, the storage, the 
transmission, and the handling of papers on which 
the Government has recorded information which, 
if in unfriendly hands, might have an adverse 
effect on the national interest. There is also tech- 
nical security, a vast field in this technological age, 
wherein we attempt to protect primarily against 
devices intended to obtain classified information 
when it is spoken in conversations presumed to be 
private. 

Obviously the elaborate and sometimes costly 
apparatus to lock the barn before the horse is 
stolen is useless if the man who possesses the key 
to the barn is not trustworthy. Thus, today I 
will confine my discussion to the program which 
seeks to assure personnel of integrity. 

There have been security programs in our Gov- 
ernment before those which are aimed at protect- 
ing against the Communist conspiracy. During 



the time I lived in New Hampshire I was told that 
a loyalty oath was required of citizens of that area 
during the period which preceded the Revolu- 
tionary War. Although a loyalty oath is a use- 
less device unless it is predicated on a purpose 
to prosecute perjurers, I assume that this early 
requirement in one of the colonies resulted from 
a preoccupation with the matter of personnel 
security. 

At one time or another in our history Tories, 
Indians, and Southern sympathizers were security 
risks, and it seems a logical assumption that some 
means were used to keep such individuals out of 
the councils of government. 

The earliest attention to the problem under dis- 
cussion today appears to have been the hearings 
conducted by the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities in 1938 which disclosed the 
connections of some Federal employees with Com- 
munist front organizations. 

No doubt as the result of. these hearings and be- 
cause of the war clouds gathering in Europe, the 
Congress in 1939 adopted section 9A of the Hatch 
Act, which forbade an employee of the Govern- 
ment to belong to any political party or organiza- 
tion which advocates the overthrow of our consti- 
tutional form of government.- 



' Address made before the American Political Science 
Association at Boulder, Colo., on Sept. 9. 



'^ 5 U. S. C. 118j. Federal employees ; membership in 
political parties ; i)enalties. (1) It shall be unlawful for 
any person employed in any capacity by any agency of 
the Federal Government, whose compensation, or any 
part thereof, is paid from funds authorized or appro- 
priated by any Act of Congress, to have membership in 
any political party or organization which advocates the 
overthrow of our constitutional form of government in 
the United States. (2) Any person violating the pro- 
visions of this section shall be immediately removed from 
the position or office held by him, and thereafter no part 
of the funds appropriated by any Act of Congress for 
such position or office shall be used to pay the compensa- 
tion of such persons. 



568 



Department of State Bulletin 



Beginning in 1941 the Congress established a 
practice which has since become standard, of in- 
serting language in appropriation bills making it 
unlawful to use the funds to pay the salary of 
persons who advocate, or belong to organizations 
which advocate, overthrow of the Government by 
force and violence and making it a felony for such 
persons to accept such salary. 

And during the war years — in fact, up until 
1950 — the military agencies were given broad 
security authority.^ 

There were other gestures in the direction of 
security, evidencing a rather vague awareness that 
a problem, not too clearly stated, existed and 
should be dealt with.^ 

During the war, of course, the public mind was 
largely concerned with the Nazi-Fascist menace. 
After the war a series of incidents made it rather 
apparent that our wartime ally and the interna- 
tional conspiracy it fostered was a continuing men- 
ace to our national security. This was a bitter 
disillusionment to those who looked forward so 
eagerly to peace. 

The Amerasia case, the report of the Canadian 
Eoyal Commission, and the reports by Elizabeth 
Bentley and Whittaker Chambers gave respon- 
sible officials pause, and such of these matters as 
reached public notice contributed to the necessity 
to take effective measures for control. 

Congressional reaction was expressed in July 
1946 by the enactment of the so-called McCarran 
Rider = to the State Department Appropriation 

" 111 general, they were authorized to dismiss civilian 
employees whenever such dismissal was "warranted by 
the demands of national security" (P. L. 703 and 671, 
76th Cong., and P. L. SOS, 77th Cong.). 

* On Sept. 26, 1942, the Civil Service Commission revised 
its regulations to provide for dismissal of civil employees 
on grounds of "reasonable doubt as to loyalty" (Section 
18 2(c)(7)(e)). Authority for this action was based 
on the Lloyd-LaFollette Act of 1912 (5 U. S. C. 652) . Also, 
in April 1942 the Attorney General set up an inter- 
departmental advisory committee to advise agencies on 
how to handle complaints from the Dies committee and 
to develop uniform procedures for the use of Federal 
Bureau of Investigation reports. And on Feb. 5, 1943, 
Executive Order 9300 (S Fed. Reg. 1701) established a 
President's Inter-Departmental Committee to perform 
similar functions. 

° "Notwithstanding the provisions of section of the Act 
of August 24, 1912 (37 Stat. 555), or the provisions of any 
other law, the Secretary of State may, in his absolute 
discretion during the current fiscal year, terminate the 
employment of any officer or employee of the Department 
of State or of the Foreign Service of the United States 

Ocfober 10, 1955 

359645—55 3 



Bill. This proviso gave the Secretary of State the 
right "in his absolute discretion" to dismiss em- 
ployees when deemed "necessary or advisable in 
the interests of the United States." 

Evolution of Present Personnel Security Order 

It seems clear that the present-day effort to ob- 
tain integrity in the Federal work force is the 
result of the success of the Communist conspira- 
tors in penetrating and contaminating that force. 
The postwar revelations that Communist agents 
actually worked in the Government were shock- 
ing to most Americans. Citizens had become ac- 
customed to affording a considerable respect to 
the officials of their Govermnent. The demonstra- 
tion that some of these officials were unworthy 
brought disillusionment and demands that meas- 
ures be taken to cope with this matter. 

On November 25, 1946, as a result of recom- 
mendations from the Congress, President Truman 
issued Executive Order 9806 '^ establishing a tem- 
porary commission on employee loyalty. The 
commission was directed to study existing security 
measures. As a result of the commission's work. 
Executive Order 9835 ' was issued on March 21, 
1947. 

Executive Order 9835 provided an entirely new 
approach to the problem. For the first time the 
Federal Government proposed to look at each of 
its 2.5 million employees with the purpose of ex- 
amining the loyalty of each. 

The procedures devised for this break with the 
past are of interest. The name of each employee, 
together with his fingerprints, was furnished to 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation for a name 
check. If "derogatory information" was found in 
the FBI records, a full field investigation was to 
be made. The results were furnished the employ- 
ing agency. The standard for dismissal under 
Executive Order 9835 was "reasonable grounds 
for belief" that the employee was "disloyal to the 
Government of the United States." 

As a result of experience with this order it was 
amended on April 28, 1951,* so that the standard 



whenever he shall deem such termination necessary or 
advisable in the interests of the United States." The 
rider was contained in each appropriation bill up to and 
including that for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1953. 

" 11 Fed. Reg. 13863. 

' 12 Fed. Reg. 1935. 

'Executive Order 10241, 16 Fed. Reg. 3690. 



569 



was "reasonable doubt as to the loyalty" of the 
employee to the Government. 

The element of security as apart from loyalty 
entered the picture as a general program on 
August 27, 1950,'' when the 81st Congress enacted 
Public Law 733, the legal basis for the existing 
program. This law provided for the suspension of 
employees in 11 named agencies, including the De- 
partment of State, and the termination of such 
employees in the interests of national security, if 
certain procedural safeguards as set forth in the 
statute were afforded the employee. 

The evolution of a security as distinguished 
from a loyalty program is an important consid- 
eration and represents again the fact that the re- 
sponsible authorities were directing their efforts 
against the Communist conspiracy. In dealing 
with the problem as a practical matter it became 
apparent that an employee who is loyal to our 
Government can pose a threat to the national 
interest. 

This is a point which is still obscure in the pub- 
lic mind. It has had an important bearing on 
the public relations aspect of the problem, for, 
while employees dismissed between the period of 
1947 to 1950 were dismissed generally under a 
loyalty standard (since only a few agencies had 
security authority), those handled between 1950- 
1953 in agencies covered by Public Law 733 could 
either be disloyal or be security risks. 

The Eisenhower security program, brought into 
being by Executive Order 10450 on April 27, 1953, 
is clearly a security program, with the issue of 
loyalty only one of the standards.^" 

Security Programs in the State Department 

The State Department, together with the mili- 
tary and intelligence services, must always expect 
to be a primary target of an international con- 
spiracy. There is ample evidence that the De- 
partment has long been conscious of its position. 
Prior to enactment of the McCarran Eider on July 



" A few civilian ageucies and the military departments 
previously had special security authority. The State De- 
partment began security determinations after the Mc- 
Carran Rider was enacted in 1046 and after Executive 
Order 9835 in 1947 continued to make security deter- 
minations collaterally with loyalty findings. 

"Executive Order 10450 (IS Fed. Reg. 24S9) extended 
P. L. 733 in accordance with section 3 of that law to all 
departments and agencies, an extension upheld on July 
28, 1955, by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of 
Columbia in the case of Cole v. Young. 



5, 1946, there was a Personnel Security Commit- 
tee in the Department, but its authority was lim- 
ited to that provided by the Hatch Act and the 
Civil Service Regulations. 

After the McCarran Rider became effective, the 
Department of State established the Advisory 
Committee on Personnel Security, which operated 
until July 1947, when the Personnel Security 
Board was established. Regulations were adopted 
by the Board to consider security cases under the 
authority of the McCarran Rider. In December 
1947 the Board was directed to consider cases aris- 
ing under the loyalty program initiated by Execu- 
tive Order 9835. In June 1948 the Board was re- 
designated as the Loyalty Security Board and 
detailed regulations were adopted to provide for 
the processing of both loyalty and security cases. 
The Department derived its loyalty authority 
from Executive Order 9835 and its security au- 
thority from the McCarran Rider. The enact- 
ment of Public Law 733 in August 1950 provided 
additional security authority. The Loyalty Se- 
cui'ity Board continued until May 27, 1953, when 
Executive Order 10450, issued 30 days earlier, 
became effective and required new procedures. 

Premises of Existing Security Program 

As Administrator of the State Department's se- 
curity program there are certain premises on 
which the program is based of which I must be 
cognizant. 

1. There exists a clear and present danger to 
our society. This danger is caused by the exist- 
ence of a criminal conspiracy called communism, 
which aims to overthrow our Government and 
change our society by whatever means it may find 
available, including force, violence, and sub- 
version. 

If this danger did not exist it would be difficult 
to justify any security program, or at least one 
as thorough as that which we have. That it does 
exist has been established by law, by Executive 
order, and by judicial interpretation. Congres- 
sional mandates and Executive orders to combat 
this danger have been cited previously .^^ 



" The most recent re-statement of this doctrine by the 
Congress was the enactment of the Communist Control 
Act of 19.54 (Section 841, Title 50, U.S.C.A.) wherein Con- 
gress stated, "holding that doctrine, its role as the 
agency of a hostile power renders its existence a clear, 
present and continuing danger to the security of the 
United States." 



570 



Department of State Bulletin 



The courts have upheld this finding. In sen- 
tencing the Communist leaders convicted under 
the Smith Act in 1949," Judge Medina stated, 

These defendants were not convicted merely for their 
political beliefs or ideas or for belonging to the Com- 
munist Party. I made it plain in my charge the jury 
could not convict for anything like that but they had to 
find there was specific intent to overthrow the Govern- 
ment by force and violence and to use words as a rule of 
action. . . . 

2. That Federal employment is a privilege. 
This premise is stated in the two "whereas" clauses 
on whicli the President predicated Executive Or- 
der 10450. 

3. That maximum protection must be afforded 
the employee of the Government against un- 
founded accusations, rumor, gossip, and unrelia- 
ble information. This premise is also stated in 
the "whereas" clause of Executive Order 10450. 
The two clauses embracing these two premises are 
as follows: 

WHEREAS the interests of the national security re- 
quire that all persons privileged to be employed In the 
departments and agencies of the Government shall be re- 
liable, trustworthy, of good conduct and character, and of 
complete and unswerving loyalty to the United States ; 
and 

WHEREAS the American tradition that all persons 
.should receive fair, impartial, and equitable treatment 
at the hands of the Government requires that all persons 
seeking the privilege of employment or privileged to he 
employed in the departments and agencies of the Govern- 
ment be adjudged by mutually consistent and no less than 
minimum standards and procedures among the depart- 
ments and agencies governing the employment and reten- 
tion in employment of persons in the Federal Service, 
(emphasis supplied) 

In recognition of these premises the State De- 
partment issued regulations which, when they 
were published on July 27, 1953, had the effect of 
law. Our regulations were modeled in the De- 
partment of Justice. They have been tested by 
two years of use. Moreover, under the terms of 
Executive Order 10450 the Civil Service Commis- 
sion makes a "continuing study" of the implemen- 
tation of the order and reports "deficiencies" and 
"tendencies" to the head of the department and 
the National Security Council.^^ 

'= Smith Act, Section 2.3S."., Title IS, U. S. Code. The 
conviction was upheld by the Supreme Court on June 
4, 1951 : Dennii et al. v. U.S., Ml U.S. 494. 

'"Section 14, Executive Order 10450: "(a) The Civil 
Service Commission, with the continuing advice and col- 
laboration of representatives of such departments and 
agencies as the National Security Council may designate, 



Thus, unless the laws, the Executive orders, or 
the regulations issued thereunder are changed by 
the duly constituted authorities, they form the 
frame of reference for a security administrator 
and should not be presumed, at least by him, to 
be illegal, unreasonable, or unjust. 

In the absence of change, I conclude that the 
security program is adequate to : 

1. Prevent Communist penetration of our Gov- 
ernment, and 

2. Protect the inherent rights of government 
employees. 

Yet no one contends that this program is sacro- 
sanct. In addition to the review provided in the 
order itself we find that the program is under 
constant scrutiny in tlie Congress, the courts, and 
the press. 

As a result of this scrutiny and review many 
thoughtful persons have come to grips with the 
question of what a security program does to the 
rights of an individual American. It has been 
stated that civil rights are infringed, that legal 
rights are abated, that inlierent rights are 
involved. 

Every American, according to our tradition, is 
entitled to a square deal from his Government. 
I hope I can demonstrate, through discussion of 
our procedures, that the Government is endeavor- 
ing to insure this basic right. 

It is difficult to argue that a security program, 
like other governmental programs based on law, 

shall make a continuing study of the manner in which this 
order is being implemented by the departments and agen- 
cies of the Government for the purpose of determining : 
(1) Deficiencies in the deijartment and agency security 
programs established under this order which are in- 
consistent with the interests of, or directly or indirectly 
weaken, the national security. (2) Tendencies in such 
programs to deny to individual employees fair, Impartial, 
and equitable treatment at the hands of the Government, 
or rights under the Constitution and laws of the United 
States or this order. 

"Information affecting any department or agency de- 
veloped or received during the course of such continuing 
study shall be furnished immediately to the head of the 
department or agency concerned. The Civil Service Com- 
mission shall report to the National Security Council, at 
least semi-annually, on the results of such study, and 
shall recommend means to correct any such deficiencies 
or tendencies. 

"(b) All departments and agencies of the Government 
are directed to cooperate with the Civil Service Commis- 
sion to facilitate the accomplishment of the responsibili- 
ties assigned to it by subsection (a) of this section." 



October ?0, 1955 



571 



does not in some instances and to some degree af- 
fect civil rights. It is evident, for example, that 
investigation of an individual can be to some ex- 
tent an intrusion on that individual's privacy. 
Many of the rules of society translated into laws 
necessarily constrain individual tendencies or 
purposes which, except for the fact that people 
must live in close proximity to each other, would 
not be in themselves wrong. 

Our laws and our courts have always taken cog- 
nizance of the matters of intent and degree. 
There is an obvious distinction between being 
jostled by an unruly passerby and being pushed 
to safety from in front of a speeding vehicle. The 
first act is at least bad manners and possibly dis- 
orderly conduct. The second is a normal human 
reaction which can be heroic. 

Our Constitution and traditions are delicately 
balanced between the necessities of the basic re- 
sponsibility of government to achieve the greatest 
good for the greatest number and, at the same 
time, to clearly observe and respect the sovereign 
rights of the individual. It is this delicate posi- 
tion, with its great potentials of dilemma, that 
requires constant scrutiny, criticism, and evalua- 
tion of our laws, procedures, and programs, in- 
cluding this one under discussion today. There 
are three questions which, among others, must be 
asked. First, is the danger real and present? 
Second, do the results justify the effort ? " Three, 
do the benefits exceed the disadvantages? 

No thoughtful American wants to achieve ab- 
solute security in government at the cost of sacri- 
ficing our traditions or by adopting the very forms 
of totalitarian conduct which we seek to guard 
against. 

We should discuss briefly the theory of a se- 
curity program. It seeks to frevent Communist 
[penetration of the Government. It is not de- 
signed to prosecute such penetration. It seeks to 
protect the public interest before and not after 
the commission of an overt act. Such, indeed, is 
one of the definitions of security. ^° 

This theory is an important consideration in 
assessing this problem. If a person commits an 



" The Atomic Energy Commission alone lias spent $100 
million for personnel investigations, the Department of 
Defense $29 million. (Cong. Rec. of June 27, 1955, p. 
7878). 

" "The condition of being protected or not exposed to 
danger ; . . .", Webster's New International Dictionary, 
Second Edition, Unabridged. 



overt act of disloyalty he may be indicted, tried, 
and convicted under our judicial procedures. 
Under our theory of law he is innocent until proven 
guilty. The burden of proof rests on the Gov- 
ernment, and the jiu-y is instructed to resolve 
reasonable doubts in favor of the accused. This 
is a system developed through centuries to insure 
fair play in establishing guilt. 

A security system is not intended to establish 
guilt, since no act against the public interest may 
have occurred. If such has taken place the trans- 
gressor could be prosecuted in court. The system 
is intended to prevent such an act. There can be 
no proof, since future events are not susceptible 
of present proof. A security risk under our pro- 
cedures is not necessarily guilty of any illegal act. 
He is a person who has been adjudged unsuitable 
for Federal employment. 

Department's Personnel Security Procedures 

How is the judgment as to an individual's se- 
curity potential reached? The security judg- 
ment must be based on some kind of data. Under 
Executive Order 10450 the appropriate officials 
are directed to make an investigation, varying in 
degree in accordance with the sensitivity of the 
position to be filled. In the State Department it 
was determined administratively that all positions 
are "sensitive". Thus, under the order, all incum- 
bents and applicants undergo a "full field" inves- 
tigation. The full field investigation means that 
inquiries are made in the field, at the source, as 
opposed to the seat of government, to substantiate 
all information which the individual has furnished 
to the Department. This begins with date and 
place of birth and extends through education, em- 
ployment, places of residence, etc., up to the pres- 
ent time. 

In most cases the investigation is purely routine. 
Everything the individual says is substantiated 
and no information relating to the criteria estab- 
lished in the order is reported. The criteria, in- 
formation concerning which the investigation is 
designed to disclose, are: 1. behavior character- 
istics indicating lack of integrity or a course of 
conduct which leads to belief that the individual 
may, if subjected to coercion or pressure, be sub- 
ject to hostile influence ; 2. actual overt subversion ; 
3. establishing or continuing sympathetic associa- 
tion with subversives; 4. advocacy of overthrow 
of the Government by unconstitutional means; 



572 



Department of State Bulletin 



5. membership in subversive organizations; 6. en- 
gaging in espionage; 7. serving the interest of a 
foreign power in preference to the interest of the 
United States." 

If the investigator finds "derogatory informa- 
tion" (i. e., related to the criteria) he is instructed 
to attempt to ascertain the truth of the allegations 
he has heard.^' This is a primary safeguard 
against unfounded rumors, gossip, or statements 
from overly suspicious or unfriendly individuals. 

Having, in his judgment, completed his inquiry, 
the investigating officer files a report with the De- 
partment's Office of Security. 

Here the report is reviewed to determine whether 
in fact the investigators have covered all reason- 
able leads. If more investigation is required, it 
is directed from the Office of Security in the De- 
partment. 

The practice is followed of permitting the em- 
ployee in all cases, and the applicant according 
to circumstances, to furnish an oral explanation 
of derogatory data. This interview with the in- 
dividual frequently clears up such matters as mis- 
taken identity or leads to sources which can resolve 
questions which are clearly matters of opinion. 

When it appears that the file is as complete as 
practicable it is forwarded to a separate staff in 
the Office of Security. This staff has as much 
background and training as it is possible to pro- 
vide in the special field of security evaluation. 

From the recitation of the criteria it is clear that 
the evaluator's problem is to make a calculated 
judgment, on the basis of what the individual has 
done, as to what he may reasonably be expected 
to do in the future when entrusted with infor- 
mation vital to the security of the United States 
and if subjected to pressures from the Communists. 

The evaluating official must make a decision "to 
insure that the employment and retention in em- 
ployment ... is clearly consistent with the inter- 
ests of the national security." '^ If there is reason- 
able doubt that the employment or retention is 
clearly consistent with the interests of national 
security, this doubt should be resolved in favor of 
the Government." 



'"Executive Order 10450, section 8 (a) as amended by 
Executive Order 10491 (18 Fed. Keg. 6583). 

" Investigators of tlie Department's Office of Security 
malse full field investigations unless or until data relating 
to the national security (subversive) is reported, at 
which point the case is referred to the FBI. 

" Executive Order 10450, section 2. 

"Departmental Regulations, vol. I, section 392.32. 



Fully 90 percent of all cases are resolved at this 
level by furnishing a clearance, under the stand- 
ards of the order by the Office of Security, to the 
Office of Personnel. In those cases in which the 
evaluator recommends further review and possible 
action, the files are sent forward to the Director 
of the Office of Security. 

If the Director of the Office of Security, after 
review of the file, decides that continued employ- 
ment is not clearly consistent with the interests of 
national security, he forwards the file to the office 
of the Administrator of the Bureau of Security 
and Consular Affairs. Here the matter is again 
reviewed by his staff and then by the Acbninis- 
trator personally. If he reaches the conclusion 
that continued employment "is not clearly con- 
sistent," he forwards the file with a recommenda- 
tion for suspension to the Deputy Under Secretary 
for Administration, to whom the Secretary of 
State has delegated his power to suspend. 

If the decision to suspend the employee is made 
by the Deputy Under Secretary, he sends the file 
to the Department's Security Counsel, who is as- 
signed to his office. Here a lawyer abstracts from 
the, file all information which may be furnished 
the employee, and this data is the basis for the so- 
called "letter of charges" which must be furnished 
within 30 days of the notice of suspension. 

The letter of charges is one of the most difficult 
aspects of the administration of this program. 
Although the employee has been given an oppor- 
tunity earlier to explain orally such derogatory 
information as the Department may furnish him, 
it nnist be furnished again in writing. 

This raises the issue of confrontation. It is a 
most difficult issue. Having decided that employ- 
ment is not clearly consistent, it seems imprudent 
to furnish an individual classified information, 
possibly furnished by another agency, to which he 
is, if a security risk, surely not entitled. On the 
other hand, in fairness, he must be given every 
opportunity to explain. Like so many theoretical 
dilemmas it seems to resolve itself in practice. I 
cannot recall a single case in which the individual 
has been adjudged on the basis of information of 
which he has not the slightest inkling. In fact, 
one of the oddities of this business is to find the 
individual referring to an informant by name 
when the informant's identity has been protected 
from even the security officers. 

If the employee desires to contest the Depart- 
ment's action he is obliged to file a written answer. 



Ocfober 10, ?955 



573 



He may furnish whatever supporting data he may 
conckide is useful and may, of course, seek the 
advice of counsel of his choice. 

After the employee has made an answer, the 
regulations provide that the Department's Ad- 
ministrator and ,the Security Counsel shall review 
the record and recommend either jointly or sever- 
ally that the emjiloyee be reinstated in that his 
answer is sufficient or separated in that his answer 
is not sufficient. 

The Deputy Under Secretary for Administra- 
tion considers the recommendations. If he de- 
termines the employee's answer is not sufficient, 
the employee is entitled to a hearing as provided 
by law.^° 

Under the regulations a hearing board, com- 
posed of a minimum of three employees of other 
Federal departments or agencies, is empaneled 
from a roster maintained by the Civil Service Com- 
mission. As a matter of practice, board members 
of equivalent rank and experience in Government 
service are obtained. Panel members may not 
serve if they are personally acquainted with the 
employee who is being processed. 

Under the hearing procedure the Department's 
file is made available to the panel. The employee 
and his attorney, if he so desires, appear before 
the panel. The Security Counsel is present as a 
representative of the Secretary of State and affords 
legal assistance to the board. 

The formal rules of evidence do not apply to this 
procedure. Nor does the board or the employee 
have subpoena power or funds to reimburse wit- 
nesses who may be forced to travel to appear. The 
board's function is to review the entire case in 
order to advise the Secretary whether or not the 
individual's continued employment is consistent 
with the interests of national security. It ob- 
viously is a further safeguard against unfair or 
inadequately supported decisions. 

At the conclusion of the hearing the board mem- 
bers prepare jointly or severally a ^Memorandum 
of Reasons. Their Memorandum of Reasons to- 
gether with their advice to the Secretary is then 
forwarded, with the file, directly to the Secretary 
of State. Under the law he must personally re- 
view or designate someone to personally review 
the case before he renders a final decision, which 

™ Under the provisions of P. L. 733 hearings are author- 
ized only in the cases of employees who have a permanent 
or indefinite appointment and have completed their pro- 
bationary or trial period. 



is not subject to review outside the Department." 

As seems apparent from these procedures, the 
role of the security administrator may be likened 
to that of the grand jury in the judicial system. 
He fuids, as it were, probable cause. His judg- 
ment is subject to high-level review and hearing 
before a final determination is made by still higher 
authority. 

There is one further item with respect to our 
procedure which I should like to discuss. It has 
to do with publicity regarding an individual's 
case. It would be grossly unfair for the Depart- 
ment of State to point its finger at an individual 
and say publicly, "You, sir, are a security risk." 
Yet, circumstances have forced the Department 
to make public annoimcement as to the disposition 
of a few cases, sometimes because the employee 
himself publicized his case, sometimes because a 
third person made an issue of the matter. In no 
case, however, has the Department disclosed the 
information, obtained in confidence, which makes 
up its files. 

The letter of suspension and all subsequent cor- 
respondence in one of these cases is marked "Lim- 
ited Official Use," and it is stated in the letter that 
the Department regards the action as private 
between itself and the employee.'^ 

There are, of course, many facets of the person- 
nel security program which I have not explored in 
the time allotted. Permit me to summarize this 
statement briefly. 

It is apparent that the final determination, even 
after close adlierence to the law and the proce- 
dures, is inevitably a matter of human judgment. 

The best we can hope for in a security program 
is that legally constituted authority will : 

1. Recognize the danger, now primarily the 
Communist conspiracy, which makes a program 
necessary ; 

2. Provide a system which will adequately de- 
fend against that danger; 

3. Establish fair procedures with reasonable 
safeguards for the individual ; and 

4. Place in the position of administrative re- 

" These procedures are provided by Departmental Regu- 
lations published on July 27, 1953 (vol. I, sub-chapter 390). 

'" The form used in the State Department letters is as 
follows : "This and subsequent communications will be 
marked Limited Official Use in the light of the Depart- 
ment's policy to regard these matters as personal between 
itself and the employee. The policy is intended to pro- 
tect the employee and is based upon a reciprocal regard of 
the matter by the employee." 



574 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



sponsibility those individuals who, to the best of 
their ability, will render sound judgments without 
fear or prejudice. 

There is no human product which is not subject 
to further perfection, and it will not be argued 
that the security program is any exception. Im- 
provements have been effected on the present pro- 
gram during its short history of two and one-half 
years. I am sure further ameliorations will come 
to pass. They will evolve from the practical 
knowledge and experience of those officially re- 
sponsible for the carrying out of the program as 
well as from the independent ideas of individuals 
and groups especially interested, like your own. 
All of us are in accord with the peculiarly Ameri- 
can system of free criticism for cc«istructive ends. 
As long as we know and understand the critical 
danger which has required the existence of formal 
security procedures in this country, and while we 
keep ever before us the bright standard of liberty 
which has led us throughout our history and which 
makes us at once the envy of and the example to 
other lands, we must continue to progress. 

I feel that I could not better close my talk than 
by repeating the most timely words of President 
Eisenhower to the American Bar Association at 
Philadelphia on August 24 this year."^ I think 
his words state very lucidly the largest problem of 
the world today — the problem from which the 
necessity for security programs arises and from 
which widespread and deep concern for the safety 
and freedom of our people so justifiably stems. 
These excerpts from the President's speech, with 
which I will conclude, are very much in context. 

"The central fact of today's life is the exist- 
ence in the world of two great philosophies of 
man and of government. They are in contest for 
the friendship, loyalty, and support of the world's 
peoples. 

"On the one side, our Nation is ranged with 
those who seek attainment of human goals through 
a government of laws administered by men. Those 
laws are rooted in moral law reflecting a religious 
faith that man is created in the image of God 
and that the energy of the free individual is the 
most dynamic force in human affairs. 

"On the other side are those who believe — and 
many of tliem with evident sincerity — that luunan 
goals can be most surely reached by a government 
of men who rule by decree. Their decrees are 



' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 375. 



rooted in an ideology which ignores the faith that 
man is a spiritual being, which establishes the all- 
powerful state as the principal source of advance- 
ment and progress. 

"The spirit of Geneva, if it is to provide a 
healthy atmosphere for the pursuit of peace, if 
it is to be genuine and not spurious, must inspire 
all to a correction of injustices, an observance of 
human rights, and an end to subversion organized 
on a worldwide scale." 



Board of Foreign Scholarships 

The President on September 24 appointed Mrs. 
Bernice B. Cronkhite to be a member of the Board 
of Foreign Scholarships for a term expiring Sep- 
tember 22, 1957. On the same date he reappointed 
the following for terms expiring September 22, 
1958 : Samuel M. Browjiell, Koger Allan Moore, 
Celestine Joseph Nuesse, and Philip H. Willkie. 



Written Tests for Foreign Service 
To Be Held in December 

Press release 5159 dated September 29 

The Department of State announced on Septem- 
ber 29 that a 1-day written examination will be 
given in 65 cities on December 9, 1955, for candi- 
dates wishing to enter the career Foreign Service. 
In support of the present program to publicize the 
opportunities available in the Foreign Service, 
25 Departmental and Foreign Service officers will 
shortly visit nearly 200 colleges and universities 
throughout the country to talk to young men and 
women interested in a career in the Foreign Serv- 
ice of the United States. 

Requests to take the December examination 
must be filed with the Board of Examiners, De- 
partment of State, Washington, D. C, not later 
than October 21. Informational material and 
application forms may be obtained at college or 
university placement offices or by writing to the 
Department of State. Eligibility requirements 
for candidates are : 

1. The applicant must be at least 20 and under 
31 years of age. 

2. Must have been a citizen of the United States 
for at least 10 years. 



October 10, J 955 



575 



3. If married, must be married to an American 
citizen. 

Those successful in the 1-day written examina- 
tion will be given a subsequent oral examination 
before a traveling panel which will meet in re- 
gional centers. Oral examinations will also be 
given in Washington. Beginning salaries for 
Foreign Service officers range from $4,400 to $5,- 
500, depending on age and experience. Addi- 
tional benefits include insurance, annual and sick 
leave, and a generous retirement plan. 

It is expected that approximately 300 officers 
will be appointed during the coming year as a re- 
sult of the vastly increased need for Foreign 
Service officers. These appointments will be 
made to fill positions both in the Department in 
Washington and at over 250 posts in 77 countries 
throughout the world. 



Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee 
on Trade and Economic Affairs 



TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE i 

1. The joint United States-Canadian Commit- 
tee on Trade and Economic Affairs, which met in 
Wasliington in March 1954," held its second meet- 
ing in Ottawa today. 

The United States was represented by : 

Hon. John Foster Dulles. 

Secretary of State 
Hon. George M. Humplirey, 

Secretary of the Treasury 
Hon. Ezra Taft Benson, 

Secretary of Agriculture 
Hon. Sinclair Weeks, 

Secretary of Commerce 



Canada was represented by : 



Rt. Hon. C. D. Howe, M.P., 

Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Defence Pro- 
duction 
Rt. Hon. J. G. Gardiner, M.P., 

Minister of Agriculture 
Hon. L. B. Pearson, M.P., 

Secretary of State for External Affairs 
Hon. W. E. Harris, M.P., 

Minister of Finance 



' Issued at Ottawa on Sept. 26. 
^ Bulletin of Apr. 5, 1954, p. 511. 



2. In addition to the members of the Joint Com- 
mittee, His Excellency Douglas Stuart, United 
States Ambassador to Canada, and His Excel- 
lency A. D. P. Heeney, Canadian Ambassador 
to the United States, participated in the discus- 
sions. 

3. This Committee was established by the United 
States and Canadian Governments to provide an 
opportunity for Cabinet members of both coun- 
tries concerned with economic and trade matters 
to meet together periodically and review develop- 
ments of common interest. Its existence sym- 
bolizes the close and friendly relations existing 
between the two countries and is evidence of the 
interest which each country has in a great num- 
ber and variety of economic questions affecting 
the other. Its meetings supplement and rein- 
force the daily exchanges which take place be- 
tween official representatives and between private 
citizens of the two countries. 

4. At today's meeting the exchanges of views 
dealt mainly with general commercial policies 
and prospects, with progress being achieved in 
dealing with broad international trade and pay- 
ments problems, and with policies relating to trade 
in agricultural products. 

5. The Committee emphasized the importance of 
encouraging a large and growing volume of mu- 
tually beneficial trade between the United States 
and Canada. They discussed the difficulties 
which were experienced from time to time in this 
connection. They shared the view that this trade 
would develop most satisfactorily as part of a 
wide-spread system of freer trade and payments. 
Such a multilateral pattern of trade would also 
best serve to sustain relations between the United 
States and Canada, and between each of them and 
the many countries with which they are associated 
throughout the world, on a wholesome and dura- 
ble basis. The Committee recognized that poli- 
cies and practices which promoted these purposes 
were important to the national well-being and 
security of the two countries. 

6. The Committee noted that, with the high 
rates of employment and economic activity which 
had prevailed in most parts of the world, the 
level of international trade had generally been 
well maintained during the past year. Wliile 
some progress had been made in removing restric- 
tions and reducing discrimination in many coun- 
tries, there remained, however, a need for further 
advances in this field. 



576 



Department of State Bulletin 



7. It was realized that difficult, although, it is 
hoped, temporary problems existed as a result of 
the accumulation of large quantities of some agri- 
cultural products in several countries. These 
problems, if not handled carefully, could adversely 
affect the trade in such products and might also 
have damaging consequences for international 
trade generally. The members of the Commit- 
tee were able to acquaint one another with their 
views on these matters. It was agreed that, in 
dealing with these problems, there should be closer 
consvdtation in an effort to avoid interference 
with normal commercial marketings. 

8. It was recalled that the initiative for the crea- 
tion of this Committee had come from conversa- 
tions between President Eisenhower and Prime 
Minister St. Laurent in 1953,^ reflecting the keen 
desire which both have always shown to improve 
understanding and strengthen relations between 
the two countries. At the meeting today the 
Canadian members expressed their deep sym- 
pathy with President Eisenhower in his illness 
and their hopes that he would soon be restored to 
full health. 



Negotiations Concluded for Sale of 
Agricultural Commodities to Japan 

Press release 578 dated September 30 

Representatives of the Government of Japan 
and the United States concluded negotiation of 
an agreement in Washington, D. C, on September 
30, 1955, for the sale for yen to Japan of agricul- 
tural commodities having a total value, including 
certain transportation costs to be financed by the 
United States, of $65,800,000. Under the agree- 
ment Japan will purchase wheat, barley, cotton, 
tobacco, corn, and other feedgrains. These com- 
modities will be made available pursuant to title 
I of the Agi'icultural Trade Development and 
Assistance Act (Public Law 480, 83d Congress). 

A major portion of the sales proceeds will be 
used by the Japanese Government on a loan basis 
for economic development purposes. The balance 
of the proceeds will be used by the United States 
for various purposes, including the purchase of 
goods in Japan for other friendly countries, edu- 



' Ihid., May 2.5, 1953, p. 752. For text of the agreement 
establishing the Joint Committee, see ibid., Nov. 30, 1953, 
p. 7.39. 



cational exchange, agricultural market develop- 
ment, and exi^enditures of the U.S. forces in 
Japan. 

The agreement was initialed on September 30 by 
Thorsten Kalijarvi, Acting Deputy Under Secre- 
tary of State for Economic Affairs, and Sadao 
Iguchi, Ambassador of Japan. The agreement 
will be formally signed in Tokyo within a few 
weeks and will be submitted to the Japanese Diet 
this fall for approval. 



Trade Agreement With Guatemala 
To Be Terminated 

Press release 581 dated September 30 

The U.S. Government notified the Guatemalan 
Government on September 28, 1955, of its accept- 
ance of the latter's proposal of August 2, 1955, 
that the reciprocal trade agreement signed by both 
countries in 1936 be terminated by mutual consent 
on October 15, 1955. 

This notification by the U.S. Government is the 
product of discussions extending over a year be- 
tween representatives of both Governments re- 
garding Guatemala's difficulty in giving full effect 
to the terms of the trade agreement. In making 
its proposal, the Guatemalan Government stated 
that its difficulty in applying the provisions of 
the trade agreement was due to the antiquated 
nature of its customs laws and tariffs. The 
Guatemalan Government also stated that it 
was considering the possibility of adhering to the 
General Agreement on Tariff's and Trade and to 
this end was making a detailed study which it 
hoped to complete at an early date. 

The action to terminate the trade agreement has 
been taken in a spirit of full understanding and 
good will between the two countries. By mutual 
agreement the reciprocal trade agreement will 
cease to have effect beginning with October 15, 
1955. A proclamation terminating the proclama- 
tion of May 16, 1936, which originally put the 
trade agreement into force will be issued at a later 
date by the U.S. Government. 

Termination of tlie trade agreement will not 
result in a change of duty on any product im- 
ported into the United States from Guatemala. 
All the items on which tariff concessions were given 
to Guatemala in 1936 under the trade agreement 
are either on the free list or, if dutiable, are now 
bound in other trade agreements entered into by 



Ocfober JO, 1955 



577 



the United States. The Guatemalan Government 
has informed the U.S. Government that after ter- 
mination of the trade agreement it intends to in- 
crease duties on only a few products covered by 
the trade agreement and only after thorough study 
by the Guatemalan Tariff Commission. 

Along with the acceptance of the Guatemalan 
Government's proposal to terminate the trade 
agreement, the U.S. Government expressed the 
hope that the Guatemalan Government would find 
it possible to negotiate for accession to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 

Following are the texts of the notes exchanged 
between Domingo Goicolea Villacorta, Guate- 
malan Minister of Foreign Affairs, and U.S. Am- 
bassador Edward J. SjDarks. 

Guatemala's Note to the United States 

August 2, 1955 

I have the honor to refer to the conversations between 
representatives of the Government of Guatemala and of 
the Government of the United States regarding termina- 
tion, by mutual agreement, of the Trade Agreement of 
April 24, 1936. 

The Government of Guatemala has clearly made known 
that its antiquated customs laws and tariffs and the con- 
sequent need of revising them has rendered the applica- 
tion of the provisions of the above-mentioned Trade 
Agreement increasingly difficult. In view of this situation, 
and in accordance with the above-mentioned conversa- 
tions, I have the honor to propose to the Illustrious 
Government of the United States that the Trade Agree- 
ment between the Republic of Guatemala and the United 
States of America, signed in this city the 24th of April 
of 1936, cease to have effect beginning the 15th day of 
October of 1955. 

If the Government of the United States of America 
agrees with the foregoing, this note and Your Excellency's 
answer will constitute an arrangement between our two 
Governments which will terminate the above-mentioned 
Trade Agreement, and will become effective on the date 
of Tour Excellency's note. 

The Government of Guatemala is analyzing the possi- 
bility of adhering to the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade and, to this end, is making a detailed study 
of this matter which it hopes to complete at an early date. 

I take this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency 
the testimony of my most high and distinguished con- 
sideration. 

Domingo Goicolea Villacorta 

United States Reply to Guatemala's Note 

September 28, 1955 
I have the honor to refer to your Excellency's note 
dated August 2, 1955 relating to the termination by 
mutual consent of the trade agreement signed April 24, 
1936. 



I have the honor to inform you that your proposal to 
terminate the trade agreement by mutual consent effec- 
tive October 15, 1955 is acceptable to the United States 
Government and that your note and this reply shall con- 
stitute an agreement between our two governments which 
shall enter into force today. 

I am pleased to note that the Government of Guate- 
mala is considering the possibility of adhering to the Gen- 
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and to this end is 
making a detailed study which it hopes to complete at 
an early date. The United States Government hopes 
that upon completion of this study the Government of 
Guatemala will find it possible to undertake negotiations 
with a view to its accession to the General Agreement. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my 
highest consideration. 

Edward J. Sparks 



Renegotiation off Tariff Concessions 
With Four Nations 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 29 (press release 571) that, in accordance 
with provisions of the General Agreement on 
Tariff's and Trade and under procedures estab- 
lished by the Contracting Parties, negotiations for 
the modification of concessions previously made 
under the agreement have been concluded between 
the United States and Italy, Peru, Turkey, and 
the Union of South Africa, respectively.^ The 
four renegotiations have resulted in no changes in 
U.S. duties. 

"NMien the Contracting Parties to the general 
agreement took action early this year to extend 
the firm life of the tariff concessions in the agree- 
ment from July 2, 1955, to December 31, 1957, 
they agreed that prior to such extension a country 
could renegotiate individual tariff concessions with 
a view to their modification or withdrawal. Pro- 
cedures for renegotiations were developed at the 
eighth and ninth sessions of the Contracting Par- 
ties. Under article XXVIII of the agreement a 
country wishing to withdraw or modify a conces- 
sion first must try to reach agreement with other 
interested countries. The usual basis for agree- 
ment is the granting of new concessions as com- 
pensation for the withdrawn concession. 

Italy negotiated with the United States for the 
increase of the Italian concession rate on typeset- 



^ For details of the negotiations, see General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade: Analysis of Renegotiation of Cer- 
tain Tariff Concessions (Italy, Pern, Union of South Afri- 
ca, and Turkey), Department of State publication 6001, 
for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, 15 cents. 



578 



Departmenf of State Bulletin 



ting and typefounding machines and parts. As 
compensation to the United States for this in- 
crease, Italy agreed to reduce its tariff rates on 
punchcard machines for accounting and statistics 
and on parts for these machines. In 1954, U.S. 
exports of the items on which the rate was re- 
duced are estimated to have been about $900,000, 
while exports of the products on which the rate 
was increased amounted to $554,000. 

The Peruvian negotiations were more exten- 
sive, resulting in the withdrawal of 59 concessions 
and the modification upward of 2 others. As com- 
pensation for these actions, Peru granted 90 new 
concessions to the United States and other coun- 
tries. These compensatory concessions cover im- 
ports from the United States in 1954 of more 
than $1-3 million. Imports from the U.S. of the 
products affected by the modifications and with- 
drawals were valued at about $7.6 million in 1954. 

In 1954 the Contracting Parties to the general 
agreement authorized Turkey to enter into nego- 
tiations with interested countries with a view to 
reaching agreement so that Turkey could make 
effective its new tariff law which, among other 
things, changed the basis of the tariff generally 
from specific to ad valorem duties. As one of the 
interested parties, the United States consulted 
with representatives of Turkey. The United 
States concluded that by and large the Turkish 
proposals were reasonable in view of the generally 
low level of the new tariff' and since, in the process 
of converting from specific to ad valorem duties, 
the apparent increases in the bound rates on some 
items were largely offset by reductions on others. 
In the course of the consultations, Turkey agreed, 
at the request of the United States, to lower the ad 
valorem rates on certain items of particular inter- 
est to the United States. 

The Union of South Africa has withdrawn gen- 
eral agreement concessions on 15 tariff items and 
increased the rate on 2 others. As compensation 
for the withdrawals and modifications of rates, 
South Africa has granted concessions on 17 items. 
Of these compensatory concessions, 14 involved 
removal or reduction of the duty, 2 involved bind- 
ings at the current duty-free rate, and 1 a binding 
of a ceiling rate. Only one of these compensatory 
concessions was made directly to the United 
States. The value of the U.S. trade benefited by 
this direct concession — on transmission chains in 
uncut lengths — is substantially greater than that 
adversely affected by the withdrawal of the three 



concessions negotiated directly with the United 
States. In addition, U.S. trade in items on which 
concessions were granted directly to other coun- 
tries has been considerably greater than its trade 
in items on which concessions were withdrawn or 
modified. 



Corrections to Published List 
of Articles imported into U.S. 

Press release 568 dated September 29 

Notice was given on September 29 of several 
corrections to the list of products to be considered 
in the tariff negotiations announced in Depart- 
ment of State publication 5993 of September 21, 
1955. These are in addition to those noted in the 
errata list which was contained in the booklet. A 
notice of the changes required to correct the list 
has been issued. The corrections which should 
be made in the original list are shown below. 

The original notice of the Committee for Eeci- 
procity Information ^ also omitted reference to 
the possibility of filing briefs in the event the per- 
sons filing do not wish to be heard. As in the past, 
however, the Committee stands ready to receive 
such briefs, and they, like briefs of persons desir- 
ing to be heard, should be submitted not later than 
12 : 00 noon, October 17, 1955. An amended notice 
to this effect has been issued. 

Corrections To Be Made in the September 21 List 

Par. 35: Delete the word "drugs". 

Par. 217: Change the period at the end of the descrip- 
tive language to a comma and add "and if holding less 
than 1/4 pint". 

Par. 218(e) (h) : After the word "filled" insert "with 
toilet preparations,". 

Par. 230(d): Delete the language "building blocks or 
bricks, crystal color, and pressed and polished but un- 
decorated". 

Par. 339: Change the word "household" the second 
time it appears to "hospital". 

Par. 106: For the word "Offal", substitute "Edible 
animal livers, kidneys, tongues, hearts, sweetbreads, 
tripe, and brains, fresh, chilled, or frozen". 

Par. 1003: Delete "20-pound but not finer in size than". 

Par. 1021: Insert at the end of the descriptive language 
"(except grass or rice straw floor coverings)". 

Par. 1529(a) [27]; Delete the underscoring under the 
last word "Other". 

Par. 1531: Insert "straps and strops;" before "wearing 
apparel, wholly or in chief value of reptile leather ;". 



' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 510. 



Ocfober 70, 7955 



579 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of Meetings ' 

Adjourned during September 1955 

9th Edinburgh Film Festival Edinburgh Aug. 21-Sept. 11 

1st U. N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Geneva Aug. 22-Sept. 3 

International Wool Textile Research Conference Sydney (Australia) Aug. 22-Sept. 9 

16th International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art Venice Aug. 25-Sept. 10 

International Astronomical Union: 9th General Assembly .... Dublin Aug. 29-Sept. 5 

14th International Horticultural Congress Scheveningen (Netherlands) . . Aug. 29-Sept. 6 

U. N. Economic Commission for Latin America: 6th Session . . . Bogotd Aug. 29-Sept. 17 

IcAO 2d Air Navigation Conference Montreal Aug. 30-Sept. 27 

International Association for Hydraulic Research: 6th Congress . . The Hague Aug. 31-Sept. 6 

9th International Congress of Refrigeration Paris Aug. 31-Sept. 8 

IcAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Chartering and Hiring of The Hague Sept. 1-6 

Baltic and North Sea Radiotelephone Conference Goteborg (Sweden) Sept. 1-21 

Damascus International Fair Damascus Sept. 2-30 

20th Salonika International Trade Fair Salonika Sept. 4-25 

International Commission for Criminal Police: 24th General Istanbul Sept. 5-9 

Assembly. 

International" Scientific Tobacco Congress Pans Sept. 6-10 

IcAO Diplomatic Conference for the Purpose of Finalizing the The Hague Sept. 6-30 

Protocol of Amendment of the Warsaw Convention. 

U. N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri- New York Sept. 8-9 

tories: Reconvened 6th Session. 

Unicep Executive Board and Program Committee New York Sept. 8-17 

International Rubber Studv Group: Management Committee . . London Sept. 9 (1 day) 

Paso Directing Council: 8th Meeting; and Who Regional Com- Washington Sept. 9-21 

mittee: 7th meeting. 

19th Levant Fair Bari (Italy) Sept. 9-27 

International Union of Public Transportation: 31st Congress. . . Naples Sept. 11-17 

U. N. Refugee Fund: 1st Meeting of Standing Program Subcom- Geneva Sept. 12-16 

mittee. 

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and Inter- Istanbul Sept. 12-17 

national Monetary Fund: 10th Annual Meeting of Boards of 

Governors. 

U. N. EcAFE Working Party of Experts on Hydrologic Termi- Bangkok Sept. 12-24 

U. N. EcE Timber Committee: 13th Session Geneva Sept. 13-17 

Who Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 6th Session .... Singapore Sept. 13-19 

Gatt Working Party on Tariff Reductions Geneva Sept. 15-21 

Fag International Chestnut Commission Rome Sept. 19-24 

Joint Fao/Who Conference on Food Additives Geneva Sept. 19-24 

Pan American Highway Congress: Technical Committee on High- Lima Sept. 19-24 

way Organization and Planning. 

9th Pan American Congress of Architects Caracas Sept. 19-28 

International Sugar Council: 5th Session London Sept. 20-21 

U. N. EcE Coal Committee Geneva Sept. 21-22 

Anzus Council: 3d Meeting Washington Sept. 24 (1 day) 

Fag Near East Forestry Commission: 1st Session Teheran Sept. 24-29 

In Session as of September 30, 1955 

U. N. Disarmament Commission: Subcommittee of Five New York Aug. 29- 

Negotiation of a South Pacific Fisheries Conservation Convention . . Santiago Sept. 1 4- 

U. N. General Assembly: 10th Session New York Sept. 20- 

Gatt Intersessional Committee Geneva Sept. 22- 

Ilo Textiles Committee: 5th Session Geneva Sept. 26- 



' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 30, 1955. Asterisks Indicate tentative dates. Following is 
a list of abbreviations : U.N.. United Nations ; Icao, International Civil Aviation Organization : Unicef, United Nations 
Children's Fund ; Paso, Pan American Sanitary Organization ; Who, World Health Organization ; Ec.vfe, Economic 
Commission for Asia and the Far East; Ece, Economic Commission for Europe; Gatt, General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade ; Fao, Food and Agriculture Organization ; Anztjs, Australia-New Zealand-United States; Ilo, International 
Labor Organization ; Icem, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration ; Inr, International Telecommunica- 
tion Union; Unesco, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; Ecosoc, Economic and Social 
Council ; Nato, North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

580 Department of %tate Bulletin 



Calendar of Meetings — Continued 

In Session as of September 30, 1955 — Continued 

U. N. EcE Conference of European Statisticians: 3d Session . . . Geneva Sept. 26- 

U. N. EcE Committee for the Development of Trade and East- West Geneva Sept. 26- 

Trade Consultations. 

International Conference on Regional Planning and Development . . London Sept. 28- 

Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Singapore Sept. 2&- 

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : Officials Meeting. 

Fag Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council: 6th Meeting Tokyo Sept. 30- 

Fao Meeting To Consider Report on Stabilization of the Interna- Bangkok Sept. 30- 

tional Trade in Rice. 

Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1955 

U. N. Conference on Olive Oil Geneva Oct. 3- 

Fao Latin American Forestry Commission: 5th Session Caracas Oct. 4- 

IcEM Executive Committee: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 6- 

IcAO Facilitation Division: 4th Session Manila Oct. 10- 

Fao European Forestry Commission: 8th Session Rome Oct. 10- 

Fao European Forestry Commission: Working Party on Afforesta- Rome Oct. 12- 

tion and Reforestation 

Postal Union of the Americas and Spain: 7th Congress Bogotd Oct. 12- 

Fao Technical Meeting on Poultry Production in Asia and the Poona (India) Oct. 17- 

Far East 

Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Singapore Oct. 17- 

Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : Ministerial Meeting 

Ilo Committee on Work on Plantations: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17- 

IcEM Council: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17- 

International Rubber Study Group: 12th Meeting Monrovia (Liberia) Oct. 17- 
Itu International Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ccit): Study Geneva Oct. 17- 

Group IX 

UNESCO Conference on the Dissemination of Science Madrid Oct. 19- 

Unesco International Advisory Committee on Marine Sciences and Tokyo Oct. 19- 

Regional Symposium on Physical Oceanography 

Fag Committee on Commodity Problems: 26th Session Rome Oct. 20- 

Annual World Modern Pentathlon Championships Macolin (Switzerland) .... Oct. 21- 

South Pacific Commission: 14th Session Noumea (New Caledonia) . . . Oct. 22- 

Gatt Intersessional Committee Geneva Oct. 24- 

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 43d Annual Copenhagen Oct. 24- 

Meeting 

U. N. EcAPE Inland Waterway Subcommittee: 3d Session .... Dacca (Pakistan) Oct. 24- 

International Wheat Council: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 25*- 

International Wheat Conference Geneva Oct. 26- 

Itu International Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ccit): Study Geneva Oct. 26- 

Group VIII 

IcAO Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting Manila Oct. 27- 

Meeting of Foreign Ministers of France, United Kingdom, Union of Geneva Oct. 27- 

Soviet Socialist Republics, and United States 

Gatt Contracting Parties: 10th Session Geneva Oct. 27- 

Fao Council: 22d Session Rome Oct. 28- 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 3d Meeting . . Tokyo Oct. 31- 

U. N. EcAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Plan- Bangkok Oct. 31- 

ning: 1st Meeting. 

International Exposition on "The Child in the World" Rome Nov. 1- 

Fag Conference: 8th Session Rome Nov. 4- 

Silver Jubilee Fair in Celebration of the 25th Anniversary of the Addis Ababa Nov. 5- 

Coronation of the Emperor. 

International Wool Study Group: 6th Meeting London Nov. 8- 

Unesco Executive Board: 42d Meeting Paris Nov. 9- 

U. N. Ecafe Working Party on Small-Scale Industries and Handi- Bangkok Nov. 14- 

craft Marketing: 4th Meeting. 

Ilo Governing Body: 130th Session Geneva Nov. 15- 

U. N. Ecape Highway Subcommittee: 3d Session Bangkok or Manila Nov. 21- 

1st International Congress on Documentation of Applied Chemistry . London Nov. 22- 

2d International Fair and Exposition of Colombia Bogota Nov. 25- 

Fao Council: 23d Session Rome Nov. 26- 

North Pacific Fur Seal Conference Washington Nov. 28- 

U. N. EcGsoc Commission on International Commodity Trade: Geneva Nov. 28- 

Resumed 2d Session. 

Ilo Asian Technical Conference on Vocational Training for Indus- Rangoon Nov. 28- 

try. 

1st European Civil Aviation Conference Strasbourg Nov. 29- 

U. N. EcE Electric Power Committee Geneva Nov. 30- 

U. N. Trusteeship Council: Special Session New York November 

Unescg Conference on Cultural Relations and International Cooper- Paris Dec. 1- 

ation. 

Ocfober JO, 1955 581 



Calendar of Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1955 — Continued 

UNESCO Conference of Experts on the Cultural Integration of 

Immigrants. 

Caribbean Commission: 21st Meeting 

Fag International Rice Commission: 5th Meeting of Working Party 

on Fertilizers and 6th Meeting of Working Party on Rice 

Breeding. 

U.N. Seminar on Population Problems in Latin America 

U.N. EcAFE Railway Subcommittee: 4th Session 

U.N. EcE Steel Committee 

Ilo Inter-American Regional Technical Meeting on Cooperatives. . 

Ciudad Trujillo International Fair 

International Institute for the Protection of Childhood: Biannual 

Meeting of Directing Council. 

Conference of Geologists in British West Indian Territory 

Nato: Ministerial Meeting of the Council 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: Resumed 20th Session 



Caracas Dec. 2- 

Aruba (Netherlands Antilles) . . Dec. 5*- 

Penang (Malaya) Dec. 5- 

Rio de Janeiro Dec. 5- 

New Delhi or Bombay Dec. 5- 

Geneva Dec. 5- 

Mexico, D.F Dec. 7- 

Ciudad Trujillo Dec. 20- 

Montevideo December* 

Antigua (Leeward Islands) . . December 

Paris December* 

New York December 



Danger to Future off U.N. Inherent 
in Discussion of Algeria 

Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 

U.S. Bepresentative to the General Assembly ^ 

Mr. President, we believe the Assembly should 
bear in mind certain relevant factors as it decides 
whether to inscribe in its agenda the item entitled 
"The Question of Algeria." 

Remembering that a vote on the inscription of 
an item is without prejudice to the ultimate ques- 
tion of the Assembly's competence, we must never- 
theless in this particular case take into account the 
following : 

Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, which are Fi-ench 
protectorates, Algeria under French law is ad- 
ministratively an integral part of the French 
Republic. 

We have noted in the explanatory memorandum 
(Document A/2924) which has been submitted 
by the members that have proposed the item re- 

^Made in plenary session on Sept. 30 (U.S. delegation 
press release 2213). At the same meeting the Assembly 
rejected the General Committee's recommendation against 
Inscription of the Algerian question (Bulletin of Oct. 3, 
1955, p. 54G). The vote on the recommendation was 27 
(Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, 
Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, France, 
Haiti, Honduras, Israel, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New 
Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Peru, Sweden, Tur- 
key, Union of South Africa, U.K., U.S., Venezuela ) —28 
(Afghanistan, Argentina, Bolivia, Burma, Byelorussia, 
Costa Rica, Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Greece, Guatemala, 
India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Liberia, Mexico, 
Pakistan, Philippines, Poland, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Thai- 
land, Ukraine, U.S.S.R., Uruguay, Yemen, Yugoslavia). 
There were 5 abstentions (China, El Salvador, Ethiopia, 
Iceland, Paraguay). 



specting Algeria that it is stated that "there is an 
imperative need for negotiations between the Gov- 
ernment of France and the true representatives 
of the Algerian people" and that consideration of 
the Algerian question by the General Assembly 
would facilitate a solution by making the need for 
negotiation evident. We have noted further that 
reference is made to the right of the people of Al- 
geria to independence as well as to the concern of 
the international community in a prompt solution 
of the Algerian problem, a concern to which the 
French Goverimient is claimed to have failed to 
respond. Now, Mr. President, this memorandum 
indicates clearly that what is sought by the spon- 
sors of the item is the sanction of the General 
Assembly to a course of action intended to bring 
about fundamental changes in the composition of 
one of the General Assembly's own members, that 
is, the French Republic. If it doesn't mean that, 
it doesn't mean anything. 

The United States believes that the proposed 
item, viewed in the context of this action proposed 
to be sought in the General Assembly, falls within 
the provisions of article 2, paragraph 7, of the 
United Nations Charter. 

Let me say this final word. There is grave 
danger to the future of the United Nations in 
taking up questions whose consideration would 
conflict with the provisions of article 2, paragraph 
7. We definitely think that this danger is inherent 
in the pending question. Now, of course, this As- 
sembly can vote as it wishes, but we should be com- 
pletely clear in our own minds as to just exactly 
what it is that we are doing. 

For these reasons, the United States will vote to 
support the recommendation of the General Com- 
mittee that this item not be included in the agenda. 



582 



Department of S/afe Rulleiln 



Question of Inscribing Soviet Item 
on Relaxing International Tension 

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr} 

Mr. President, the United States will vote to 
inscribe the pending item on the agenda of the 
Tenth Session of the General Assembly. 

The draft resolution submitted under this item 
makes reference to the recent Geneva meeting of 
the four Heads of Government, to the Bandung 
conference, and to the desirability of Governments 
continuing their efforts to consolidate world peace 
and improve international relations. These senti- 
ments are, of course, unexceptionable. We hope 
they portend early progress toward the just settle- 
ment of international differences. 

There are several questions which arise with re- 
spect to the draft resolution, but today I refer only 
to that portion of the resolution which says that 
the General Assembly : 

. . . attaches particular importance to the considera- 
tion of proposals by States designed to put an end to the 
armaments race and to settle outstanding International 
problems through negotiations ; to consideration of the 
proposals of the Soviet Government of 10 May and 21 
July 1955 on the reduction of armaments, the prohibition 
of atomic weapons and the removal of the threat of a 
new war, the proposal of the United States of America 
on a general plan lor the implementation of the disarma- 
ment proposals made by the President of the United 
States on 21 July 1955 at Geneva, and the proposals in- 
troduced at Geneva by the United Kingdom and by France, 
and of pertinent proposals by other States. 

Mr. President, the United States had hoped that 
by this time the Soviet Union would have re- 
sponded affirmatively to President Eisenhower's 
proposal for aerial inspection and the exchange of 
information on military establishments. We re- 



'Made before the General Committee on Sept. 29 (U.S. 
delegation press release 2212) on the question of inscrib- 
ing the Soviet resolution entitled "Measures for the Fur- 
ther Relaxation of International Tension and Development 
of International Cooperation" (U.N. doc. A/2981). The 
General Committee decided without objection to recom- 
mend inclusion of the item and its allocation to the First 
Committee. 



gret that this has not yet happened because the 
United States continues to regard this proposal 
as the most promising first step toward far-reach- 
ing disarmament. This is the step we think which 
could lead to real progress soon. We think, ac- 
cordingly, that the Soviet language in this re- 
spect is rather weak — I might say rather dilatory — 
as far as substance is concerned. We shall none- 
theless, as I have said, vote to inscribe this item. 
We shall deal with the substance when the matter 
comes up in committee. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

General Assembly 

Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Tenth 
Kegidar Session of the General Assembly : Items Pro- 
posed by India, (a) Reports of the Neutral Nations 
Repatriation Commission in Korea ; (b) Problem of Ex- 
Prisoners of the Korean War. Letter dated 21 August 
1955 addressed to the Secretary-General by the Perma- 
nent Representative of India to the United Nations. 
A/2941, August 22, 1955. 1 p. mimeo. 

Information from Non-Self-Governiug Territories Trans- 
mitted Under Article 73e of the Charter : Report of the 
Secretary-General and of the Committee on Information 
from Non-Self-Governing Territories. Offers of Study 
and Training Facilities Under Resolution 845 (IX) of 
22 November 1954. Report of the Secretary-General. 
A/2937, August 26, 1955. 29 pp. mimeo. 

Headquarters of the United Nations. Report of the Sec- 
retary-General. A/2948, August 30, 1955. 3 pp. mimeo. 

Request for the Inclusion of an Additional Item in the 
Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session : Item Proposed 
by India. Dissemination of Information on the Effects 
of Atomic Radiation and on the Effects of Experimental 
Explosions of Thermo-Nuclear Bombs. Letter dated 30 
August 1955 addressed to the Secretary-General by the 
Permanent Representative of India to the United Na- 
tions. A/2949, August 31, 1955. 1 p. mimeo. 



Economic and Social Council 

Economic Commission for Latin America. Progress Re- 
port on the Study on Social Conditions of Economic 
Development. E/CN.12/374, July 15, 1955. 36 pp. 
mimeo. 

Economic Commission for Latin America. Analysis and 
Prospects of Inter-Central-Americau Trade. E/CN.12/ 
367, July 20, 1955. 46 pp. mimeo. 

Economic Commission for Latin America. Pulp and 
Paper Prospects in Latin America. E/CN.12/370, July 
20, 1955. 65 pp. mimeo. 

World Social Situation. Report of the Social Committee. 
E/2780, July 21, 1955. 13 pp. mimeo. 



Ocfober ?0, 1955 



583 



Economic and Social Progress by Women of the Americas 

TENTH ASSEMBLY OF THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION OF WOMEN, MAY 29-JUNE 16 



by Mrs. Frances M. Lee 



The Tenth Assembly of the Inter- American 
Commission of Women, which met from May 29 
to June 16, 1955, is of unusual interest because it 
was held at San Juan, Puerto Rico, at the invita- 
tion of the United States Govenunent, and also 
because it considered major economic and edu- 
cational problems facing women in this hemi- 
sphere. 

The Inter- American Commission of Women is 
composed of delegates from each of the 21 Ameri- 
can Republics, appointed by their respective gov- 
ernments. It works for the extension of women's 
rights and has headquarters in the Pan American 
Union. Its assemblies have been held in a num- 
ber of Latin American capitals. The Govern- 
ment of Haiti had originally invited the Com- 
mission to hold its Tenth Assembly at Port-au- 
Prince in November 1954 but was forced to cancel 
plans because of damage caused by the hurricane 
which struck Haiti only a few weeks before the 
Oldening date. 

The United States invitation for the Tenth As- 
sembly was extended at the instance of Governor 
Luis Mufioz IMarin of Puerto Rico, and the Puerto 
Rican Government provided all local facilities, 
including the services of a secretariat. President 
Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles sent greetings 
which were read at the oj^ening session in the 
Legislative Palace.^ As customary at meetings of 
the Commission, Mrs. Eisenhower, as the wife of 
the President of the host Government, was elected 



honorary chairman of the assembly, and in recog- 
nition of the hospitality accorded by the Gov- 
ernment of Puerto Rico, Mrs. Muiioz Marin was 
elected honorary vice chairman. Mrs. Muiioz 
Marin was invited to address a plenary session 
and expressed her profound interest, and that of 
the people of the Commonwealth, in the meeting 
and in the progress of American women. 

Delegates were present from 15 of the Ameri- 
can Republics — Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, 
Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecua- 
dor, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nic- 
aragua, Panama, Paraguay, and the United States. 
Official representatives came from the United 
Nations to explain the work of the Commission 
on the Status of Women, and from the Interna- 
tional Labor Organization [IloJ. The United 
States delegation included two alternate delegates : 
Mrs. Gladys Dorris Barber, who has had wide 
experience in women's and civic organizations in 
this country and now resides at Bogota, where 
her husband is Counselor of Embassy ; and Mrs. 
Felisa Rincon de Gautier, the Mayor of San Juan, 
who has served in official posts in Puerto Rico for 
many years. The United States delegation also 
had the assistance of two advisers from the Puerto 
Rican Department of Education, Mrs. Margarita 
Pont Marchand and Miss Maria Socorro Lacot. 
Thirty-eight nongovernmental observers from the 
United States were accredited, rejiresenting Gov- 
ernment agencies, the faculty of the University 



• Mrs. Lee., author of the above article., is U.S. 
Representative on the Inter-American Commis- 
sion of Women and served as U.S. delegate at its 
Tenth Assemhly . 



' Texts of the greetings are included in Mrs. Lee's open- 
ing address, which, together with the speech of welcome 
by Mrs. Rincon de Gautier, Mayor of San Juan, is an- 
nexed to this report. 



584 



Department of State Bulletin 



of Puerto Rico, and some 20 women's organiza- 
tions, including the General Federation of "Wom- 
en's Clubs, the Girl Scouts, the National Council 
of Catholic Women, the Hadassah, the Y^VCA, 
the Voluntary Services of the Red Cross, the 
American Legion Auxiliary, and others with in- 
ternational affiliations. 

Progress since the Ninth Assemblj' of the Com- 
mission in 1953 was reported by many delegates. 
In this period, Colombia and Honduras had 
achieved woman suffrage, and the women in Haiti 
had exercised the franchise for the first time, in 
local elections last January. Paraguay adopted 
legislation last year provieling equality for women 
in the general field of civil rights. The number of 
women holding elective and appointive office in the 
American Republics is increasing rapidly. The 
chairman of the Commission, Mi-s. Maria Concep- 
cion de Chaves of Paraguay, reported women in 
the i^arliaments of ten of the twenty-one Republics, 
two women as cabinet ministers, and three serving 
as ambassadors or ministers to foreign countries. 
In 1928, when the Inter- American Commission of 
Women was first organized, the only member coun- 
try in which women had suffrage rights was the 
United States ; at this Assembly the record showed 
women voting in all but two of the American Re- 
publics, usually on equal terms with men. 

In accordance with a plan adopted by the Com- 
mission in 1953, the Assembly this year concen- 
trated its attention in the social and economic field, 
leaving consideration of civil and political ques- 
tions until its next meeting. This alternation per- 
mitted better use of documentation prepared in 
advance by the Commission secretariat and more 
thorough discussion of proposals. 

EconomiG Matters Discussed 

On the economic side, the Commission reaffirmed 
its support of equal pay for equal work for women, 
noting the standards already approved by the Ilo 
and urging governments to implement the prin- 
ciple in domestic legislation. One of the resolu- 
tions adopted was based on a United States pro- 
posal and provides for informational materials 
which the delegates can use in their own countries 
in the press, in regular publications of women's 
organizations, and in other ways. Since the con- 
stitutions of many of the Latin American Repub- 
lics incorporate the principle of equal pay for 
equal work, the problem is primarily one of prac- 



tical implementation and enforcement of legal 
provisions. The United States delegation contrib- 
uted a brief analysis based on experience in this 
country in the 16 States having equal-pay laws. 
The United States has stressed the necessity of 
equal opportunity to attain this goal. 

The Commission made further plans for three 
projects initiated in earlier assemblies. The first 
of these is a study of the situation and economic 
responsibilities of women workers in the Americas, 
requested by the Ninth International Conference 
of American States at Bogota in 1948. A technical 
survey which might be the basis for this study was 
completed late in 1953 and has since been reviewed 
by the delegates and interested international agen- 
cies. Because of the length of the report, the Com- 
mission decided further referrals to governments 
and official bodies should be in sunamary form. A 
full report, to be submitted to the next Inter- Amer- 
ican Conference in 1958, will include current in- 
formation. While certain statements in the survey 
were criticized by some of the delegates, there was 
general agreement that the burdens for family sup- 
port carried by working women were far greater 
than is usually realized and that much needs to be 
done, particularly to prepare girls and women to 
earn adequately in relation to their responsibilities. 

Among other measures advocated by the Com- 
mission to improve economic opportunities for 
women is a "continental campaign" of visits to 
selected countries to stimulate local action, and a 
conference of leaders in government agencies deal- 
ing with women woi'kers. Since the Ilo conducted 
a Conference on Women's Work at Lima, Peru, 
last December, the Conmiission invited its assist- 
ance in further projects. 

Because of wide interest in the work of the 
Women's Bureau in our Department of Labor, the 
U.S. delegation provided an exliibit illustrating 
its program and many of its publications. An 
explanation of the exhibit, circulated in Spanish, 
proved highly popular. 

Need for Adequate Education 

The field of education attracted major interest 
in the Assembly because of an increasing realiza- 
tion that, until more women are equipped through 
schooling in their early years, they caiuiot make a 
full contribution to the economic or to the political 
life of their countries. Among the delegates wei-e 
several who are currently professors or adminis- 



OcfoJjer 70, 7955 



585 



trators in educational institutions and others who 
are engaged in jsrofessions requiring long prep- 
aration. Although few, if any, legal restrictions 
on education for women exist in the American 
Republics, in many areas it has not been customary 
for girls to remain in school long enough to obtain 
adequate training. The Commission had adopted 
i-ecommendations on education in previous assem- 
blies, but it had not accumulated statistics on the 
comparative situation of boys and girls in the vari- 
ous countries nor specific information which 
might help to promote an appreciation of educa- 
tional needs. The Assembly therefore concen- 
trated on further work in tlie primary and elemen- 
tary field. It also urged increased budgets for 
education, and attention to the particular problems 
of vocational education and adult illiteracy. 

A proposal advanced by the United States and 
adopted unanimously recognized that equal work 
opportunities for women and equal pay are objec- 
tives which require equal educational opportuni- 
ties, and that such opportunities are likewise essen- 
tial to equip women for their responsibilities in the 
family and in community life. A resolution pro- 
posed by the Haitian delegation pointed out that, 
in these days of rapid conununication, mechaniza- 
tion, and industrial development, the woman who 
cannot read is not able to be a good worker and is 
also seriously handicapped in utilizing technical 
agriculture advice offered by the governments and 
other sources. It adds, "Home life requires capac- 
ity on the part of a mother to read and write." 
The Commission also urged the creation of local 
committees which might encourage parents to edu- 
cate their daughters and help girls trying to 
continue through high school or college. 

The assemblies of the Inter-American Commis- 
sion of Women provide an opportunity to inter- 
est governments in the problems and capacities of 
women in relation to national life. However, the 
analysis and exchange of experience during the 
assemblies go far beyond the agenda of the par- 
ticular meeting, for many countries lack the abun- 
dance of information we take for granted in the 
United States, and the personal observations of 
the delegates are an important part of their re- 
ports. "V^liile there are great variations among 
the American Republics, there are also great simi- 
larities ; the deserts, the farms, and the cities of the 
United States offer situations as diverse and as 
full of human need as areas south of our border, 
and this is true also of every other country. The 



assemblies open the way for recognition of com- 
mon problems and of mutual interest in their 
solution. 

I am greatly encouraged that so many of our 
■women's organizations sent observers to the As- 
sembly at San Juan, for I believe that the Inter- 
American Commission of Women is one of the 
instrmnents through which the people of the 
Americas can gain greater confidence in each other 
and in the constructive processes of government. 
The Dominican Republic has invited the Commis- 
sion to hold its next Assembly at Ciudad Trujillo. 
This meeting will probably take place late in 1956, 
and I hope that organizations in this counti-y will 
begin now to formulate plans to send observers, 
including the provision of necessary expenses. I 
hope also that women throughout the Americas 
will take full advantage of opportunities for ex- 
change visits and study offered by governments 
and private sources, so that we can increase our 
knowledge of and acquaintance with each other. 

ANNEX I— OPENING ADDRESS BY MRS. LEE 

It is my privilege to welcome this Tenth As- 
sembly of the Inter-American Commission of 
Women on behalf of the Government of the 
United States. It is a double privilege to welcome 
this Assembly to San Juan, which is at once a 
North American and a Latin American city. I 
have here a message from the President of the 
United States, which I shall read first in English 
and then in Spanish translation. The President 
says: 

In welcoming this Tenth Assembly of the Inter-Ameri- 
can Commission of Women to the United States, I feel 
great satisfaction that our common purpose can be further 
strensthened by the cooperation of the Commonwealth of 
Puerto Rico. Here, the rich cultui'es of the Americas 
are joined in mutual understanding. 

Since this Commission was first organized, in 1928, the 
capacity of women for public service and leadership has 
been increasingly recognized. Today, American women 
are Members of Congresses and Cabinets ; they are Dele- 
gates to our great International Conferences, and they 
are serving with great ability as Ambassadors of Govern- 
ments. This progress is a tribute to the influence of the 
Inter-American Commission of Women. 

I have also a message from the Secretary of State, 
John Foster Dulles. He says: 

I am aslving Mrs. Lee to bring you my personal greeting 
at the opening of the Tenth Assembly of the Inter-Ameri- 
can Commission of Women in San Juan, where you are 
meeting on an invitation extended by the United States 



586 



Department of State Bulletin 



Goyernment at the cordial instance of the Governor of 
the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. 

I am sure that the United States, along with all other 
Members of the Commission, will continue to gain by its 
work on behalf of the women of America. Will you 
please express to each of the Delegates my confidence in 
the success of the Assembly. 

We are all aware, I am sure, of the preparations 
made by the Government of the Commonwealth 
of Puerto Kico for this meeting. The women of 
Puerto Eico have participated in previous meet- 
ings of our Commission in various ways. The ex- 
perience of the Government of Puerto Rico has 
often had direct bearing on our work because the 
legal system in this area goes back to the same 
Spanish colonists who settled in Central and South 
America. 

Women throughout the United States have been 
proud of the record women have made here in 
Puerto Eico through their organizations and in 
public office. As you know, San Juan has had a 
lady mayor for the past 9 years, and other cities 
here in Puerto Eico have also elected women 
mayors. The first woman was elected to the 
Puerto Eican legislature more than 20 years ago, 
in 1932. This was in advance of many legislatures 
in the continental United States and helped set a 
standard for them. The present vice president of 
the Puerto Eican House of Eepresentatives is a 
woman who, besides long and distinguished service 
in that body, has been successful also as a coffee 
grower and a teacher. 

I do not need to tell you, perhaps, that this early 
recognition of women in Puerto Eico stems from 
,in old tradition, the same Hispanic tradition that 
holds a woman's name equal with that of her 
husband in marriage. After all, it was from this 
island of Puerto Eico that some of the first Carib- 
bean leadership for women came, in the fields of 
education and the arts as well as in the long and 
ultimately successful campaign for full iJolitical 
recognition of women citizens here. It is interest- 
ing to recall that Puerto Eican men have been 
actively interested in this jjrogress as well as 
Puerto Eican women. In this connection we need 
only remember the honored name of Eugenio 
Maria de Hostos, who helped establish the splen- 
did school system of the Eepublic of Chile and was 
largely responsible for the admission of women to 
the National University of that country — a privi- 
lege granted in Chile sooner than in any other 
country of the hemisphere. 

Most of the laws which actually determine the 



status of women itt the United States are within 
the jurisdiction of our local governments, so that 
the work of this Commission has its effect in the 
United States chiefly when it is taken into account 
by local governing bodies. Education, marriage, 
guardianship, for example, are considered local 
matters to be determined within the States. From 
a practical point of view, there is great merit, 
therefore, in our meeting here in San Juan where 
local leaders can become familiar with our work. 

We are meeting in the Western Hemisphere, the 
largest area in the world in which people have the 
right to determine their countries' development 
under a system of cooperation which has been an 
example to the world in its functioning and accom- 
plishment. In this hemisphere governments and 
peoples gather without fear of each other. No- 
where else is there so great a hope. We can no 
longer limit our task to the elimination of specific 
discrimination against women and of legal barriers 
to their education and employment. These dis- 
criminations and barriers have to a great extent 
disappeared, due in considerable degree to the 
work of this Commission, which for 27 years has 
been active in seeking equality for women. 

Now that both civil and ijolitical rights liave 
been given to women in practically all of the Amer- 
ican Eepublics, we are entering on the much wider 
and perliaps more difficult task of making full use 
of these rights. Pointing out opportunities to 
governments through which women may develop 
their talent? and contribute fully to the life of the 
family, the community, and the nation is a basic 
responsibility of this Commission. Today, doors 
are open to women, but it will depend largely on 
our generation whether these opportunities are 
used to the greatest advantage. 

It is true that women who have had the chance to 
learn and to imderstand their new responsibilities 
have confidence in their ability and can change the 
patterns of whole areas by working together. We 
must be sure that all the women in our countries 
are equipped by education to help their families 
and their communities. 

The delegates to the Inter-American Commis- 
sion of Women are charged with a great responsi- 
bility to advance the purpose of the Commission to 
bring about a real change in the lives of millions 
of women iit the countries they represent and to 
insure the strength and continuity of freedom in 
the Western Hemisphere. 

In closing, let me say again that it is a great 



Ocfofaer 10, 1955 



587 



privileji;e to welcome you on behalf of the Govern- 
ment of the United States. Let us, as delegates of 
our countries, build firm the foundation on which 
women will stand in the service of their countries 
and of the world. 

ANNEX II— ADDRESS BY MRS. RINCON 
DE GAUTIER 

[Translation] 

I am devoutly grateful for the realization today 
of a dream which I have cherished for many yeare : 
that of seeing in my own homeland a meeting such 
as we have here of representatives of the most 
distinguished women's organizations of the entire 
American world. It is with the greatest pleasure 
that I welcome you to the capital of the Common- 
wealth of Puerto Rico. 

The city which rejoices to welcome you today is 
one of the oldest in the history of America, and 
also one of the most modern in spirit and social 
development. Puerto Eico is proud of its past 
history, its traditions, its music, dances, and lan- 
guage. Puerto Rico, while profoundly aware of 
its Spanish American roots, welcomes the progi-es- 
sive spirit of the people of the United States with 
whom the Puerto Rican people have established an 
exemplary and fraternal political association. 
Here in San Juan, my friends, there are no strang- 
ers. We all feel the basic unity of the hemisphere 
and recognize the magnificent opportunities af- 
forded by the creative co-existence of the great 
cultures of the New World. 

As a Puerto Rican woman, I am all the happier 
today to be able to state proudly that in this land 
women have achieved their rights and have done a 
magnificent job, without sacrificing their tradi- 
tions, their devotion to their homes, nor their 
femininity. Wherever j'ou may go in this Island, 
you will find capable women holding responsible 
positions in both public life and private enterprise, 
helping to build a better Puerto Rico. In that 
respect, I am bound to make public acknowledg- 
ment of the extreme generosity toward women and 
their aspirations on the part of Puerto Rican men, 
who not only have never opposed our aspirations 
to public service but indeed have helped us in 
that direction, treating us always as equals yet 
respecting us as women. In every aspect of our 
public life there is today ample opportunity for 
women. Everywhere women are needed and 
everywhere are accepted as an indispensable ele- 



ment in the day's work : in schools, factories, and 
hospitals ; in the professions; in commerce ; in law 
and in political fields. 

I believe that all this has been possible in Puerto 
Rico because of the devotion which the people of 
the Commonwealth feel for the democratic way 
of life. The tolerance of Puerto Ricans with re- 
gard to the free expression of ideas, their faith 
in the will of the people as expressed fully and 
without coercion at the polls, the absence of racial 
prejudice and caste economy; all these have been 
made possible in great measure, I believe, by the 
increasing participation by women in every field 
of our social progress. 

Puerto Rican women do not feel that it is enough 
to render service to the people of Puerto Rico only. 
We wish to serve all the peoples of America in 
ever increasing degi-ee. In behalf of our people, 
modest in temporal resources but generously en- 
dowed by Heaven with strength, and most espe- 
cially in behalf of the women of Puerto Rico, I 
extend our most cordial greetings, desiring for 
each and every one of you the happiest and most 
fruitful visit possible to this capital city whose 
Government at this time I represent ; and I pray 
for guidance so that in our deliberations we may 
be able to serve all peoples of the world. 



U.S. Delegations to 
International Conferences 

ICAO Facilitation Division 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 28 (press release 567) that Thomas B. Wil- 
son, Deputy Under Secretary of Commerce for 
Transportation, will head the U.S. delegation to 
the fourth session of the Facilitation Division of 
the International Civil Aviation Organization 
(IcAo), which is scheduled to be held at Manila, 
October 10-25, 1955. Mr. Wilson will be assisted 
by Harry G. Tarrington, Planning Officer, Office 
of Assistant Administrator, Civil Aeronautics Ad- 
ministration, Department of Commerce, who will 
serve as delegate and vice chairman, and by the 
following advisers: 

Ellis K. Allison, Aviation Division, Department of State 
Horace S. Dean, Assistant Chief, Plant Quarantine 

Branch, Agricultural Kesearch Service, Department 

of Agriculture 
Robert L. Fromaii, Assistant Director, Bureau of Safety 

Regulation, Civil Aeronautics Board 



588 



Department of State Bulletin 



Paul Iteiber, Assistant to General Connsel, Air Trans- 
port Association 

Knud Stownian, M. L>., International Health Representa- 
tive, Division of P^oreign Quarantine, Public Health 
Service, Department of Health, Eilucation, and Wel- 
fare 

Robert L. Suddath, Chief Special Projects Officer, Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Service, Department of 
Justice 

Edward F. Thompson, Air Coordinator, Bureau of Customs, 
Department of the Treasury 

Orion J. Libert, Office of International Con- 
ferences, Department of State, will serve as sec- 
retary of the delegation. 

Under the Chicago Convention of December 7, 
194-i, the International Civil Aviation Organiza- 
tion is charged with the responsibility of adopting 
and amending standards and recommended prac- 
tices dealing with entry and clearance require- 
ments and procedures. At the Chicago meeting, 
contracting states agreed to adopt special regula- 
tions and practices to facilitate tlie movement of 
aircraft, crews, passengers, and cargo, especially 
in the administration of laws relating to immi- 
gration, customs, public health, and agricultural 
quarantine. To this end, on November 23, 1945, 
a Division on Facilitation of International Air 
Transport was set up under the Air Transport 
Committee of the Provisional Civil Aviation Or- 
ganization (PiCAo) in order to develop a set of 
standards and recommended practices on facilita- 
tion of international air transport. 

The fourth session will review the activities of 
the organization in the field of facilitation since 
the third session of the Facilitation Division held 
at Buenos Aires, November 21-December 7, 1951. 
Consideration will be given to proposals relating 
to documentation requirements for entry and de- 
parture of aircraft, persons, and air cargo; tech- 
niques and procedures for handling increased air 
traffic resulting from nonconventional (helicopter) 
and jet operations; and the question of improving 
sanitation, public health, and agricultural quaran- 
tine requirements. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



THE DEPARTMENT 



Recess Appointments 

Robert S. Folsom, Deputy Director of the Office of 
Regional American Affairs, to be Alternate U.S. Repre- 
sentative on the Council of the Organization of American 
States, September 24. 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Agriculture 

International plant protection convention. Done at Rome 
December 6, 19.51. Entered into force April 3, 1952.' 
Ratification deposited: Italy, August 3, 1955. 

Death, Causes of 

World Health Organization Regulations No. 1 regarding 
nomenclature with respect to diseases and causes of 
death. Done at Geneva July 24, 1948. Entered into 
force January 1, 1950. 

Notiflcution by the Netherlands of extension to: Surinam 
and the Netherlands Antilles, October 14, 1954. 

Labor 

Convention (No. 53) concerning the minimum require- 
ment of professional capacity for Masters and Officers 
on board merchant ships. Done at Geneva October 24, 
1936. Entered into force March 29, 1939. 54 Stat. 1683. 
'Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe, 

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27, 

1955. 
Convention (No. 54) concerning annual holidays with pay 
for seamen. Done at Geneva October 24, 1936.^ 
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe, 

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27, 

1955. 
Convention (No. 55) concerning shipowners' liability in 
case of sickness, injury, or death of seamen. Done 
at Geneva October 24. 1936. Entered into force October 
29, 1939. 54 Stat. 1693. 
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe, 

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27, 

1955. 
Convention (No. 58) fixing the minimum age for the ad- 
mission of children to employment at sea. Done at 
Geneva October 24, 1936. Entered into force April 11, 
1939. 54 Stat. 1705. 
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe, 

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27, 

1955. 
Ratification deposited: Denmark, June 4, 1955. 
Convention (No. 73) concerning the medical examination 
of seafarers. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946. 
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe, 

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27, 

1955. 
Entered into force: August 17, 1955.' 
Convention (No. 74) concerning the certification of able 
seamen. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946. Entered into 
force July 14, 1951. TIAS 2949. 
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe, 

Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27, 

1955. 

Organization of American States 

Charter of the Organization of American States. Signed 
at Bogota April 30, 1948. Entered into force December 
13, 1951. TIAS 2361. 
Ratification deposited: Uruguay, September 1, 1955. 



' Not in force for the United States. 
^ Not in force. 



Ocfober 10, 1955 



589 



Slave Trade 

Protocol amending slavery convention signed at Geneva 
September 25, 1926 (46 Stat. 2183), and annex. Done 
at New York December 7, 1953. Protocol entered into 
force December 7, 1953 ; ' annex entered into force July 
7, 1955.' 
Acceptance deposited: Israel, September 12, 1955. 

War, Prevention of 

American treaty on pacific settlement (Pact of Bogotd). 
Signed at Bogota April 30, 1948. Entered into force 
May 6, 1949.' 

Ratification deposited: Uruguay, September 1, 1955. 
' Not in force for the United States. 



BILATERAL 

Australia 

Agreement concerning reciprocal changes in immigration 
regulations relating to nonimmigrant visas. EfEected 
by exchanges of notes at Canberra July 29, August 9, 17, 
and 20, 1955. Entered into force August 20, 1955 ; op- 
erative September 1, 1955. 

China 

Agreement amending section B of the annex to the air 
transport agreement of 1946, as amended (TIAS 1609, 
2184), by providing an additional route from China to 
Okinawa and points beyond. EfEected by exchange of 
notes at Washington February 7 and April 15, 1955. 
Entered into force April 15, 1955. 

Cuba 

Agreement providing for performance by members of 
Army, Navy, and Air Force Missions of duties of Mili- 
tary Assistance Advisory Group specified in article V 
of military assistance agreement of March 7, 1952 (TIAS 
2467). Effected by exchange of notes at Habana 
June 24 and August 3, 1955. Entered into force August 
10, 1955. 

Thailand 

Agreement for the sale and purchase of tin concentrates. 



Signed at Bangkok September 
force September 9, 1955. 



9, 1955. Entered into 



PUBLICATIONS 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov- 
ernment Printing Offlce, Washington 25, D. C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free publications, lohich may be obtained 
from the Department of State. 



TIAS 3022. Pub. 5608. 4 pp. 



Air Transport Services. 

54. 

Agreement between the United States and Spain — amend- 
ing agreement of December 2, 1944, as amended. Exchange 
of note.? — Signed at Washington July 21, 1954. Entered 
into force July 21, 1954. 



Technical Cooperation, Special Technical Services. TIAS 
3023. Pub. 5617. 5 pp. 54. 

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Addis Ababa April 21, 1954. 
Entered into force April 21, 1954. 

Technical Cooperation, Water Resources Development 
Program. TIAS 3025. Pub. 5619. 5 pp. 54. 

Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex- 
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa April 27 and May 
11, 1954. Entered into force May 11, 1954. 



United States Educational Foundation in Greece. 

3037. Pub. 5645. 2 pp. 54. 



TIAS 



Agreement between the United States and Greece — amend- 
ing agreement of April 23, 1948. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Athens June 28, 1954. Entered into force June 
28, 1954. 

Technical Cooperation, Housing Program. TIAS 3041. 
Pub. 5649. 20 pp. 15^. 

Agreement between the United States and Chile — Signed 
at Santiago June 28, 1954. Entered into force June 28, 
1954. 

Mexican Agricultural Workers. TIAS 3043. Pub. 5654. 
8 pp. 10^. 

Agreement between the United States and Mexico — 
amending agreement of August 11, 1951, as amended. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico July 16, 1954. En- 
tered into force July 16, 1954. 



' Not in force for the United States. 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 26-October 2 

Relea.ses may be obtained from the News Division, 
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Press release issued prior to September 26 which 
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 564 of 
September 23. 

No. Date Subject 

567 9/28 Delegation to Icao meeting 

568 9/29 Corrections to tariff negotiations list 

569 9/29 Foreign Service examinations 
*570 9/29 Ambassador Thayer sworn in 

571 9/29 Renegotiations under Gatt 

572 9/29 Hoover's departure for Far East 

573 9/29 Foreign Ministers' statement on Ger- 

many 

574 9/29 Foreign Ministers* communique 

575 9/29 Dulles : President's illness 

576 9/30 Change in Colombo Plan delegation 
*577 9/30 Holland: U.S. foreign poUcy in Latin 

America 

578 9/30 Sale of agricultural commodities to 

Japan 

579 9/30 Dulles-Von Brentano discussions 

580 9/30 Revised itinerary for Hoover-HoUister 

trip 

581 9/30 Termination of trade agreement with 

Guatemala 



''Not printed. 



590 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 10, 1955 

Agriculture. Nesotiations Concluded for Sale of 
Agricultural Commodities to Japan .... 

Algeria. Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in 
Discu.s.sion of Algeria (Lodge) 

American Republics. Economic and Social Prog- 
ress by Women of the Americas (Lee) . . . 

Argentina. Recognition of New Government of 
Argentina 

Asia. Mr. Hoover and Mr. Hollister Leave for 
Far East 

Atomic Energy. International Conference on 
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Strauss) . 

Canada. Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee on 
Trade and Economic Affairs (text of com- 
munique) 

Economic Affairs 

Corrections to Published List of Articles Imported 
into U.S 

Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade and 
Economic Affairs (text of communique) . . . 

Negotiations Concluded for Sale of Agricultural 
Commodities to Japan 

Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With Four 
Nations 

Trade Agreement With Guatemala To Be Termi- 
nated (texts of notes) 

Educational Exchange. Board of Foreign Scholar- 
ships 

Foreign Service. Written Tests for Foreign Serv- 
vice To Be Held in December 

France 

Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in Discussion 
of Algeria (Lodge) 

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con- 
ference 

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany 

Germany 

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con- 
ference 

Talks Between Secretary Dulles and German For- 
eign Minister 

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany 



Index 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 850 



Greece. U.S. Friendship for Greece (Eisen- 
hower) 

Guatemala. Trade Agreement With Guatemala To 
Be Terminated (texts of notes) 

International Organizations and Meetings 

Calendar of Meetings 

Change iu U.S. Delegation to Colombo Plan meet- 
ing 

Economic and Social Progress by Women of the 
Americas (Lee) 

U.S. Delegation to ICAO Facilitation Division 
Sessi<in 

International Conference on Peaceful Uses of 
Atomic Energy (Strauss) 



577 
582 
584 
560 
566 
555 

576 

579 
576 

577 
578 
577 

575 

575 

582 

559 
559 

559 

560 
559 

560 

577 

580 
567 

584 
588 
555 



Military Affairs. Policy on Supplying Arms to 
Countries of Middle East (joint statement) . 

Near East. Policy on Supplying Arms to Countries 
of Middle East (joint statement) .... 

Peru. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With 
Four Nations 

Presidential Documents. U.S. Friendship for 
Greece 

Publications 

Current U.N. Documents 

Recent Releases 



U.S. Program 



Refugees and Displaced Persons. 

for Refugee Relief (Morton) 

State, Department of 

American Political Democracy and the Problem of 
Personnel Security (McLeod) 

Board of Foreign Scholarships 

Recess Apixiintments (Folsom) 

Written Tests for Foreign Service To Be Held in 
December 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 

Turkey. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With 
Four Nations 

Union of South Africa. Renegotiation of Tariff 
Concessions With Four Nations 

U.S.S.R. 

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con- 
ference 

Question of Inscribing Soviet Item on Relaxing 
International Tension 

United Kingdom 

Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con- 
ference 

Policy on Supplying Arms to Countries of Middle 
E.-ist (joint statement) 

U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 

Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in Discussion 

of Algeria (Lodge) 

Question of Inscribing Soviet Item on Relaxing 

International Tension (Lodge) 

Yugoslavia. U.S.-Tugoslav Talks Concluded (joint 
communique) 



560 

560 
578 
560 

583 

590 

561 

568 
575 

589 

575 
589 

578 

578 

559 

583 

559 

560 
559 

583 
582 
583 

566 



Italy. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With 

Four Nations 578 

Japan. Negotiations Concluded for Sale of Agri- 
cultural Commodities to Japan 577 



Name Index 

Brownell, Samuel M 575 

Cronkhite, Bernice B 575 

Dulles, Secretary 566 

Eisenhower, President 560, 566 

FoLsoni, Robert S 589 

Giocolea Villacorta, Domingo 578 

Hollister, John B 566 

Hoover, Herbert, Jr 566 

Lee, Frances M 584 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 582, 5S3 

McLeod, R. W. Scott 568 

Moore, Roger Allan 575 

Morton, Thruston B 501 

Nuesse, Celestine Joseph 575 

Prochnow, Herbert V 566 

Rineou de Gautier, Felisa 588 

Sparks, Edward J 578 

Strauss, Lewis L 555 

Willkie, Philip H 575 



U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE] 1958 




United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25. D. C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, *300 

(GPO) 



the 

Department 

of 

State 



Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 



Enclosed find: 



(cash, cheek, or 
money order). 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 

Recent releases in the popular Background series . . . 

The Union of Burma 

This 16-page illustrated pamphlet describes the land and the 
people of Burma. Touching briefly on the past, this Background 
also describes the government and the Pydiwatha program of 
the new Burma. Concerning the position of Burma in world 
affairs, the pamphlet states that . . . "the people of Burma 
have long preferred to be left alone to develop their own re- 
sources. Today Burma's leaders realize the impossibility of 
such a position. As they view it the country is being forced 
into greater involvement in world affairs, and they are seeking 
ways in which Burma can strengthen the ties with its neighbors 
and make its leadership felt regionally." 

Publication 5913 10 cents 

Jordan 

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Western Asia is one 
of the nine sovereign Arab States with which the United States 
has direct relations. Geographically it occupies a central posi- 
tion in that vast area from the Mediterranean to the Arabian 
Sea known as the Middle East — the security of which is im- 
portant to the interests of the free world and the United States. 
West of the Jordan River, the Kingdom encompasses a signifi- 
cant portion of the Holy Land. Here in this Background is a 
brief survey of this land with its rich traditions which has for 
centuries provided an important link in the trade between the 
East and the West. 



Publication 5907 



10 cents 



Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World 

Although it sprawls across a vast area more than 3,000 miles 
from east to west and more than 2,000 from north to south. 
Southeast Asia has less than half the actual land mass of the 
United States. Its population is about 10 million greater. The 
land form is varied, the population more so; and the configu- 
ration of the land has created bamers not only between coun- 
tries but also between communities. This illustrated pamphlet 
discusses briefly the individual countries of this regrion — Burma, 
Thailand, Viet-Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Malaya, Indonesia, and 
the Philippines — and the beginnings of a pattern of collective 
security for the entire Pacific area. 

Publication 5841 15 cents 

These Background pamphlets may be purchased from the 
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Please send me 
copies 

till The Union of Burma 

□ Jordan 

n Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World 

Name: 

Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



ORY 








OUR GOVERNMENT'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE ECO- 
NOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN AMERICA p 

hy Assistant Secretary Holland 595 

FREE WORLD DEFENSE AGAINST COMMUNIST 

SUBVERSION • by Allen W. Dulles 600 

THE DEFENSE OF EUROPE— A PROGRESS REPORT • 

fry Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther 609 

IMPORTANCE OF INTERNATIONAL TRAVEL TO THE 
FOREIGN ^TRADE OF THE UNITED STATES • 

by Somerset R. Waters 620 

U.N. CONGRESS ON PREVENTION OF CRIME AND 
TREATMENT OF OFFENDERS • by miUam P. Rogers . 62^t 

U.S. VIEWS ON INTERNATIONAL BANK'S ANNUAL 

REPORT • Statement by Samuel C. Waugh 626 

REPORT OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REF- 
UGEES • Statements by Jacob Blaustein 628 



For index see inside back cover 



Boston Public Library 
Superin*'>n-»"nt of Documents 

NOV 4- 1955 




^ne ^€^vci'yl^me7i{^ o^ ^^le 



bulletin 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 851 • Publication 6037 



Oaoher 17, 1955 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Oovemment Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.C. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic t7.60, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955). 

Note; Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contahied herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State BtniEiiN as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Public Services Division, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy, issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various pfuises of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



Our Government's Contribution to the 
Economic Development of Latin America 



hy Henry F. Holland 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-A'rnencan Affairs ■ 



One of the fundamental facts of United States- 
Latin American relations today is the determina- 
tion of the governments and people of Latin 
America to make even more rapid economic prog- 
ress tlian they are now making and to improve 
their standard of living. I want to talk to you 
today about the opportunities that we as a govern- 
ment have for helping them to realize this objective 
and what we are doing to fulfill them. 

Before proceeding to a discussion of the indi- 
vidual opportunities which our Government has 
for facilitating the economic development ob- 
jectives of our sister Eepublics, there are two 
points I wish to make by way of background, since 
everything that our Government does in this field 
must be considered in their context. 

First, the measures which our Government can 
take will not be the decisive factor in the economic 
development of Latin America. There is nothing 
that this Government can do to create a stable 
economy or raise living standards in another 
country unless the necessary factors are already 
there. But if the internal conditions necessary 
for economic development are there, then our Gov- 
ernment can hurry the process somewhat by pur- 
suing constructive policies. 

Second, we have neither the right nor the desire 
to prescribe to any other American Republic the 
kind of economic system which it should adopt 
or the programs it should follow to achieve its 
economic aspirations. That is the exclusive do- 
mestic responsibility of every sovereign state. On 
the other hand, whatever help we give will be, as 
it should, consistent with our own national philos- 
ophy as to the role which a government should 



' Address made before the World Affairs Council of 
Seattle, Wash., on Oct. (press release 582 dated Oct. 4). 



play in the economic field and with the wishes of 
the majority of our people. Likewise, it will be 
given in support of those programs and policies 
which our experience has led us to believe are best 
designed to achieve real economic progress. 

These are reasonable views. They do raise a 
question, of course. What are our convictions as to 
the role of government in the economic field? 
What kinds of programs and policies do we believe 
will produce strong economies? The answers are 
probably apparent. The people of the United 
States believe in the private enterprise system. 
We are convinced that we ourselves can do more 
than any goveriunent can to make business enter- 
prises grow, to create new ones, to create more em- 
ployment at acceptable wages, and to raise the 
standards of living of our people. We believe that 
our Goverimaent helps the national economy most 
when it creates those conditions which give us, the 
working men and women, the farmers, the busi- 
nessmen of the country, the greatest opportunity 
to carry on all those processes of private enter- 
prise which have brought us to the point where we 
now are. 

This means that there ai'e certain things that 
we expect our Government to do and some that we 
expect it not to do. We rely on our Government 
leaders to follow sound fiscal and taxing policies, 
policies that will maintain a stable currency, poli- 
cies that will combat the evil disease of inflation, 
policies that will assure to investors a fair chance 
to make a reasonable profit if they risk their 
capital in industry or commerce. We expect our 
Government to supply those public facilities and 
services which are needed in a free enterprise 
system but which are not in themselves attractive 
to private investors. These include such things as 



Ocfofaer 7 7, J 955 



595 



roads, schools, hospitals for the poor, irrigation 
systems, port works, and things of that nature. 

Of equal importance are the things that we ex 
pect our Government not to do. We strongly be- 
lieve that except in special situations our Govern- 
ment should stay out of the field of business. 
When govermnent enters a particular industry or 
commercial activity, private enterprise generally 
withdraws. This is because onerous regulations 
are usually imposed on the private enterprise in 
order to insure the survival of the less well organ- 
ized and operated government enterprises which 
cannot compete without special advantages. Our 
experience has convinced us that as a nile govern- 
ment-run enterprises are not as strong and do not 
make as great a contribution to the national econ- 
omy as do their counterparts operated by private 
citizens. Therefore, we feel that government 
should invade the field of industiy and commerce 
only where essential and then, if jjossible, only on 
a temporary basis. 

Our Govermnent's chief emphasis will be on 
those kinds of economic cooperation that contrib- 
ute to the creative efforts of private individuals, 
particularly nationals of the other countries. We 
believe they are the greatest hope for progress in 
the other American Republics. The most effective 
contribution that our country could make to the 
economic development of Latin America would be 
to help private enterprise throughout the hemi- 
sphere. It is responsible for our inter- American 
trade which each year provides our neighbors with 
about $3^ billion in cash and ci'edits. Our own 
private investors have supplied some $6^ billion 
of capital for the economic development of the 
area. In addition, they are also providing tech- 
nical knowledge, equipment, and marketing op- 
portunities for Latin America's growing in- 
dustries. 

Contribution Through Trade 

Our most important economic relation with the 
other American Republics is our trade, which 
amounts each year to almost $7 billion, divided 
about equally between imports and exports. Latin 
America relies on its exports to us for most of the 
dollar exchange needed to purchase essential con- 
sumer goods and the capital goods industrial estab- 
lislmient requires. A relatively small number of 
commodities such as coffee, sugar, copper, lead, 
zinc, and petroleum provide most of the dollars 



which these countries earn through trade. The 
economic, and even political, stability of a num- 
ber of Latin American States is greatly influenced 
by the extent to which the United States continues 
to keep its market open to these products. 

It is our policy to continue negotiating with the 
Latin American and other countries for the or- 
derly, reciprocal reduction of tariffs and other 
barriers to trade. This is done within the frame- 
work of the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade under authority granted by the Congress. 
In this way our Government can make, and is 
making, an important contribution to economic 
development in Latin America. 

Our Government can contribute helpfully to 
the efforts of the Latin American countries to ob- 
tain developmental capital. Investment oppor- 
tunities in the area call for exceedingly large 
amounts of investment. The quantities of private 
U.S. capital available for this purpose are incom- 
parably larger than any that our Government 
could provide. Whether foreign private capital 
should be admitted into a Latin American country 
is a decision which lies exclusively within the ju- 
risdiction of the government of the country. Cer- 
tainly foreign investors will not enter unless condi- 
tions in the country are attractive. The best 
measure of the local investment climate is to 
observe the activities of domestic investors. If 
they are actively risking their capital in the estab- 
lishment of new enteri>rises and the expansion of 
old ones, then it is reasonable to hope that foreign 
investors will be interested in the area, for private 
investors usually apply the same standards the 
world over. Our Government has often pointed 
out it does not seek to create opportunities abroad 
for United States investors. The demand for 
capital here at home is strong, and our investors 
will as a rule go abroad only where conditions are 
attractive. Some governments are eager to attract 
foreign investors who can help pi'ovide the devel- 
opment capital their countries need. To cooperate 
with those governments, our own has adopted a 
number of measures which we hope will encourage 
our investors to go to those foreign areas where 
their participation in local development is wel- 
come. We are prepared, for example, to enter into 
arrangements witli foreign governments whereby 
this Government will insure our investors against 
certain nonbusiness risks, such as their inability 
to convert their local currency earnings into dol- 
lars and the failure to receive adequate compensa- 



596 



Department of Stafe Bulletin 



tion in case of nationalization. Seven Latin 
American countries have entered into such ar- 
rangements to date. 

Proposed Tax Reduction for Investors 

The President has asked the Congress to re- 
duce taxes on business income from foreign sub- 
sidiaries or branches and to defer the tax on branch 
income until it is withdrawn from the country 
wherein earned.^ This measure would encourage 
more of our investors to go abroad and, further- 
more, would encourage them to reinvest their prof- 
its there rather than returning them to the United 
States. It is estimated that today United States 
companies abroad are reinvesting about 60 percent 
of their profits. 

As an additional inducement to foreign invest- 
ment the United States is now prepared — subject 
to appropriate safeguards — to negotiate tax trea- 
ties under which income taxes waived for an ini- 
tial limited period by a foreign government as an 
incentive to new business can be credited against 
United States income tax just as though they had 
actually been paid abroad. These are measures 
designed, as the President has put it, to encourage 
"investment by individuals rather than by govern- 
ments." 

The United States and most Latin American 
countries are members of the International Bank 
for Reconstruction and Development. Foreign 
governments which are members and private bor- 
rowers with their government's guarantee have 
access to this bank as a primarj' instrument for 
economic development financing. The Ibrd has 
facilitated the investment of large amounts of cap- 
ital in Latin America for productive purposes, 
thereby promoting long-range growth of inter- 
national trade and improvement in the standard 
of living both by the use of its own capital and 
by participation in loans and investments made by 
private investors. Since making its firet loan in 
May of 1947, the Ibrd has authorized credits 
of more than $620 million in Latin America. 
More than 30 percent of the loans made by the 
Ibrd during the last fiscal year, some $123 mil- 
lion, were made in that area. Along with this 
financial assistance, the Ibrd has made available 
to member countries in Latin America expert en- 
gineering aid, economic counseling, and other pro- 
fessional services. 



' For a memorandum on this subject by the Secretary 
of the Treasury, see Bxtlletin of Sept. 12, 1955, p. 433. 



Our Government has also taken effective meas- 
ures to give to foreign private enterprise and gov- 
ernments alike greater access to official loans in 
this country. There are many projects essential 
to the development of a foreign country for which 
it is very difficult to obtain private capital. Gov- 
ernments and private interests engaged in such 
ventures have access to several sources of official 
credit in the United States. For projects, public 
and private, which lie outside the normal scope of 
the International Bank lending, borrowers have 
access to the Export-Import Bank, an agency of 
the United States Government. 

Eximbank's Liberalized Policy 

In the summer of last year, responding to the 
increasing Latin American interest, we announced 
the bank's new and liberalized credit policy to- 
ward that area. We have told the other Ameri- 
can Republics that the bank will do its utmost to 
satisfy every application for a sound economic 
development loan for which funds are not availa- 
ble from private sources on reasonable terms or 
from the International Bank. This offer is ex- 
tended to private and official borrowers alike. It 
means that the level of operations of the Export- 
Import Bank will be largely determined by bor- 
rowers in the other American Republics. It is 
they who will control the nimiber and quality of 
loan applications which the bank receives. The 
uncommitted funds now on hand in the bank and 
available for loans substantially exceed the aggi-e- 
gate of applications which have been submitted. 

Since this new policy was announced, it has been 
vigorously applied by the bank. Its new Presi- 
dent, Mr. Samuel C. Waugh, then Assistant Sec- 
retary of State for Economic Affairs, participated 
in the formulation of the policy and its presenta- 
tion at the Rio economic conference last year. I 
know that he can be counted upon to continue 
pursuing this policy energetically. 

Since its establishment in 1934, the Export- 
Import Bank has authorized loans of more than 
$2.5 billion in Latin America. During its last 
fiscal year before the new policy was adopted, the 
Export-Import Bank authorized loans in Latin 
America amounting to $52.2 million, or 21 percent 
of its total operations for the year. The fiscal year 
just closed was the first in which the new policy 
was applied. During that year the bank author- 
ized loans in Latin America amounting to a total 



October 17, 1955 



597 



of $284 million, or 58 percent of all its authoriza- 
tions. The bank also inaugurated a new program 
about a year ago under whicli exporter credits in 
the amount of $169 million have been authorized. 
Most of these will be used in Latin America. It 
is noteworthy that the lai-gest single loan author- 
ized in Latin America during the last fiscal year 
was to a private enterprise group without any 
governmental guaranty. 

Another source of development capital will soon 
be available when the International Finance Cor- 
l^oration comes into operation. The Ire, an affili- 
ate of the International Bank, will be capitalized 
at $100 million, and its primary objective will be 
to encourage the growth of private enterprise in 
its member countries through financing without 
goverimient guaranties and to help in bringing 
together investment opportunities, private capital, 
and experienced management. The U.S. Con- 
gress, on request of the President, autliorized U.S. 
membership in the Ifc, and its operation should 
commence as soon as the requisite number of coun- 
tries have subscribed to the capital stock and rati- 
fied its charter. 

Our Government has not undertaken a general 
Ijrogram to supply developmental capital on a 
grant basis in Latin America. The governments 
of our sister Rej^ublics have stated affirmatively 
that they oppose programs of grant aid. Consist- 
ent with their proud tradition, they prefer to meet 
their problems without this kind of assistance 
from us or anyone else. 

There are, however, situations in which we are 
furnishing grant aid to meet temporary emer- 
gency conditions. Bolivia, Guatemala, and Haiti, 
as you know, have requested grant assistance from 
us to help tliem through crises that they cannot 
meet with other resources available to them. Con- 
gress has authorized a total of $38 million for these 
programs in the current fiscal year. 

Inter-American Highway 

We are participating in another program fall- 
ing in the general category of grant assistance 
which I believe we can all applaud. The Congress 
adopted the President's proposal that we agree to 
contribute two-thirds of the cost of completing the 
Inter- American Highway within 3 years. Each 
of the countries through which the highway runs 
will supply the remaining third of the cost in its 
territory. Mexico has already fuiished that half 



of the highway which lies in her territory and has 
done so without any financial assistance from us. 
"Wlien completed, a modern paved highway will 
run 3,200 miles from our border with Mexico to 
the Panama Canal. The road will bring with it 
social, economic, political, and strategic benefits to 
people of the seven countries it links. Not only 
will tourists and goods pass more readily from one 
to anotlier, but whole new areas hitherto unacces- 
sible will be opened up for development.^* I 

Economic development is just as dependent on 
technical knowledge and experience as it is on 
capital. Our Government is keenly interested in 
the technical assistance progi'ams in which we are 
participating in the hemisphere. Our policy is to 
intensify and diversify our cooperation with other 
governments in this field. We have been active in 
this field in Latin America since 1942, long before 
the mutual security program was conceived. Each 
local program is jointly plamied, financed, and 
operated by the host government and ourselves. 
Their objectives include such things as improve- 
ment of agricultural and industrial production, 
education, better housing, and the reduction of 
disease. These programs constitute a vast attack 
throughout the hemisphere on human misery and 
poverty. In each successive year the host govern- 
ments have contributed a larger share of the op- 
erating budgets. Today they provide nearly 21/2 
times the amount of our own contribution. 

Time may demonstrate that no form of U. S. aid 
is more important than that we are beginning to 
extend under President Eisenhower's "atoms for 
peace" plan. The United States has offered to 
enter into agi-eements for cooperation in the field 
of research in the peaceful uses of atomic energy. 
Agreements have been signed with seven Latin 
American countries — Argentina, Brazil, Chile, 
Colombia, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. LTnder 
them these countries are given access to informa- 
tion on the design, construction, and operation of 
research reactors. They also are able to lease from 
the Atomic Energy Commission a quantity of fis- 
sionable material. We hope that the result will be 
that citizens of the other countries will acquire 
valuable training and experience in nuclear science 
and engineering. 

Several Republics have been provided with gift 
libraries on the industrial and scientific uses of 



° For a map of the highwa.y, see Bulletin of Apr. 11, 
195.5, p. 596. 



598 



Department of State Bulletin 



atomic energy. These libraries contain some 
15,000 nonclassified technical reports which have 
been published in the United States. 

Further, the Atomic Energy Commission is eon- 
ducting a series of 7-month courses in reactor 
theory and technology for foreign scientists and 
engineers. The courses are held at the Argonne 
National Laboratory in Illinois. So far scientists 
from Argentina, Brazil, Guatemala, and Mexico 
have participated. Specialists from these and 
other Latin American countries have also attended 
a course at Oak Kidge on radioactive isotopes and 
techniques for their use. 

Atomic Energy as Power Source 

Our oft'er to share experience and technical 
knowledge in this vast new field has been wel- 
comed in Latin America. The economic develop- 
ment of several parts of the area has been seri- 
ously retarded by the inadequacy of existing 
energy facilities. Atomic energy may hasten the 
solution of this problem. In this connection, it is 
quite noteworthy that United States private enter- 
prise is at this time actively engaged in a program 
looking to the construction of a number of power 
reactor installations in Latin America. 

One of the most gratifying contributions which 
our Government is making to the development of 
our sister Republics is one of which we hear very 
little. That is the earnest, day-by-day effort of our 
people in the various U.S. embassies abroad and in 
our Government agencies in Washington. Work- 
ing with our friends in the other governments, we 
try to apply to problems throughout the hemi- 
sphere the experience and judgment not only of the 
officials of the govermnent directly afl'ected but 
also of men in the other governments who have 
wrestled with the same or similar problems in their 
own work. Our purpose is not just to devise means 
whereby the United States Government can help 
those of Latin America. It is instead to determine 
how every American state can, without neglecting 
its domestic responsibilities, find some way to be 
helpful to the others. Examples of this partner- 
ship in operation are numerous. Bolivia and Peru 
are cooperating in the construction of highways. 
Brazil has extended assistance to its neighbors in 
the construction of railways and highways. We 
ourselves have just worked out with the Govern- 
ment of Bolivia a comprehensive program which 
will coordinate our efforts to combat inflation in 



that countiy, to strengthen its industries and com- 
merce, and to improve food supplies. The treaty 
just executed between ourselves and Panama * re- 
flects more than a year of the same kind of close 
study of the problems of Panama. Not only does 
tliat treaty dissipate a number of problems which 
had existed between the two countries; it will, I 
believe, contribute notably to strengthening and 
stabilizing Panama's economy. 

This sharing of problems, this willingness on 
the part of every government to lend a hand wher- 
ever in the hemisphere help is requested, is one of 
the finest elements of our partnership relation — 
a relationship which is a source of pride and satis- 
faction to every citizen of our country. 

Visit of Guatemalan President 

The White House Office at Denver amiounced 
on October 1 that President Carlos Castillo Armas 
of Guatemala will arrive in Washington on a state 
visit on October 31 as planned when he accepted 
President Eisenhower's invitation earlier this 
year. Because of the illness of the President, Vice 
President Nixon will act as host to the visiting 
Chief of State. 

President Castillo Armas will be accompanied 
by Mrs. Castillo Armas and a party of seven. 

The President of Guatemala and his party will 
leave Washington for New York on November 3 
and remain there on an official visit to that city 
until November 7. From New York, the visiting 
President will go to Detroit and St. Louis for 1 
day in each city, and on November 9 will arrive 
in Houston. The party will proceed to New Or- 
leans on November 11, departing from there for 
Guatemala on November 13. 

The members of the official party include, be- 
sides President and Mrs. Castillo Armas, Domingo 
Goicolea, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; Jorge Are- 
nales. Minister of Economy and Labor ; Francisco 
Linares, Chief of Protocol, and Mrs. Linares; 
Jorge Skinner-Klee, First Secretary of the Con- 
stituent Assembly ; Col. Miguel Mendoza, Deputy 
Chief of the Presidential staff; and Dr. Graciela 
Quan, secretary to Mrs. Castillo Armas. 

The Ambassador of Guatemala to the United 
States, Col. Jose Luis Cruz-Salazar, and Mi-s. 
Cruz-Salazar will also accompany President Cas- 
tillo Ai'mas throughout his visit. 



' Ibid., Feb. 7, 1955, p. 237. 



Ocfober 17, 7955 



599 



Free World Defense Against Communist Subversion 



hy Allen W. Dulles 

Director, Central Intelligence Agency * 



If I were asked to point out the most obvious 
difference between the free world and the Com- 
munist-dominated areas, it would be this. The 
free world provides for law enforcement that pro- 
tects the right and liberties of the individual. 
Here the police authority represents the very 
essence of democracy in action. Law enforce- 
ment in the Commvmist world looks first and fore- 
most to safeguarding the ruling regime without 
regard for individual rights. Here the police au- 
thority becomes the sliield of entrenched auto- 
cratic authority. 

It is fortmiate that over the years steady prog- 
ress has been made in improving our techniques 
of law enforcement and in building up coopera- 
tion between the various jurisdictions of police 
authorities on both a national and international 
scale. For since 1917, and increasingly during 
the past decade, the problem of maintaining 
domestic law and order has had to face a new and 
unprecedented danger — worldwide Communist 
activity. 

What we often refer to as organized crime on 
the domestic front certainly presents you with 
plenty of problems. But there is a sharp differ- 
ence between the resources and capabilities of the 
private criminal, whether acting singly or in or- 
ganized groups, and the international conspiracy 
of conununism, with its headquarters in Moscow, 
an affiliated organization in Peiping, and branch 
offices in Warsaw, Prague, and many other centers. 

Such a worldwide conspiracy as this fosters no 
ordinary breed of criminal. It is engaged in no 
ordinary type of law breaking. Its members are 
carefully trained, operate with great skill and 
with the backing of a farflung and efficient organ- 
ization. Its work is often hard to detect, partly 



' Address made before the International Association of 
Chiefs of Police at Philadelphia, Pa., on Oct. 3. 



because the motives which influence the ordinary 
criminal are lacking. Here the real motive is 
the weakening of the fabric of non-Communist 
states in time of peace in order that it may be vul- 
nerable to the long-range designs of the Commu- 
nist movement. The success so far achieved, here 
and in many other countries, in controlling this 
conspiracy is a fine tribute to the efficiency of the 
police organizations of the free world. 

The Soviets keep as a closely guarded secret the 
number of their own citizens and of foreign in- 
digenous agents who are trained in the U. S. S. R., 
in China, and in the satellites for subversion and 
espionage. Certainly there are many tens of 
thousands. As the students graduate, they flow 
into the Communist apparatus throughout the 
world. You have undoubtedly met some of these 
alumni and, if not, you cei'tainly will. 

Some high members of the MVD have revolted 
against the methods they have been taught to 
practice and have come over voluntarily — "de- 
fected" — to the free world. They have told us 
much. Some of this has been published to the 
world. The Petrov case in Australia is a good ex- 
ample of this. In other cases, for security reasons, 
it has seemed to be wiser to hold back on publicity 
to help us to delve more deeply into the Commu- 
nist organization and practices. 

Soviet Expenditures on Subversion 

We estimate that the Soviet expenditures in 
training, support, and operation of its overall 
subversive mechanism may approach 10 percent of 
its expenditure on its overall armament program. 
(3n a comparable basis, that is, assuming that we 
spent a compax'able percentage of our defense 
budget for defense against these activities, we 
would be allocating to this work some 3 to 4 billion 



600 



Department of State Bulletin 



dollars annually. I need hardly tell you that such 
is not the case ! 

The importance of police and other internal 
security forces in this work has become more and 
more evident in many parts of the world. Our 
conventional military forces are normally de- 
signed to cope with open, external aggression. 
■\Miere countries are subject to Communist sub- 
versive tactics, the internal security forces must 
generally be the first line of defense. It is up 
to them to ferret out the agents of subversion, 
stop the damage before it gets out of hand, and 
thus maintain internal domestic peace and quiet 
without the necessity for calling on the militar}' 
forces to deal with open revolt. In some in- 
stances — take Czechoslovakia in 1948 for exam- 
ple — where the police force is infiltrated or comes 
under ineffective leadership, the damage may be 
done before the armed forces have an opportunity 
to strike a single blow. 

The need for effective police and internal se- 
curity forces is particularly felt in those countries 
which are on or near the borders of the Commu- 
nist bloc. Here there is a vit-al need for pro- 
tection against what has been called "internal 
invasion." As Communist agents and trouble- 
makers infiltrate into such countries and cause 
disorders, the governments must have security 
forces which can spot and arrest the leaders and 
break up Communist-inspired riots and demon- 
strations. This does not call for tanks and jet 
aircraft; it calls for a trained and loyal police. 

The various American programs for military 
and technical assistance to critical and underde- 
veloped areas can only bear fruit in a secure 
environment. It is for this reason that a numbei' 
of countries where such aid is extended have re- 
quested that our programs should include help 
in building up the technical competence of local 
security forces to help to keep the peace internally 
and root out and suppress subversion. The trained 
police of this and other free countries where the 
art of maintaining order is well develojjed will 
no doubt be more and more called on to contribute 
their skills and manpower to help in this im- 
portant phase of anti-Communist activity. 

Kremlin's New Trojan Horse 

Wliile I am on the subject of Communist 
techniques, I might mention a somewhat recent 
development in their program of sowing inter- 
national discord — the Kremlin's new Trojan 



Horse — but one that will look quite attractive to 
many countries which are under pressure to build 
up their military establishments. 

As is well known, the Soviet emerged from 
"World War II with a substantial stockpile of 
obsolescent and now fairly obsolete military 
equipment. This included, in addition to small 
arms, a good many thousands of medium and 
heavy tanks. Immediately following the war's 
end, the Soviet developed a whole new series of 
types of tanks and aircraft including, in aircraft, 
for example, the MIG-15 fighter plane, the TU-4 
(B-29 type) long-range piston bomber, and more 
recently the IL-28 light jet bomber. 

It is now estimated that the Soviet has many 
thousands of these types of war equipment, some 
becoming obsolete, some surplus. All are likely to 
be replaced over the next few years. New tanks 
are in mass production, and new long- and 
medium-range bombers are coming off the as- 
sembly line. For example, the replacement of 
obsolescent MIG-15*s with newer models has 
created a reserve of some foiu' to six thousand 
MIG-15's, of which a very substantial number 
could be off-loaded as an adjunct to a general pro- 
gram of causing trouble throughout the world. 

Of course a good share of this equipment has 
already gone to Communist China and to Indo- 
china with results which are now clearly seen. 
There remains ample for other parts of the world, 
and we now hear of advanced negotiations with 
several countries of the Middle East. I should 
not be at all surprised if we soon heard that coun- 
tries in this hemisphere were being approached. 

A premature stai-t with this program was made 
over a year ago. You will remember that it was 
a shipload of obsolete arms, sent by Czechoslo- 
vakia to Guatemala in the ill-famed freighter 
AJfhem,^ which aroused the Guatemalan people to 
a realization of the Communist plans for a take- 
over of that country. Once again Czechoslovakia 
looms up as the front for the delivery of Com- 
nmnist arms — this time in the Middle East. 

AVhile this type of activity may not enter di- 
rectly into your day-by-day work, it bears closely 
upon the overall international security problem. 
We should keep a careful watch against the possi- 
bility that some of these surplus arms, particularly 
small arms, may find their way into the hands of 
selected unscrupulous private vendors and be used 



' IUlletin of June 7, 1954, p. 874. 



Ocfober 17, 1955 



601 



indiscriminately to foment trouble. Further- 
more, in certain areas of Southeast Asia there is 
an unholy alliance between tlie traffickers in arms 
and the opium smugglers. In such ways this 
sui-plus arms problem may eventually create police 
problems in the domestic areas of many countries. 

Thus you in your task of law enforcement and 
we who are working in tlie intelligence field may 
find ourselves dealing with separate but related 
phases of a common security problem. 

You, as chiefs of police, have to deal with the 
domestic consequences and the outcroppings of 
many phases of an international movement which 
we, as intelligence officers, must make a high 
priority intelligence target. 

World "War I shook our confidence in our in- 
vulnerability to other people's wars. It took 
World War II and the aftermath of December 
7, 1941, to persuade us that we could not safely 
disregard, or remain in ignorance of, hostile de- 
velopments in any part of the world. 

On that fateful day it was not just the garrison 
at Pearl Harbor but all of us who were asleep. 
We were then awakened to a new sort of world 
in which we henceforth have to live. There could 
be no thought of return to the prewar compla- 
cency. In this situation it became increasingly 
important to know what was going on in the 
world outside of our boundaries. That required 
a sound intelligence system. 

Congress established the Central Intelligence 
Agency under the National Security Act of 1947 
which unified the Armed Services. There is, I 
believe, some misunderstanding of the nature and 
scope of the functions assigned to Cia, and I 
should like veiy briefly to clarify this point, par- 
ticularly as it relates to your own work. 

Nature and Scope of CIA Functions 

First of all, Congi-ess made a clear and wise dis- 
tinction between the function of intelligence and 
that of the law-enforcing agencies. It specifically 
provided that the Central Intelligence Agency 
should have no "police, subpoena, law enforcement 
powers, or internal security functions." Hence 
when I need help in these fields, I turn to the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation, and on the local 
scene, to many of you for help and assistance, 
largely in the field of protecting the security of 
my own personnel and the base here in this 
country from which our intelligence work is 
conducted. 



Of course, intelligence has long been a function 
of our Government even though, prior t-o World 
War II, on a scale far smaller than was customary 
in the case of most of the major powers of the 
world. 

The Central Intelligence Agency was not de- 
vised by Congress primarily as a means of setting 
new intelligence activities into motion, although 
it did contemplate that the collection of intelli- 
gence should be stepped up. Rather, the new 
Agency was conceived as an appropriate means 
of coordinating the intelligence activities of the 
Government and to make them function more 
harmoniously and effectively toward the single 
end of national seciirity. It did not supplant any 
existing intelligence agencies, but it was given 
certain duties in the intelligence field not then 
being carried out by others. 

The United States Government receives today 
a vast amount of information from all parts of 
the world. Some of it comes as a b3'product of 
our nonnal work in the field of foreign relations, 
^luch of it comes from overt sources — the press, 
radio, and foreign publications. Some of it comes 
through new scientific techniques. For science 
today plays an increasing role in the gathering of 
intelligence just as it does in law enforcement. 

All of this information has to be studied, ana- 
lyzed, and put into form for use by the policy- 
makers. Intelligence of a counter-intelligence 
nature or of direct interest to the law enforcement 
agencies of our Government is passed to these 
agencies and in particular to the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation. 

TMiile, as I mentioned, there is a clear division 
of functions between the intelligence agencies and 
the law-enforcing agencies in that the line be- 
tween us is largely drawn at oiir frontiers, it is 
impossible to divide the overall security problems 
at our borders. Over the past years there have 
been important instances where the traces of 
espionage against vis were first picked up in dis- 
tant capitals, although the operation was planned 
to be carried out in the continental United States. 
Agents trained for work here have in many cases 
been first spotted abroad. The followup here 
requires the closest coordination between our in- 
telligence work abroad and the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation. 

In this and in other fields I can assure you that 
the cooperation with the FBI is smooth and effec- 
tive. It was a great pleasure for me to be present 



602 



Department of State Bulletin 



the other day when our President conferred on 
J. Edgar Hoover the National Security Medal, 
the highest award the President could accord for 
work in this field of national security. 

In further developing the coordination of our 
intelligence work there is held once a week, under 
my chairmanship, a meeting of the heads of the 
various intelligence agencies. This includes, in 
addition to Cia, a representative of Army, Navy, 
and the Air Force intelligence, of the State Depart- 
ment intelligence, of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and 
repi-esentatives of the Federal Bureau of Inves- 
tigation and the Atomic Energy Commission. 
Here we prepare together coordinated estimates 
embodying all available intelligence on critical 
foreign situations. We discuss current intelligence 
problems ; we apjDortion as among the appropriate 
agencies various tasks for the collection of 
intelligence. 

In this way and through appropriate standing 
committees which have been set up, we have done 
everything possible to insure that vital items of 
intelligence available to the Government are 
promptly placed before the appropriate policy- 
making officers of the Government — the President, 
the Secretaries of State and Defense, and other 
members of the Cabinet or of the National Security 
Council, as appropriate. 

In developing our intelligence mechanism we 
have constantly in mind the lessons of the past. 
We propose to do all we can in our field to see that 
we do not experience another Pearl Harbor. 
Then there was adequate intelligence to have put 
us on warning of the nature and location of the 
danger. There was then no adequate machinery 
for analyzing and disseminating that intelligence 
in an efficient and timely manner. Now we have 
corrected the mechanics. Only time can tell 
whether we will have the wisdom to draw the 
right conclusions from the intelligence we may 
have. 

Estimating Enemy Intentions 

Here there are two major problems. Some- 
times it is not too difficult to estimate, within cer- 
tain margins of error, the strength of a potential 
enemy. If the intelligence community only does 
that, however, it has not really fulfilled its task. 
It has a duty also to estimate, on the basis of 
available intelligence, the probable or the possible 
intentions of any foe, or at least to indicate the 



alternative courses of action he may take. If one 
looks back to intelligence failures of the past, 
Pearl Harbor for example, we find that the error 
has generally come not in a miscalculation of 
enemy sti'ength but in a miscalculation of enemy 
intentions. Of course the policymaker often has 
to take a calculated risk where hostile intentions 
are not clear, and this applies both in the military 
and the political fields. 

Today, of course, not only intelligence officers 
but millions of men and women throughout the 
world are trying to form their own intelligence 
estimate of the real intentions of the Soviet in the 
light of the recent Geneva conference. Together 
with them, the intelligence agencies are scanning 
the reports and analyzing the signs and trends as 
well as the statements and actions of the Soviet 
leaders themselves. 

A few days ago at a banquet for the East Ger- 
man Communists, Nikita Khrushchev, the head of 
the Soviet Communist Party, made some interest- 
ing statements. It was one of his informal and 
likewise revealing speeches. He remarked, as re- 
ported by the radio and press services, that if any- 
one believes that our smiles involved abandon- 
ment of the teaching of Marx, Engels, and Lenin 
(the name of Stalin was added according to the 
official East German broadcasts but does not ap- 
pear in the Moscow reports), he deceives himself 
poorly. Those who wait for that, he said, must 
wait until a shrimp learns to whistle. 

There is some debate among the experts 
whether the word should be shrimp or crayfish, 
for there is an old Russian proverb that says, "I 
will do it when the crayfish whistles on the moun- 
tain top." This, I understand, is a Russian way 
of saying "Never" — although I learn on good au- 
thority that in the deep reaches of the sea, as de- 
tected by modern science, the crayfish or the 
shrimp do make some gurgling noises. 

There is no hard evidence as yet which we as 
intelligence or law-enforcing officers can accept 
that the dangers we face from the secret under- 
ground subversive activities of communism have 
ceased. Let us hope they do. I^t us hope that 
Khrushchev hears the shrill call of the shrimp. 

Meanwhile in all free countries we camiot relax 
our vigilance in meeting the dual problem of pro- 
tecting our national security from the lawless ele- 
ments within and the lawless elements directed and 
controlled from without. In these tasks we shall 



October 17, 7 955 



603 



need sound intelligence as to the external and in- 
ternal dangers to insure effective enforcement of 
law witliin a framework which safeguards the 
lights of the individual. 



Transcript of Secretary Dulles' 
News Conference 

Press release 589 dated October 4 

Dangers of Middle East Arms Race 

Secretary Dulles : I think we might as well start 
off with questions. 

Q. Mr. Secretary. ca7\ you ffive us any informa- 
tion you might have about Mr. AUen''s progress in 
talks with Nasser in Cairo? 

A. He has had a very good talk, indeed two 
rather full talks, from which I think he has gained 
an insight as to the Egyptian motives in this mat- 
ter, and I think that Colonel Nasser has gained 
an insight as to our attitude toward the matter. 
There is better understanding than there was be- 
fore. I think in substance that is the result of his 
trip and that was the purpose of his trip. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., can you fell us whether it is 
your understanding that the Egyptians intend to 
carry through with their arrangements to huy 
arms from Czechoslovakia? 

A. We have no reason to believe that thej* will 
not carry the arrangement through, although when 
you talk about the "arrangement" you are talking 
about something that is a bit vague because we do 
not have any details about the arrangement. We 
do not know what is involved in this proposed 
transaction. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, further in that connection, 
could you tell v^ whether our attitude toward the 
proposed contract arrangement has changed any 
since Mr. Allen completed his talks with Colonel 

Nasser? 

A. I had prepared a little statement which per- 
haps I will read to you, because I anticipated ques- 
tions on this topic' 

At my press conference the last of August (Au- 
gust 30) I was asked about possible Soviet-bloc 
shipments of arms to Arab countries. I made two 



observations. The first was that the Arab coun- 
tries were independent governments and free to 
do whatever they wished in the matter. My sec- 
ond observation was that, from the standpoint of 
U.S. relations with the Soviet Union, such deliv- 
ery of arms would not contribute to relaxing 
tensions. 

Those two observations stand today. I might 
add this : 

It is difficult to be critical of coimtries which, 
feeling themselves endangered, seek the arms 
which they sincerely believe they need for defense. 
On the other hand, I doubt very much that, under 
the conditions which prevail in the area, it is pos- 
sible for any country to get security through an 
arms race. Also it is not easy or pleasant to 
speculate on the probable motives of the Soviet- 
bloc leaders. 

In my talk about this matter of August 26,^ I 
spolve of the fear which dominated the area and 
said that I felt that it could be dissipated only by 
collective measures designed t« deter aggression 
by anyone. I proposed a security guaranty spon- 
sored by the United Nations. That, I said, would 
relieve the acute fears which both sides now 
profess. 

It is still my hope that such a solution may be 
fomid. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, if I may ask one other ques- 
tion, there have been reports that the United States 
inight provide arms to Israel to balance any arms 
shipments from the Soviet bloc to Egypt. Can 
you tell us whether this is a likely prospect or not? 

A. No, I could not say whether it would be a 
likely prospect or not. As I say, in the first place 
we do not know what amount or character of arms 
may be involved in the Egyptian-Soviet bloc deal 
and to what extent, if any, it may seriously upset 
the balance of power in the area. It has in the 
main been the policy of the United States, as was 
set out in the joint statement which the British 
Foreign Secretary and I issued in New York last 
week,^ to avoid participating in what might be- 
come an arms race, and we still hope it will be 
possible to avoid getting into that situation. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, is it clear as to whether the 
deal has been between Czechoslovakia and Egypt 
or between the Soviet Union and Egypt, or both? 



' The following five paragraphs were also released sepa- 
rately as press release 58S dated Oct. 4. 



' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378. 
'/6id., Oct. 10, 1955, p. .560. 



604 



Department of State Bulletin 



A. Well, it is announced as a deal between E^pt 
and Czechoslovakia, but I think that for this pur- 
pose it is hard to draw much distinction between 
the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, it our concern oiily loith armn 
shipments from the Commu7ust countries or is it 
a question here of the importing of technicians — 
Soviet technicians? 

A. That again is a matter as to which we have 
no knowledge, as to whether or not this will in- 
volve bringing in technicians. 

Q. Mr. Secretaiy, the points on which you say 
we have no information suggest that Mr. Allen 
either has not inquired or has not succeeded in 
obtaining factual information about this situation. 

A. Well, we have not gotten information about 
all these details, and the impression of Mr. Allen is 
that some of them, in fact most of them you have 
alluded to, have not yet been finally settled be- 
tween the direct parties. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, when you were in New York 
and met, I believe at dinner, with Mr. Molotov, you 
had occasion to talk about the Middle Eastern sit- 
uation, the Egyptian problem, and so on. Co^ild 
you tell us whether in fact you did discuss this 
matter with Mr. Molotov, and what his attitude 
appeared to be? 

A. I can answer half your question. I can say 
we did talk to Mr. Molotov. In fact, I talked to 
him twice about it — when I first arrived in New 
York, which was, I think, 2 weeks ago today, and 
then again a week ago today when he and the 
British and French Foreign Ministers had dinner 
with me. 

Q. Would you like to — would you feel free to 
tell us what line you took with him, sir? 

A. I took about the same line that is expressed 
in this statement which I read in so far as it re- 
lates to the Soviet Union. You will recall that I 
said that ". . . from the standpoint of U.S. re- 
lations with the Soviet Union, such delivery of 
arms would not contribute to relaxing tensions." 

Argentine-U.S. Relations 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you comment on recent 
developments in Argentina and include something 
about the actions and declarations of that Govern- 



ment as they might affect Argentine-V .8. rela- 
tions.^ 

A. Well, the United St-ates has recognized the 
new Government of Argentina, and the head of 
that Government and the Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs have both indicated a desire to have close 
and friendly relations with the United Stat«s. 
We believe that that is sincerely their desire, and 
that is a desire which the United States recipro- 
cates. 

Trend in Indonesian Elections 

Q. Mr. Secretai-y, I wonder if you would corn- 
inent on the trends that seem, to be showing up in 
the Indonesian elections? 

A. No, I think I had better not comment on that, 
because the elections are not over yet. While I 
think the balloting has been finished in Java, the 
balloting has not even begun yet in other parts of 
Indonesia, and while an election is in process I 
think it would probably be inappropriate for me 
to comment on it. 

Frencli Withdrawal From General Assembly 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been som,e more or 
less public debate about whether it was a good idea 
for the French delegation to walk out of the U.N. 
General Asse7nbly. Would you say how you feel 
about it? 

A. I would not want to attempt to characterize 
or comment on the wisdom of French action be- 
cause this was a matter primarily of concern to 
them. I do feel that the action will probably not 
have either the effect of doing a damaging thing 
in the long run to the United Nations or that it 
will mean that France will not continue to play its 
historic role as a leading nation in matters of for- 
eign a flairs. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you care to comment 
then about the vote in the U.N. about the Algerian 
question? Have you any cojnment to make about 

it? 

A. Well, the position of the United States on 
that is well known. We voted against the in- 
scription, and we spoke against the inscription, 
and in speaking against the inscription the state- 
ment made by Ambassador Lodge * made quite 

' Ibid., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582. 



Ocfober 17, 1955 



605 



clear, I think, the reasons why we were against. I 
have I'eally nothing to add to what Ambassador 



Lodge said. 



U.S. -Red China Geneva Talks 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you say lohether any 
progress is heing wade in the Geneva talhs with 
Communist China on the second item on the 
agenda? I notice they are claiming a slowdoion 
on that. 

A. There is no slowdown that I am aware of. 
The whole operation is slow. It took ns, as you 
know, 6 weeks to get agi-eement in relation to the 
first item on the agenda, although that was a mat- 
ter which Mr. Chou En-lai said would be easily 
settled, and yet it took 6 weeks. Progress in these 
matters is always slow and is seldom spectacular. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, does there appear to he any 
chance that Red China might now renege on its 
agreement under item one? 

A. Well, we are still holding to the belief that 
the Chinese Communists will carry out their 
agreement that all the Americans that are there are 
entitled to return and will be allowed expeditiously 
to exercise that right. You ask whether there is 
a chance that they may renege on it ? 

Q. Yes, sir. 

A. I suppose that there is always such a chance, 
but we sincerely hope that they will not, and I 
would not say that there is any clear evidence 
which leads us today to believe that they will 



Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you comment on Mr. 
von. Brentano'' s remarks in which he implied that 
the Geneva spirit could not contribute to the soft- 
ening or removing of tensions until the true causes 
of these tensions had been actually removed? 

A. Well, I think that is a very sound observa- 
tion, and that was pretty much the understanding 
of the Geneva "summit" conference. You will re- 
call that the invitation to that conference said 
that we would approach these problems in two 
stages. The first stage would be when the Heads 
of Government would get together and try to de- 
velop some new impulses for the solution of the 



practical problems, and the second stage would 
be when the Foreign Ministers would then meet 
and actually tackle these problems. So, the Ge- 
neva conference as the first stage was never in- 
tended or expected itself to be decisive. Wliether 
or not there would be a success would be dependent 
upon whether in fact the spirit generated at 
Geneva would bring about the solution of some of 
these practical matters, such as the division of 
Germany. 

Q. Mr. Secretary , did you get any indication 
from Mr. Molotov in New York of proposals 
which he might make at Geneva or of the Soviefs 
attitude? 

A. No, we had no discussion with Mr. Molotov 
about substantive matters that would come up at 
Geneva. We discussed primarily the agenda for 
Geneva, how we would go abovit it, and those prac- 
tical problems which always come up in these 
meetings as to when we start and who presides, 
where we sit and how we translate, and such mat- 
ters. We did not go into matters of substance. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you assess now the 
prospects of some measure of success at the coming 
Geneva conference? 

A. I believe that we will make positive progress 
toward the reunification of Germany. Now I 
don't mean to say that we will conclude the matter 
at the Geneva conference because it involves very 
complicated matters, but I shall be greatly dis- 
appointed if we do not make substantial progress 
in that direction. 

Q. Well, isn't that — just following that up if I 
7nay, sir — isnH the fact of intervening complica- 
tions since the ^^suinmif'' conference among the 
Western powers — just to mention a couple, Cy- 
prus v)ith the British and the Turks, and the 
North African-French situation — isnH that going 
to complicate our position even though those sub- 
jects are not directly itvvolved in the conference? 

A. No, I don't think so at all. We had meet- 
ings in New York last week with the Foreign 
Ministers of the United Kingdom, France, Ger- 
many, and myself. We discussed all aspects of 
this matter in great detail, and I have, I think, 
never participated in a meeting of the Western 
Foreign Ministers where there was such harmony 
and a common viewpoint about matters which are 
extremely complicated and which could very easily 



606 



Department of State Bulletin 



give rise, to differences of opinion. It was an ex- 
tremely satisfactory meeting, and I think we go 
to Geneva with a greater unity not only of purpose 
but of program than we have gone to any of these 
conferences of Foreign Ministers in the past. 

U.N. Membership Question 

Q. Mr. Secretary, wouJd you care to explain the 
American approval of the Spanish application for 
membership in the United Nations in view of the 
Assembly''s decision in the past on that? 

A. I think that our position on all United Na- 
tions memberships is substantially the same as it 
has been in the past. We have never believed that 
the Security Council should operate as an agency 
for the vetoing of members. That is on the as- 
sumption that we would all take the same position. 
That, you may recall, was the provision in the 
Vandenberg resolution which was overwhelmingly 
adopted by the Senate in 1948. 

"We believe that candidates should be considered 
on their merits; they should not be arbitrarily 
vetoed in the Security Council. We believe that 
in that way we can carry out the spirit and intent 
of the provision of the charter which says that 
there should be eligible for membership all na- 
tions which are peace-loving and which are judged 
able and willing to carry out their obligations 
under the charter. 

There are some nations which, it seems to me, 
have made clear that they are not either peace- 
loving, or able or willing to carry out their obli- 
gations under the charter, and we doubt that they 
should be allowed to come into the United Nations 
in violation of the charter, or merely in order to 
get other eligible nations in. Indeed, that was 
the interpretation of the charter which was placed 
upon it by a decision of the International Court 
of Justice. And we are trying to comply with 
that, being ready, as I said, and as our past record 
has indicated, not to exercise veto power but to 
allow the voting to operate free of veto on these 
matters, always, as I say, assuming that others 
would do the same. 

Q. I wnderstand that approaches have teen 
made hy Russia regarding the sim,ulta'neous sub- 
tnission of 16 or 17 members now. What do you 
think the Spanish application might do on that? 

A. It seems to me that the answer I have given 
answers sufficiently, doesn't it? 



Q. What I'm trying to get at is will the United 
States take the view that each application must be 
treated on its ments? 

A. I think I have indicated that it is our belief 
that each nation should be considered on its merits 
and should be tested by the charter test of being 
peace-loving and willing and able to carry out 
such obligations as those that are contained in the 
charter. We don't insist that we alone have an 
arbitrary right to make that decision; that's the 
reason why we are willing to abide by the view of 
the majority, a qualified majority, and not insist 
upon exercising veto power. But we are not dis- 
posed to vote for countries that we think are quite 
clearly not qualified for membership and, indeed, 
where they have been denounced by the United 
Nations General Assembly itself for failing, in 
effect, to carry out charter provisions. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, hoto would yoti, evaluate the 
possibilities of new members coining into the 
United Nations this year? 

A. Well, that's about as good a guess as to 
whether the Dodgers or the Yankees are going 
to win. 



Effect of President's Illness on Foreign Policy 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the day after the Presidents 
illness you made an evalimtion as to what possible 
effect it might have? I believe you were going 
to Canada at the time. Would you tell us now 
tohat effect it has had on foreign operations or any 
other operations of Government so far as you can 
tell? 

A. As I said at that time, the President's illness 
is a cause for sadness but it is not a cause of alarm. 
I think that estimate of the situation has been 
borne out. 

I think it worth recalling in this connection the 
immense amount of forward work which has been 
done under the President's direction and with his 
participation in this field of foreign relations 
through the operation of the National Security 
Council. That is a body which, as you know, 
represents the agencies of government that are 
particularly interested in foreign policy, and 
through their Policy Planning Board they study 
various situations. They think ahead; they try 
to imagine what might happen. And these papers 



'■Ibid., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 566. 



Ocfober 77, 1955 



607 



then of the Policy Planning Board are all dis- 
cussed in detail with the President, and certain 
policy guidelines are laid down. Therefore, we 
have a very large amount of basic policy which 
has already been established with the knowl- 
edge, participation, and explicit approval of the 
President. 

Now that doesn't mean that we have a sort of 
"pushbutton" foreign policy because, obviously, 
all of these matters have to be restudied, recon- 
sidered in the light of the actual circumstances 
which create problems. But the broad lines are 
laid out, and we already know very fully the 
President's thinking on these matters. 

Also, there is every reason to anticipate that it 
will before long be possible to talk to the President 
about any of these matters that become urgent. 
But, so far, there has not been any emergency of 
that character, and I am absolutely satisfied that 
our foreign policy at the present time is being 
conducted precisely along the lines that the Presi- 
dent himself desires it to be conducted. 

Q. Sir, when do you flan to go to Denver, (M 
things being equal? If his health 

A. Wlien would I go ? 

Q. Yes. 

A. Well, that depends upon two factors that I 
can't anticipate : One is the factor of his improv- 
ing health; the other is the factor of the impor- 
tance or urgency of going. At the moment I have 
no matter of urgency wliich I feel ought to be dis- 
cussed with the President. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, going hack to the question of 
the conduct of foreign policy while the President 
is ill, h/no do yoii, interpret your potoers in dealing 
with such things as sending Mr. Allen to the Mid- 
dle East or answering the letter from Mr. Bul- 
ganin to the President about disarmament? 

A. Well, on such matters as sending Mr. Allen 
to the Middle East, I have always dealt with 
things of that sort without any particular con- 
sultation with the President. Perhaps, if we had 



been together, I would have mentioned it to the 
President. But the movement of my Assistant 
Secretaries has always been something which has 
been under my direction, and there has never been 
any question raised about that. The President 
has wanted me to assume that responsibility. 

On a question such as the reply to Bulganin, 
you have got two phases of the matter : The one 
is what you might call an initial acknowledgment, 
and the other would be a reply of substance which 
would deal with the many difficult problems that 
are raised. Without saying that that full reply 
would necessarily have to await the President's at- 
tention, I think it can be said that it probably will 
await the President's personal attention. That 
is because, on the one hand, it will take quite a lit- 
tle time to prepare such a reply, and, on the other 
hand, it does involve questions of high national 
policy where it is certainly preferable to have the 
President's personal scrutiny of it. However, if 
lie was unable to give that and the matter came to 
require urgent treatment, I think that both the 
Secretary of Defense and myself, Governor Stas- 
sen, and others involved find in the National Se- 
curity Council papers sufficient guidance so we 
could deal with it if it had to be dealt with. But 
I do not feel it will have to be dealt with before 
the President can give it personal attention. 

Q. Is it fair to infer from, what you have just 
said, then, that you believe such poivers fall back 
upon the Cabinet, or, for example, are yow rela- 
tions in any way different with the Vice President 
since the Presidenfs illness? 

A. No. The Vice President has, in effect, 
continued the same relationship to the Cabinet 
and the National Security Council as he has at 
various times in the past. At times in the past, _, 
when the President has been away, the Vice Presi- I 
dent has presided, or oftentimes indeed while the 
President was here he would be interrupted dur- 
ing a meeting and at that point the Vice President 
would take over for him and carry on. There is 
no change that I am aware of in that relationshii). 



608 



Department of State Bulletin 



The Defense of Europe^A Progress Report 



hy Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther 

Supreme Commander, Allied Powers Europe ' 



At the age of 15, in my village of Platte Center, 
Nebr., population 374, 1 started to work for a bank. 
I was not a great success because I was always 
mixed up by the dili'erence between collateral and 
money. My contention was that all you needed 
was more collateral because every time my boss ran 
into the question of a loan, he said, "Well, we have 
got plenty of money, but you don't have any 
collateral." And on this subject my boss and I 
did a good deal of splitting. 

I might say that a few years later the bank 
failed, and there has been some suggestion in my 
village that my association with it didn't help the 
bank any. 

I still feel in spite of that, though, that my 
I^revious condition of servitude should enable me 
to address you as fellow bankers. 

I did not, however, come all the way from Paris, 
some 4,500 miles, to talk to you about banking. I 
came to tell you that if the project that I am con- 
nected with does not succeed, your membership — 
which has now, I understand, dropped from 30,000 
in the 20's to 14,000 now — is going to go down a 
lot further — and not because of mergers, either. 
In other words, the basic issue is whether our 
system of life, which you gentlemen exemplify 
and which is anathema to the Soviet system, is 
going to survive. That is the reason why the 
North Atlantic Treaty was signed in 1949, and 
that is the reason why General Eisenhower went to 
Europe to organize the defense of Europe in the 
early part of 1951. 

When he arrived there, the state of the defenses 
of the free world was in a very precarious con- 
dition. The first day that he landed in Paris, the 



' Address made before the American Bankers Associa- 
tion at Chicago, 111., on Sept. 28. 

Ocfober 17, 1955 

362927—55 3 



7th of January, 1951, we had extremely bad news 
from Korea, and the estimates were that the 
United Nations forces there would be ejected from 
that peninsula in a matter of weeks. In Europe 
itself, we had had evidence that Soviet imperial- 
ism was again on the march in the form of such 
incidents as the Czechoslovakia coup and the 
Berlin blockade. 

As General Eisenhower took stock of what he 
had, he found out that his resources were ex- 
tremely low, but that was not the worst of it. He 
could not use the resources that he did have. 
There was no common concept, and if there had 
been a common concept there was not even a way 
to implement it. 

I had occasion on about the 24th of January, 
1951, as his Chief of Staff, to put through a tele- 
phone call from Paris to Oslo, Norway, which 
was going to be one of our subordinate head- 
quarters. I was told by the telephone operator 
that it would take about 8 hours to complete the 
call and to bear in mind that it would go through 
the Soviet Zone of Germany, and we would there- 
fore have Communist assistance in completing the 
call. 

At my office last Saturday I put another call 
in to Oslo and I got tlirough in 3 minutes, and 
as far as we know we had no Communist help in 
implementing it. 

I mention that because it is indicative of the 
progress which has been made. Our resources 
now are from four to five times what they were 
in those dark days of 1951, and from a standpoint 
of effectiveness our ratio of increase has been even 
greater still. We now have a functioning organi- 
zation. Our headquarters are complete. Each one 
of them knows exactly what plans would be im- 
plemented in the event of emergency. 



609 



Rate of Progress 

That is all to the good. That is progress much 
greater than we ever thought possible in the dark 
days of 1951. However, what you are interested 
in knowing is: "Are we strong enough now to 
resist successfully an all-out act of Soviet aggres- 
sion if one should take place? " The answer to 
that question is, "No, not yet." 

Our progress has been great, but it has not been 
that great; and just for fear that that may cause 
in your mind a feeling of depression, let me say 
that it would be nothing short of a miracle if we 
had developed to that extent. Considering the low 
level from which we started, and considering the 
fact that the Soviet forces had midergone prac- 
tically no demobilization after the war, it is not 
strange that I have to give this kind of report to 
you. 

Our progress, however, has been such that with 
the advent of the German forces, which should be 
effective in from 3 to 4 years if everything goes 
well, we tliink that at that time we shall be able 
to say that, if an act of aggression should come, we 
shall be able to defeat it. It is toward that goal 
that all of our planning is devoted and pointed. 

By the same line of reasoning, the Soviets have 
set their objectives. The Soviet Government did 
everything possible to prevent the West German 
Government from joining Nato. That matter 
ended when the Germans joined Nato on the 9th 
of May this year, making the 15th country in our 
alliance. And now they are doing everything pos- 
sible to prevent the German foi'ces from coniing 
into being. 

At our headquarters, we who have the responsi- 
bility of the defense of Europe over a perimeter 
of some 4,000 miles, deal — or try to deal — in 
realities. We are considering what would happen 
if the Soviets engaged in military action. That 
does not mean that they are going to engage in 
that action, but our planning must be based on the 
assiunption as to where we would be if they did. 

Our first job, therefore, is always to assess what 
we refer to as their "military capability." A\^iat 
kind of forces do they have? How are those 
forces disposed ? How effective are they ? 

They have a land army now of 175 divisions, 
the largest land army in the world, and the most 
effective one. Not all of the 175 divisions are per- 
fect, but by and large they are well trained. 

They have an air force of some 20,000 opera- 



tional planes. Wlien General Eisenhower came 
to Europe, they also had 20,000 planes, but at that 
time most of them were piston driven. Now the 
vast majority of them are jet planes, with new and 
improved versions of jet planes coming off the line 
all the time. 

On the naval side, they are concentrating large- 
ly in the submarine field, and they now have about 
350 submarines. To give you a measuring stick 
as to what 350 submarines mean, you should know 
that when the Germans started World War II 
they had only 75 submarines; so 350 represents a 
very extensive capability — not five times as great 
as the Germans had, for the Soviets still do not 
have the same know-how that the Germans did, 
but they are improving as time goes on. 

Those forces that I have just mentioned are the 
Soviet forces. In addition they have the satellite 
forces. There are between 75 and 80 satellite divi- 
sions totaling between a million and a million one 
hundred thousand men. There are something like 
2,500 planes in the satellite air forces. 

All of that represents a very substantial capa- 
bility. Our job, since we have the mission of de- 
fending Europe, has to be based on that capa- 
bility. Even if there is going to be no war — and 
I personally think there will be no war — as you 
balance this power equation, if our side suffers by 
comparison on a ratio of whatever it may turn 
out to be — 3 to 1, or 4 to 1 against us — and we are 
unable to equalize it, we will be gradually pushed ■ 
back into a corner when it comes to this very stern 
job of negotiating with the Soviets. 

Our task, then, is one not of advocating war, 
not saying that war is likely, but basing our plans 
on again what we refer to as enemy capability. 

To sum up : "VVlien the German forces are effec- 
tive, and assuming that we can have the use of 
new weapons, we shall be able to solve this prob- 
lem ; that will be roughly in 3 or 4 years. 

Difficulties in Maintaining Unity 

Having said that, I want to tell you that I think 
that the hardest period is coming now. We had 
great difficulties in the first 4i/2 years of Nato, 
but we had one big advantage, and that was that 
the free world was united by fear, a cement that 
held us together but which is gradually disap- 
pearing now, because under the "smiling cam- 
paign," under the tendency which is developing to 
relax, we are up against very tough opposition. 



610 



Department of State Bulletin 



In the period that we are going to face in the 
next few years it is going to be much more difficult 
to get that unity and to continue the sacrifices 
necessary in this type of competition. 

We consider that military security — or national 
security, if you will — consists of three elements: 
the economic side, very well known to you and 
earlier discussed by Mr. [Robert] Cutler yester- 
day; the military side, which I have been refer- 
ring to briefly here ; and thirdly, the psychological 
side. 

This psychological side is the one where the 
Soviets are carrying on a veiy masterly campaign 
now. I do not want to be cynical about the 
outlook for the future, or about anything that 
has happened in connection with Geneva, but I 
simply want to bring us back to the realities that 
as of now they have an overwhelming power, 
and — especially in the conventional field — they 
still have a very big edge against us. 

I have here a quotation from a talk that Mr. 
Khrushchev gave on the 19th of September, and 
here is what he said on that day : 

We always tell the truth to our friends as well as to 
our eueiuies. We are in favor of a relaxation of tension, 
but if anybody thinks that for this reason we shall forget 
about Mars, Engels, and Lenin, he is mistalien. This 
will happen when shrimp learn to whistle. And I might 
say that shrimp do not whistle very often. We are for 
coexistence because there is in the world a capitalist and 
socialist system, but we shall always adhere to the build- 
ing of socialism. 

He was referring to three very famous men and 
referring to the principle of coexistence in con- 
nection with them. Incidentally, he said this with 
a smile, and in a very relaxed way of speaking, at 
the time he made this speech. 

But let us go back now to one of these disciples, 
Lenin, and see what Lenin said on this same sub- 
ject. This was in 1920, and here was Lenin's view 
at that time : 

We are living not merely in a state but in a system of 
states and the existence of the Soviet Republic side by side 
with imperialist states for a long time is unthinkable. 
One or the other must triumph in the end. And before 
that end supervenes, a series of frightful collisions be- 
tween the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states will be 
inevitable. 

iUso, recall this — on the 19th I\Ir. Khrushchev 
is saying, "Anybody who thinks we have forgotten 
T^enin is badly mistaken." 

Marx, to whom he also referred, wrote the bible 
for the Communist doctrine, and he has said some 
poignant things of interest. One is : 

Ocfober 17, 1955 



The democratic concept of man is false, because it is 
Christian. The democratic concept holds that each man 
has a value as a sovereign being. This is an illusion 
and a dream. 

That is what Mr. Marx said. 

On the 22d of September Mr. Khrushchev, in 
talking to a group of French parliamentarians on 
the subject of religion, had this to say. He had 
been talking to them and saying, "Now, we allow 
religious services to take place in the Soviet 
LTnion." And then he went on with this: "But 
you must not draw," said he to his French visitors, 
"the conclusion from this fact that communism 
has changed its point of view toward religion. AVe 
remain atheists and we do everything we can to 
liberate a certain part of the people from the 
opium attraction of religion which still exists. 
Antireligious work is carried out by literatiu'e 
and lectures, but care is taken never to annoy the 
priests." 

I am bringing up these points simj^ly to sound 
a word of caution that, while the smile campaign 
is certainly very advantageous and I am delighted 
it has taken place, the democracies, who have great 
difficulty in retaining their unity amidst this sort 
of atmosphere, must bear in mind that so far as 
we can tell now there has been no significant de- 
parture from any Soviet position which has here- 
tofore been considered as important. 

Strong Force for Peace 

Two weeks ago yesterday, Mr. Bulganin and 
Mr. Khrushchev were entertaining Chancellor 
Adenauer and toasting to peace, perpetual peace. 
But at the very moment that was happening, in 
the satellite states the steam shovels were continu- 
ing their work in building additional airfields, 
and we have the situation that the Soviet poten- 
tial continues to grow. 'WHiether they will use 
those airfields or not, I cannot say, but our job — 
and our job from the question of creating an en- 
during and lasting peace — is that we nmst be able 
to maintain a balance of power, and that is the 
object of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

Our thesis — and it is the thesis of all of the 15 
governments — is that if we can develop sufficient 
power to make an attack by an aggressor ex- 
tremely costly, then it will never take place. In 
other words, we consider that we are a peaceful 
organization, and, in case there might be in any of 
your minds a lingering doubt as to whether or not 
we have aggressive tendencies, let me assure you 






611 



that in onr headquarters, which does a major part 
of the planning, there has never been as much as 
a single sentence written which envisages that we 
take the initiative in an attack. In fact, our big 
worry is how we can absorb, and how we can sur- 
vive, under an attack in which the other side has 
the advantage of surprise. 

We can therefore approach the world and the 
Soviets with a clean heart, that actually the object 
of our organization is to prevent war from taking 
place. We consider it a strong force for peace. 

Most people agree to that, and I am sure there is 
no difference of opinion among the people in this 
audience on that score, but here is where the prob- 
lem comes : An alliance is a very difficult thing to 
make function. None has ever functioned suc- 
cessfully in all of history in time of peace. Ours 
has functioned reasonably well in these 41/4 years 
since General Eisenhower went to Europe, but 
how it is going to function in the future depends 
more and more on the participation of the people, 
their confidence that it is an instrument for 
peace, and their belief in it to the extent that they 
will continue making the necessary sacrifices. 

Exercising World Leadership 

We do have this matter to consider and that 
is that it is of tremendous importance for America 
to keep this alliance going, because of our posi- 
tion in the world now, and certainly in the indus- 
trial field of production and productivity achieve- 
ments. This mantle of world leadership has fallen 
on our shoulders, but that same mantle does not 
give us necessarily the wisdom to lead the world in 
this kind of competition. 

I will take my own case : I went to school in our 
little village of Platte Center, taking up geog- 
raphy and history and trying to cheat our teacher 
out of a gi-ade, but I did not give one continental 
damn about geography and history. 

I went to college and I cared less, so that the 
preparation that I have for a job like this I have 
been learning at the rate of 14 hours a day since 
I have been on it. We have two sons in our 
family, and they have resisted education even 
better than I did. 

Your sons and daughters may be exceptions, 
but as we see them come over to our place, I have 
my doubts, and I have this feeling, that we have 
got to learn a great deal more of the world, what 
makes it tick, and why the other fellow's point 
of view is one that has to be considered. We have 



a tremendous amount of progress that is needed 
in that field, and the Soviets are masters at it. 
We also need to approach this task with humility, 
for we have a lot to learn. 

The Soviets, from the standpoint of propa- 
ganda, and especially from the standpoint of de- 
vising propaganda, do a very effective job, and at 
stake are 450 million people that belong to the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, of which 
165 million people are ours. 

Probably the impact on our people, we say, is 
not so great, but it makes a difference to be 30 
minutes away from Soviet bombers, as many of 
the people of Europe are, where devastating at- 
tacks can be launched on them, and the tendency 
for wishful thinking is one that is inherent in all 
human beings. Certainly you see tendencies of it 
even in this country. To be able to keep an 
alliance in this kind of atmosphere is going to 
require a very widespread exercise of leadership, 
and that is the reason why I bring this matter to 
your attention. 

You are all very important executives. You are 
leaders in your own community. I turn the prob- 
lem over to you because in this psychological field 
you can make a great contribution even if you 
do no more than to spread confidence in the organi- 
zation. Over and over again you should say the 
security of the free world depends upon our abil- 
ity to maintain this alliance. 

This alliance is certainly the most important 
one now in being from the standpoint of its ex- 
tent. I have confidence that we are going to be 
able to solve this. I have been in the military 
service — in another month — 37 years. Our head- 
quarters is the happiest one I have ever been asso- 
ciated with. That is due to the fact that General ■ 
Eisenhower was the first commander and was 
there for a year and a half. As he started it out, 
he assembled the officers and he said to them this: 
"I feel that the key characteristic of an Allied staff 
officer is the ability to have a ready smile." That 
was his way of saying that friends could work well 
together. 

That has been the secret of our success, and we 
have an extremely dedicated group of officers. If 
we can spread that same attitude to the rest of the 
450 million people of Nato, there is no question 
that we are going to be able to stop this war from 
ever taking place, or that we will be able to handle 
ourselves well in the cold war. 

You will be interested in another thing that 
General Eisenhower did at our headquarters. He 



612 



Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



felt that with tliis problem of 12 nationalities — 
which there were then, 15 now — you would make a 
great contribution if you could have those people 
live together. He worked it out with the French 
Government to have an apartment settlement 
which became known as Shape Village. It has 
paid tremendous dividends. Thej' have their own 
club there. Three hundred families live in one 
area. They also have their own school. 

You will be interested in this school. In one 
class that I visited just before the vacation started, 
there were 32 people from various nationalities, 
and in that class the English prize was won by a 
Turkish girl 14 years old. (There were six Ameri- 
cans in that class, five Britishers, two or three 
French, and various other nationalities.) I talked 
to her mother just last Wednesday. The mother — 
if she lives to be 150 years old, there is nothing in 
her life that will ever please her as much as the 
fact that her daughter, who came to that school 
only 2 years ago, was able to win first prize in 
English. The father and mother knew no English 
when thej' came there. 

It is the development of that type of under- 
standing which is going to make this thing work. 

I am certain that it can work. You may say 
that I am an optimist. I plead guilty to that 
charge. I like to think, liowever, that I am more 
than an optimist. I like to think that I have 
faith — faith in our civilization and its dedication 
to the dignity of the human individual and all 
that that implies, with our dedication and devo- 
tion to religion and all the advantages that stem 
from that. 

It has been a great honor for me to come here 
today. I understand that, when I finish, the pro- 
gram will be over. 

There was a friend of mine who belonged to a 
political party in one of the Southern states, and 
in their campaigning it was their custom to have 
seven or eight or nine people travel around in a 
caravan and deliver political speeches. On one 
such occasion they were in a grove of trees and 
there was going to be a barbecue following. As 
the speakers went on, the barbecue people went to 
their task and the aroma of the barbecue began 
coming over the crowd, and one by one the crowd 
departed. 

My particular friend sitting in the front row 
noticed this, and when he got up to speak, lo and 
behold, there was only one fellow left. He had 
to make a decision what to do, and he decided 

Ocfober 17, 1955 

362927—55 4 



that he would go through with his speech anyway, 
which he did with all of his gestures and delivered 
a very fine talk. He finished and be turned to 
this one fellow who was there. He said, "I want 
to thank you, my friend, for staying. Certainly 
that was a very fine act of courtesy. Just as a 
matter of interest, tell me — "Wliy did you stay?" 

"The answer is simple : I am the last speaker." 

I am very much flattered that the entertainment 
characteristics of the hotel have not attracted you 
people away, and I am very delighted to have had 
this chance to appear before you. 

I gather from listening to Mr. [Clarence] Ran- 
dall's talk that all bankers are rich ! When I was 
a banker, we were not, but I understand that has 
changed now and sooner or later you will be com- 
ing to Europe. I am not going to get into the 
subject that Mr. Randall has given you instruc- 
tions about, but I would like to extend to you an 
invitation ; instead of going to the night clubs in 
Paris — although we can arrange that for you if 
you like — to come and visit Shape, our head- 
quarters on the outskirts of Paris, where you can 
see what we are trying to do. We do not claim we 
have the answer. We don't resent criticism. We 
feel that the one item which could destroy our 
organization is indifference. If we can get your 
interest any time you are over, please know that 
you will be really welcome at that headquarters. 

In conclusion I want to say that I feel that we 
have made such tremendous progress that, if we 
were to weary and falter now, it would be nothing 
short of a catastrophe. We have a fateful period 
coming up. A month from today you will be read- 
ing the first report of the second Geneva confer- 
ence, which starts a month from yesterday. I 
hope that, whatever our leaders decide in regard 
to a position, you are going to give them your 
support. It is important, of coui-se, that we get 
an agreement with the Russians, but what is more 
important still is that we be right and that we get 
out of this an enduring and stable peace. The 
two things aie not the same necessarily. For the 
people to understand that is very complicated and 
is going to require a high degree of application 
on the part of leaders such as you. 

I wish you all possible success in your work. 
Again I thank you. I express my complete con- 
fidence that we are going to be able to solve this 
problem and, if we can only preserve our unity, I 
am positive that no power, however menacing, wiU 
be able to prevail against us. 



613 




UNITED NATIONSDAY October 24, 1955 







". . . WHEREAS the United Nations has entered on 
its tenth year of unremitting labor toward realizing 
the hopes of mankind for an ordered world based on 
the supremacy of reason and justice . . ." 



FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S 
U. N.DAY PROCLAMATION 



Need for Expanding Use off 
U.S. Books Overseas 

Following is the text of a letter dated September 
26 from Nelsan A. Rockefeller, Special Assistant 
to the President, to Arthur A. Houghton, Jr., 
chairman of the Conference on Boohs Abroad. 
The letter was read at the conference, held at 
Princeton, N. J., Septemher 29-30. 

It was a very pleasant surprise for me to see 
the extensive preparation which has been made for 
the Conference on Books Abroad at Princeton. 
As you commence your discussions, I want to as- 
sure you of your government's deep interest in the 
vakie of books in the field of international rela- 
tions. 

Books are one of the windows to a nation's soul 
and spirit. Wi\n\ more American books and pub- 
lications are read overseas, we shall have many 
more friends abroad who are understanding sup- 
porters of American foreign policy. I realize that 
books make their influence effective only over the 
course of years. Because we have so long delayed 
a really major effort in this field of books, a major 
program is now absolutely necessary. The U.S. 
Information Agency has been making substantial 
and successful use of books, but a government 
agency cannot fully meet the challenge in this field. 
Regular publishing channels must be the main 
instrument for insuring adequate commercial dis- 
tribution of significant American books. Let me 
assure you and your Conference that your efforts 
to increase book distribution are of major im- 
poitance to United States objectives. 

The current passion for education throughout 
the world opens great opportunities for books to 
reach and influence present leaders and the stu- 
dents who will be the future leaders. Opportuni- 
ties will vary from country to country, but a stable, 
long-range program by skilled personnel would 
accomplish major results. American world lead- 
ership, the quality of American achievements in 
scientific, professional, technical and cultural 
fields, and the pressing need to reflect this leader- 
ship and quality of achievement throughout the 
world, warrant the greatest possible effort to ex- 
pand the use of American books throughout the 
world in the present half-century. Your govern- 
ment stands ready to cooperate with you in lessen- 
ing the major obstacles which stand in the way of 
this expansion. 



616 



With sincerest wishes for the success of your 
Conference and the publishers' subsequent efforts 
to increase American book distribution, I remain, 
Sincerely, 

Nelson A. Rockefeller 
Special Assistant to the President 



United States Position on 
U.S.S.R.-East German Agreements 

Press release 584 dated October 4 

The following is the text of a note delivered by 
the American Embassy at Moscoic to the Soviet 
Foreign Ministry on October 3. Similar notes 
loere delivered on the saine day to the Soviet 
Foreign Ministry at Moscow by the Embassies of 
France and the United Kingdom,. 

The Government of the United States of 
America, in agreement with the Governments of 
the United Kingdom and France, wishes to make 
known its position with regard to the agreements 
concluded at Moscow on the 20th of September 
1955 between Marshal Bulganin and Mr. Grote- 
wohl, as published in the press. 

The three Governments declare that these 
agreements cannot affect in any respect or in 
any way the obligations or responsibilities of 
the U.S.S.R. under agreements and arrangements 
on the subject of Germany, including Berlin, pre- 
viously concluded between France, the United 
States, the United Kingdom and the U.S.S.R. 

The three Governments consider that the 
U.S.S.R. remains bound by the engagements which 
it has assumed vis-a-vis the Three Powers concern- 
ing Germany, and that, in particular, the letters 
exchanged between Mr. Zorin and Mr. Bolz on the 
20th of September 1955 cannot have the effect of 
discharging the U.S.S.R. from the responsibilities 
which it has assumed in matters concerning trans- 
portation and communications between the differ- 
ent parts of Germany, including Berlin. 



Effective Date for Concessions 
to Italy 

Press release 590 dated October 5 

As stated by the Department on August 22, 
1955,' in accordance with the provisions of the 



1 Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 397. 

Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 



Protocol for the Accession of Japan to the Gen- 
eral Agi-eement on Tariffs and Trade, U.S. con- 
cessions to countries other than Japan in connec- 
tion M-ith the negotiations for Japan's accession 
will be made effective 30 days after such countries 
notify the Executive Secretary of the general 
agreement that their concessions to Japan are be- 
ing placed in effect. 

On September 5, 1955, the Italian Government 
gave notification of intention to apply the con- 
cessions contained in its schedule to the Pi-otocol. 
Accordingly the United States will on October 5, 
1955, apply the concessions initially negotiated 
with Italy. The items affected are : 



Item Designation 
1531 [first] 



1531 [second] 



Description 
Coin purses, change purses, bill- 
folds, bill cases, bill rolls, bill 
purses, banknote eases, currency 
cases, money cases, card cases, li- 
cense cases, pass cases, passport 
cases, letter cases, and similar 
flat leather goods ; all the fore- 
going wholly or in chief value of 
leather other than reptile leather 

Articles provided for in para- 
graph, 1531, Tariff Act of 1930, if 
wholly or in chief value of reptile 
leather and permanently fitted 
and furnished with traveling, bot- 
tle, drinking, dining or luncheon, 
sewing, manicure, or similar sets 

The President has notified the Secretary of the 
Treasury of the effective date for the concessions 
to Italy. 

Memorandum for the Secretary of the Treasury' 

October 3, 1955 
Reference is made to my proclamation of July 
22, 1955 ^ carrying out the Protocol of Terms of 
Accession by Japan to the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade. 

On September 5, 1955 Italy gave to the Execu- 
tive Secretary to the Contracting Parties to the 
General Agreement the notification referred to in 
paragraph 3 of the Protocol for the accession of 
Japan, of intention to apply on October 5, 1955 
concessions which it had negotiated initially with 
Japan. Accordingly, pursuant to the procedure 
described in Part 1(b) (1) of the above-mentioned 
proclamation, I hereby notify you that both items 
1531 in Part I of Schedule XX to the said Proto- 



'20 fed. Reg. 7S01. 

' BtT.LETiN of Aug. 8, 1955, p. 226. 



col shall not be withheld pursuant to paragraph 
4 of the said Protocol on or after October 5, 1955. 



Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of 
Aviation Facilities 

Press release 583 dated October 3 

The Department of State welcomes the decision 
of the Export-Import Bank to establish a credit 
of $24 million in Ethiopia's favor for the develop- 
ment of commercial airfields and aviation facilities 
throughout the country. The loan indicates the 
bank's confidence in Ethiopia's capacity for eco- 
nomic expansion and is in line with the desire of 
the United States to strengthen further the already 
close cooperation between Ethiopia and the United 
States. Ethiopian Air Lines, whose expansion the 
loan will support, is already an outstanding 
achievement of Ethiopian enterprise assisted by 
private American technical knowledge. The air- 
line is wholly Ethiopian owned but managed un- 
der contract by an American air carrier, Trans- 
World Airlines. 

The bank's action is viewed by the Department 
as further tangible evidence of the interest which 
the U.S. Government expressed in the sound de- 
velopment of Ethiopia's economy at the time of 
Emperor Haile Selassie's visit to this country in 
the spring of 1954. 



Emergency Assistance to India 

Press release 585 dated October 4 

The Governments of the United States and 
India announced on October 4 the exchange of 
notes covering the extension of emergency assist- 
ance to help relieve the recent flood disaster in 
northeast India. This assistance includes 10,000 
tons of wheat and 10,000 tons of rice. The food 
grains will come from Government stocks held by 
the Commodity Credit Corporation, and the U.S. 
Government also will bear the cost of transporta- 
tion to Indian ports. Additional assistance may 
be made available by the United States if condi- 
tions warrant. 

It is estimated that the continuing floods, 
among the worst disasters in the history of Asia, 
have destroyed and damaged many thousands of 
villages and the homes of some 16 million people 



Ocfober 77, J 955 



617 



in the states of West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Assam, 
and Uttar Predesh. 

Immediate relief in the form of medicines and 
other emergency supplies, donated by Red Cross 
societies and other voluntary agencies in many 
countries including the United States, has been 
flown to New Delhi on U.S. Government planes. 
Supplies were also made available from League 
of Red Cross Society stocks in Geneva. 

The offer of U.S. assistance, made in a note from 
U.S. Ambassador John Sherman Cooper to Min- 
ister of Agriculture P. S. Deshmukli for Prime 
Minister Nehru, is being given under provisions 
of title II, Public Law 480, which authorizes the 
use of surplus American agricultural products for 
relief purposes. The shipment of wheat to devas- 
tated areas in India will begin shortly. 



Korean Tax Problem 

Press release 586 dated October 3 

The taxation of American businessmen in Ko- 
rea has recently been the subject of discussions be- 
tween our Embassy in Seoul and the Government 
of the Republic of Korea. There has been so much 
confusion about the problem that the Department 
of State considers it desirable to clarify the issues. 

The Korean Minister of Finance has repeatedly 
assured officers of the American Embassy in Seoul 
that American businessmen are paying and have 
in the past paid personal income taxes, taxes on 
agents' commissions, and certain other taxes, their 
liability for which is clearly established. The 
current controversy does not involve personal tax 
obligations. 

The tax in question is the "Business Tax" levied 
under Korean law No. 48 of August 13, 1949. In 
American terminology, this tax as applied to the 
businessmen involved is known as a sales tax. Ex- 
planations of the law made public by the Tax 
Bureau of the Finance Ministry of the Republic 
of Korea as recently as June 1955 indicate clearly 
that it was up to that time regarded as a tax to be 
levied on goods and services in Korean domestic 
trade only, and this is verified by the way in 
which the law was implemented. No effort was 
made by the Tax Bureau before July 1955 to col- 
lect this sales tax on transactions in international 
trade in which the sales were made outside Korea 
and title to the goods was transferred outside 
Korea. 



In July and Augixst 1955 the Korean Tax Bu- 
reau sent bills to representatives of certain Ameri- 
can firms in Korea for amounts that were declared 
to be due the Republic of Korea by those firms as 
taxes under law No. 48. They were taxes on goods 
that had been brought into Korea, but the sales 
transactions had in the gi"eat majority of cases 
been completed outside Korea and the title to the 
goods involved had also been transferred outside 
Korea. The bills were in varying amounts, but 
in the case of one firm amounted to $214,000 at the 
current rate of exhange. In discussing tliis sub- 
ject with the Korean Government, the American 
Embassy at Seoul has not disputed the right of the 
Korean Government to levy a sales tax on goods 
in international trade under the provisions of law 
No. 48. However, it has, on instructions from the 
Department of State, discussed the advisability 
of taxing sales transactions which are largely in- 
ternational in character, contrary to the practice 
of most countries, and has raised questions with 
res^ject to the fairness of applying a new interpre- 
tation of the law retroactively to past trans- 
actions. 

The sovereignty of the Korean Government in 
taxation matters is therefore not the issue in the 
present discussions, nor is it a question of dis- 
crimination. The issue is rather the equity of the 
application of a new interpretation of law No. 48 
to transactions that took place before the inter- 
pretation was made public when there had been 
good reason to expect that the law would not be so 
construed. 

Most of the American businessmen in Korea are 
neither importers nor exporters of goods. In the 
vast majority of cases they are on a salary basis 
and are engaged in promoting sales rather than 
making them. At no time do they hold title to the 
goods whose sales they promote nor do they handle 
the money which is involved. In these circum- 
stances a sales tax levied on goods whose purchase 
they promote cannot be considered a personal tax 
obligation of the businessman. The tax, if pay- 
able at all, is an obligation of the company whicli 
the businessman represents and not of the busi- 
nessman personally. Nevertheless, the Korean 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs has informed the Em- 
bassy at Seoul that it will not issue an exit permit 
to the principal representative of a firm from 
which this sales tax is considered due until the tax 
has been paid. 

In representing the interests of American busi- 



618 



Department of State Bulletin 



nessmen on this score, the American Embassy has 
held that it is contrary to the principles of equity 
to limit the freedom of movement of an individual 
on account of sums that may be due from his 
employers. 

Export- Import Bank Reports on 
Lending Activities 

Eximbank press release dated September 29 

The Export -Import Bank of Washington on 
September -Jd transmitted to the President and the 
Congress its semiannual report for the half year 
wliich ended June 30, 1955.^ The bank is the for- 
eign lending agency of the U.S. Govermnent. 

The first half of the calendar year 1955 wit- 
nessed a continuing uptrend in the lending ac- 
tivities of the Export-Import Bank. During this 
IJeriod it authorized 115 new credits totaling $336.7 
million. Included in the new credits were 81 indi- 
vidual exporter credit lines totaling $123.1 million. 
The bank allocated $21.5 million to specific proj- 
ects under credits previously authorized and ap- 
proved 6 transactions totaling $1.3 million under 
exporter credit lines. For the fiscal year 1955, the 
bank's new credit commitments amounted to $628.3 
million. 

In the same 6-month period, the bank disbursed 
$137.8 million under existing loan authorizations 
and received repayments of principal amounting 
to $167.4 million plus interest payments of $42.6 
million. Disbursements for the fiscal year 1955 
totaled $273.5 million, and principal repayments 
on all loans amounted to $298.1 million. 

The credits authorized during the 6 months 
ended June 30, 1955, increased the total credits au- 
thorized by the bank from the time of its establish- 
ment in February 1934 to $7.2 billion. As of June 
30, 1955, the total amount disbursed under such 
authorizations was $4.9 billion, of which $2.2 bil- 
lion has been repaid. 

On June 30, 1955, 438 loans were outstanding in 
50 countries. The total of the loans outstanding 
was $2.7 billion, and the portion of credits au- 
thorized but not yet disbursed was $753 million. 
Deducting these amounts from the bank's lending 



' For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. ; price, 
40 cents. 



authority of $5 billion left an uncommitted bal- 
ance of $1.5 billion at the fiscal year end. 

For the fiscal year the total revenue of the bank 
from interest on loans amounted to $85.7 million, 
out of which $25.5 million was paid as interest on 
funds borrowed from the U.S. Treasury and $1.1 
million was expended for operating expenses. De- 
duction of all expenses from gross revenue left net 
earnings for the fiscal year of $59.1 million, of 
which $29.5 million was earned during the final 
6 months. 

In June a payment of another $22.5 million an- 
nual dividend to the Treasury of the United States 
was approved, representing 21/4 percent on the $1 
billion of capital stock of the bank. This dividend 
was paid out of profits made during the fiscal year 
ended June 30, 1955. Accumulated earned reserves 
now total $367.1 million. 

New applications are being received at a rate 
over three times the previous 3-year average, and 
the number of credits authorized during the first 
6 months of 1955 was larger than for any previous 
6-month period since the bank was established. 
The bank has continued its practice of assisting 
exporters in fuiancing specific transactions on a 
case-by-case basis. In addition, the bank has un- 
dertaken, in appropriate cases, to establish credit 
lines for exporters under the terms of which they 
ai'e apprised in advance in fairly specific terms 
how far the bank may be willing to go in financing 
their exjDorts to si^ecific countries. 

Although most requests for assistance in the past 
year have originated with U.S. suppliers, the bank 
has continued to receive and, in appropriate cases, 
to approve requests of foreign entities and govern- 
ments for credits to finance the acquisition of U.S. 
materials, equipment, and services for develop- 
mental projects to be undertaken abroad. 

The bank conducts other lending operations at 
the request and for the account of other agencies 
of the U.S. Government which are recorded in- 
dependently of operations under the Export-Im- 
port Bank Act of 1945, as amended. For instance, 
as agent for the Foreign Operations Administra- 
tion, the bank paid $36.2 million to the U.S. Treas- 
ury during the fiscal year 1955 from collections 
made on approximately $1.7 billion in loans to 26 
countries made under the Mutual Security Act of 
1954 and prior legislation. 



Ocfofaer 17, 1955 



619 



Importance of International Travel to the Foreign Trade 
of the United States 

hy Somerset R. Waters ^ 



Let us first raise the question suggested by the 
topic to be discussed. Is international travel of 
major importance to foreign trade ? One way to 
answer this is to point to the number of high-level 
governmental bodies which have considered the 
economic aspects of travel during the past few 
years. I believe I am safe in stating that no 
other administration has given such active consid- 
eration to the problems of international travel. 

The President's Commission on Foreign Eco- 
nomic Policy under the leadership of Clarence 
Randall included a study of this subject and made 
recommendations pointing toward Government 
action to encourage and expand international 
travel.^ The President in his foreign economic 
messages to Congress in the past 2 years empha- 
sized the importance of tourist travel.^ The Rio 
economic conference in November 1954 included 
this subject on its agenda. The recent meeting of 
the Economic and Social Coimcil of the United 
Nations considered tourism and supported resolu- 
tions on this subject at the recommendation of the 
U.S. delegation.^ Two weeks ago, when the For- 
eign Minister of Japan, Mr. Shigemitsu, visited 
our country, a delegation from his mission visited 
the Department of Commerce to discuss the sub- 
ject of expanded travel to Japan. This list is in- 
complete but gives some idea of the top-level con- 
sideration being given to this subject which is of 
interest to all of us. 

In our writings and speeches we constantly refer 
to the close relationship between international 

' Address made before the Travel Writers Association 
of New York at New Yorlc, N. Y., on Sept. 12. Mr. Waters 
is Special Consultant on International Travel to the As- 
sistant Secretary of Commerce for International Affairs. 

' Bulletin of Feb. S, 1954, p. 1S7. 

'Ihid., Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602, and Jan. 24, 1955, p. 119. 

'lUd., May 2, 1955, p. 741. 



travel and the establishment of more peaceful con- 
ditions throughout the world. At the recent 
"summit" meeting in Geneva we had dramatic 
proof of this close relationship. When I read 
President Eisenhower's report of the Geneva con- 
ference, I thought of that old slogan of the Euro- 
pean Travel Commission: "Understanding 
through travel is the passport to peace." The 
President's remarks were as follows : ^ 

. . . The subject that took most of our attention in this 
regard was the possibility of increased visits by the citi- 
zens of one country into the territory of another, doing 
this in such a way as to give each the fullest possible op- 
portunity to learn about the people of the other nation. 
In this particular subject there was the greatest possible 
degree of agreement. As a matter of fact, it was agree- 
ment often repeated and enthusiastically supported by 
the words of the members of each side. 

Of course, as the President also stated, the acid 
test will begin in October, when the Foreign Min- 
isters meet to take the conclusions of this confer- 
ence and translate these generalities into actual, 
specific agreements. 

Increase in International Travel 

In discussing the importance of travel to for- 
eign trade, it becomes necessary to cite a few sta- 
tistical facts. To begin with, international travel 
is increasing at such a rate that we expect that in 
1955 U.S. residents will spend about $1.5 billion 
on travel abroad. This includes spending within 
the foreign countries as well as fares on interna- 
tional carriers. Of the money spent within these 
countries in 1954, a rough division was like this: 
out of each dollar spent for foreign travel, 37 
cents went to Europe, 30 cents to Canada, 20 cents 
to Mexico, and 13 cents was divided through the 



' Ibid., Aug. 8, 1955, p. 217. 



620 



Department of State Bulletin 



rest of the world. Our citizens are spending 
enough in foreign countries to pay for about 10 
percent of our mercliandise exports. This means 
that international travel is providing the dollars to 
pay for approximately one-tenth of the purchases 
by foreign countries of the products of our farms 
and factories. There can be no question of the 
great significance of travel to foreign trade. Your 
own work, when you write on foreign travel, 
directly affects an important segment of our 
economy. 

Another method for demonstrating the increas- 
ing importance of tourist travel to foreign trade 
is to compare our merchandise imports w'ith our 
expenditures for foreign travel. These imports, 
like travel, provide dollars to bolster the economies 
of foreign countries. In 1951, the ratio of travel 
earnings to imports was 7.6 percent. Five years 
later, in 1955, it appears that this ratio will ap- 
proach 12 percent. Not only is travel important 
to foreign trade, but its relative importance is 
growing at a rapid rate. 

Changes in Division of Tourist Dollar 

If you can bear with me for a few more statis- 
tics, you may be interested in some changes taking 
place in the division of our tourist dollars. Back 
in 1948, Canada received 45 percent of the dollars 
spent by tourists outside the United States. By 
1954, Canada's percentage of these tourist dollar 
expenditures had dropped to 30 percent. Wliile 
Canada is now receiving a smaller portion of the 
total expenditures, Europe has jumped from 21 
percent of the total in 1948 to 37 percent in 1954. 
Mexico, on the other hand, continues to get about 
the same percentage. It received 19 percent of 
the tourist dollars back in 1948 and 20 percent in 
1954. Of course, Mexico is receiving more dollars 
today because the total dollars expendetl have 
greatly increased. The point is that Mexico's share 
of the total has remained stationary. The same 
is true for Bermuda, the West Indies, and Central 
America, when considered together. This group 
received 9 percent of the tourist dollars in 1948 
and 9 percent in 1954. South America has shown 
a slight decrease, receiving 3.G percent in 1948 and 
2.3 percent in 1954. This all adds up to evidence 
of a dramatic job being done by Europe, backed 
with substantial help from all of you in this room, 
plus strong advertising and public relations pro- 
grams from some of the European countries. It 



presents a challenge to the other parts of the world 
to find ways to increase their sales efforts in this 
big competitive race for a share of the customer's 
dollar. 

Now that the big summer season is behind us and 
we begin to consider 1956, it is interesting to not« 
that we have reached a period 11 years after the 
close of World War II. It was in 1929, 11 years 
after the close of AVorld War I, that international 
travel reached its peak prior to the depression of 
the 30's. The obvious question that comes to mind 
is: Are U.S. citizens today spending as large a 
percentage of their income for foreign travel as 
they did in 1929 ? 

When we examine the facts, we find that tourist 
travel, like other segments of the leisure and recre- 
ational market, is not keeping pace with the large 
increase in consumer disposable income. Fortmis 
magazine in its article, "30 Billion for Fun", in the 
June 1954 issue, suggests that the leisure market is 
a lazy market. It is big, but it should be a lot 
bigger. Fortune points to the current vigorous 
upward trend and suggests that one day soon this 
market may "simply take off." 

Back in 1929, we spent eight-tenths of one per- 
cent of our disposable income for foreign travel. 
Today we are spending only five-tenths of one per- 
cent. If we devoted the same percentage of our 
disposable income to foreign travel in 1955 as we 
did in 1929, we should be spending more than $2 
billion. 

When we examine the record, we find that the 
percentage of travelers to Europe today, as com- 
pared to total U.S. adult population, is just about 
the same as in the late 1920's. When we consider 
the great increase in disposable income, plus the 
introduction of air travel, plus increased leisure 
time and increased education of our people, we 
can see that we have no great grounds for self- 
satisfaction in contemplating the present traffic to 
Europe. 

Apparently, if we make comparisons in dollars 
of constant purchasing power for travel to Eu- 
rope, we find that there has been quite a decrease 
in the spending per person. Thus, in obtaining 
increased growth in travel, the question arises: 
Do we try to encourage travelers to spend more 
per person or should the industry concentrate on 
increasing the total traffic ? I believe most of you 
would agree that the proper target should be one 
of bringing about a considerable increase in the 
number of travelers. 



October 17, 1955 



621 



"While we are considering the various changes 
in the travel market, as compared to prewar years, 
it might also be interesting to point out that, in the 
1930's, 6 percent of American travel expenditures 
were made in Eastern European countries. In the 
coming years, if more peaceful conditions permit 
removal of barriers to travel in these countries, 
this would have an important effect on the Eu- 
rojDean travel market. 

Another important development which is stimu- 
lating travel to Europe is the development of the 
"pay later" plan. The Department of Commerce 
made a survey of the use of the "pay later" plan 
for U.S. residents traveling by air to Europe 
between October 1954 and March 1955. It dis- 
covered that in this period approximately 4 per- 
cent of these travelers to Europe made use of this 
plan as compared with 1.5 percent for the entire 
world. The airlines have indicated that most of 
these customers represented new business which 
would not have been obtained otherwise. The 
most interesting discovery in this survey was the 
strong use of the "pay later" plan among foreign- 
born travelers to Europe. In this special cate- 
gory, over 6 percent financed their travels through 
use of this plan. 

Foreign Travelers in U. S. 

So far we have discussed travel by Americans to 
foreign countries. It should be noted that the 
United States is not only the biggest exporter of 
tourism but we also obtain more income fi-om 
visitors than do other countries. We are the lead- 
ing host nation. 

In 1954, the United States obtained a total of 
more than $600 million from foreign travelers 
visiting our country. This included $70 million 
in payments for fares to U.S. carriers and $538 
million from foreign visitors traveling within the 
United States. Of the amount spent within the 
United States, Canadians spent $311 million; 
Western Europeans $48 million; Mexicans $53 
million ; Cubans $23 million ; other Latin Ameri- 
cans $68 million ; and all others $35 million. 

On the subject of travel to the United States, 
may I make a suggestion for serious consideration 
by all of you experts in the field? This is the 
question of whether the U.S. Government should 
maintain travel promotional offices abroad for the 
purpose of attracting tourists to the United States. 



As you know, Canada, Mexico, England, France, 
Italy, and other major powers have government 
offices charged with the responsibility of increas- 
ing travel to their respective countries. Now that 
the economy of the world is much improved, it 
may be wise to consider whether or not a similar 
organization should be created by our Government. 
I am in no way advocating that our Government 
should establish such an organization, but I do 
strongly suggest that the pros and cons be given 
full consideration. Such a discussion should be 
based not only on economic advantages but also 
on the value of having more of the peoples of the 
world see the United States with their own eyes in- 
stead of dei^ending on sometimes confusing im- 
I^ressions derived from descriptions appearing in 
the foreign press. 

Seasonal Problem in Trans-Atlantic Travel 

Another major problem which still requires the 
use of all of the ingenuity of the travel industry 
is that of finding a solution to the seasonal struc- 
ture of trans-Atlantic travel. We have seen how 
resort areas such as Miami, Hawaii, Nassau, and 
the southern coast of France, as well as many 
others, have been able to make great strides in 
putting tourism on a year-round basis. I, for one, 
believe that ways can be found to bring about a 
similar year-round travel pattern for Europe. 
Lower transportation and hotel rates, increased 
promotion, removal of currency restrictions to in- 
crease traffic from Europe, relaxation of tensions 
between East and West, increased travel to the 
Middle East, and round-the-world travel are all 
subjects to be discussed from the point of view 
of their effect on the seasonal problem in trans- 
Atlantic travel. 

On another subject, much remains to be accom- 
plished in easing governmental barriers to travel 
to the United States. This subject is receiving 
greatly inci'eased attention in Washington at the 
present time, and we are making some lieadway. 
I expect you will witness some substantial im- 
provements in the coming year. 

Not only do we still impose a number of re- 
strictions, but many foreign goveriunents con- 
tinue to impose currency restrictions as well as 
other restrictions which prevent their nationals 
from paying us a visit. Of course, thei-e are still 
many countries where such restrictions may be 
necessary, but, in view of the improved economic 



622 



Department of State Bulletin 



situation in many parts of tlie world, it is sug- 
gested that the time has now arrived for the re- 
moval of these currency restrictions in a number 
of countries. 

The question of removal of the travel tax on 
foreign travel to certain areas will undoubtedly 
receive consideration when Congress meets again 
in January. As you know, a bill eliminating this 
tax has passed the House of Eepresentatives and 
is now awaiting action by the Senate. 

In looking ahead a few years, we hope to see 
many more countries in the world showing an 
interest in the development of tourism. The coun- 
tries of South America as well as many of the 
countries in the Pacific and Southeast Asia have 
yet to initiate programs to attract U.S. tourists. 
There are great sections in the world where only 
limited hotel facilities are now available. I be- 
lieve it is fair to say that, among the great areas 
of international trade, tourism may still be con- 
sidei-ed in a period of early development. In view 
of the present state of our economy, the possibili- 
ties for expansion seem to be tremendous. 

To summarize these rather rambling remarks, 
we see here an industry which by comjaarison with 
the depression years of the 30's and the war years 
of the 40's seems to be booming. However, when 
we look at the picture objectively, we see in reality 
that international travel has not kept pace with 
many other competitors for the consumer dollar 
nor with the growth of available income. Fur- 
thermore, despite the big growth in travel to Eu- 
rope, the percent of U.S. residents now engaged 
in European travel, as compared to our total pop- 
ulation, is approximately the same as existed in 
the late 1920's. This presents a challenge to all 
of us who serve this industry, whether in Gov- 
ernment, in private enterprise, or in the writing 
professions. The means by which other industries 
have accomplished their sales objectives are well 
known. Let us hojDe that they may be increasingly 
applied to international travel in the coming years. 



Signed at Geneva May 20, 1952. Entered into force 
May 20, 1052. TIAS 2692. 

Acceptance deposited {with reservations) : United King- 
dom, August 11, 1955. 



Narcotic Drugs 

Protocol amending the agreements, conventions, and pro- 
tocols on narcotic drugs concluded at The Hague Janu- 
ary 23, 1912, at Geneva l<>bruary 11 and 19, 1925, and 
July 13, 1931, at Bangkok Noveml)er 27, 1931, and at 
Geneva June 20, 1936, by transferring certain duties 
and functions from the League of Nations to the United 
Nations and World Health Organization. Done at Lake 
Success December 11, 1946. I'jntered into force Decem- 
ber 11, 1916. TIAS 1671, 18.59. 
Signature: Spain, September 26, 1955. 

Protocol bringing under international control drugs out- 
side the scope of the convention of July 13, 1931, for lim- 
iting the manufacture and regulating the distribution 
of narcotic drugs, as amended by the protocol signed 
at Lake Success December 11, 1946. Done at Paris No- 
vember 19, 1948. Entered into force December 1, 1949. 
TIAS 2.308. 
Signature: Spain, September 26, 1955. 

North Atlantic Treaty 

Agreement between the jiarties to the North Atlantic 
Treaty for cooperation regarding atomic information. 
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.' 

Notification of being bound by terms of the agreement : 
Italy, September 23, 19.55. 



Canada 



BILATERAL 



Agreement relating to construction of a petroleum prod- 
ucts pipeline between the United States Air Force dock 
at St. John's and Pepperrell Air Force Base, New- 
foundland, with annex. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Ottawa September 22, 1955. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 22, 1955. 



Guatemala 

Agreement terminating by mutual con.sent on October 15, 
1955, the reciprocal trade agreement of April 24, 1936 
( 49 Stat. 3989 ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Guate- 
mala August 2 and September 28, 19.55. Entered into 
force September 28, 1955. 



Peru 

Second amendment to agreement for sale of certain sur- 
plus agricultural commodities to Peru of February 7, 
19.55 (TIAS 3190), to include sale of edible oils and 
fats. Signed at Lima September 20, 1955. Entered into 
force September 20, 1955. 



Current Treaty Actions 

MULTILATERAL 

Drugs 

Protocol for termination of the Brussels agreements for 
unification of pharmacopoeial formulas for potent drugs. 



United Kingdom 

Agreement regarding tobacco and military dependents' 
housing, and related notes. Effected by exchange of 
notes at London June 3 and 7, 1955. Entered into force 
June 7, 1955. 



' Not in force. 



Ocfofaer 17, 1955 



623 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



U. N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders 



hy William^ P. Rogers 

Deputy Attorney General of the United States ^ 



Our Geneva conference on crime hardly ap- 
proached in significance the many other confer- 
ences held there which have so profoundly affected 
the peace of the world. It was nevertheless tre- 
mendously important because it dealt primarily 
with the baffling problems of maintaining an or- 
derly and law-abiding society and with the vastly 
complicated subject of hmnan behavior as well. 
Under the auspices of the United Nations, up- 
wards of 400 delegates were brought from some 44 
different countries. There were Ministers and 
Deputy Ministers of Justice, judges, lawyers, 
prison administrators, experts in juvenile delin- 
quency, psychiatrists, doctors, and religious lead- 
ers. It was truly an assemblage of serious and 
thoughtful people anxious to interchange ideas 
and get inspiration and drive from the conference. 

The American delegation, of which your presi- 
dent and general secretary were important and 
able membei-s, was one of which I believe the 
United States can be proud. The members made 
important contributions to each of the sections 
into which the Congress was divided. Also, your 
former president, Mr. Sanford Bates, made an 
inspiring speech — or lecture, as they called it 
there — on modern trends in correctional methods 
in the United States. 

Following the opening session, when the officers 
of the Congress were selected and appropriate 

' Excerpt from an address made before the American 
Congress of Correction at Des Moines. Iowa, on Sept. 29. 
Mr. Rogers was chairman of the U.S. delegation to the 
U.N. Congress, which met at Geneva, Switzerland, Aug. 
22-Sept. 3, 1955. For a list of U.S. delegates, see Bulle- 
tin of Aug. 8, 1955, p. 243. 



greetings exchanged, the Congress was divided 
into five sections: standard minimum rules for the 
treatment of prisoners, open institutions, prison 
labor, pereonnel, and juvenile delinquency. Each 
section discussed in detail the written proposals 
of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. 
For instance, in the section on standard minimum 
rules, a draft of the rules was available to each 
participant. As a matter of fact, they had been 
initially drafted, I understand, by the old Inter- 
national Penal and Penitentiary Commission, 
which was the forerunner of the United Nations 
conference. These rules set up certain guiding 
principles for the administration of prisons along 
lines which are generally familiar to you. One 
of the rules, for example, prohibited corporal 
punishment ; another provided that every prisoner 
was entitled as a matter of right to visits fi"om 
his lawyer and family; still another stipulated 
that the prisoner must be given access to a rep- 
resentative of his religious faith. There were 
others dealing with evei"y phase of prison admin- 
istration. In due course they will, I think, be 
transmitted to the administrator of every penal 
and correctional institution in the United States 
with the request that he comment on them and 
indicate the extent to which he will be able to 
comply with them. Mr. Bennett ^ was chairman 
of this section and can tell you more of the details. 
I imderstand from him that, if they can ever 
be made effective throughout the world, it will 
be a tremendous triumph for humanizing prison 
and correctional methods. 



- James V. Bennett, Director, Bureau of Prisons, De- 
partment of Justice. 



624 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



Prison Labor 

The section on prison labor devoted its attention 
to drafting a statement on the importance of pro- 
viding for constructive employment for prison- 
ers, reiterated the basic right of every prisoner to 
full employment, and outlined the methods which 
sliould be followed in the development of the work 
program. Your secretary, Mr. CasSj^* was largely 
responsible for reversing the recommendation of 
the section that the Congress go on record as ap- 
proving what we would call the contract labor 
system as the preferred method of prison employ- 
ment. He succeeded by a narrow margin in get- 
ting the Congress to express its preference for the 
state-use system and to support the view that only 
when sound reasons exist should private employ- 
ers be pennitted to engage the service of prison- 
ers, and then only under such conditions that the 
prisoner could not be exploited or the interests of 
private industry and free labor be adversely af- 
fected. 

Juvenile Delinquency 

The section that was most largely attended and 
took up most of the work of the conference was 
the one on juvenile delinquency. This section ran 
into a sort of roadblock at the very outset because 
of the difficulty of agi-eeing on what constitutes 
juvenile delinquency. Most of the countries 
abroad consider a child to be a juvenile delinquent 
onl}^ when he violates some portion of the penal 
code, whereas, as you know, in our country and 
some othei"S a. juvenile delinquent can be one who 
is merely a truant, or incorrigible, or beyond the 
control of his parents. After that problem was 
compromised, there was a lively and interesting 
debate on the causes of juvenile delinquency and 
the measures that should be taken to cope with it. 
The final report of the section I think you will 
find very interesting, and it will be available from 
the Social Defense Section of the United Nations 
as soon as the proceedings are printed. 

All of these discussions were important and in- 
teresting, and I am sure that the conclusions of the 
meeting will be most helpful to all of you. But 
the thing that was most impressive was the almost 
universal atmosphere of good will, eagerness to 
learn, and the spirit of cooperation which per- 
vaded the entire conference. This attitude of un- 



" Edward R. Cass, Commissioner, N. Y. State Com- 
mission of Correction. 



derstanding was a revelation to the American 
delegation, some of whom had apparently gone to 
the conference anticipating some manifestations 
of jealousy or of animosity between one group and 
another. We could see no evidence of this at all. 
As a inatter of fact, the situation was quite the 
opposite. There were a number of social occa- 
sions when the utmost cordiality and friendliness 
was shown by all in attendance. 

European Institutional Methods 

■\^'e had an opportunity to enjoy the justly 
famous Swiss hospitality on an all-day trip visit- 
ing Swiss institutions. Here we could see at first 
hand the wide difi'erences in institutiojial methods 
between the Western European countries and our 
own. England, France, Belgium, Holland, Ger- 
many, and the Scandinavian countries continue to 
adhere to the system of separate confinement for 
most of their more serious otfenders. Each pris- 
oner has a room of his own in which he sleeps, eats, 
and frequently works. There are no congregate 
dining facilities abroad, and most of the institu- 
tions are quite small in comparison with those in 
the United States. Only in the open institutions, 
the Borstals of the United Kingdom, and similar 
specialized institutions do the prisoners associate 
together to the same extent they do over here. 
That's one of the important reasons why there is 
seldom a prison riot abroad. The prisoners just 
can"t get together in large enough groups. 

Incidentally, it was interesting to note the dif- 
ferent attitudes with respect to the various types 
of offenses. For instance, while the abuse of di-ugs 
is a ci-ime or forbidden in most of the countries 
of the world, it does not seem to be much of a 
problem in Western Europe or in a number of 
other parts of the world. You all know how 
difficult it is to cope with this crime in the United 
States. On the other hand, we do not in the 
United States put men in prison for their political 
views or recognize the concept of political j)ris- 
oners. But in several countries abroad men are 
still committed to prison because of their politi- 
cal beliefs and activities. 

I was surprised also to note the wide differ- 
ence in sentencing methods. Usually sentences 
are much longer in the United States than in 
most of the other countries represented at the 
United Nations conference. And I should say 
here that there was no delegation from Russia 
or from any of the countries within its political 



Ocfober 17, 7955 



625 



oi-bit. They do not believe that the United Na- 
tions sliould discuss purely internal problems of 
this kind. 

Sentences abroad average considerably less than 
in this country for the same types of offenses. 
Few men are sent to prison for more than 5 years 
in any Western European country. Only in cases 
of murder or extreme violence do the courts pro- 
nounce a sentence of more than 5 years. But, on 
the other hand, parole is not iised much abroad. 
It is true that in England they have the ticket- 
of-leave system, which is really a connnutation of 
sentence rather than release under supervision. 
In one or two other countries they have methods 
of remitting the prisoners' sentences, but for the 
most part the definite sentencing method prevails, 
with opportunity to earn remission through good 
behavior. 

Probation, however, is being used in an increas- 
ing number of cases. Before the war this was an 
unknown method of treatment in Germany, but 
now I understand almost every Gennan court 
has a probation officer — and, incidentally, his case 
load is kept clown to a very reasonable figure. 

Cooperative Spirit in U.N. 

I have outlined a few of these differences to 
indicate the difficulties which the United Nations 
faces in dealing with social questions. Not only 
are there language barriers which at times seem 
almost insuperable, but there are traditions of a 
legal and religious and cultural nature so deeply 
rooted in the thinking of the delegates that it is 
most difficult to work together toward a commonly 
accepted goal. But at least we have, through the 
United Nations, a forum where these problems 
can be discussed frankly and pleasantly and ob- 
jectively. And this cooperative spirit will, I feel 
sure, have an important influence on our ability 
to work together toward the goal of world peace 
and understanding for which we all so devoutly 
yeai'n. The faith of our President in the United 
Nations is certainly well founded. And so it was 
that I came away from Geneva convinced that all 
of us can support him in his belief in the United 
Nations and in his method of bringing world 
peace in our time. 

Challenge to U.S. Leadership 

"We cannot, however, overlook the fact that many 
of the nations of the world are looking to us for 



leadership and help. They want our men, our 
ideas, and our equipment — not only in technical 
fields, such as the building of dams or the devel- 
opment of new health measures or increasing food 
supplies, but also in the vastly complicated sub- 
ject of human behavior. They seem to reason 
that, if we liave done so well in harnessing the 
atom and conquering polio, we ought to find ways 
and means of preventing crime and rehabilitating 
the offender. They seem to be sensitive, inci- 
dentally, to our weaknesses and inquire whether 
we ought not to do more than merely put down 
prison riots when they occur. If, therefore, we 
want to continue to be world leaders, we must 
find a more constructive approach to our prison 
problems. 



U.S. Views on International Bank's 
Annual Report 

Statement by Samuel C. Waugh ^ 

The steady, upward climb in the volume of In- 
ternational Bank financing is most encouraging. 
Many fellow Governors have already expressed 
their satisfaction at the rate of commitment of the 
bank's resoiu'ces. We are also pleased that the 
bank's operations have been placed in higher gear, 
with thoughtful consideration being given in the 
gathering of credit information and tlie establish- 
ment of the Economic Development Institute. 
Notwithstanding this higher rate of commitment, 
we know that a solid grovmdwork was laid before 
each project was approved. It is all the more 
heartening, therefore, that with each passing year 
the volume of loan commitments has risen and has 
this year reached the record rate of $410 million. 

The bank can reasonably expect the volume of 
lending to continue its upward climb. In part, 
this is so because of the greater understanding be- 
tween the bank and its members. Members have 
learned from their increasingly intimate contact 
with the bank staff and management what is re- 
quired of them to qualify for assistance. The 



' Made at the 10th annual meeting of the Boards of Gov- 
ernors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development and the International Monetary Fund at 
Istanbul, Turkey, on Sept. 13 (Ibrd press release). Mr. 
Waugh was, at that time. Deputy Under Secretary of State 
for Economic Affairs and U.S. Alternate Governor for the 
Bank and Fund. On Oct. 4 he was sworn in as President 
of the Export-Import Bank. 



626 



Department of State Bulletin 



bank, in turn, has learned from its more intimate 
contact in the field what the needs and capacities 
of its members are. More importantly, the mo- 
mentum that has been gained in the past decade 
will return big dividends to members in the form 
of sound, steady, and sizeable development in the 
future. The process of development is slow in 
the initial stages — in the preparatory period when 
skills must be developed, resources must be as- 
sessed, governmental machinery must be organ- 
ized, and planning begun. This is the period 
when social factors impose the principal limita- 
tion on growth and technical assistance is most 
important. The capacity to use external capital 
is very low, but the small amounts absorbed are 
indispensable for further growth. When the 
preparatory work has been done and momentum 
has been established, development gathers speed 
until a stage is reached where growth sustains it- 
self. The coming j^ears should see a significant 
rise in the capacity to absorb external capital ef- 
fectively and wisely. The bank may expect in- 
creasing calls to be made on its resources with in- 
creasing success. 

This prospect of success — this increased rate 
of sound investment — can be improved if member 
countries will review their ability to release the 
paid-in portion of subscribed capital. Many of 
the industrial countries are now in a position to 
extend credits to othere and indeed are actually 
doing so on a substantial scale. "We sincerely be- 
lieve that members' obligations to the Interna- 
tiona] Bank on capital account should be met at 
the earliest opportunity. The bank's operations, 
already of a truly international character, as noted 
from President Black's report, would be further 
enhanced to the benefit of all. 

A significant rise in the volume of private fi- 
nancing can also be expected. The bank's annual 
report gives testimony to the increasing interest 
of private groups in international investment. In 
the past year, private participation in bank loans 
and sales to private investors from the bank's port- 
folio has nearly equaled the volume of private 
participation in all the preceding years of the 
bank's history. The recent sale of European 
bonds in the U.S. market and the interest of in- 
surance companies in foreign loans of long ma- 
turity are added evidence of re-emerging con- 
fidence. The total volume of private financing is 
still small when measured against the need, but 



the trend is strong and encouraging and offers 
evidence that private capital is available in the 
capital-exporting countries for those who will at- 
tract it. 



International Finance Corporation 

As President Black mentioned, we can look 
forward to the early establishment of the Inter- 
national Finance Corporation.- We join with our 
fellow Governors in congratulating the bank on 
its expeditious work in preparing the Articles of 
Agreement. As Secretai-y Humphrey mentioned 
yesterday, our Government has taken all the neces- 
sary legislative steps to assure U.S. participation. 
We are all hopeful that the Corporation will 
stimulate the flow of foreign capital and encour- 
age the growth of indigenous private investment. 

Our economies are all in some degree mixed 
economies. There is a measure of govermnent par- 
ticipation even in societies like ours in the United 
States that are essentially free-enterprise econ- 
omies; but whether the private sector is small or 
large, it plays a critical role. The energy and 
enterprise, the imagination and flexibility of in- 
numerable individuals experimenting, organizing, 
seeking new and varied forms of investment and 
production, together form a creative force indis- 
pensable for economic growth. In a society where 
the power to make decisions is widely dispersed, 
there is opportunity for experimentation, and, 
while it is possible to make errors, they will not 
produce disastrous results. We look to the Inter- 
national Finance Corporation as an instrinnent 
for stimulating the growth of the private sector. 
With the growth of indigenous investment, there 
will be a corresponding increase in foreign 
investment. 



Effects of Foreign Investment 

The climate of opinion is slowly changing. 
Many misconceptions about private foreign in- 
vestment are giving way to a more realistic 
appraisal. I should like to comment on one mis- 
conception that, it seems to me, continues to persist. 

^ For a message of President Eisenhower to the Congress 
recoiumeutllng U.S. participation In the proposed Inter- 
national Finance Corporation and an Ibrd announcement 
summarizing the principal features of the Corporation, 
see Bulletin of May 23, 1955, p. 844. 



October 17, 1955 



627 



This is the notion that the contribution of foreign 
capital to economic growth can be measured by 
comparing the inflow of new investment with the 
outflow of earnings and capital remittances. This 
is the narrow balance-of-payments approach to 
appraising foreign investment. It is not even a 
complete balance-of-payments analysis. Earn- 
ings and capital remittances are only oiie of the 
direct effects that can be attributed to foreign 
investment. There are other direct effects — on 
imports and exports, for example — and there are 
indirect effects on the balance of payments as 
well. Foreign investment stimulates local enter- 
prises to greater and more productive efforts; it 
brings about changes in local purchasing power 
and in its distribution ; it widens economic oppor- 
tunities. All these effects, direct and indirect, 
influence the balance of payments. One must go 
much further than this, however. "\^niile it is 
important to know how foreign investment affects 
the international financial transactions of a coun- 
try, it is also important to know how foreign 
investment affects the income of a country. How 
much employment does the investment of foreign 
capital provide? T^Hiat new domestic resources 
does it bring into play ? "\^Tiat contribution does 
it make to the economy by paying taxes, provid- 
ing training facilities and new technology, and 
offering markets to domestic producei-s? The 
national income effect of any particular foreign 
enterprise may be much larger than the amount 
of output that can be attributed directly to it. In 
less developed countries that have resources and 
labor employed with a very low factor of pro- 
ductivity, additional capital may play a major 
role by providing the missing pieces in the puzzle 
of greater production. The narrow balance-of- 
payments approach to appraising foreign invest- 
ment has surface plausibility. It is convenient 
because data on income and outflow are readily 
available. The results are misleading, however. 
They do not begin to tell us the full story of the 
economic effects of foreign investment. Further 
study given to this subject might be considered 
by the bank and the Ifc in an effort to develop 
the full story. The bank has done pioneer work 
in other fields ; I should like to see it pioneer in 
this field. 

The Board of Directors and management of 
the bank are again entitled to pats on the back 
for their accomplishment of the j)ast year. 



Report of the High Commissioner 
for Refugees 

Statements by Jacob Blaustein 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly'^ 

PERMANENT SOLUTIONS PROGRAM 

U.S. delegation press release 2215 dated October 4 

The problem of European refugees within the 
mandate of the High Commissioner for Refugees 
has demanded the prior attention of this commit- 
tee for several years. Indeed, no other issue could 
so appropriately initiate our discussions. For the 
impact of our deliberations and decisions on this 
issue is direct and often crucial in the lives of the 
persons with whom we are concerned. Especially 
is this true of the 77,000 still in refugee camps and 
the 220,000 others who come within the scope of the 
program of permanent solutions and emergency 
aid we adopted last year. It is with human prob- 
lems, human aspirations, and human rights that 
this committee is engaged, and it is well to remind 
ourselves at the outset of the immediacy of these 
concerns. 

It is a tragic reflection of the tensions of our 
times that 10 years after the end of the Second 
World War we should still have found it neces- 
sary to undertake another international program 
for the aid of European refugees. I hardly need 
describe the severe situations in which many of 
these people find themselves. This has been 
brought out by the High Commissioner both last 
year and this. These refugees are people who had 
to leave their own countries of residence through 
no fault of their own, but because of war, revolu- 
tion, and oppression— conditions beyond their con- 
trol. Yet at this late date, they continue un- 
settled, uncertain as to care of body, anxious of 
mind, without a place they can really call home. 
Many, amazingly, are still healthy and able. 
They are useful residents in whatever country they 
reside. Some are weary of body and mind, are 
sick and old ; and certainly in the twilight of their 
lives, which may not be long, they are entitled to 
some peace of mind. 

A large number, as previously stated, remain in 
refugee camps. On some of my missions to 
Europe, I have visited these camps and met the 
refugees. And I still recall vividly, as I am sure 

'Made in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian, and 
Cultural) on Oct. 4 and Oct. 7. 



628 



DepartmenI of State Bulletin 



many of you do, how these people by the hundreds 
would crowd around us, talk with us, inquire what 
was going to happen to thera, urge they be moved 
out of the camps, implore for some definite assur- 
ance as to their future, some opportunity for the 
dignity of person that can come only when one 
feels he is permanently settled. I am sure all of 
us want to do a great deal more, and promptly, to 
bring that about, so that these tragic victims of 
war, revolution, aiid oppression may find security 
and an opportunity to build normal lives. 

The establishment of the pennanent solutions 
program is it-self a reflection of the severity of the 
problem, recognizing as it does that neither repa- 
triation nor resettlement are feasible solutions for 
most of these refugees. 

The P>onomic and Social Council has recom- 
mended that countries of immigration continue to 
include a reasonable number of refugees under the 
mandate of the High Commissioner in their im- 
migration plans. The United States delegation 
supported this recommendation. The High Com- 
missioner has estimated that in the period 1955 to 
1958 from 60,000 to 80,000 such refugees will emi- 
grate or be resettled, either on their own initiative 
or through various governmental and voluntary 
efforts. This movement would, of course, be of 
considerable help in reducing the number of refu- 
gees who require further assistance. 

The Key Problem 

The key problem of the High Commissioner, 
however, is to find permanent solutions for those 
many thousands who wish to remain in their pres- 
ent countries of residence or who will not be able 
to emigrate. This is a difficult task, and the U.S. 
Government is pleased that, along with other 
phases of the program, it is under the competent 
direction of Dr. van Heuven Goedhart, who has 
handled his job with devotion and determination 
and for whom we have great esteem. In this con- 
nection the United States delegation is pleased to 
note the close cooperation which the High Com- 
missioner has maintained with various other gov- 
ernmental and voluntary organizations concerned 
with refugees. We hope that this cooperation will 
be continued. 

The first year's experience under this permanent 
solutions program has necessarily been one, as 
both the report of the High Commissioner and of 
the Executive Committee indicate, in which finan- 



cial and administrative measures were of particu- 
lar importance. Nevertheless, the High Commis- 
sioner was able to prepare, and the Executive Com- 
mittee approve, projects for 1955 totaling about 
$3 million. 

An examination of paragraph 66 of the report 
of the Executive CommitteB^ indicates the types 
of projects through which permanent solutions are 
to be found. Housing, vocational training, the 
extension of credit, employment counseling and 
job placement, and assistance in establishing the 
refugees in small businesses, agriculture, and other 
fields constitute the methods. These will be sup- 
plemented by various types of assistance for the so- 
called "difficult" cases, of which I understand there 
are about 15,000; and by medical, supplementary 
feeding, and support assistance on an emergency 
basis for many others. Priority has been given to 
those 77,000 in camps, whom the High Commis- 
sioner has termed the "forgotten people" ; and the 
projects, insofar as possible, are to be of a "self- 
help" nature requiring the active participation of 
the refugees. AVith this type of assistance we can 
feel confident that the refugees will become con- 
structive members of their new environment. 

As Maimonides stated as far back as the 12th 
century : 

Anticipate charity by preventing poverty ; assist the 
reduced fellowman, eitlier by a considerable gift, or a 
sum of money, or by teaching him a trade, or by putting 
him iu the way of business, so that he may earn an honest 
livelihood, and not be forced to the dreadful alternative 
of holding out his hand for charity. This is the highest 
step and tlie summit of charity's golden ladder. 

The heaviest part of the refugee burden falls 
upon the peoples of Austria, the Federal Republic 
of Germany, Greece, and Italy, where most of 
these refugees now reside, and it is for permanent 
solutions for the refugees in those countries that 
most of the 1955 money has been allocated. These 
countries will themselves also be contributing 
funds and providing other assistance for the 
projects, and it is their own efforts and sacrifices 
which will provide an essential aspect of the 
solutions. 

Dr. Goedhart discussed, in his opening remarks, 
some of the projects which are already well under 
way. The United States is satisfied with the prog- 
ress which has thus far been made in the develop- 
ment of the program. But it is unfortunate that 

' Annexed to the High Commissioner's report (U.N. doc. 
A/2902 and Add. 1). 



Ocfober 17, 1955 



629 



because of financial stringencies even more proj- 
ects could not have been initiated earlier this year. 
The present 4-year program for permanent solu- 
tions is intended by the General Assembly to be 
a final international effort on behalf of the ref- 
ugees within the scope of the program. Under 
terms of the General Assembly resolution^ the 
governments concerned have been asked by the 
High Commissioner to give assurances that they 
■would assume full financial responsibility for any 
refugees in their countries still requiring aid at 
the end of tlie 4-year period, and it is the under- 
standing of the United States that the replies of 
those govermnents constitute an acceptance of the 
conditions laid down in the resolution. 

Strenuous efforts will have to be maintained by 
the High Commissioner to assure that the prob- 
lem is substantially liquidated before the progi-am 
terminates, that is, by the end of 1958. The 1955 
target budget for governmental contributions is 
$4,200,000. But on the basis of the contribu- 
tions and pledges from all sources, including ap- 
proximately $1 million from nongoverimiental 
sources, the Executive Committee has only been 
able to authorize projects costing about $3 million. 
And because some of the contributions have come 
in only lately, many of the projects will not be 
completed during this calendar year. The insuffi- 
ciency of funds to date, and the consequent delay 
in implementation, will increase the burden on 
the High Commissioner during the remaining 3 
years of the program. It will require the full 
financial support of member and nonmember 
states to assure that the goal is accomplished. 

A large part of the progress made this year was 
made possible by contributions from one country, 
the Netherlands. The United States delegation 
would like to pay tribute to the generosity of both 
the Government and the people of that country. 
A governmental contribution of $200,000 for the 
placement of difficult cases, and a contribution 
from the people of the Netherlands of $933,700, 
constituted virtually all the money available for 
immediate allocation by the Executive Committee 
at its first session. We cannot expect the 1956 
program to be benefited by a similar campaign 
of such generous proportions in the Netherlands, 
and I would hope that governments would take 
this factor into consideration in determining the 
level of their contributions for next j-ear. 



" 832 (IX) ; for text, see Bulletin of Nov. 8, 1954, p. 705. 
630 



Wlien the United States delegation in the last 
Assembly cosponsored the resolution for the pro- 
gram of permanent solutions, it stated that a 
recommendation would be made to our Congress 
to contribute substantially to the program. I am 
pleased to be in a position formally to report that 
the U.S. Congress has appropriated $1,200,000 to 
this refugee fund for 1955, to be contributed at 
a ratio of one-third of total governmental con- 
tributions. The first payment from that appro- 
priation is to be made to the High Commissioner 
very shortly. My delegation hopes that further 
contributions for 1955 from other governments 
will be sufficient to enable the United States to 
contribute its entire appropriated amount as soon 
as possible. 

I am also authorized to make the following 
statement: Assuming that other governments 
give evidence of their continued interest in and 
support of the United Nations Refugee Fund, the 
executive branch of the U.S. Government intends 
to ask funds of the Congress for a further sub- 
stantial contribution to the program for 1956. 

Legal and Administrative Protection 

I have spoken at some length about the refugee 
fund, perhaps to the neglect of the High Com- 
missioner's activities in improving the legal and 
administrative position of refugees. This is per- 
haps understandable since the High Commission- 
er's excellent report on the permanent solutions 
program has provided the General Assembly with 
its first opportunity to review that important new 
humanitarian effort. I would not like to close, 
however, without expressing the satisfaction of 
the United States with the jirogress which has 
been made in the area of legal and administrative 
l^rotection, the jirimary area of responsibility of 
the High Commissioner. The High Commission- 
er's report reflects progressive steps which have 
been taken by various governments in the deter- 
mination of eligibility of refugees, legal assist- 
ance to individuals, the assimilation to nationals 
with regard to the right to work, to housing, to 
education, to public assistance and to other mat- 
ters, all of which contribute in a vital way to the 
eventual solution of this very complicated prob- 
lem. 

I should also like to express our appreciation to 
two members of this Committee, Madame Tsal- 
daris of Greece and Mr. Friis of Denmark, for 
the assistance they have given to the development 

Department of State Bulletin 



of the permanent solutions program throiigli their 
participation in the Executive Committee. 

Mr. Chairman, tlie historic traditions of the 
United States as a phice of asyhun and refuge are 
well known. Tliese traditions are very close to all 
Americans. For it is, indeed, but a few genera- 
tions back that any of ns or our forefathers have 
been here. 500,000 Americans are post-World 
War II refugees. And A\e think it is noteworthy 
that of the $6 billion which the United States has 
contributed to the solution of refugee problems 
since World War II, almost $2 billion has been 
contributed voluntarily through the personal and 
individual generosity of our people themselves. 

It has been a pleasure for me, in my first inter- 
vention in this Assembly of the United Nations, to 
express the support and the confidence of the U.S. 
Government and of the people of this country for 
this outstanding humanitarian task in which the 
United Nations is engaged. 

RESOLUTIONS CONCERNING REPORT 

U.S. delegation press release 2219 dated October 7 

We have before us two resolutions ■* for our con- 
sideration. I think it might be helpful if we 
were to examine the issues carefully to analyze ex- 
actly what is involved. 

The responsibilities of the High Commissioner 
for Refugees are laid down fully and adequately 
in his statute, adopted by the General Assembly in 
1950. The High Commissioner was appointed to 
provide international protection for refugees. 
Subject to that protection, he was also to assist 
in voluntary repatriation, resettlement, and inte- 
gration. It is noteworthy that voluntary repatri- 
ation of refugees is only a part of one section of 
the main substantive paragraph of the statute and 
that the main emphasis of the statute and of the 
High Commissioner's activities has been on legal 
and administrative protection of refugees and on 
their integration. There is an important reason 
for this, to which I shall shortly return. 

The distinguished representative of the 
U.S.S.R. [Y. Y. Matulis], in bis remarks and in his 
resolution, referred to part of the General Assem- 
bly resolution of 1946 concerning refugees and 
displaced persons. That resolution must be under- 



* U.N. doc. A/C.3/L. 463. sponsored by the U.S.S.R., 
and L. 464/Rev. 1. spon.iored by Australia, Belgium, Costa 
Rica, Denmark, Xetlierlands, Norway, Sweden, U.K., and 
U.S. 



stood in its proper historical setting and in its 
entirety. 

First, as to the whole resolution there were three 
parts. The first stated that the problem of refu- 
gees and displaced persons was international in 
scope. The second stated that no refugees or dis- 
placed persons who had expressed valid objec- 
tions to returning to their countries of origin 
should be compelled to return. The third was the 
one cited in the Soviet resolution, that concerning 
displaced persons the main task was to assist in 
their return. The third part on repatriation, it 
should be noted, applied to "displaced pereons" 
only, not to ''I'efugees'', while the first two parts 
referred to both. This is a real difference, inas- 
much as refugees, under the mandate, are by defi- 
nition — and the statute of the High Commis- 
sioner is entirely forthright on this point — persons 
who fear to return to their countries of origin. 

Second, as to the historical setting, let us keep 
in mind that the resolution of 1946 was passed at 
a time when in Western Europe there were mil- 
lions of displaced persons who had been driven or 
taken from their homeland by the forces of Nazi 
Germany, many of whom wanted to return to their 
own countries as rapidly as possible. Millions of 
others — those whom we call refugees — refused to 
return to their own countries because they feared 
political persecution if they did. 

In the circumstances of 1946 it was natural for 
the General Assembly to stress that the United 
Nations should lend its primary effort toward the 
return of the displaced persons to their own coun- 
tries. And many of them did return. 

The fact is that the persons who wished to re- 
turn home did so in the first few years and that 
since that time very few have indicated any desire 
to return. Indeed, as a consequence of the exten- 
sion of Communist control over Eastern Europe, 
the voluntary flow of refugees and escapees across 
the frontier from Eastern Europe into the free 
countries continued after the war at such a rate 
that it taxed the ability of the countries of asylum 
to take care of them. 

By the time the Office of the High Commis- 
sioner was established, the world had known for 
several years that those who wanted to return — 
the real displaced persons — had returned and that 
the problem facing the international community 
was to find solutions for those in the category of 
refugees — that is, those who did not wish to re- 
turn. These facts were reflected in the statute of 



Ocfober J 7, 7955 



631 



the High Commissioner, wliich implicitly i-ecog- 
nized that by then very few refugees were likely 
to change their minds and request voluntaiy re- 
patriation. The statute consequently, as I pointed 
out above, while providing clearly for "voluntary 
repatriation," did not stress it, thus recognizing 
that voluntary repatriation was unlikely for the 
great majority of refugees. The statute does not 
deal with displaced persons at all. 

Resettlement of refugees has been undertaken 
primarily by organizations other than the High 
Commissioner, and large numbers of persons under 
the mandate have been given asylum in European, 
American, and Asian countries. By last year, 
however, it became obvious to the General Assem- 
bly that not only would voluntary repatriation be 
unable materially to reduce the number of refu- 
gees but that resettlement for most of the remain- 
ing refugees, particularly those in the camps, was 
no longer feasible either. The program for per- 
manent solutions, and the money raised for it, 
therefore, was intended for the most realizable so- 
lution, namely the promotion of various schemes 
of integration, for necessary emergency relief, and 
for assistance to the "difficult cases." We should 
not lose sight of the fact that this is the task that 
the General Assembly called upon the High Com- 
missioner to perform, and wliicli we should con- 
tinue to support. 

Analysis of Soviet Draft 

The resolution introduced by the representative 
of the U.S.S.R. can be seen more adequately in 
light of what I have just stated. 

In the first place, it is completely silent with 
respect to permanent solutions by integration and 
indeed to any phase of the problem excepting re- 
patriation. 

Further, there is no necessity for the General 
Assembly to pass a separate resolution on volun- 
tary repatriation. This is already amply and ade- 
quately covered in existing resolutions. The refu- 
gees have always had that right ; they have always 
been able to exercise it ; and they have never been 
interfered with nor hampered in any way for so 
doing. The High Commissioner pointed this out 
in his opening remarks. 

If there has been any block in the way of volun- 
tary repatriation, it has not been one imposed by 
the High Commissioner nor by the governments 
of residence or asylum. 

The blocks to voluntary repatriation have in 



reality been imposed by the countries of origin. 
These are cases where the governments of these 
countries have not even replied to letters from 
the High Commissioner in which he informed 
them of the names of those few persons who had 
expressed a wish to be repatriated. The High 
Commissioner has on past occasions referred to 
some of these cases. Furthermore, their policies 
have not been such as to attract the return of 
these people; as a matter of fact, there has been 
a continuous flow of new refugees from these 
countries for whom the West must make room 
and oifer asylum. 

Considerable stress has been laid on the new 
amnesty laws. If these laws are bringing about 
real changes in the policies of those countries, 
this will in time become apparent to all of us and, 
even more important, to the refugees themselves. 
It is only actual experience, however, which will 
reveal the extent, if any, of genuine change. It 
would hardly be fitting for the General Assembly, 
after 10 years of international responsibilities with 
refugees, to imply to them, through authorizing 
the High Commissioner to distribute these laws 
and other information and materials, that the 
United Nations in any way endorses or approves 
of them or regards them as lasting. The High 
Commissioner cannot Be a propaganda agent, nor 
a postmaster, for any government, and he has 
never been one. 

I do not wish to go into the details of the Soviet 
resolution, inasmuch as it is to its primary neces- 
sity and propriety that I direct myself. I must 
say, however, that most of the specific content of 
what the U.S.S.R. would have us approve is in- 
appropriate. 

As far as finding work goes, most of the refu- 
gees are employed to the same extent other people 
are. And a primary function of the permanent 
solutions program is to assist those who are un- 
employed — found mainly among refugees still in 
camps — to find employment. It is significant that 
the U.S.S.R. voted against the establishment of 
this program. 

The most important reason why my delegation 
is unable to accept the Soviet proposal, however, 
and one which we should all ponder carefully, is 
the fact that the adoption of this resolution would 
be likely to cause consternation among the refu- 
gees themselves. Indeed, shortly after the reso- 
lution was introduced I was approached by a 
refugee who has settled in this country and who 



632 



Department of State Bulletin 



was worried th<at the General Assembly might 
adopt the resolution and that it would result in 
pressure on refugees even here. 

The Soviet delegation has stated tliat it is pre- 
pared to accept the principle of "voluntary"' re- 
patriation. We are glad to note this statement 



Text of Nine-Power Draft Resolution 



U.N. doc. A/C.3/L.4«4/U..v. 1 

The Oeneral Assembly, 

Havmg tak< n note of Uie Report of the High Com- 
missioner for Refugees with the Annexed Reiwrt of 
the United Nations Refugee Fund Executive Com- 
mittee (A/2902 and Add. 1) and the progress which 
has been made in the implementation of resolution 
832 (IX), 

Bearing in mind resolution 589 (XX) of the Eco- 
nomic and Social Council, 

Considering that under his Statute the High Com- 
missioner for Refugees is charged with the duty of 
seeking solutions for the problems of refugees 
through voluntary repatriation, resettlement and 
integration, and 

Noting with concern that the approved target for 
governmental contributions to the Fund for 1955 
has not yet been reached, 

(1) Requests the High Commissioner for Refu- 
gees to continue his efforts to effect solutions by 
the above-mentioned means, under due safeguards 
to be applied by him in accordance with his respon- 
sibility under the Statute to provide international 
protection to refugees within his mandate, 

(2) Notes with satisfaction that the Unref Ex- 
ecutive Committee, in laying down the principles 
which are to govern the implementation of the pro- 
gramme for permanent solutions under resolution 
832 (IX) has directed that the main empha.sis of 
the programme should be on the reduction of the 
number of refugees in camps, and 

(3) Urges States Members and non-Members of 
the United Nations to give early and serious consid- 
eration to making contributions to the United Na- 
tions Refugee Fund in order that the targets for 
19.55 and 1956 may be attained and the High Com- 
mi.ssioner enabled fully to implement the jjro- 
grammes planned for those years. 



that it now adheres to a principle which has long 
been held by the United States and by other West- 
ern countries. We hope that by the word "volun- 
tary" they mean the free and unfettered choice 
of the individual. But we have experienced trans- 
mutations of other onc« familiar words such as 
"peac«" and "democracy" and we have concern on 
this question, for example, that the procedures 



suggested in the resolution itself would require 
the High Commissioner to direct his activities to- 
ward pressuring refugees into repatriation. 

The experience of the past 10 years cannot be 
wiped out with the stroke of a pen, and it should 
be the responsibility of the United Nations to 
assure to the refugees that they receive every pro- 
tection from the High Commissioner to which 
they are entitled. These refugees, most of whom 
have endured the hardships of refugee camps for 
many years in preference to repatriation, could 
hardly be expected to understand a General As- 
sembly resolution which required such extensive 
efforts on the part of the High Commissioner to 
persuade them to return, a resolution which would 
undoubtedly be regarded as opening the door to 
innumerable kinds of pressure upon them. 

The conclusions are simple. No resolution con- 
cerning voluntary I'epatriation is required. The 
statute is adequate and the role of the High Com- 
missioner has been entirely proper. Voluntary 
repatriation is not, in practical terms, an impor- 
tant aspect of the solution, whatever one may 
think of the theoretical desirability of this solu- 
tion. And a resolution singling out this aspect 
would cause uneasiness among the refugees. 

Purposes of Nine-Power Proposal 

The General Assembly, however, is called upon 
to do certain definite things at this session. These 
have been embodied in the draft resolution of 
which the United States is a cosponsor. 

The Executive Committee of the U.N. Refugee 
Fund has determined that the program of high- 
est priority should be to reduce the nuinber of 
refugees in camps. The lot of these refugees is 
particularly severe, and the General Assembly 
should endorse that deteimination. 

The guiding principle of the work of the High 
Commissioner is that the wishes of the refugees 
should be respected. The wishes of a refugee can 
comijrise integration, resettlement, or voluntary 
repatriation, and a reiteration of these functions 
is appropriate. A clause to this effect has there- 
fore been introduced in the resolution. This re- 
flects the attitude, which we share, that refugees 
should have the right of genuinely voluntary re- 
patriation and places it in the most appropriate 
context for the work of the High Commissioner. 
This is as far as the General Assembly should 
go on this subject. 

In addition, this Assembly must assure itself 



October 17, 1955 



633 



that proper safeguards for the refugee are being 
provided. This is particularly important in any 
area in which there is a possibility of direct or 
indirect pressure — a problem which has primarily 
been experienced in the area of repatriation. 
Consequently, the resolution is also addressed to 
assuring the continued vigorous application by 
the High Commissioner of his responsibility to 
provide international protection for the refugees 
under his mandate. The United States will not, 
of course, agree to anything even resembling 
forced repatriation. The position of the U.S. 
Government is well known. The United States is 
firmly opposed to forced repatriation in any form 
whether by direct steps or indirect steps which 
might tend to accomplish this. 

Finally, and this is the most constructive move 
we can take at this time, we must lend the prestige 
of this General Assembly to the High Commission- 
er's urgent appeal for funds for the program of 
permanent solutions. It is this program, not vol- 
untary repatriation nor even resettlement, which 
offers hope for a ready humanitarian solution of 
this serious problem. And it is upon the hard 
bedrock of finances that the program will falter 
unless we give it our strong support. If there is 
anything we should single out at this time for 
special attention it is the appeal for early and 
serious consideration to the contribution of funds, 
and this ajjpeal is a key part of our resolution. 

Mr. Chairman, this concludes my intervention. 
My delegation would hope that the representative 
of the U.S.S.E. would not press his resolution. 
If he does so, we will have to vote against it, for 
we believe our resolutions are mutually exclusive. 
I am convinced that the true interests of the refu- 
gees and the most hopeful approach to the solu- 
tion of their problems lie along the lines pointed 
out in the resolution we have cosponsoi'ed.^ 



U.S. Delegations to 
International Conferences 

Intergovernmental Committee for 
European Migration 

The Department of State announced on October 
7 (press release 595) the U.S. delegation for the 



^In the voting on Oct. 10, the Soviet proposal was re- 
jected, 14-29-10 ; the nine-power draft was approved, 
42-0-15. 



Third Session of the Executive Committee and 
Council of the Intergovernmental Committee for 
European Migration (Icem), which has convened 
in Geneva, Switzerland. The Committee of nine 
members meets the first week (October 6-13), fol- 
lowed by a Council session of several days, start- 
ing October 17. 

Scott McLeod, Administrator of the Bureau of 
Security and Consular Affairs, is again the U.S. 
representative at the conference, heading a delega- 
tion comprising five Members of Congress, seven 
public members, and six advisers. Mr. McLeod, 
Administrator of the Kef ugee Relief Act of 1953, 
by congressional authority, has headed the delega- 
tion at the two previous conferences. 

Since February 1952, when it launched opera- 
tions, Icem has transported over 350,000 persons 
to various parts of the world. On the initiative 
of the United States, the organization was estab- 
lished at Brussels, Belgium, in 1951 to facilitate 
the movement to new homes of migrants and refu- 
gees who would not otherwise be moved from over- 
populated areas of Europe. There are now 26 
member governments. 

The U.S. delegation is as follows : 

U. S. representative 

Scott McLeod, Administrator, Bureau of Security and 
Consular Affairs, Department of State 

Alternate U.S. representatives 
Frank Chelf, House of Representatives 
Dewitt S. H.vde, House of Representatives 
James M. Quigley, House of Representatives 
Ruth Thompson, House of Representatives 
Francis E. Walter, House of Representatives 

Principal adviser 

George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced 
Persons, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, De- 
partment of State 

Adiuscrs 

Walter H. Besterman, House Judiciary Committee 

Richard H. Brown, U.S. Escapee Program, International 

Cooperation Administration, Frankfort, Germany 
Bess E. Dick, House Judiciary Committee 
Pierce J. Gerety, Deputy Administrator, Refugee Relief 

Program, Department of State 
Francis Rosenberger, Senate Judiciary Committee 

Public tnembcrs 

George M. Fuller, Washington, D. C. 
Henry Glovsky, Beverly, Mass. 
Hubert Horan, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Dorothy D. Houghton, Red Oak, Iowa 
Robert S. McCoUum, Denver, Colo. 
David Shillinglaw, Chicago, 111. 
Nick T. Stepanovich, East Chicago, Ind. 



634 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 17, 1955 



Ind 



ex 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 851 



Africa. French Withdrawal From General Assem- 
bly (Dulles) 605 

American Republics. Our Government's Contribu- 
tion to the Economic Development of Latin 
America (Holland) 595 

Argentina. Argentine-U.S. Relations (Dulles) . . 605 

China. U.S.-Red China Geneva Talks (Dulles) . . 606 

Communism. Free World Defense Against Com- 
munist Subversion (Allen W. Dulles) .... 600 

Economic Affairs 

Effective Date for Concessions to Italy (text of 

memorandum) 616 

Emergency Assistance to India 617 

Export-Import Bank Reports on Lending Activities . 619 
Importance of International Travel to the Foreign 

Trade of the United States (Waters) . ... 620 

Korean Tax Problem 618 

Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of Aviation Facili- 
ties 617 

Our (Jovernment's C(mtribution to the Economic 

Development <if Latin America (Holland) . . 595 
U.S. Views on International Bank's Annual Report 

(Waugh) 626 

Ethiopia. Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of Avia- 

ti(jn Facilities 617 

Europe 

The Defense of Europe — A Progress Report 

(Gruenther) 609 

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting (Dulles) . . . 606 

France. French Withdrawal From General Assem- 
bly (Dulles) 605 

Germany 

United States Position on U.S.S.R.East German 

Agreements (text of note) 616 

Guatemala. Visit of Guatemalan President . . . 599 

Health, Education, and Welfare. U.N. Congress 
on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Of- 
fenders (Rogers) 624 

India. Emergency Assistance to India 617 

International Information. Need for Expanding 

Use of U.S. Books Overseas (Rockefeller) . . 616 

International Organizations and Meetings 

U.S. Delegation to lutergdvernmental Committee 

for European Migration 634 

U.S. Views on International Bank's Annual Report 

(Waugh) 626 

Italy. Effective Date for Concessions to Italy (text 

of memorandum) 616 

Korea. Korean Tax Problem 618 

Military Affairs. The Defense of Europe — A Prog- 
ress Report (Gruenther) 609 

Near East. Dangers of Middle East Arms Race 

(Dulles) 604 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Defense 

of Europe — A Progress Report (Gruenther) . 609 

Presidential Documents. Effective Date for Con- 
cessions to Italy 616 

Refugees and Displaced Persons 

Report of the High Commissioner for Refugees 
(Blaustein) ( statements and text of draft reso- 
lution) 628 



U.S. Delegation to Intergovernmental Committee 

for European Migration 634 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 023 

U.S.S.R. United States Position on U.S.S.R.-East 

German Agreements (text of note) .... 616 

United Nations 

French Withdrawal From General Assembly 

(Dulles) 605 

Report of the High Commissioner for Refugees 
(Blaustein) (statements and text of draft 

resolution) 628 

U.N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treat- 
ment of Offenders (Rogers) 624 

U.N. Membership Question (Dulles) 607 

Name Index 

Blaustein, Jacob 628 

Dulle.s, Allen W 600 

Dulles, Secretary 604 

Castillo Armas, Carlos .599 

Eisenhower, President 617 

Gruenther, Alfred M 609 

Holland, Henry F 595 

Rockefeller, Nelson A 616 

Rogers. William P 624 

Waters, Somerset R 620 

Waugh, Samuel C 626 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 3-9 

Releases may be obtained from the News Division, 
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C. 

Subject 

Holland : economic development in 
Latin America. 

Eximbank loan to Ethiopia. 

U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Soviet- 
East German agreements. 

Emergency aid to India. 

Korean tax problem. 

Holland : private enterprise in 
Latin America. 

Dulles: dangers of Middle East 
arms race. 

Dulles : transcript of news con- 
ference. 

Italian concessions to Japan under 
GATT. 

O'Connor designation (rewrite). 

Death of Greek Prime Minister. 

Holland : trade in Inter- American 
relations. 

Surplus commodity agreement 
with Ecuador. 

ICEM delegation (rewrite). 

Phleger : Philadeli)hia Bar Asso- 
ciation. 



*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



No. 


Date 


582 


10/4 


5.S3 
584 


10/3 
10/4 


585 
586 

*587 


10/4 
10/3 
10/5 


588 


10/4 


589 


10/4 


590 


10/5 


t591 
*592 
t593 


10/5 
10/5 
10/6 


t594 


10/7 


595 
t596 


10/7 
10/8 



U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1955 




United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D. C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300 

IGPO) 



the 

Department 

ot 

State 



Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 



Enclosed And; 



(cash, check, or 
money order). 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 

Recent releases in the popular Background series . . . 

The Union of Burma 

This 16-page illustrated pamphlet describes the land and the 
people of Burma. Touching briefly on the past, this Background 
also describes the government and the Pydiwatha program of 
the new Burma. Concerning the position of Burma in world 
affairs, the pamphlet states that . . . "the people of Burma 
have long preferred to be left alone to develop their own re- 
sources. Today Burma's leaders realize the impossibility of 
such a position. As they view it the country is being forced 
into greater involvement in world affairs, and they are seeking 
ways in which Burma can strengthen the ties with its neighbors 
and make its leadership felt regionally." 

Publication 5913 10 cents 

Jordan 

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Western Asia is one 
of the nine sovereign Arab States with which the United States 
has direct relations. Geographically it occupies a central posi- 
tion in that vast area from the Mediterranean to the Arabian 
Sea known as the Middle East — the security of which is im- 
portant to the interests of the free world and the United States. 
West of the Jordan River, the Kingdom encompasses a signifi- 
cant portion of the Holy Land. Here in this Background is a 
brief sui-vey of this land with its rich traditions which has for 
centuries provided an important link in the trade between the 
East and the West. 



Publication 5907 



10 cents 



Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World 

Although it sprawls across a vast area more than 3,000 miles 
from east to west and more than 2,000 from north to south, 
Southeast Asia has less than half the actual land mass of the 
United States. Its population is about 10 million greater. The 
land form is varied, the population more so; and the configu- 
ration of the land has created barriers not only between coun- 
tries but also between communities. This illustrated pamphlet 
discusses briefly the individual countries of this region — Burma, 
Thailand, Viet-Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Malaya, Indonesia, and 
the Philippines — and the beginnings of a pattern of collective 
security for the entire Pacific area. 

Publication 5841 15 cents 

These Background pamphlets may be purchased from the 
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Please send me 
copies 

(m The Union of Burma 

n Jordan 

O Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World 

Name: 

Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



,^fve/ ^€^ixx^F^?mye/rbf/ ^ t/tc^ 




Wol. XXXIII, No. 852 



Oaober 24, 1955 




PRESIDENT EISENHOWER AND PREMIER BUL- 
GANIN EXCHANGE VIEWS ON INSPECTION 
Texts of Letters 643 

"CONFIDENT OF OUR FUTURE" • Address by Secretary 

Dulles 639 

PROGRESS IN THE RULE OF LAW • by Herman 

Phleger, Legal Adviser 647 

THE IIVIPORTANCE OF TRADE IN INTER-AMERICAN 

RELATIONS • by Assistant Secretary Holland 654 

WASHINGTON OLD HALL, SYMBOL OF BRITISH- 
AMERICAN KINSHIP • by Ambassador Winthrop W. 
Aldrich 651 

PEACEFUL USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY 

Statement by Senator Paatore 660 

Text of Draft Resolution 665 

Text of Draft Statute of Internalionnl AiiPiiry 666 



For index see inside back cover 



.^c-^'^. 




•--r„ o. ■■ 



^Ae zi^efia/yi^ent x:^ i/uzle JL-/ LA 1 1 \J L 11 1 



Vol. XXX III, No. 852 • Pdbucation 6044 
Oaoher 24, 1955 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

NOV 9-1955 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing OJace 

Washington 25, D.C. 

Peice: 

62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this pubhcation has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a treekly publication issued by the 
Public Services Division, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by tlie White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other offi- 
cers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international aff^airs and the func- 
tions of tlie Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
tvell as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



"Confident of Our Future 



»» 



Address by Secretary Dulles ^ 



It is an honor and a privilege to speak at this 
opening of your convention. You are those who 
in time of national peril were ready to sacrifice life 
itself that our country and its principles might 
survive. And in time of peace, through your con- 
ventions and manifold committee and educational 
activities, you cultivate the spirit of patriotism. 

Love of country is a great virtue. It is one on 
which free societies particularly depend. For, 
while despotisms can coimrwnd sacrifices, free 
societies can only ask for sacrifice. And the re- 
sponse is measured by patriotism. 

Of course, patriotism can be perverted into a 
fanatical and evil force. But in this country pa- 
triotism has, in the main, been enlightened and has 
seen that our own welfare was identified with that 
of others. Perhaps that is because our people 
have been G'od-fearing people who have respected 
the Biblical injunction that ""Wliatsoever ye would 
that men would do to you, do even so to them." 

From our earliest days patriotism and religion 
have been li:iked. George Washingtoiii, in his 
Farewell Address, said, "In vain would that man 
claim the tribute of patriotism" who did not ac- 
cept religion and morality as the supporting 
pillars of our free society. 

Patriotism of that kind caiinot be a purely 
selfish force. It seeks liberty for nations and dig- 
nity for man. It welcomes international coopera- 
tion toward these ends, and it has nothing to fear 
from such cooperation. 

There should be no thought in any quarter that 
recent international events, such as the "summit" 
conference at Geneva, have lessened the need for 
patriotism and the discipline and sacrifice it en- 
joins. 

After the end of World "War II the institutions 



' Made before the American Legion at Miami, Fla., on 
Oct. 10 (press release 597). 



of freedom were still subjected to heavy assaults. 
They not only stood up under these assaults, they 
grew under them. The latest fierce attack came 
last spring, when the Communists tried desper- 
ately to prevent the establishment of Western 
European unity. 

After that effort failed, the Soviet rulers radi- 
cally changed their demeanor. For 10 years in- 
tolerance had been the dominant tlieme. They 
treated as enemies all who would not follow the 
Communist line and accept Communist discipline 
as administered from Moscow. 

Now all of that seems changed. Today it is 
Soviet policy to appear friendly and to mingle 
with all the world. Perhaps the Russians have a 
proverb like ours which says, "If you can't lick 
'em, join 'em." 

However, the Russians, as "joiners," create new 
problems — for us and also for them. 

Within the Soviet bloc, people increasingly 
show that they expect for themselves some of the 
tolerance which they see so lavishly bestowed on 
others. Such pressures could gradually trans- 
form the Soviet area into a respected segment of 
the society of nations. 

Outside the Soviet bloc, some doors which used 
to be closed are now open, or at least ajar. And 
this occurs before anyone can surely know the real 
purpose of the Soviet "new look." 

Soviet Communist doctrine has persistently 
taught retreat and zigzag as a tactic of conquest. 
So we cannot tell whether what is now going on 
marks a genuine change of purpose or whether it 
is merely a maneuver. We have to have plans that 
fit either contingency. We must not rebuff a 
change which might be that for which the whole 
world longs. On the otlier hand, we must not 
expose ourselves to what could be mortal danger. 

Never, jjerhaps, lias national policy faced so dif- 



Ocfofaer 24, J 955 



639 



ficult and delicate a task. Mere cleverness will 
not suffice. Our dependence must be on funda- 
mentals. Fortunately we have basic assets, ma- 
terial and moral. These assets have no aggres- 
sive aspect, yet they exert a profound influence 
upon world affairs. 
Let us briefly consider what these assets are. 

Productivity 

We have productivity. Our rate of productiv- 
ity is the greatest in history, now estimated at 
nearly $400 billion a year. The magnitude of that 
can be appreciated when it is noted that it is three 
times that of the Soviet Union with its much 
larger population. 

More significant than quantity are the hmnan 
satisfactions that accompany our production. It 
is the result of free choice. No governmental de- 
crees force men and women into work that is 
repugnant to them. And because people do work 
that they like, they strive to excel and so become 
competitive and more productive. 

It is also significant that what our people freely 
produce is not only huge in quantity, but it is 
widely distributed to bring rising standards of 
living. 

Forced labor can, of course, be made to produce 
some conspicuous results. The world is dotted 
with the monuments of past despotisms, and some 
new ones are being built today. But admiration 
of such feats should not submerge pity for the 
human misery which tliey cost. 

Our duty and opportunity is to offer the world 
the example of an economy which, as a matter 
of free choice, produces vastly and distributes 
fairly. That we do, and must continue to do, 
with constant striving for betterment. 

Power 

We have power. Out of productivity, a part 
is set aside to make sure that the treasure house 
of freedom will not be pillaged. 

We do not like to divert human effort to non- 
productive purposes, and it requires a strong sense 
of duty to apply, as we are doing, more than a 
tenth of all we produce to national defense. Your 
Government is striving to bring about interna- 
tional conditions which might safely enable us to 
reduce this nonproductive diversion. 

We do not, however, intend to be reckless in this 
respect. 



We had to build hastily the military establish- 
ment we needed in World War I; and then we 
scrapped it. 

Then, with the coming of World War II, we 
built up what became the world's greatest military 
establishment; and again we scrapped it. 

Then, when the Korean war came, we had to 
build the third time. 

This time we do not propose to disarm our- 
selves unless we can be sure that others are doing 
the same. 

That is not because the American people have 
gone miJitaristic. The instinct of the American 
people is as strong as ever against maintaining mil- 
itary establishments. It is because we have 
learned the hard way. The Soviet Union itself, 
in Korea, helped to teach us that disarmament, if 
it may prove to be one-sided, does not produce 
peace. 

We are eager to reduce military expenditure. 
But we remember George Wasliington's advice in 
his Farewell Address that, while public credit 
must be cherished, nevertheless "timely disburse- 
ments to prepare for danger frequently prevent 
much greater disbursements to repel it." 

Terrorism has always been a tool of despotism. 
A preponderance of weapons in the hands of those 
without moral scruples is dangerous. 

That is why, for our own sake and for the sake 
of all free men, we must retain the relative power 
needed to deter aggression. 

Principles 

We liave principles. Our productivity and our 
power do not rattle haphazardly about the world. 
They are harnessed to basic moral principles. 

There is a school of thought which claims that 
morality and foreign policy do not mix. That 
never has been, is not, and I pray never will be 
the American ideal. 

Diplomacy which is divorced from morality also 
divorces the govenmient from the people. Our 
people can imderstand, and will support, policies 
which can be explained and understood in moral 
terms. But policies merely based on carefully cal- 
culated exj^ediency could never be explained and 
would never be understood. 

Furthermore, a nation with our worldwide con- 
cerns needs to follow a course which other comi- 
tries can feel is stable and predictable. This wiU 
be the case if our policies are based upon principle. 



640 



Department of State Bulletin 



It will not be the case if our policies are based upon 
the shifting sands of expediency. 

As an example of the principles to which we 
adhere, I cite the principle that military force 
should not be used aggressively to achieve national 
goals. 

Power, particularly great power, is always 
dangerous unless it is subject to self-imposed 
restraints. 

Recently we were gravely provoked by the 
Chinese Communists, who retained and im- 
prisoned 15 of our fliers in violation of the Korean 
Armistice Agreement. We had the power to take 
prompt and overwhelming reprisals. We did not 
do so ; neither did we bargain or pay ransom. We 
relied upon the United Nations to bring moral 
pressures into play. Now all 15 of our brave com- 
rades are free and home. 

We hope that the Chinese Communists will 
accept for themselves this "renunciation of force" 
principle. Until now they have largely lived by 
the sword. Tliey came into power through violent 
revolution. They moved into Korea to fight the 
United Nations Command. They took Tibet by 
force. They allied themselves with force in Indo- 
china. But perhaps they are now beginning to 
see that persistence in the use of force will surely 
bring disaster. 

Another of the principles we apply is that pro- 
ductivity is not for purely selfish use. We do not 
seek to be an oasis of material prosperity in a 
desert of human misery. 

During the last 10 yeai's the Government has 
granted or loaned abroad approximately $40 
billion for economic purposes. The recipients 
have in the main been those allies which gi-eatly 
suffered from the war or which with us face a 
common danger and build with us a common 
defense. 

In the same period approximately $12.5 billion 
of private fimds have flowed abroad to develop 
countries which welcome and provide opportunity 
for foreign capital. 

Thus we seek to use both our great economic 
productivity and our great military power in ac- 
cordance with good principles. 

Some other nations would, at times, prefer it if 
the United States would deviate from basic prin- 
ciples to help them meet their immediate prob- 
lems. If we do not do so, they may temporarily 
turn away. But beneath such surface dissatisfac- 
tions lies, I feel, a sense of respect for the United 



States because we at least try to live by principle. 
Certainly that is essential to our own sense of 
self-respect. 

Partnership 

We have partnership. Modern developments 
in the field of communications have drawn na- 
tions physically together so that, as never before, 
wliat concerns one concerns many. It was always 
wrong to ojjerate on the basis of "each for liimself 
and the devil take the hindmost." Now it is also 
stupid. 

Within our nations people seek security on a col- 
lective basis. We have our community police 
force, our fire department, and other civic aids. 
Tlius, by working together we get more security at 
less cost. 

The time has come when the nations also need to 
get together on a community basis. 

The ideal, of course, would be to have collective 
security on a univei-sal basis. That is the design 
of the United Nations. But trust and confidence 
do not yet exist on a univei-sal basis. So, many 
nations have created collective security organiza- 
tions of their own, as permitted by the United 
Nations Charter. 

The United States now has partnership associa- 
tion for security with 44 nations. The result is 
to create a measure of security wliich no one, not 
even the strongest, could achieve on a purely na- 
tional basis. 

Tlie Soviet rulers profess to regard these devel- 
opments as dangerous. They advocate — for 
others — what they call "neutrality." By this they 
mean that each nation should have the weakness 
whicli is inevitable when each depends on itself 
alone. 

But the Soviet rulers practice, for themselves, 
something very different from what they thus 
preach to others. They have forged a vast do- 
main. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
is itself a multinational state consisting of 16 so- 
called republics, several of which were once inde- 
pendent nations. 

Several other countries, in whole or part, are 
tied into the Soviet bloc by the hold of the Soviet 
Communist Party or the Red Army. 

Also, there is close identity with Communist 
China, which in turn dominates all or part of sev- 
eral other nations. 

Thus, the Soviet bloc represents an amalgama- 



Ocfober 24, 1955 



641 



tion of about 900 million people, nonnally consti- 
tuting more than 20 distinct national groups. 

The United States does not believe in practicing 
neutrality. Barring exceptional cases, neutrality 
today is an obsolete conception. It is like asking 
each community to forego a police force and to 
leave it to each citizen to defend his own home with 
his own gun. 

Equally, we do not believe that nations and peo- 
ples who want to be independent should be forced 
into unwelcome dominance by others merely to 
produce monolithic power. We do not believe 
that such artificial unity will last or produce genu- 
ine security. 

We do believe that peoples who trust each other 
should freely draw together for their mutual se- 
curity. 

The United States is helping to bring into being 
that modern and forward-looking practice. 
Through it all who love liberty can more surely 
have liberty. 

Peace 

We have peace. Peace is the goal which we de- 
voutly seek. But let us never forget that the 
peace we now have, and the peace which we would 
preserve, is not peace at any price. It is peace 
with freedom, purchased by those who were will- 
ing to fight and die. 

Last winter, when aggression threatened in the 
Formosa area, the Congi-ess unitedly authorized 
the President to use the armed forces of the United 
States for the defense of our vital interests and of 
our ally in that area. 

I believe that this action contributed indispensa- 
bly to the preservation of peace at that juncture. 

Two years ago I addressed your convention in 
St. Louis.- Speaking of the "art of peace," I said : 
"If events are likely which will in fact lead us 
to fight, let us make clear our intention in ad- 
vance ; then we shall probably not have to fight." 
The bipartisan action of the Congress was a no- 
table application of that doctrine. 

Peace, at least the only kind of peace that is 
worth having, requires an intrepid spirit in de- 
fense of freedom and justice. Without that spirit, 
aggressors run rife until finally in desperation 
there is resistance and war. 

But lest what I say should be misimderstood or 



misrepresented in any quarter, in any way, for 
any reason, let me say what you all know : There is 
no nation in the world which is more utterly ded- 
icated to peace than is our Nation. 

One of the great gains of the "summit" confer- 
ence at Geneva was that it gave President Eisen- 
hower an opportunity to demonstrate, so that none 
could doubt, our Nation's devotion to peace. I 
refer particularly to his spontaneous offer to ex- 
change military blueprints with the Soviet Union 
and allow them to overfly the United States on a 
basis of reciprocity. That was an offer which 
could only have come from the serenity of the 
peace-loving spirit of our beloved President. And 
the Nation wholly supported that proposal. 

We hope that the Soviet rulers will accept it. 
If they do, in good spirit, then we can confidently 
move on to international measures to reduce and 
control the instruments of death. 

President Eisenhower's latest offer is a sequel 
to other dramatic proposals made in pursuit of 
peace. In 1946 President Truman offered to in- 
ternationalize our then monopoly of atomic en- 
ergy. In December 1953 President Eisenhower 
made his "atoms for peace"' proposal that fission- 
able material, then designed for war, should be 
put into a world bank and made to work for peace. 

So the United States makes mtuiifest its peace- 
ful purposes. 

But as President Eisenhower recently said,' 
"We must not think of peace as a static condition 
in world affairs. . . . Unless there is peaceful 
change, there is bound to be violent change." And 
he cited as situations which needed to be changed 
the division of Germany and the subjection of the 
once-free nations of Eastern Europe. 

There are some skeptics who doubt that change 
can be brought about peacefully. History does not 
justify this conclusion. The recent liberation of 
Austria came about primarily because world opin- 
ion insistently demajided it as a step which repre- 
sented elemental justice. In the same way world 
opinion will act as a compulsion on the Soviet 
Union to relax its grip upon East Germany and 
to permit the unification of Germany. 

Also, I believe that world opinion will compel 
the restoration of national independence to the 
captive states of Eastern Europe. 

Independence must also come to those dependent 



" Bulletin of Sept. 14, 1953, p. 339. 
642 



'Ihid., Sept. 5, 1955, p. 376. 

Department of State Bulletin 



countries — those colonies — whose people desire in- 
dependence and are capable of sustaining it. 

And the le^s developed areas should be helped 
to provide a better livelihood for their peoples. 

These changes will surely come to pass. The 
only question is when, and by whom. 

We can, and indeed we must, look forward to 
an era of peaceful change. We do not seek other 
than peace, but also we do not seek a peace other 
than one which will be curative and creative. 



which the U.S. Government attaches to the 
European Coal and Steel Community. 

W. Walton Butterworth has been appointed as 
head of tliis mission to serve as U.S. Representa- 
tive to the Ecsc and will have the personal rank 
of Ambassador. His most recent assignment has 
been as Minister and Deputy Cliief of Mission at 
tlie American Embassy, London. 



Our Task Today 

The United States has no desire and no mandate 
to run the world. Many things will go right with- 
out our help and many things will go wrong that 
we cannot help. We shall not always be able to 
save others from what we believe to be their mis- 
takes, and we know that we shall at times commit 
what others believe to be our mistakes. 

But one thing we can do. That is, be a nation 
which stands for what all men aspire. 

That indeed has been the mission of our Nation 
since its foundation. Our founders said {Feder- 
alist Paper No. 1 ) , "It seems to be reserved to the 
people of this country to show, by their conduct 
and example" that it is possible for men freely to 
establish good government; and that "failure on 
their part" would be "the general misfortune of 
mankind." Throughout the intervening years, 
our Nation has patriotically lived up to that ideal. 
That same mission is our task today. 

If in freedom we produce bounteously; if we 
have defensive power to deter aggi'ession; if we 
use our military and economic power in accord- 
ance with high moral principles; if we extend the 
hand of fellowship to all who in sincerity would 
grasp it; and if we seek a peace which will eradi- 
cate injustice, then we can be confident of our 
future. In that way, the patriotism of the living 
can pay tribute to the patriotism of the dead. 



U.S. Establishes Mission to 
Coal and Steel Community 

The Department of State announced on Octo- 
ber 10 (press release 599) that, pursuant to direc- 
tion of the President on September 23, 1955, a 
U.S. mission to the European Coal and Steel Com- 
munity (Schuman Plan) in Luxembourg will be 
established. This action reflects the importance 



President and Soviet Premier 
Exchange Views on Inspection 

Following are texts of letters exchanged iy 
President Eisenhower and Nikolai A. Bulganin, 
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, on the subject of the 
President's July 21 proposal concerning exchange 
of military information and aerial inspection. 



PRESIDENT EISENHOWER TO MR. BULGANIN 

White House press release dated October 12 

Denver, Colorado 

October 11,1965 

Dear Mr. Chairman : I wish to thank you for 
your letter of September 19, 1955 about my Geneva 
proposal of July 21 that we exchange information 
about military establishments and permit recipro- 
cal aerial inspection over our two countries. 

You raise a good many questions, and I shall 
not be able to reply to them imtil the doctors let 
me do more than at present. In any event, a full 
reply calls for preliminary work by my advisers 
and this is actively under way. 

Let me now say, however, that I am encouraged 
that you are giving such full consideration to my 
Geneva proposal. I hope that we can agree on it, 
not as a cure-all, but, as I said at Geneva, to show 
a si)irit of non-aggressiveness on both sides and so 
to create a fresh atmosphere which would dispel 
much of the present fear and suspicion. This, of 
itself, would be worthwhile. It would, I believe, 
make it more possible to make progress in terms 
of comprehensive plans for inspection, controls 
and reductions of armament, which will satisfy 
the high hopes of our peoples, and indeed of all 
the world. 



Ocfofaer 24, 7955 



643 



I have not forgotten your proposal having to 
do with stationing inspection teams at key points 
in our countries, and if you feel this would help to 
create the better spirit I refer to, we could accept 
that too. 
With best wishes, 
Sincerely, 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 



MR. BULGANIN TO PRESIDENT EISENHOWER 

September 19, 1955 

Dear Mr. President: I feel I must sincerely 
and frankly exchange opinions with you on a sub- 
ject which at the present time has acquired par- 
ticular importance. I have in mind the question 
which is being discussed now by our representa- 
tives in the subcommittee of the U.N. Disarma- 
ment Commission. 

In the course of our memorable meetings in 
Geneva we agreed to work jointly for elaboration 
of an acceptable system of disarmament. "Wlien 
we approved directives to our Ministers of For- 
eign Affairs on this score, I thought a great deal 
liad been accomplished. Now the representatives 
of our countries, guided by these directives and 
taking into account in their work the opinions and 
proposals put forth by the heads of the four gov- 
ernments in Geneva, can and must achieve definite 
progress. 

I and my colleagues thought that even at the 
very beginning of their work our representatives 
would be able to reach general agreement on those 
basic questions on which our viewpoints either co- 
incided or had already appreciably approached 
each other. I have in mind first of all the question 
of the levels of armed forces of the five great pow- 
ers, the question of dates for introducing into force 
the prohibition of atomic weapons, and the ques- 
tion of international control. In this manner 
there would be created a solid foundation for fur- 
ther work during which it would be possible to 
make more precise all the details of the necessary 
agreements concerning the working out of an ac- 
ceptable system of disarmament. 

However, the first weeks of the work of the sub- 
committee so far have not yet produced tliose re- 
sults for which you and I were fully entitled to 
hope, and I must frankly say that the delay is oc- 
casioned to a considerable degree by the fact that 
the members of the subcommittee so far do not 



know the position of the representative of the 
United States with regard to those provisions 
vvhicli we had all the grounds to consider as agreed. 
As is known, the representative of the United 
States completely put aside the questions of reduc- 
tion of the armed forces, of armaments, and 
lirohibition of atomic weapons, having expressed 
the desire to discuss first of all and mainly your 
proposal concerning the exchange of military in- 
formation between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. as 
well as of the mutual exchange of aerial photog- 
raphy of the territories of both countries.^ In this 
manner the impression is left that the entire prob- 
lem of disarmament is being confined by him to 
these proposals. 

I think to put the question in this manner would 
not satisfy tlie aspiration of peoples, even though 
I fully recognize the importance of the proposals 
introduced by you in Geneva. 

However, since I and my colleagues have re- 
ceived the above-mentioned impression, I consider 
it my duty once more to share with you, esteemed 
Mr. President, certain primary considerations. 

We feel that the main problem for us is to use 
further efforts to look for ways which would per- 
mit us to move the problem of disarmament away 
from dead center, which problem has vital im- 
portance for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. and the 
U.S.A. as well as peoples of the entire world. 

In connection with this allow me to touch upon 
the profwsals put forward by you at Geneva. We 
regard these proposals as testimony of your sin- 
cere desire to find a way to settle the important 
problem of the international control and inspec- 
tion and to contribute personally to general efforts 
for the normalization of international relations. 

Upon our return from Geneva we with all care- 
fulness have studied your proposal of July 21 ^ 
which was introduced on August 30 by Mr. Stassen 
into the disarmament subcommittee. In the 
course of this study several questions have arisen 
about which I would like to express to you my 
thoughts. 

First of all, about the mutual exchange by the 
United States of America and the Soviet Union 
of information concerning their armed forces and 
armaments. 

In principle, we have no objections to this pro- 



' For text of the opening statement made by Ambassador 
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., in the subcommittee on Aug. 29, 
see Bi-LLETiN of Sept. 12, 1955, p. 438. 

' Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173. 



644 



Department of State Bulletin 



posal. I think that at a definite stage the exchange 
of such information between states is necessary. 
It would be better, however, if such information 
concerning armaments were submitted by all 
states, and not only by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., 
to the international organ of control and inspec- 
tion, concerning the creation of which we should 
reach an agreement. In order to avoid misunder- 
standings, it is self-evident that information on 
all kinds of annaments, conventional as well as 
nuclear, must be submitted in order to avoid mis- 
understanding. If these considerations are valid, 
we should carefully discuss exactly when this full 
information on armaments of states should be 
presented and first of all information concerning 
the armaments of great powers. 

It is self-evident that the submission of the 
above-mentioned information to an international 
control organ would become significant only if 
agreement is achieved on the reduction of arma- 
ments and on taking measures for the proliibition 
of atomic weapons. 

It seems to me that the problem of the creation 
of an international control organ which would 
satisfy the requirements of the problems of dis- 
armament should be considered in indissoluble 
unity with decisions for putting into effect a plan 
for gradual disarmament. At the same time it 
is necessary to keep sight of the fact that achieve- 
ment of a really valuable exchange of military in- 
formation will become really effective to the de- 
gree that mutual trust among states is 
strengthened. 

Now I would also like to express my opinion 
about the problem of aerial photography. 

I do not doubt that when you introduced your 
proposal for photographing from the air the ter- 
ritories of our two countries, you were guided by a 
legitimate desire to create confidence that neither 
of our two countries would be subjected to attack 
by the other. 

However, let us be frank to the end. Under pres- 
ent international conditions both our countries are 
not acting singly. The United States of America, 
as is known, heads all military groupings which 
exist in the West and in the East, and what is 
more their armed forces are stationed not only on 
American territory; they are also stationed in 
England, West Germany, Italy, France, Spain, 
North Africa, Greece, Turkey, in several countries 
of the Near and Middle East, in Japan, on Taiwan, 
in the Philippines, etc. 



To this should be added the fact that the armed 
forces of several states are organically connected 
with the military forces of the United States 
through inclusion under a single command. 

Under these conditions, the Soviet Union on its 
side has united militarily with several allied states. 

It is impossible not to see that the proposal in- 
troduced by you completely omits from considera- 
tion armed forces and military installations which 
are outside the area of the United States and the 
Soviet Union. 

And yet it is perfectly self-evident that aerial 
photographing should also be extended to all 
armed forces and military installations located on 
the territories of those other states. 

This presents an entirely new problem : Would 
the governments of such states permit their sov- 
ereign territory to be photographed from the air 
by foreign aircraft? 

All this shows that the problem of aerial pho- 
tography is not a question which, under present 
conditions, would lead to effective progress to- 
ward insuring security of states and successful 
accomplishment of disarmament. 

This conclusion is suggested by the fact that 
your proposal, unfortunately, does not mention 
the necessity for reduction of armaments and pro- 
hibition of atomic weapons. 

It is therefore natural that people should ask 
more and more often what the proposal for aerial 
photography and the collecting of such informa- 
tion would really do to end the arms race. If 
such a proposal does not promote the ending of 
the arms race, then it means that it does not re- 
move the threat of a new war. It does not lighten 
the burden which the peoples are bearing in con- 
nection with this arms race. Would such a pro- 
posal satisfy the expectations of the people of our 
states and those of all countries? 

Finally, it is impossible not to stop and think 
about what would happen if we occupy ourselves 
with the questions of aerial photography and the 
exchange of military information without taking 
effective measures for reduction of armaments and 
prohibition of atomic weapons. 

I have apprehensions which I cannot help but 
share with you. Would not such a situation lead 
to the weakening of vigilance toward the still 
existing threat of violation of the peace generated 
by the arms race ? 

My remarks do not at all mean that we cannot 
achieve an agreement on important aspects of the 



October 24, 1955 



645 



disarmament problem. I would like to call your 
attention to the fact that on very substantial as- 
pects of this problem our positions have become so 
close that we would be able to reach a definite 
agreement. 

Let us take such a question as the establishment 
of levels of armed forces for the great powers. 

It is generally recognized that this is a question 
of great importance. Originally, the idea of es- 
tablishing levels to which armed forces of the Big 
Five should be reduced, as is known, was put forth 
by your Government together with the Govern- 
ments of Great Britain and France in 1952.^ In 
the interest of achieving general agreement on 
this matter, which is so important for the problem 
of disarmament, we decided to adopt this joint 
proposal of the U.S., England, and France as a 
basis for discussion. Consequently we have a 
common point of view on this question. It is very 
important for us to arrive at agreement on this 
point. 

On the question of atomic weapons, we must re- 
member that at the present, when the greatest 
armies of the world have at their disposal such 
means of mass destruction as atomic and hydrogen 
weapons, it is impossible, of course, to talk about 
disarmament without touching on this important 
subject. Therefore, we have always attached 
paramount importance to the problem of prohibi- 
tion of atomic weapons. In the discussion of this 
problem, one of the substantial subjects of dis- 
agreement was the question of dates when the 
prohibition against the use of atomic weapons 
would go into force. In our desire to bring the 
opposition positions closer and to thereby facilitate 
and expedite the achievement of agreement on this 
subject, we agreed to accept the dates for putting 
into forc« the prohibition on the use of atomic 
weapons which were proposed by the representa- 
tives of England and France in the subcommittee 
of tlie U.N. Commission on Disarmament in 
London in April 1955.* 

I tliink you will agree that tlie proposal con- 
cerning the stage at which prohibition against the 
use of atomic weapons would come into force, as 
proposed by England and France, and accepted 
by the Soviet Union, satisfies our common in- 
terests. 

It would be desirable — and I think completely 



' /&(•(/., June 9, 19.52, p. 910. 
* Ibid., May 30, 1955, p. 897. 



feasible — to reach an agreement also on this 
question. 

It also seems expedient for us to reach agree- 
ment at this time on putting into effect several 
measures designed to prevent sudden attack by 
one state or another. We feel that this measure 
would be in accord with the interests of maintain- 
ing peace and security of nations and in this re- 
spect it would be possible to reach agreement also 
concerning the form of control suitable to the 
above-mentioned problem. 

You, ]\Ir. President, as a military man, know 
from your own experience that modern war 
I'equires drawing into military action armies of 
many millions and an enormous quantity of tech- 
nical combat equipment. In this connection 
great importance has now been acquired by the 
definite locations where concentrations of large 
military groups can take place and whose arma- 
ments would include all this technical combat 
equipment. The system of control proposed by us, 
namely the creation of control posts in large ports, 
at railroad junctions, on automobile highways, and 
at airfields, is designed to prevent dangerous con- 
centrations of troops and combat equipment on 
large scale and thereby remove the possibility of 
sudden attack by one country against another. 
Establishment of such posts would be an impor- 
tant step toward relaxation of international ten- 
sion and the establishment of trust among states. 

In my opinion our proposal concerning control 
posts has the advantage that it provides a definite 
guaranty against a sudden attack by one state 
against another. 

I think you will agre-e that the proposals intro- 
duced by us concerning levels of armed forces, 
the dates for coming into effect of the prohibi- 
tion of nuclear weapons and for the establish- 
ment of control posts can promote the 
reduction of tension in international relations 
and strengthening of peace. I do not see, there- 
fore, any reasons why we could not arrange to 
reach agreement on these questions. Such joint de- 
cisions of the Four Powers would have tremen- 
dous importance because they would put into the 
hearts of millions of people the assurance that 
disarmament is fully realizable and that real steps 
are being taken in this direction. An agi'eement 
on these questions would open the way toward 
solution of other questions which concern the 
problem of disarmament. It would encourage 
the strengthening of tliat atmosphere of coopera- 



646 



Department of State Bulletin 



tion and mutual understanding which we initiated 
at Geneva, and it would create favorable condi- 
tions to put into practice a broader program of 
disarmament and control over this disarmament. 
In presenting ideas to you, Mr. President, I am 
inspired by the sincere desire to achieve through a 
frank exchange of opinions on the problem of dis- 
armament better mutual understanding which 
may facilitate reaching agreed decisions on this 
most important problem. 



Inasmuch as the solution of these questions de- 
pends mainly on the four great powers who par- 
ticipated in the Geneva Conference, I have taken 
the liberty of sending copies of this letter to Mr. 
Eden and Mr. Faure and hope that you will not 
misunderstand this action. 

I hope soon to receive your ideas on the ques- 
tions touched upon in this letter. 
With sincere respect, 

N. BULGANIN 



Progress in the Rule of Law 



hy Herman Phleger 
Legal Adviser ^ 



Being lawyers, I thought it might be of interest 
to review with you today the developments of this 
century that might loosely be called progress in 
the rule of law in the international field. 

One of the paradoxes of our time is that, while 
the overwhelming majority of mankind abhors 
war, it has not been possible as yet to achieve a 
just and lasting peace. The prospect, in this 
atomic age, that the next war might result in an- 
nihilating mankind jwints to the urgency of find- 
ing a solution for this problem. 

^^Hiile undue optimism is to be avoided, and 
the failures are fresh in our memory, it is worthy 
of note that significant progress has been made 
in the j^ast 60 years in the concept of collective 
security and the renunciation of aggressive war. 
We should not permit the failures to obscure the 
successes, for, if we are to build a system of collec- 
tive security that will be effective in the future, it 
must be upon the foundations that have been laid 
since the beginning of this century. 

Indeed, if we compare the situation today with 
that of a scant 50 years ago, the progress has been 
significant. 

Fifty years ago war was accepted as a perfectly 
legitimate instrument of national policy. Learned 
writers in the field of international law asserted 



'Address made hefore the Philadelphia Bar Association 
on Oct. 10 (press relea.se .596 dated Oct. 8). 



its legality. Collective efforts were largely con- 
fined to ameliorating the harsh conditions of war — 
agreeing on the rules of the game, so to speak. 
The Hague Conventions on land and naval war- 
fare, the Red Cross Convention, and the later 
Geneva Conventions regulating the treatment of 
prisoners of war represented efforts of the world 
community to make war endurable, since its 
abolition seemed impossible. 

The great Hague Peace Conference of 1899, 
called to consider means of preserving the peace, 
drafted a Convention for the Pacific Settlement of 
Disputes iH'oviding for a Permanent Court of Ar- 
bitration. But it also had as one of its principal 
accomplishments the formulation of the Laws and 
Customs of Land Warfare. 

The Second Hague Conference of 1907 formu- 
lated conventions on naval warfare and the rights 
and duties of neutrals. A precarious peace, based 
on a constant shifting of the balance of power, 
was maintained on a razor-edge equilibrium. 

Conciliation and Arbitration Treaties 

Voluntary arbitration, conciliation, and media- 
tion were looked to to supplement traditional di- 
plomacy in the solution of international disputes. 
The United States was most active in this field. 
In 1908-9 Secretary Root concluded arbitration 
treaties with six coimtries. In 1913 and 1914, 19 



October 24, 1955 



647 



treaties, known as the Bryan Peace Treaties, were 
entered into by the United States. These bound 
the parties to mediation and conciliation before 
resorting to hostilities to settle differences. 



The League of Nations 

The First World War, drawing into its vortex 
most of the world powers, demonstrated the in- 
effectiveness of these measures and pointed to the 
imperative need for some system of collective se- 
curity if peace was to be maintained. The Cove- 
nant of the League of Nations, joined in by 63 
nations, represented a collective attempt to meet 
this need. 

As we all know, the Covenant did not secure the 
approval of the United States Senate, and the 
United States did not become a party. Wliether 
or liow much this decision contributed to the fail- 
ure of the League has been the subject of many a 
lively debate. 

Further Efforts To Insure Peace 

But though the United States did not join the 
League, it was not idle in its efforts to further 
world peace. In 1922 it called the Washington 
Conference, where the five principal naval powers 
agreed to a limitation of their naval forces. At 
the same conference the Nine Power Treaty, de- 
signed to assure the integrity of China, was entered 
into. 

During the years 1926 tlirough 1931, no fewer 
than 26 arbitration and 18 conciliation treaties, 
conmionly called the Kellogg Treaties, were en- 
tered into by the United States. 

In 1925 Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy, 
and Belgium signed the Locarno Treaty, designed 
to prevent a repetition of World War I. In it, 
the parties agreed to refrain from war and bound 
themselves to come to the aid of any party attacked 
by any other party. 

Then in 1928 came the Kellogg-Briand Pact. 
In this treaty the signatories solemnly bound them- 
selves to renounce war as an instrimient of na- 
tional policy. Sixty-three nations became parties 
to this pact. One of the first was the Soviet 
Union. It is interesting to note that this treaty, 
despite the intervention of World War II, remains 
in force today as to all its signatories, there having 
been no denunciation or withdrawal by any party. 

From the standpoint of international law, this 
treaty was a revolutionary development. Taken 



at face value, it was an agreement between the 
members of the world community that it would be 
a breach of solemn treaty obligations to engage in 
aggressive war. 

Yet 10 years later Germany invaded Poland 
and World War II was under way. 

In connection with the Kellogg-Briand Pact, I 
cannot refrain from quoting from Senator 
[George Wliarton] Pepper's admirable auto- 
biograjjhy. He wrote, speaking of the spring of 
1928, 

During our brief sojourn in Paris, the Kellogg-Briand 
Pact was signed at the French Foreign Office in an at- 
mosphere of optimism. Mrs. Pepper and I were guests at 
the Embassy at a brilliant dinner given by Ambassador 
Herrick to Secretary Kellogg. My Incurable lack of faith 
in international promises made me less enthusiastic than 
the rest of the company. They felt, or pretended to feel, 
that war had at last received its death warrant. 

The United Nations 

A hope that sustained those who bore the bur- 
dens of World War II was that out of it would 
come a world order that would make its repetition 
impossible. A system of collective security was 
envisaged that would rule out aggressive warfare 
for all time. 

The United Nations Charter, signed in 1945, 
was in fulfillment of this hope. Sixty states are 
now members. The charter requires its members 
to "settle their international disputes by peaceful 
means" and to "refrain . . . from the threat or 
use of force against the territorial integrity or 
political independence of any state." 

Action to implement these undertakings is en- 
trusted to the Security Council, where, as you 
know, it is subject to veto by any one of the five 
permanent members. Vetoes by Soviet Russia 
have been frequent. 

The only collective military action taken by 
members to stop an outright breach of interna- 
tional peace was that taken pursuant to the resolu- 
tion of the Security Council in 1950, calling upon 
the members to repel the aggression of North 
Korea against South Korea. That action was pos- 
sible because the Soviet representative, Gromyko, 
had "taken a walk" and was not present when the 
vote was taken, it being held that a voluntary 
abstention by a permanent member did not have 
the effect of a veto. 

Sixteen member nations responded to this call — 
the first instance of joint military action in dis- 



648 



Department of State Bulletin 



charge of a prior commitment to act collectively 
to maintain world peace. Later, when the Chinese 
Communists swarmed across the Yalu, the Gen- 
eral Assembly of the United Nations branded this 
as an aggression and called upon its members to 
embargo strategic materials. 

Uniting for Peace 

As a result of the Korean experience, the Gen- 
eral Assembly decided to improve its procedures 
so as to take account of any future situation where 
the Security Comicil might be paralyzed by the 
veto. This was done by passage of the Uniting 
for Peace Resolution in the fall of 1950. This 
resolution permits United Nations action which 
would otherwise be impossible because of the veto 
in the Security Council. 

The basis for this resolution was explained by 
Secretary Dulles in the course of debate over its 
adoption, as follows :- 

. . . The same instniment which placed on the 
Security Council the "primary" responsibility for the 
maintenance of international peace and security . . . 
gave the General Assembly power to recommend even as 
to matters that might be vetoed. . . . 

... At San Francisco, the so-called "Little 45" had 
stoutly opposed the "veto power" demanded by the so- 
called "Big Five." Finally, in the closing days of the Con- 
ference, they agreed to accept the veto in the Security 
Council if Assembly powers were such that, if the Security 
Council were prevented from discharging its primary re- 
sponsibility, the General Assembly could step in and dis- 
cuss and recommend regarding such subjects as pacific 
settlement of disputes, breaches of the peace, the estab- 
lishment of military contingents, etc. To insure that, they 
proposed to amend what is now article 10 by broadening 
the Assembly's right to recommend so that it could recom- 
mend as to "any matters within the scope of the present 
Charter." 

The Soviet delegation at first declined to accept a 
broadening of article 10 which would prevent a veto in 
the Security Council from having finality. There was a 
resultant deadlock, while the day officially set for signing 
drew near. Finally, on June 19, 1945, the United States 
Ambassador at Moscow advised the Soviet Foreign Office 
that the United States felt it could not wait longer and 
Would proceed with other nations. The next day the 
chairman of the Soviet delegation informed our Secretary 
of State that his Government, too, accepted the proposed 
broadening of article 10. With that last obstacle cleared 
away, the Charter was signed June 26. 

The powers of the General Assembly we now invoke 
were won that day in San Francisco. There is no occa- 
sion now to put them in question. Rather, now is the 
time to use the rights then so hard won. That is the pro- 
posal before you. 



BiLLETiN of Oct. 23, 1950, p. 651. 



As you know, the Assembly adopted the Uniting 
for Peace Resolution, and shortly thereafter it 
met the challenge of a Soviet veto in the Korean 
situation by exercising its powers of recommenda- 
tion. Thus the existence of the veto in the 
Security Council has not prevented the United 
Nations from acting as an instrument of collective 
security. 

Riglit of Seif-Defense 

Another crucial development at San Francisco 
made it clear that the charter does not have the 
effect of impairing the sovereign right of self- 
defense. I refer to the foresight of Senator 
Vandenberg, strongly backed by the American 
States, in securing the insertion in the charter of 
article 51. This provides that 

Nothing in the . . . Charter shall impair the inherent 
right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed 
attack occurs. . . . 

U.S. Mutual Defense Treaties 

This recognition that a commitment to refrain 
from the use of force is subject to the reservation 
that force may be used in self-defense is an essen- 
tial basis for the security treaties which the United 
States has made since World War II and the sign- 
ing of the charter. The other essential basis is 
continuing recognition of the responsibility of the 
United Nations for the maintenance of interna- 
tional peace and security. 

These treaties have not only the object of pro- 
tecting United States security by combining the 
strength of free nations to resist armed aggression, 
but to make that aggression less likely by giving 
advance notice of the interests of the United States 
and its determination to protect those interests. 
Miscalculations as to the intentions of the United 
States no doubt contributed to the launching of 
both World Wars. No longer will a prospective 
aggressor be likely to make a similar miscalcula- 
tion. The Monroe Doctrine is the outstanding 
example of a successful United States policy based 
on a clear declaration of United States interests 
and intentions. 

These treaties are made within the framework 
of the United Nations Charter and serve to 
strengthen it. They bind the parties to them to 
settle international disputes by peaceful means 
and to refrain in their international relations from 
the threat or use of force in any way inconsistent 
with the purposes of the United Nations. All 



Ocfofaer 24, 7955 



649 



measures taken under the treaties are to be re- 
ported at once to the Security Council and are to 
be terminated when the Security Council has 
taken the necessary action. 

I do not believe it is generally recognized how 
extensive, both as to parties and territories, these 
treaties are. 

First, in 1947 there was the Inter-American 
Treaty of Eeciprocal Assistance between the 21 
American States. This treaty for the self-defense 
of the Western Hemisphere made the Monroe 
Doctrine mutual, where before it had been a uni- 
lateral policy of the United States. In tliis treaty 
it was agreed that an armed attack against an 
American State "shall be considered as an attack 
against all the American States," and each one 
agreed to assist in meeting the attack. 

Two years later, in 1949, the North Atlantic 
Treaty was signed, designed to secure the North 
Atlantic community against the Communist 
threat. Its 15 parties agree that an armed attack 
against one or more in Europe or North America 
shall be considered an attack against them all. 
Earlier this year the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, on regaining its sovereignty, acceded to 
this treaty. 

Then came tlie series of treaties in the Pacific 
designed to provide mutual security for the free 
nations in that area. 

First was the treaty with the Pliilippines in 
August 1951, followed soon after by the Anzus 
Treaty with Australia and New Zealand. In 
these, each of the parties recognizes that an anned 
attack against a treaty member would be dangerous 
to its own peace and safety and declares that it 
will act to meet the common danger in accordance 
with its constitutional processes. 

Wlien the Japanese Peace Treaty was signed in 
1951, the United States and Japan agi-eed by 
treaty on measures for the security of that area of 
the Pacific. 

In October 1953, following the Korean Armi- 
stice, the United States and Korea entei'ed into a 
mutual defense treaty. 

In 1954, following the Geneva conference on 
Korean unification and Indochina, and after the 
aggressive intentions of the Communist movement 
in Southeast Asia were recognized as a menace to 
all the free nations having interests in that area, 
the Manila Pact was signed. In it, eight nations, 
including the Asian nations of Pakistan, Thailand, 
and the Philippines, recognized that armed attack 



against any of the parties would endanger the 
peace and safety of all the others. In the case of 
the United States, the armed attack was identified 
in the treaty as Communist aggression. 

In December of 1954 the United States signed a 
mutual defense treaty with the Republic of China. 

These treaties constitute a system for the mutual 
defense of the free world against armed aggression 
and particularly Communist aggression, without 
precedent in history. The beneficial effect of the 
North Atlantic Treaty has already been demon- 
strated. The stabilizing effect of the others is al- 
ready evident. They constitute a solid backing of 
the United Nations Charter.' 

Peace by Agreement 

Wlien asked what I would talk about today, I 
suggested "Peace by Agreement." That is the 
description I would apply to the entire complex of 
bilateral and multilateral treaties by wliich the 
world community has tried to move forward by 
agreeing that aggressive warfare is no longer legal 
under international law. It is a lawyer's approach. 

We have seen how the Covenant of the League 
and the solemn assm-ances of the Kellogg-Briand 
Pact were disregarded in World War II. We 
have witnessed the action of the United Nations in 
applying sanctions against aggi'ession in Korea. 
We have witnessed the attempts of like-minded 
nations to insure the peace by mutual security 
treaties within the framework of the United Na- 
tions Charter. 

The charter of the United Nations f urnislies the 
broadest and most comprehensive juridical basis 
for maintaining the peace and for collective secu- 
rity that the world has ever seen. The system of 
mutual security treaties to which the United 
States is a party reaffirms the principles of the 
charter and reinforces its provisions outlawing 



The Sanction of World Opinion 

We would be naive to tliink that peace can be 
assured by words of agi'eement. Behind those 
words there must be good faith, and resolution, 
and dedication to the cause of peace. It behooves 
us all to add our moral and matei-ial supjwrt to 
these efforts to preserve the peace. 

International law has been described as law 



' For a map illustrating these security arrangements, see 
ibid., Mar. 21, 1955, p. 478. 



650 



Department of State Bulletin 



without a constitution. In the absence of effective 
juridical sanctions, world opinion — aptly de- 
scribed in the Declaration of Independence as "a 
decent respect to the opinions of mankind" — 



remains the most effective means of preventing ag- 
gressive war. In the formation of this opinion, 
we as lawyers, dedicated to the rule of law, bear a 
heavy responsibility. 



Washington Old Hall, Symbol of British-American Kinship 



hy Winthrop W. Aldrich 
Ambassador to Great Britain^ 



The ground on which we stand today has a 
unique jilace in the history of the English-speak- 
ing peoples. It marks the origin of the family 
name of Washington — a name which George 
Washington, the first President of the United 
States, centuries later was to make so illustrious. 

As you know, William de Hertburne around the 
year 1180 acquired this village and in accordance 
with the custom of the day obtained the right to 
the place-name as a family name. Either he or 
his son — the records are not clear on this point — 
therefore adopted the title William de Wessing- 
ton, and his spelling in time became "Washington." 

George Washington's earliest traceable ances- 
tors were lords of this manor and lived in this vei-y 
house for 2 centuries during the Middle Ages; 
other branches of the family lived here for 450 
years. Wlien we consider that part of the original 
house built by William is here before our eyes 
today, we must conclude that, if the Washingtons 
were remarkable for nothing else, they would be 
remarkable for their ability to confer an apparent 
immortality on their homes. They did not con- 
fine this gift of building for the ages just to their 
homes. Another distinguished member of the 
family, John Washington, who was Prior of the 
Cathedral Church of Durham from 1416 to 1446, 
is recorded as having be«n the most prodigious 
builder, repairer, and restorer the Cathedral ever 
had. The cloisters which he built are still there 
and, since they have the Washington touch, I do 
not doubt that they will stand forever. We have 



'Address made at ceremonies marking the restoration 
of Washington Old Hall at Washington, Coimty of Dur- 
ham, on Sept. 28. 



only to think of Sulgrave Manor, Mount Vernon, 
and many other ancestral homes of the Washing- 
tons to be reminded again of the permanence of 
their mark. 

The mark of the Washingtons survives in 
another striking way which is little known even 
in America. The family coat of arms is impressed 
on a leaden seal attached to a deed of sale dated 
1376 which may be seen today in the library of 
Durham Cathedral. The Washington arms were 
carved on nearby Hylton Castle as early as 1250, 
when a member of the family married a Hylton. 
The carving is still there, showing a shield with 
three stars and two stripes, surmounted by an 
eagle with lifted wings. Who can resist the con- 
jecture that here at Washington Old Hall is the 
true origin of the Stars and Stripes and the 
Great Seal of the United States Government? 

Perhaps it is only coincidence that the family 
home of Martha Washington in Virginia was 
known as the "White House" — the identical name 
which was subsequently chosen for the official 
residence of our Presidents — but it is surely more 
than coincidence that the Washington arms com- 
bined the stars and stripes and the eagle, 21/^ cen- 
turies before America was even discovered and 
5 centuries before it became a nation. 

As a patriotic monument, this first house of 
the first Washington has unrivaled significance 
and importance for present and future genera- 
tions of Americans. It is surely fitting that the 
flag which was seen by the dawn's early light 
should now float proudly over this historic build- 
ing. Indeed, the people of this ancient village 
of Washington have already established a prece- 
dent. For years they have appropriately dis- 



Ocfober 24, J 955 



651 



played the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack 
side by side in the local school. 

I say that this is fitting because the people of 
this country and the people of America have never 
parted company in certain fundamental respects, 
and there appears to be no likelihood that we 
ever will. Despite our political separation, we are 
still a community of like-minded peoples. We 
have the same love of liberty, respect for human 
rights, and belief in a law of common justice. 
Both for ourselves and others, we believe in a 
government deriving its power fi'om the consent 
of the governed and free of unwarranted external 
interference. In the principles inspiring the con- 
duct of our domestic and foreign affairs, we are 
deeply akin, and in seeking the peace, freedom, 
and prosperity of the world, we are closely allied. 

It is natural that British and Americans should 
have joined hands in preserving Washington Old 
Hall from destruction and in giving it a new lease 
on life. Both England and colonial America 
played a part in shaping the character and 
achievements of George Washington, and the 
people of both our countries are his heirs. In him 
we see clearly this blending that makes us kin. 

George Washington was a fourth-generation 
American (counting his great-gi-andfather John, 
who arrived in 1657) and the third generation 
to be born in America. Though George's gi-and- 
f ather and his father came to England for school- 
ing, George himself did not. His formal schooling 
ended when he was 16, and his real education was 
obtained chiefly outdoors from practical men, 
learning how to grow tobacco, raise stock, and 
run plantations. He taught himself a good deal 
of mathematics and at 14 was already an able 
surveyor. He became a surveyor for a number 
of his youthful years, and the work took him 
far and wide into still undeveloped regions. He 
gained from this travel a knowledge of the rich- 
ness of that new continent and the desire, which 
never diminished, to see it opened up, populated, 
and made fruitful. In working as a surveyor for 
Lord Fairfax, who came to America to benefit 
from his vast landholdings in Virginia, George 
Washington profited from the contact with that 
cultivated man of fine maimers and taste. But 
George himself was not just a transplanted Eng- 
lishman, though his English heritage ran strongly 
in him. He was something new — a blend — a new 
combination. He was a colonial American re- 
sponding to the vital influence of a vast new land 



which inevitably shaped the people who struggled 
to master it. 

In common with most of the leading men of 
colonial America, George Washington identified 
himself and his country with the English Crown 
and had argument only against what he consid- 
ered the harsh and unjust actions of the King and 
his ministers. He was reluctant to accept the step 
of political separation, and only did so when con- 
vinced that the destiny of America and its people 
required separation. His greatness then ap- 
peared. His character, poise, courage, and solid 
judgment pulled together all dissident elements 
and formed the rallying point for the shaping of 
a new nation. 

He saw clearly the imperative need of a strong 
union of the Thirteen Colonies and by the sheer 
force of his convictions carried witli him the con- 
vention that was framing the Constitution of the 
United States. In reply to those who advocated a 
weak instrument, he said, "Let us raise a standard 
to which the wise and honest can repair ; the event 
is in tlie hands of God." The standard was raised, 
and he was unanimously elected the first Presi- 
dent to hold it aloft. He held it high and 
strengthened its position, never ceasing to advo- 
cate a more perfect union and himself helping to 
give it lasting substance. 

I said a moment ago that we are all the heirs of 
George Washington. We are, in too many ways to 
describe, but we are particularly his heirs as peo- 
ple who cherish freedom. In the North Atlantic 
community, we too have raised a standard to 
which the wise and honest can repair for the 
presei-vation of the peace and freedom of the 
entire world. 

Washington Old Hall, therefore, will be more 
than a community center for the people of this 
village and a memorial to the gi-eat man whose 
lifeline traces back to this English soil. It will be 
a living symbol of the continuing unity of char- 
acter and purpose of the English-speaking 
peoples. 

We owe a debt of gratitude to those who have 
preserved this historic building. 

In the year 1613, just 44 years before John 
Washington and his brother Augustine emigrated 
to America, Washington Old Hall passed back 
into the possession of the Bishop of Durham. 
The Bishop pulled down part of the house to build 
a new one of the original materials but left much 
of the original structure intact. After passing 



652 



Department of Slate Bulletin 



subsequently through many hands, the house was 
converted in 1896 into tenement dwellings. By 
1934 it had deteriorated so badly that it was con- 
demned and ordered to be demolished. But 
though the honored association of this ancient 
house with the Washington family had been for- 
gotten by everyone else, it had not been forgotten 
by the people of this village. 

The village schoolmaster, Fred Hill, led a move- 
ment to preserve this historic building, and Wash- 
ingtonians of Durham County gave enough money 
to buy the house, though the cost of restoring it 
was beyond local resources. In 1936, the Viscount 
Gort, Deputy Lieutenant of the County, organized 
a restoration committee and got some of the resto- 
ration accomplished. I can only marvel at the 
Viscount Gort's determination. World War II 
halted the project for many years but left the en- 
thusiasm of Lord Gort and his committee un- 
diminished. Several years ago, on a trip to Ameri- 
ca, Lord Gort enlisted the interest and support of 
the American and British Commonwealth Associ- 
ation, whose chairman, Charles Smnner Bird, is 
with us today. Additional contributing patrons 
were then obtained on both sides of the Atlantic, 
with the result that we see here now. 

It has not yet been determined whether Wash- 
ington Old Hall should be put into the hands of 
the National Trust or under the Sulgrave Manor 
Trustees, but with either arrangement the future 
of the building will be assured. 

What that future holds is symbolized by the 
fact that we have in our midst at this very moment 
Colonel Webster, representing the Governor of 
New York State, with a contingent of the Wash- 
ington Greys — ^the original bodyguard of General 
George Washington — who made the trip over 
from America for this occasion. 

Their presence here occasions no alarm. On the 
contrary, it reminds us — as does that of the Ameri- 
can troops stationed in Britain — that this nation 
and mine are joined indissolubly together with 
other free nations in the determination to preserve 
our way of life, a purpose which derives its 
greatest strength from the friendship and alliance 
of the British and American peoples. 

We could find no more perfect meeting place to 
rededicate ourselves to a future of freedom and 
friendship than this first home of the first Wash- 
ington. 



Visit of Foreign Minister 
of Portugal 

Press release 598 dated October 10 

The Foreign Minister of Portugal, Dr. Paulo 
Cunha, has accepted the invitation of the Secre- 
tary of State to make an official visit to Washing- 
ton from November 30 through December 2. 

During these 3 days the Foreign Minister will 
exchange views with the Secretary of State and 
other United States officials on current aspects of 
American-Poi-tuguese i-elations and matters of 
mutual interest to both countries. 



U.S. Welcomes Iran's Adherence 
to ''Northern Tier" Pact 

Press release 605 dated October 12 

The United States welcomes the decision of Iran 
to adhere to the Pact of Mutual Cooperation 
signed at Baghdad by Iraq and Turkey on Feb- 
ruary 24, 1955, and subsequently adhered to by 
Pakistan and also by the United Kingdom. 

Iran's decision to adliere to the Baghdad Pact 
is further evidence of the desire and ability of 
nations of the Middle East to develop regional 
arrangements for collective self-defense within 
the framework of the charter of the United 
Nations. 

The drawing together of the "northern tier" na- 
tions of the Middle East is a normal development 
which should promote peace, stability, and well- 
being in the area. In no respect can this natural 
association be deemed hostile or threatening or 
directed against any other nation. 

The United States has had a longstanding in- 
terest in the territorial integrity and sovereign 
independence of Iran. That has been amply 
demonstrated in the past. That interest remains 
a cardinal feature of U.S. policy and assures that 
the United States will not waver in its demon- 
strated purpose to assist Iran and other free na- 
tions which are making their own determined 
efforts to achieve defensive strength and economic 
and social progress. 



Ocfober 24, 7955 

363756 — 55 3 



653 



The'lmportance of Trade in Inter-American Relations 



iy Henry F. Holland 

Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs^ 



In the world today there are a number of broad 
basic developments wliich command our attention 
and which will affect the future of mankind. 

In Europe millions of people have largely re- 
paired the destruction of the last war. In Asia 
and Africa coimtless millions of people are com- 
mitted to the arduous work of laying the foun- 
dations for stable governments and national 
economies. 

Those nations in the bondage of international 
communism are demonstrating the futility of an 
economic and political system which after more 
than 35 years of testing still cannot function with- 
out slave labor and a disregard for the freedom 
and lives of millions of people. 

In many ways the brightest and most hoj^eful 
area of the world today is Latin America. The 
strength and resources of its nations have not 
been wasted by war. The progress they have 
achieved in the past is largely intact to support 
further advancement. They are free to devote 
their national energies overwhelmingly to build- 
ing the future. Our joint defense system rests 
largely on the forces of the United States and 
relieves the other American Republics of the bur- 
den of maintaining large independent military 
establishments. The early disheartening stages 
through which much of Asia and Africa is passing 
and where each measure of progress requires vast 
effort lie far behind Latin America. Millions of 
their men and women have acquired advanced 
tecluiical, scientific, and professional skills. In- 
numerable industrial establishments exist. No 
country is without means of communication, and, 
in some, extensively developed systems exist. Do- 



' Address made before the National Coffee Association 
at San Francisco, Calif., on Oct. 10 (press release 593 
dated Oct. 6). 



mestic and international trade reflect generations 
of experience. 

But the most notable feature of this vast area, 
and perhaps one of the most exciting develop- 
ments of our time, is the fact that its 174 millions 
of people are seized with a burning determination 
to surpass their previous achievements. They are 
eager to progress with giant strides toward the 
modern and stable economies they know can be 
achieved with the human and natural resources 
available to them. Our relations with this area 
will be profoundly affected by the extent to which 
its governments and peoples are convinced that 
the attainment of this objective can be facilitated 
by close cooperation with the United States. 

They recognize, of course, as we do, that the 
overwhelming burden of performance in achiev- 
ing their objectives, just as the credit for achieve- 
ment, lies with the governments and peoples of 
Latin America. There are many ways, however, 
in wliich we can complement what they are doing 
and at the same time advance our own proper 
interests. 

Our Government can give its greatest help to 
Latin American economic development by sup- 
porting policies which are directed toward the 
expansion of inter-American trade. Fortunately, 
that benefits us as well. Wliether we like it or 
not, we must recognize tliat the economic and 
political stability of a munber of our sister repub- 
lics depends upon their continued access to United 
States markets for the goods they traditionally 
export to us. The industries that produce these 
products are usually among the strongest in the 
country. They represent the livelihood of tens 
of thousands of people. They produce a substan- 
tial part, at times the majority, of the govern- 
ment's tax income. 



654 



Department of State Bulletin 



Latin America depends on the United States 
to supply the capital equipment and many man- 
ufactured and agricultural products necessary for 
economic stability and progress. These must be 
paid for in dollars, dollars that must be earned by 
exporting to the United States market. The 
coffee-producing countries earn a large part of 
their dollar exchange through the sale of coffee 
to the United States. Venezuela earns 95 per- 
cent of its foreign exchange through the sale of 
petroleum products, about 40 percent of which 
are sold to us. We could extend these figures to 
include the importance of sugar to the Cuban 
economy, copper to that of Chile, tin to Bolivia, 
and other similar examples. 

The power to cripple the economy of another 
country by a tariff increase or the imposition of a 
quota reduction places a grave responsibility on 
the United States Government. On the one hand 
we must face the fact that, if it is important to 
the United States that there be economic and 
political stability in Latin America, we must pro- 
tect her existing access to our markets. Our Gov- 
ernment, on the other hand, is under constant 
pressure from our domestic producers to place 
competitive foreign products at a disadvantage. 
This is understandable. 

I fully realize that oirr first responsibility is to 
our own citizens and our primary objective must 
be to keep our own economy strong. I realize, 
too, that a policy of expanding inter-American 
trade may affect adversely the sales of our pro- 
ducers of competitive products. Nevertheless, I 
am convinced that such a policy is clearly in the 
greater national interest. In the first place, these 
Latin American imports do not hurt our national 
economy. They help it. It is true that, when we 
let Cuba sell a ton of sugar in the United States 
market, it means that our own sugar producers 
may sell one ton less than if we had excluded that 
Cuban ton. But the money the Cuban exporter 
earns through the sale of his ton comes back to 
the United States and represents that much more 
that some United States manufacturer or farmer 
producing for export will sell in the Cuban mar- 
ket. The decrease in one United States producer's 
domestic sales is offset by an increase in the value 
of some other producer's sales for export. 

The benefits of a policy of expanding inter- 
American trade are important to every one of us. 
First, that trade is worth about $31^ billion a 
year to our exportere. It means a great many 



thousands of jobs to our workmen. We export 
more to Latin America than we do to Canada or 
to Europe, more than to Asia and Oceania com- 
bined. Second, as I have said, it marks the dif- 
ference between chaos and stability to many of 
our sister republics. It lends the strongest pos- 
sible support to private enterprise in those coim- 
tries, and it is upon private enterprise that the 
future of Latin America depends. Let us not for- 
get, either, that 30 percent of those products that 
we buy from the other American Republics are 
produced by our own investors in the area. 

President Eisenliower has affirmed again and 
again that it is the policy of this Government to 
encourage international trade. I believe that we 
can point with considerable satisfaction not only 
to past actions wliich we have taken to fulfill that 
policy but to actions now contemplated which 
would advance it even further. As you may recall, 
the President requested and was given authority 
by the past session of the Congi-ess to negotiate 
with other countries for a further reciprocal re- 
duction of tariffs and other barriers to trade. 
We are now making preparation within the exec- 
utive branch to use that authority in negotiations 
that are expected to be held in Geneva begiiming 
next January.^ In accordance with our custom- 
ary practice, the negotiations will be conducted 
within the framework of the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade in which many of the Latin 
American countries, as well as other countries, 
will participate. The President has also asked 
that Congress at its next session approve United 
States membership in the Organization for Trade 
Cooperation,^ which is needed to assure more or- 
derly consideration of trade problems arising be- 
tween nations. Membership in such an organi- 
zation would be of special importance to the 
United States as one of the great trading nations 
of the world. 

Maintaining a policy of encouraging interna- 
tional trade is, however, far from easy. You are 
familiar with the strong efforts which have been 
made at one time or another during recent years 
to reduce the imports of petrolemn products, 
whose sale in our markets is vital to the economy 
of Venezuela. You recall the efforts to restrict 
sugar imports, which are so important to Cuba, 
to the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Peru. A 
determined effort was made to raise the tariff on 



" Bui-LETiN of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 507. 

' Ibid., Apr. 4, 1955, p. 579, and Apr. 25, 1955, p. 678. 



Ocfober 24, 1955 



655 



lead and zinc, which are of basic importance to 
the economies of Mexico and Peru, and to impose 
quotas on imports of tung oil, an important ex- 
port of Argentina and Paraguay. There have 
been a number of similar cases. Since the Presi- 
dent's policy was annomiced, the executive branch 
and the Congress have declined to reduce the 
existing access that each of these vital Latin 
American exports has in our markets. No one 
can foresee what will happen in the future. One 
thing is certain, however. Further efforts will be 
made to restrict existing levels of imports from 
Latin America. Some may succeed. The out- 
come in each case will be largely controlled, as it 
has been in the past, by the interest that the voters 
of the United States show in preserving our inter- 
American trade. 

Problems Concerning Coffee 

I should like now to discuss, in the context of 
our trade relations with the other American Re- 
publics, some problems which may be emerging in 
coffee. Coffee occupies a unique position in inter- 
American trade. It is by far the most important 
commodity in our trade relations with the other 
American Republics. It therefore has a signifi- 
cance in our relations with the coffee-producing 
countries and in economic, social, and political 
conditions within those countries which is much 
greater than that of any other commodity. 

I am alwaj's thankful when the issues can be 
classified as "problems" rather than "crises" and 
we can take time to view them objectively. There 
is no coffee crisis at the moment, so far as I am 
aware. Prices have held within the 50-60 cent 
price range for a number of months now. Con- 
sumption appears to be rising. The recent Bra- 
zilian frost, unfortunate as it was, has made the 
threat of a heavy surplus, which troubled the 
producing countries this sj^ring, less serious for 
the current year. Consumers suspect that prices 
are higher than they should be, but they are buy- 
ing. Producers are hoping that prices will im- 
prove, but they are selling. There are no head- 
lines — no boycotts — no bankruptcies — and we can 
discuss the situation in general terms. 

I want you to know that we who work in the 
Government realize that the coffee industry is 
important in the domestic economy and that the 
livelihood of many people depends upon it. We 
know that 17 million bags were imported last year 



and that imports totaled almost $1.5 billion in 
value. We know that roasting that quantity of 
coffee is big business, too — that it requires many 
workers and a heavy investment of capital and 
involves the possibility of heavy losses. We are 
aware of the vast distributing network of whole- 
salers and chainstores and small retail merchants, 
all of whom depend, in some degree, on coffee for 
their net profit. We are interested in seeing the 
coffee industry grow, on a sound basis, and we 
try to keep abreast of developments which affect it. 

We are also very much aware of the importance 
of coffee in the economies of the producing coun- 
tries. Last year 84 percent of Colombia's total 
exchange receipts came from coffee ; 88 percent of 
the value of El Salvador's exports, 77 percent of 
Guatemala's, and 61 percent of Brazil's were ac- 
counted for by coffee alone. In such countries 
coffee is the barometer for the whole economy — 
it affects retail sales, credit, wages, and it is also 
the most important single factor in our foreign 
relations. 

The State Department, like Janus in Roman 
mythology, must face in both directions and try 
to see each problem in full perspective, from the 
standpoint of each of the domestic interests in- 
volved and also from the standpoint of the for- 
eign countries with which we trade. 

Divergence of Domestic Interests 

Often there is a divergence of interest even 
within the domestic industry. For example, the 
question of embargoing imports of soluble coffee 
has been under discussion recently. Some domes- 
tic mterests favor it, some do not. Firms which 
have made a substantial investment in equipment 
to produce soluble coffee here at home fear that 
the coffee-producing countries have a natural ad- 
vantage and will in time displace them unless re- 
strictions are placed on imports of soluble coffee. 
They urge that such steps be taken quickly in 
order to forestall construction of plants abroad 
and minimize complaints fi'om the producing 
countries that we are damaging their trade. 

There are other domestic firms, however, which 
have an interest in developing soluble plants 
abroad and which are providing capital or know- 
how or both, and these firms would probably op- 
pose any restrictions on imports. 

Consumers also have an interest in the problem, 
although it is not yet fully apparent where their 



656 



Department of State Bulletin 



interest may lie. They want to buy at the lowest 
price possible, assuming equivalence of quality. 
But until competition materializes it is difficult to 
know where the product can be produced most eco- 
nomically. This, of course, is not a problem which 
the Department could consider in the abstract; it 
has no authority to restrict imports and would be 
asked to take a position only if restrictive legis- 
lation should be introduced into Congress. But 
if that should be done, and the Department's views 
should be asked, it would have to consider the in- 
terests of groups outside, as well as within, the 
coffee industry — the interests of our export trade, 
for example, and the effect which such restric- 
tions might have on our relations with the govern- 
ments of the coffee-producing countries. The alle- 
gation is often made in the less developed coun- 
tries that the United States is interested in them 
only as a source of raw materials and as a market 
for our finished products. Action on our part 
which gives support to this view has a very direct 
bearing on the extent to which this Government 
can expect those other governments to continue 
their cooperation with us. 

Because of such broad considerations of national 
interest, it has been the policy of this Government, 
in general, to keep trade restrictions to a mini- 
mum, in the belief that an expanding foreign trade 
is in the best interests of the country as a whole. 
Our export trade is constantly threatened with 
the erection of tariff barriers or the imposition of 
quantitative restrictions by foreign countries. 
This is especially true in those areas of the world 
that are industrializing. This includes the cofl'ee- 
producing countries of Latin America. To the 
extent that the United States follows a similar 
course of action, it undermines its own position in 
protecting its export trade. 

The United States has consistently opposed the 
use of quantitative restrictions by other countries 
as a protective device against United States prod- 
ucts and has itself, in general, followed a policy 
of avoiding import quotas and prohibitions for 
protective purposes. Provisions limiting the use 
of quantitative restrictions have been included in 
trade agreements to which the United States is a 
party. For example, the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade, to which the United States and 
34 other countries are parties, contains in article 
XI a general prohibition against the use of quan- 
titative restrictions on imports or exports. 

A similar problem is that relating to the con- 



signment of coffee by agencies of foreign govern- 
ments for sale in the United States. Some of our 
coffee importers are opposed to this practice. An 
increase in sales on government consignment 
would result in a parallel decline in the business 
of private importers. However, the importers' in- 
terest is not necessarily the same as that of the 
roaster, in this instance, or of the consumer. On 
a falling market the importer tends to hold off 
buying, fearing that prices may decline further 
and that if he maintains normal inventories he 
may be faced with a loss. Inventories may even 
fall to levels which are dangerously low from the 
standpoint of maintaining a normal flow of coffee 
through distribution channels. Foreign govern- 
ments which enter coffee on consignment may 
he]p to keep inventories in the consuming country 
at a level which will maximize the flow of coffee 
into consumption. 

This divergence of interest within the coffee in- 
dustry was highlighted during the recent dock 
strike, when the Colombian Coffee Federation was 
able to release a considerable quantity of coffee 
held on consignment in New York and thus re- 
lieve a tight spot-market situation which could 
have caused serious inconvenience to roasters and 
consumers if the strike had been prolonged. 

Quite aside from the possible conflict of inter- 
ests within the domestic trade on this question of 
coffee consignments, there is a more general ques- 
tion which the State Department has to consider. 
That is the implication for our overall trade pol- 
icy of undertaking to limit consignments by gov- 
ernment entities. If individuals may ship on 
consignment, there would be no basis, under pres- 
ent international agreements, for denying state 
trading enterprises access to our markets on the 
same conditions. It would be very difficult to 
justify restrictive measures to the goveriunents of 
coffee-producing countries on the grounds that 
consignment sales are detrimental to the interests 
of certain dealers in the United States unless it 
could be demonstrated that the practice affects the 
consiuner's interest adversely, as well. 

Proposed Coffee Agreement 

Another chronic problem of the coffee industry 
is price instability. During the depression of the 
1930's and throughout the last war, prices were 
very low and producing interests suffered. The 
abrupt price increases in 1950 and 1954 were re- 



Ocfober 24, 1955 



657 



sented by consitmers and cut into the business of 
dealers and distributors. We can agree, I believe, 
that no branch of the industry benefits from vio- 
lent fluctuations in price. But when we consider 
how to moderate price changes, there is, again, a 
divergence of interests. One method which has 
been proposed is an international commodity 
agreement. 

Our Government is now a party to two such 
agreements. However, as you know, we do not 
feel that our participation in them is always the 
best solution to the problem of price instability. 
Such agreements tend to introduce rigidities and 
restraints that impair the elasticity of economic 
adjustment and the freedom of individual initia- 
tive which are fimdamental to economic progress. 
This does not mean that we minimize the impor- 
tance of the problem. On the contrary, we are 
actively participating in a study group, under the 
auspices of the Organization of American States, 
which is making a study of the world coffee situa- 
tion and of the possibilities of adopting measures 
of international cooperation which might reduce 
the range of coffee price fluctuation. As you 
know, some of the Latin American producing 
comitries have been trying independently to reach 
accord on the framework of an international 
agreement among producers which would have 
the effect of stabilizing prices. 

Most of the i^ressure for a coffee agreement 
comes, naturally enough, from the producers. A 
stable price is more important to them than to 
trader or consumer groups because of the long- 
term capital investment involved. If a stable price 
is important to the wheat farmer, who can decide 
each year what he will plant for the following sea- 
son, it is obviously even more important to the 
coffee producer, who does not harvest his first crop 
until 4 years after he has made his initial invest- 
ment in new trees and who expects to amortize that 
investment over a period of 25 years or more. 

We undertake, on a national basis, to assure a 
minimum price to our producers of a number of 
annual crops. Of course, we cannot control the 
actions of other governments, but in any event, 
in view of our own price stabilization programs, 
we could not disagree in principle if the coffee- 
producing countries try to accomplish the same 
objective, as long as the actions they contemplate 
would not hurt consumers in this country. 

Most coffee producers recognize, I believe, after 
the experience of the past few years, that if they 



attempt to hold prices at too high a level they may 
lose, through a reduction in volume of sales, all 
that they might have gained through a higher 
price. They are aware, too, of the impetus which 
a high price is likely to give to new production, | 
and that maintenance of such a price would ac- " 
cordingly be self-defeating in the long run. The 
United States will wish to study with great care 
any proposals which may be put forward on this 
subject and also to study carefully any alternative 
measures which might be taken for improving the 
coffee situation by such means as more effective 
facilities to forecast supply and demand and by 
a vigorous promotional program to increase con- 
sumption. 

This question of a coffee agreement is typical 
of the problems which come up to the Government 
for policy decisions. I have gone into some detail 
in discussing the ramifications of the problems in 
order to emphasize the wide divergence of inter- 
ests involved and the many factoi-s which have 
to be considered. I know it seems to the business- 
man that the Washington bureaucrat takes an in- 
ordinate amount of time in coming to a decision 
on anything. However, as you may see, it is not 
always easy to determine what is in the public 
interest. And if at any time you men in the coffee 
trade have views on the subject, I can assure you 
that we are glad to receive them and that they will 
be given most careful consideration. 

May I, in closing, thank you for the opportvmity 
to appear on your program. Your invitation is 
another example of the continuing effort on the 
part of officers of your association to facilitate a 
reciprocal flow of information and views between 
the association and the government departments 
and agencies interested in coffee with a view to 
fostering an increased understanding and appre- 
ciation of mutual problems on the part of all par- 
ties concerned. 



"Dual Citizens" Warned of 
Possible Loss of Citizenship 

Press release 603 dated October 12 

The State Department on October 12 warned 
American citizens who hold dual citizenship in 
another country and who have voluntarily claimed 
citizenship benefits of any foreign country that 
they are in danger of losing their American 



658 



Department of State Bulletin 



citizenship unless they meet the requirements of 
the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act before 
December 24, 1955. 

A "dual citizen" is a person who was born in 
the United States of foreigii parents or born 
abroad of American parents and who thus holds 
citizenship in the United States and another 
country at the same time. 

The danger of loss of citizenship comes through 
failure of such a "dual citizen" living abroad in 
the country of which he is a dual to appear before 
a U.S. diplomatic or consular ofScial to take an 
oath of allegiance to the United States before De- 
cember 24, 1955, and to show that his reasons for 
such foreign residence for three years continu- 
ously after age 22 was for one of the reasons 
provided in the law which will exempt him from 
the loss of his U.S. citizenship. 

These reasons are : 

Is an employee of the U.S. Government. 

Is receiving compensation from the U.S. Government 
on account of disability incurred in its service. 

Is representing an American educational, scientific, 
philanthropic, commercial, financial, or business organi- 
zation having its principal oflBce in the United States, or 
a religious organization having an ofBce and representa- 
tive iu the United States, or an international agency of 
official character in vi'hich the United States participates 
and from which the dual citizen receives compensation. 

Is prevented from returning to the United States by 111 
health of himself, a parent, his spouse, or child, or by the 
death of a parent, spouse, or child. 

Is pursuing a full course of study of a specialized 
character or attending full time a school above the grade 
of preparatory. (This exception must be limited to 5 
years foreign residence.) 

Is witi his spouse or parent who is a U. S. citizen and 
who is residing abroad for one of the above reasons. 

Is the spouse or child of an American citizen by birth 
who had his residence in the United States for at least 
10 years while under the age of 21, if the citizen con- 
cerned lives abroad in order to be with such spouse or 
parent. 

Certain categories of veterans of the Spanish-American 



War or of World Wars I and II, together with their 
spouses, children, or dependent parents. 

Those carrying on a commercial enterprise which will 
benefit American commerce directly or substantially in 
the view of the Secretary of State. 

Those carrying on scientific research on behalf of an 
institution accredited by the Secretary of State and which 
is beneficial directly and substantially to the interests of 
the United States. 

Those engaged in work under such unique circumstances 
as may be determined by the Secretary of State to be 
directly and substantially beneficial to the United States. 

A dual citizen who has resided in the United 
States for 25 years after age 18 and who began 
his residence outside the United States after age 
60 is not affected. 

A dual national who claims a benefit of a for- 
eign state after December 24, 1952, is given 3 
years to take an oath of allegiance to the United 
States. Thus a person who obtained a passport, 
identity card, or other official document from the 
foreign country on January 10, 1954, would have 
until January 9, 1957, to take the steps necessary 
to preserve his American citizensliip. 

If a person has been coerced into seeking or 
claiming a benefit of the nationality of a foreign 
state — when forced, for example, to obtain an 
identity card by governmental decree having the 
force of law — such action is not considered volun- 
tary. A benefit sought or claimed xmder the mis- 
taken belief that the law required it, however, is 
not considered an involuntary act. 

Most of the principal nations of the world ob- 
serve the "rule of the blood," which means, for 
example, that a child born of a French couple in 
the United States is considered by France to be a 
French citizen. Since the United States observes 
both the "rule of the blood" and the "rule of the 
soil," this child is considered by the United States 
to be a citizen of the United States — in this case 
a dual citizen of both France and the United 
States. 



October 24, 1955 



659 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 



Following is the text of a statement made hy 
Senator John O. Pastore, U.S. representative to 
the General Assemhly, on October 7 in Committee 
I {Political and Security) , together with texts of a 
draft resolution cosponsored hy the United States 
and of the draft statute of the proposed Inter- 
national Atomic Energy Agency. 



STATEMENT BY SENATOR PASTORE 

U.S. delegation press release 2218 dated October 7 

Before beginning my formal remarks I want 
to say how deliglited I am to be in this environ- 
ment and to serve in the presence of so many dis- 
tinguished representatives of the family of na- 
tions. Tliis is a new experience for me, yet I 
am no stranger to the atmosphere and the ob- 
jectives of the United Nations. As a United 
States Senator, as a member of the Joint Com- 
mittee on Atomic Energy of tlie United States 
Congress, and before then as the chief executive 
of my own State of Rhode Island, I have always 
believed that, with all of the inadequacies and 
deficiencies that might be attendant on an agency 
trusted with the solution of so many vexing and 
troublesome world problems, the United Nations, 
in this atomic age, is the one remaining hope where 
men of good will can meet in open forum, honestly 
and frankly discuss their problems, and make in 
good conscience the compromises which will lead 
to common understanding and bring peace to 
ourselves and to our children. 

Three dates have assumed great significance for 
the United Nations and for mankind. 

On December 8, 1953, the President of the 
United States, in an address before the General 
Assembly, pledged the United States "to help 
solve the fearful atomic dilemma — to devote its 
entire heart and mind to find the way by which 
the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be 
dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life." 



In an effort to lead the world "out of fear and 
into peace," he proposed international cooperation 
in developing peaceful applications of the atom, 
particularly the establishment of an International 
Atomic Energy Agency. 

On December 4, 1954, this Assembly imani- 
mously adopted a resolution endorsing efforts to 
establish an International Atomic Energy Agency 
and decided to convene the international teclinical 
conference. 

On August 8, 1955, this international conference 
was convened in Geneva. 

During the period covered by these three dates, 
we have seen the dawn of a new era. We have 
hastened the day when fear of the atom will dis- 
appear and be replaced by confidence in our mas- 
tery of its immense potential for improving con- 
ditions of life for all mankind. 

Already we have charted a new channel of 
peaceful discussion. We have embarked on a new 
approach to one of the most difficult problems that 
must be solved if, as President Eisenhower said, 
"the world is to shake off' the inertia imposed by 
fear, and is to make positive progress toward 
peace." 

Here is a great opportunity for the great pow- 
ers to cooperate in a project dedicated to human 
aspirations. 

International Conference on Peaceful Uses 

The international conference, concluded so suc- 
cessfully at Geneva, was an important milestone 
in this new era. The conference was unique in 
several respects. It was, as noted by its President, 
Dr. [Homi J.] Bhabha, the eminent scientist of 
India, the largest conference "ever organized by 
the U.N." Indeed, it was i:>robably the largest 
scientific conference ever held anywhere in the 
world. 

But this was more than a scientific conference; 
it was an experiment in re-creating an open world. 



660 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



Men of genius of many nations were bi'ought to- 
gether to exchange the fruits of more than 10 
years of relatively isolated efforts. It was held 
in a spirit of cooperation which we hope will be 
as lasting in its influence as the actual exchange 
of scientific information that took place. 

The Secretary-General, in his report,^ has noted 
that there was an absence of "politics." It is some- 
what unusual that an absence of politics should be 
significant in a scientific conference. But in the 
difficult era from which we are now emerging, it 
is significant as proof of the possibility of coopera- 
tion among all powers, great and small. 

Everyone associated with the conference, from 
the hardworking United Nations Secretariat to 
the distinguished scientists of the 73 participating 
nations, deserves credit for its tremendous success. 

Although it dealt largely with the promise of 
the future, the conference brought to light a num- 
ber of important developments which are realities 
of the present. One of these is atomic-power gen- 
eration. The participants had an opportunity to 
hear and read surveys on the world's estimated 
future energy requirements. They stressed the 
need for new sources of energy and explored the 
contribution that nuclear energy might make to 
satisfy all of these future needs. The conference 
put into better perspective the actual prospects for 
nuclear power and showed what remains to be done 
to realize these pi'ospects. It made clear that, 
while atomic power will not cure all of the world's 
problems, it will become a major source of energy, 
particularly in areas of the world where the costs 
of conventional fuels are still high. In some areas 
of the world conventional power will continue to 
be more economical for many years to come, and 
this, of course, is especially true in my own 
country. 

The practical utilization of atomic energy for 
the large-scale production of electric power re- 
quires the expenditure of large sums of money for 
research and development and later on for capital 
investment. As was made clear at the conference, 
the United States hopes that the initial costs can 
be reduced by countries sharing with one another 
what they have learned and developed. The 
United States has decided as a matter of national 



' U.N. doc. A/2967 dated Sept. 14. For a report on the 
conference by Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman of the U.S. 
Atomic Energy Commission, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 
1955, p. 555. 



policy to make the benefits of teclinological find- 
ings resulting from our large expenditures on nu- 
clear energy available to the rest of the world. 
Thus we would help to reduce the outlays neces- 
sary on the part of other countries. 

From the comments made at the conference it 
seems reasonable to expect that ultimately the 
world's supply of uranium ore will be sufficient to 
permit worldwide development of this tremendous 
force for the production of adequate power. The 
important role of thorium in connection with 
breeder reactors was also emphasized at the con- 
ference. These are heartening developments be- 
cause they indicate that ultimately many coun- 
tries will be in a position to exploit their own re- 
sources for the utilization of atomic energy. 

Conference participants also made clear that 
many problems remain to be solved in connection 
with the peaceful applications of atomic energy. 
Some of these problems are administrative and 
legal in nature. There are also the industrial, 
technical, and social problems attendant upon the 
development of any new industry. There are 
problems in the field of health and safety. Com- 
plete solutions to all of these problems were not 
forthcoming at the conference. This was, of 
course, to be expected. "Wliat was remarkable, 
however, was the evidence that so many difficult 
problems have been solved during the first decade 
of the atomic age. 

One of the most inspiring results of the confer- 
ence was the proof that the development of the 
peaceful atom has been expedited by the scientists 
of so many countries. The frequent similar pres- 
entations by scientists of several different coun- 
tries showed that, working separately on similar 
problems, they achieved similar results and, oddly 
enough, were vexed by similar difficulties. This, 
of course, is the nature of science. The confer- 
ence shows that the genius of scientific discovery 
knows no national boundaries nor national limi- 
tations. 

The information released at the conference is 
now in the public domain. The free flow of knowl- 
edge has been greatly stimulated. 

Many reports presented at the conference de- 
scribed applications of the atom in medicine, biol- 
ogy, agriculture, and industry. The need for in- 
creased knowledge of the use of the atom to cure 
many of man's ills and to ease his workload was 
made apparent. I am confident that our doctors 
and scientists will develop additional applications 



October 24, 1955 



661 



in tliese fields for the greater benefit of mankind. 

The United States, Soviet, and British repre- 
sentatives among others reported what their own 
countries are doing to aid others in this field. It 
was clear from their presentations that the coun- 
tries with the most highly developed atomic energy 
programs cannot be satisfied with the present rate 
of dissemination of knowledge in this field. The 
fruits of their research and labors must be made 
available to the rest of the world with greater 
speed and effectiveness. 

Our next task is to contribute further to estab- 
lishing a sound basis for expanding the peaceful 
applications of atomic energy and disseminating 
the results to all peoples. Further cooperation 
in the exchange of information is essential to 
additional progress. As Admiral Strauss, Chair- 
man of the United States Atomic Energy Commis- 
sion, amiounced on August 16 in Geneva,^ the 
United States believes that another similar con- 
ference should be convened to maintain and to 
insure, if possible, the momentum we attained at 
the Geneva conference. 

That is why, as Secretary Dulles stated in his 
opening address on September 22,^ the United 
States believes that a second international techni- 
cal conference should be held in 3 years, or earlier 
if developments in the peaceful use of atomic en- 
ergy warrant. We have accordingly, in cooper- 
ation with the United Kingdom, submitted a reso- 
lution which makes such a recommendation. The 
United States also believes that the Secretary- 
General, acting upon the advice of the Advisory 
Committee established at the last session of the 
Assembly, should fix an appropriate time and date 
for the conference. 

The International Atomic Energy Agency 

A major step leading to our goal of establishing 
a somid basis for the peaceful utilization of the 
atom is the creation of an International Atomic 
Energy Agency. President Eisenhower placed 
great stress on this step in his statement to the 
United Nations on December 8, 1953. Last year 
my distinguished colleague Ambassador Lodge re- 
ported to you on our early progress toward achiev- 
ing this goal.* This year I am happy to say that 
enough progress has been made to warrant the 



'IMd., Sept. .5, 195.5, p. 381. 
'nid., Oct. 3, 1955, p. 523. 
* lUd., Nov. 15, 1954, p. 742. 



hope that general agreement on the statute for the 
agency will be reached early in 1956. 

The General Assembly resolution of December 
4, 1954, noted that negotiations were in progress 
and expressed the hope that the agency could be 
established without delay. Following the sugges- 
tion of the General Assembly resolution, the eight 
States wliich had been conferring on the estab- 
lishment of the agency renewed their discussions. 
A draft statute was prepared which was generally 
satisfactory to all the eight States. A copy was 
given to the Soviet Union on July 29 of this year. 
We have just received on a confidential basis 
Soviet comments on the draft statute of the 
agency, and we are giving careful consideration to 
these suggestions. 

As you all know, on August 22 copies of the 
draft statute were distributed by the United 
States, acting on behalf of the eight States, to all 
States Members either of the United Nations or of 
the specialized agencies. We are awaiting their 
comments or suggestions. 

The statute, as its title states, is only a draft. 
We do not regard it as a final document in its 
present form. And in the same spirit that this 
idea was originally advanced, we welcome con- 
structive suggestions! 

In our discussions of the agency we have been 
motivated by the desire that an international 
agency shall come into being as rapidly as possible 
in keeping with the intent of the resolution passed 
unanimously by the General Assembly last De- 
cember. To facilitate tliis objective it was obvi- 
ously necessary to postpone a decision on a number 
of matters until after the agency had come into 
existence. The statute provides a broad consti- 
tutional framework wliich would allow for growth 
in any direction which might prove desirable. 
The one major limitation on the function of the 
agency is of course that it must concern itself 
solely and strictly with peaceful uses of the atom. 

Thus we have not in the agency statute taken 
up such possibly controversial problems as the lo- 
cation of the headquarters of the proposed agency. 
Nor have we attempted to decide in advance the 
extent to which it will initially carry out all of the 
functions for which it is being established. Those 
are the types of questions which can only be de- 
cided by the members of the agency and its Board 
of Governors after the agency comes into being. 

The General Assembly resolution of 1954 like- 
wise transmitted "to the States participating in 



662 



Department of State Bulletin 



the creation of the Agency, for their careful con- 
sideration," the record of the G'eneral Assembly 
discussions last year. The States engaged in these 
discussions have carefully considered the various 
suggestions which were made and, we believe, have 
incorporated the most important suggestions into 
the statute. In particular, we have provided in 
the draft statute for representation on the Board 
of Governors of the agency of States which will 
be jirimarily beneficiaries of, rather than contrib- 
utors to, the agency. It is my understanding that 
this is the suggestion put forward last year by the 
representative of Pakistan and endorsed by the 
representative of Burma and many others. 

Since the agency statute is now available to all 
the governments represented here, I do not think 
it would be appropriate to go into any further 
discussion of the details of the statute. The 
statute is of necessity rather long and complicated 
and most govermnents have not yet had sufficient 
time to study it and to communicate their com- 
ments to the United States. We urge every gov- 
ernment to communicate its comments as soon as 
possible to the United States, which is acting on 
behalf of the sponsoring States. This was the 
procedure suggested in the notes delivered to your 
governments because we believe it will bring 
about the most rapid progress. We shall then 
seek to reconcile the various suggestions and in- 
corporate as many of them as possible in a revised 
draft of the statute. 

Because of the effort we have made to incor- 
porate the suggestions made here last year, we 
have reason to hope that basic differences of view- 
point will be few and that these can be resolved 
by negotiation. If this should be the case, it 
should be possible to reach an agreed statute early 
in 1956. 

The draft statute contains provisions to give 
effect to the recommendation of the General As- 
sembly that an appropriate form of agreement 
with the United Nations be negotiated once the 
agency is established. Ambassador Lodge stated 
the United States position on this question on 
November 5, 1954 : 

It is our belief that a relationship should be established 
between the agency and the United Nations similar to 
that of the specialized agencies. The exact terms of 
the relationship must, of course, await creation of the 
agency itself. 



The resolution which the United States cospon- 
sored on that date ° recommended that such a rela- 
tionship be established. 

The resolution as finally adopted by the Assem- 
bly on December 4, 1954,*= suggested that "once 
the agency is established, it negotiate an appro- 
priate form of agreement with the United Na- 
tions." The United States consented to the 
omission of the reference to a specialized agency 
type of relationship because we agreed that the 
resolution should not prejudge the nature of the 
relationship between the agency and the United 
Nations. However, I should like to make it clear 
that this did not indicate any change in our posi- 
tion. It is still our belief, as stated by the United 
States representative at the recent meeting of the 
Economic and Social Council,'' that the most ap- 
propriate form of relationsliip between the United 
Nations and the agency would be one similar to 
those of the specialized agencies. 

The creation of the agency will, of course, not 
solve all our problems; it is perhaps the most 
important step, but only one of many steps toward 
our goal. Last November Ambassador Lodge 
stated in this connnittee that "there is so much to 
be done that it would be inconceivable for the 
international agency to carry on all the activities 
from the outset." The Geneva conference has 
highlighted existing accomplishments, and it re- 
vealed how much remains to be done. It is even 
clearer than a year ago that the program is so 
great that it can be achieved only through a com- 
bination of national programs, regional programs, 
and international programs. 

United States Programs of Assistance 

In recognition of this need for a combination 
of programs, Secretary Dulles announced last 
year, in his opening address to the Assembly, that 
the United States was prepared without delay to 
assist other countries in acquiring the basic knowl- 
edge and experience in this field. Among these 
steps was the conclusion of bilateral agreements 
which would make it possible for the United 
States under our laws to provide assistance and 
materials in the field of nuclear technology. In 
addition, Secretary Dulles outlined plans for a 
program of training in reactor technology, health, 

" IhUL, p. 745. 

° Ibid., Dec. 13, 1954, p. 919. 

' Ibid., Aug. 22, 1955, p. 324. 



October 24, 7955 



663 



safety, and medicine, and the use of isotopes, as 
■well as plans to make available unclassified tech- 
nical information. 

Tlie United States has conducted extensive 
negotiations with representatives of foreign gov- 
ernments concerning agreements for cooperation 
in the I'esearch reactor field. Agreements concern- 
ing research reactors have already been negotiated 
with 24 nations. More extensive agreements for 
cooperation have been reached with those nations 
with which we have a prior relationship in the 
atomic energy field, namely, Belgium, Canada, 
and the United Kingdom. 

To speed the advance of atomic knowledge and 
man's progress, President Eisenhower on June 11, 
1955, proposed two programs which reflect the 
spirit and intent of the Atomic Energy Act of 
1954 and the desires of the American people.* 
I quote : 

First: We propose to offer research reactors to the 
people of free nations who can use them effectively for 
the acquisition of the skills and understanding essential 
to peaceful atomic progress. The United States, in the 
spirit of partnership that moves us, will contribute half 
the cost. We will also furnish the acquiring nation the 
nuclear material needed to fuel the reactor. 

Second: Within prudent security considerations, we pro- 
pose to make available to the peoples of such friendly 
nations as are prepared to invest their own funds in 
power reactors, access to and training in the technological 
processes of construction and operation for peaceful 
IJurposes. 

Plans to implement these two programs are 
going forward rapidly. 

The sole purpose of these programs is to spark 
man's creative and inventive skills, to pool those 
skills, and to put them to work for the benefit of 
all. As the contributions to the International 
Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic 
Energy reveal, research reactors are invaluable 
tools for the acquisition of necessary reactor tech- 
niques, information, and experience and for medi- 
cal research and therapy. They are indispensable 
in the training of persomiel and valuable in the 
production of useful radioactive isotopes. They 
are basic to any long-range program for the 
peaceful uses of atomic energy. 

Under an "Agreement for Cooperation," the 
United States will provide the recipient country 
with reactor fuel and reactor materials not readily 
available in the commercial market. In August 



' ma., June 27, 1955, p. 1028. 
664 



the United States Atomic Energy Commission an- 
nounced a sale price of $28 a pound for heavy 
water for use as a moderator and coolant in cer- 
tain types of research reactors. We have already 
agreed to sell heavy water to Australia, France, 
India, and Italy. We shall make available nor- 
mal uranium metal at $40 per kilogram. 

The August annoimcement also gave the value 
established for the lease of enriched uranium — 
$25 per gram. The enriched uranium comes from 
the 200 kilograms that the United States has so 
far dedicated to the program for international 
cooperation. 

Eecent developments have brought us closer to 
the era of commercial atomic power. The brighter 
prospect for harnessing nuclear energy to gen- 
erate electricity has given great hope to many 
nations of the world suffering power shortages. 
The realization of this hope throughout the 
world will be accelerated by bringing to other 
countries the teclinological information required 
to construct power reactors for commercial use. 
As part of the program announced by President 
Eisenhower, the United States proposes, as tlie 
power reactor plans of other countries develop, to 
disclose classified power reactor data — under ap- 
propriate "Agreements for Cooperation" — to 
nations whose economies particularly lend them- 
selves to the development and acliievement of 
atomic power competitive with conventionally 
produced power. 

The laboratories of the United States are en- 
gaged in the difficult basic research required for 
the economic harnessing of this great power lib- 
erated by the fission of atoms. As has just been 
announced by the Atomic Energy Commission, 
they are also engaged in the basic research re- 
quired to find ways to tame the great energy lib- 
erated in the fusion of the atom. Many of our 
great scientists are searching for the answer to 
this most difficult problem. 

Radioisotopes are one of the readily available 
realities of the atomic age. Under applicable 
United States regulations, 51 countries are eligible 
to receive our radioisotojjes. These regulations 
are being further liberalized to permit an even 
wider use of these isotopes in medicine, agricul- 
ture, and industry. 

Our training programs are expanding rapidly. 
A special course in the use of radioisotopes was 
given to 32 foreign students from 21 countries in 
May of this year. Foreign students attended these 

Department of State Bulletin 



courses in increasing numbers in June, July, and 
August. In order to meet the requests for addi- 
tional training, a second special course open only 
to foreign scientists will begin on October 17. 

In June a group of 23 distinguished physicians 
and surgeons from 11 countries began a 5-week 
tour of United States cancer hospitals and labora- 
tories. During the tour these doctoi-s became ac- 
quainted with the research and chemical uses of 
radioisotopes as well as other uses of atomic en- 
ergy in the battle against cancer and other dis- 
eases. A second such tour will begin this month. 

The United States has established the Oak 
Eidge Institute of Nuclear Studies for training in 
radioisotope teclmiques. It also has established a 
School of Nuclear Science and Engineering at the 
Argonne National Laboratory to provide advanced 
training in reactor technology. Graduates of 
these schools are trained to design and operate 
research reactors. At present, in addition to the 
9 American students, there are 30 foreign stu- 
dents from 19 countries participating in the first 
course at the Argonne school. A second course 
will begin on November 7, when there will be 60 
foreign students. 

To date the United States Atomic Energy Com- 
mission has approved tlie presentation of atomic 
energy libraries to 26 countries. One was sent 
to Geneva for use by delegates to the Geneva con- 
ference and subsequently was presented to the 
U.N. librai-y there. In return for a library the 
United States asks only that the recipient nation 
or institution provide the United States with 
copies of its own official unclassified papers in this 
field. 

In the course of the past year we have negoti- 
ated agreements for cooperation with, presented 
technical libraries to, or trained students from 40 
countries." 

These developments, together with those wliich 
other representatives here are in a position to de- 
scribe, indicate that this has been a year of mo- 
mentous achievement. It is, nevertheless, only a 
beginning. Most of us can only vaguely under- 



° Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Burma, 
Canada, Chile, Republic of China, Colombia, Cuba, Den- 
mark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Guate- 
mala, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Republic of 
Korea, Lebanon, Mexico, the Netherlands, Pakistan, Peru, 
tiie Philippines, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, 
Thailand, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United King- 
dom, Uruguay, and Venezuela. 



stand tlie miraculous achievement of splitting the 
atom. But we can easily appreciate the signifi- 
cance of this new tool for the eradication of dis- 
ease, for making available a plentiful supply of 
energy to lighten man's physical burdens, and new 
methods for increasing food production ajiid re- 
ducing the chronic risks of hunger and famine. 
Few developments in history have so stirred tlie 
imagination and aspiration of mankind. 

It has been the fortunate lot of the American 
people and their Government to play a principal 
part in leading the way to the atomic era. The 
United States will continue to do all within its 
power to hasten the day when atomic energy is 
utilized exclusively and solely for the benefit of 
man. 

But we humbly appreciate that this is not the 
task of any one nation, or any one group of na- 
tions. The task is universal, requiring the com- 
bined resources and skills of all nations working 
as partners toward common objectives. That is 
why President Eisenhower pledged the United 
States to cooperate in promoting international 
programs for the peaceful applications of atomic 
energy. It is in this spirit of partnership that 
we shall continue to share with other nations our 
advances in the peaceful applications of the atom. 



TEXT OF DRAFT RESOLUTION >° 

U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 129 dated October 6 

The General Assembly, 

Desiring that mankind should be enabled to make the 
fullest use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes; 

Believing that continuing international co-operation in 
developing and expanding the peaceful uses of atomic 
energy is essential to achieve this end : 

Rccogni::ing that, in accordance with General Assembly 
resolution 810 (IX) of 4 December 1954, significant 
progress is being made in promoting international co- 
operation for the peaceful uses of atomic energy ; 

1. Recalls the hope expressed in resolution 810 A (IX) 
that the International Atomic Energy Agency v?ill be 
established without delay ; 

2. Notes with satisfaction that substantial progress 
has been made toward negotiation of a draft statute 
establishing the agency and that this draft has been 
circulated to governments for their consideration and 
comment ; 

3. Expresses its satisfaction with the proceedings of 
the Technical Conference convened in accordance with 
resolution 810 B (IX), and commends the participants 
therein for the high scientific quality of pajjers and 



'"' Cosponsore<l originally by the U.S. and the U.K.; 
Australia and Belgium subsequently became sponsors. 



October 24, 1955 



665 



discussions, and for the spirit of co-operation which 
prevailed at the Conference; 

4. Expresses its appreciation of the worli of the Secre- 
tary-General and the Advisory Committee In preparing 
and organizing the Conference; 

5. Recommends that a second international conference 
for the exchange of technical information regarding the 
peaceful uses of atomic energy should be held under the 
auspices of the United Nations in about three years time; 

6. Decides that, in order to provide for adequate ad- 
vance planning for such a conference, the Advisory 
Committee established by resolution 810 B (IX) be 
continued in existence with the same terms of reference ; 

7. Requests the Secretary-General, acting upon the ad- 
vice of the Advisory Committee to determine an appro- 
priate place and date, to issue invitations to the Con- 
ference in accordance with paragraphs 3 and 7 of reso- 
lution 810 B (IX), to prepare and circulate an agenda, 
and to provide the necessary staff and services ; 

8. Suggests to the Secretary-General and the Advisory 
Committee that they consult with the appropriate spe- 
cialized agencies in the course of these preparations. 



DRAFT STATUTE OF INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC 
ENERGY AGENCY" 

ARTICLE I 

Estat)lishment of Agency 

The Parties hereto establish an International Atomic 
Energy Agency (hereinafter referred to as the Agency) 
upon the terms and conditions hereinafter set forth. 

ARTICLE II 

Functions of the Agency 

A. The functions of the Agency shall be : 

1. To encourage and assist worldvride research on 
and development of peaceful uses of atomic energy and 
to act as an intermediary for the purpose of securing the 
performance of services by one Member of the Agency for 
another. 

2. To make provision, in accordance with the present 
Statute, for nuclear materials to meet the need for re- 
search in, and practical application of, atomic energy for 
peaceful purposes, including the production of electric 
power. 

3. To foster the interchange of scientific and tech- 
nical information and the development of standards in the 
field of peaceful uses of atomic energy. 

B. In carrying out its functions, the Agency shall : 

1. Conduct its activities in conformity with policies 
of the United Nations to further the establishment of 
safeguarded, worldwide disarmament and in conformity 
with any international agreements entered into pursuant 
to such policies. 

2. Conduct its activities in such a manner as to assist 
in the development and enforcement of high standards 



" Text circulated by the U.S. to other members of the 
U.N. and specialized agencies on Aug. 22. 



and practices of public health and safety in relation to 
fissionable and radioactive materials. 

3. Allocate the resources made available to carry out 
the objectives of the Agency in such a manner as to secure 
the greatest possible general benefit in all areas of the 
world and be utilized in the most eflBcient manner possible. 

ARTICLE III 
Purposes 

The Agency shall not concern itself with the use of 
atomic energy for military purposes and shall ensure, so 
far as it is able, that assistance granted by it or at its 
request is utilized solely for jwaceful purposes. 

ARTICLE IV 

Facilities and Equipment 

A. The Agency may from time to time acquire such 
facilities and equipment as may be necessary to carry out 
its authorized functions. 

B. In exercising its powers under this Statute, the 
Agency is authorized to utilize facilities and equipment 
which Members may make available to the Agency within 
their territories. 

C. When the Agency is carrying out all its authorized 
functions, its facilities would include among others those 
set forth in Article X. 

ARTICLE V 
Membership 

A. The initial Members of the International Atomic 
Energy Agency shall be those States Members of the 
United Nations or of any of the specialized agencies which 
shall have signed the present Statute within ninety days 
after it is opened for signature and shall have deposited 
an instrument of ratification. 

B. Other Jlembers of the Agency shall be those States, 
whether or not Members of the United Nations or of any 
of the specialized agencies, which deposit an instrument 
of acceptance of the present Statute after their member- 
ship has been approved by the Board of Governors upon 
the recommendation of the General Conference estab- 
lished in Article VI. In approving a State for member- 
ship, the Board of Governors and the General Conference 
shall determine that the State is able and willing to carry 
out the obligations contained in the Charter of the United 
Nations and to accept the obligations as well as the privi- 
leges of membership in the Agency. 

ARTICLE VI 

General Conference 

A. A General Conference consisting of representatives 
of all Members shall meet in regular annual session and 
in such special sessions as may be convened at the request 
of the Board of Governors or of a majority of Members 
by the General Manager provided for in Article VIII. 

B. At such sessions, each Member shall be represented 
by one delegate who may be accompanied by alternates 
and by advisers. The cost of attendance of any delegation 
shall be borne by the Member concerned. 



666 



Department of State Bulletin 



C. The General Conference shall elect a President and 
such other ofBcers as may be required at the beginning 
of each session. They shall hold office for the duration of 
the session. The General Conference, subject to the pro- 
visions of this Statute, shall adopt its own rules of 
procedure. Each Member shall have one vote in the 
General Conference and, except as otherwise provided in 
the present Statute, decisions shall be adopted by a ma- 
jority vote of those present and voting. A majority of 
Members shall constitute a quorum. 

D. Tlie functions of the General Conference shall be to: 

1. Elect Members of the Board of Governors in ac- 
cordance with Article VII ; 

2. Admit new Members in accordance with Article V ; 

3. Suspend a Member from the privileges and rights 
of membership in accordance with Article XX ; 

4. Consider the annual report of the Board; 

5. Approve the budget of the Agency recommended 
by the Board in accordance with Article XVI or return 
it to the Board with its recommendations ; 

G. Approve reports to be submitted to the United 
Nations in accordance witli any agi-eement between the 
Agency and the United Nations or return them to the 
Board with its recommendations ; 

7. Approve any agreement or agreements between 
the Agency and other organizations as provided in Ar- 
ticle XVIII or return such agreements to the Board with 
its recommendations. 

B. The General Conference shall have the authority 
to: 

1. Make recommendations to the Board on any mat- 
ter relating to the functions of the Agency ; and 

2. Make recommendations to the Board on any mat- 
ter brought to the attention of the General Confer- 
ence by the Board. 

F. The regular annual session, and any special session, 
shall not exceed thirty days in length. 

ARTICLE VII 

Board of Governors 

A. The Board of Governors (except the Interim Board 
provided for in paragraph G of Article XXI and Annex 
I) shall consist of sixteen members and shall be com- 
posed as follows : 

1. Five shall be the Members of the Agency which 
are the most important contributors of technical as- 
sistance and fissionable materials as defined in para- 
graph A of Article X. 

2. Five shall be other Members of the Agency selected 
from the principal producers and contributors of uranium, 
thorium and such other source materials as the Board may 
specify. 

3. Six shall be other Members of the Agency elected 
by the General Conference with due regard to : 

a. The desirability of ensuring representation of 
Members deriving benefits from the Agency but not mak- 
ing contributions referred to in paragraphs A-1, 2 and 3c 
of this Article ; 



b. Equitable geographic distril)ution of representation 
on the entire Board ; 

c. Contributions of services, equipment, facilities and 
information of a.ssistance in fulfilling the Agency's ob- 
jectives and functions. 

B. Except as provided in Annex II to the present 
Statute, the Board of Governors shall designate: 

1. For the purposes of paragraph A-1 of this Ar- 
ticle, the five Members which are the most important 
contributors of technical assistance and fissionable ma- 
terials. 

2. For tlie purposes of paragraph A-2 of this Article, 
eight other Members which are principal producers and 
contributors of uranium, thorium, and such other source 
materials as the Board may specify. The eight Members 
thus designated and the five most important contributors 
of technical assistance and fissionable materials desig- 
nated Iiy the Board shall select five Members from the 
eight designated principal producers and contributors of 
uranium, thorium, and other source materials to serve 
as members of the Board. 

C. A designation by the Board that a Member is qual- 
ified for selection under paragraph A-2 of this Article 
shall not preclude its election under paragraph A-3. 

D. The designations and selection provided in para- 
graphs A and B of this Article shall take place not less 
than sixty days before each regular session of the Gen- 
eral Conference. 

E. Members represented on the Board of Governors in 
accordance with paragraphs A-1, 2 and 3 of this Article 
shall hold office from the end of the regular annual 
session of the conference previous to which or at which 
they were elected until the end of tlie following regular 
annual session of the General Conference and shall be 
eligible for reelection. 

F. Each Member represented on the Board of Governors 
shall appoint one Governor to represent it together with 
alternates and advisers. The cost of attendance of Gov- 
ernors, alternates and advisers at the Board or at any 
committee of the Board shall Ije borne by the Member 
appointing them. 

G. Each member of the Board shall have one vote and 
decisions shall be made by a majority of those present 
and voting. Two-thirds of all members of the Board shall 
constitute a quorum. 

H. The Board of Governors shall be charged with 
complete authority to carry out the functions of and 
determine the policies of the Agency in accordance with 
the present Statute subject to its responsibilities to the 
General Conference as set forth in paragraph D of Article 
VI. 

I. During the first year of its existence, the Board shall 
meet at least once every two weeks. Thereafter, the 
Board shall meet at such times as it may determine. The 
meetings shall take place at the headquarters of the 
Agency imless otherwise approved by the Board. 

J. The Board sliall elect a chairman from among its 
members and, subject to the provisions of the present 
Statute, shall adopt its own rules of procedure. 

K. The Board may establish such committees as it 
deems advisable and may discontinue any committee 



Ocfofaer 24, 1955 



667 



established by it. The Board may designate individuals 
responsible to the Board or provide for the creation of a 
committee or committees responsible to the Board for the 
purpose of establishing liaison with any other organiza- 
tion the work of which is related to that of the Agency. 
The Board may nominate persons to represent it in a joint 
or mixed committee with such organizations. 

L. The Board shall prepare an annual report to the 
General Conference concerning the affairs of the Agency 
and any projects approved by the Agency. The Board 
shall also prepare for submission to the General Confer- 
ence any reports which the Agency may make to the 
United Nations or to any other organization the work of 
which is related to that of the Agency. These reports 
along with the annual report shall be submitted to Mem- 
bers of the Agency at least one month before the regular 
annual session of the General Conference. 

ARTICLE VIII 

Staff 

A. The stafE of the Agency shall be headed by a Gen- 
eral Manager, who shall be appointed for a fixed term 
by the Board. The General Manager shall be the chief 
administrative officer of the Agency. 

B. The staff shall include such qualified scientific and 
technical and other personnel as may be required to ful- 
fill the objectives of the Agency. The Agency shall be 
guided by the principle that its permanent staff shall be 
kept to a minimum and that wherever possible, the tem- 
porary services of persons possessing the requisite quali- 
fications who are already employed in the atomic energy 
field shall be utilized. 

C. The General Manager shall be responsible for the 
appointment, organization and functioning of the staff 
and shall be under the authority of and subject to the 
control of the Board. He shall perform his duties in 
accordance with the regulations adopted by the Board. 

D. Subject to the provisions of the present Statute, the 
terms and conditions on which the staff shall be ap- 
pointed, remunerated and dismissed shall be laid down 
by the Board. 

E. The paramount consideration in the recruitment and 
employment of the staff and in the determination of the 
conditions of service shall be the necessity of securing 
the highest standards of efiiciency, technical competence 
and integrity. Subject to this consideration, due regard 
shall be paid to the importance of recruiting the staff 
on as wide a geographical basis as possible. 

F. In the performance of their duties, the General 
Manager and the staff shall not seek or receive instruc- 
tions from any source external to the Agency. They shall 
refrain from any action which might reflect on their 
position as ofiicials of the Agency. Each Member under- 
takes to respect the international character of the respon- 
sibilities of the General Manager and the staff and shall 
not seek to influence them in the discharge of their duties. 

ARTICLE IX 
Interchange of Scientific and Technical Information 

A. Each Member shall make available to the Agency all 
data developed as a result of assistance extended by the 



Agency pursuant to Article XII. It is contemplated that 
each Member would make available such further infor- 
mation as would, in the judgment of the Member, be 
helpful to the Agency. 

B. The Agency shall collect and make available in 
an accessible form to Members the information within 
the scope of the present Statute made available to it 
under paragraph A of this Article. 

C. The Agency shall take positive steps to encourage 
the exchange among its Members of information relating 
to tie nature and peaceful uses of atomic energy and 
shall serve as an intermediary among its Members for this 
purpose. 

ARTICLE X 

Contributions of Materials to Agency 

A. Subject to the provisions of Article XV, the Members 
may contribute to the Agency such quantities of fission- 
able materials as they deem advisable. Fissionable ma- 
terials within the meaning of the present Statute shall 
include uranium enriched in Isotope U-235, U-233, plu- 
tonium-239 and alloys and compounds of the foregoing 
materials and such other materials as the Board shall 
from time to time determine. 

B. The Board shall determine from time to time such 
other materials and equipment and the maximum quan- 
tities thereof which the Board will accept under agree- 
ments provided in Article XV. 

C. Each Member shall notify the Board of the quan- 
tities of fissionable and other materials and equipment 
which that Member is prepared, in conformity with its 
laws, to make available immediately or during a period 
specified by the Board. 

D. The contribution of materials and equipment by 
any Member may be amended at any time by the Member 
with the approval of the Board. 

E. An initial notification in accordance with paragraph 
C of this Article shall be made within three months of 
the entry into force of tie present Statute with respect 
to the Member concerned. In the absence of a contrary 
decision of the Board, the initial contribution shall be 
for the period of the calendar year succeeding the year 
when the present Statute takes effect with respect to the 
Member concerned. Subsequent notifications shall like- 
Wise, in the absence of contrary action by the Board, 
cover the period of the calendar year following the noti- 
fication and shall be made no later than November 1 of 
each year. 

F. The Agency shall specify the place, method of de- 
livery and, when appropriate, the form and composition 
of materials it will receive. The Agency shall also verify 
the stated quantities of materials received and shall 
report to the Members these amounts. The Agency shall 
be responsible for storing and protecting materials in its 
possession. The Board of Governors shall ensure that 
these materials shall be safeguarded against (a) hazards 
of the weather; (b) unauthorized removal or diversion; 
(c) damage or destruction including sabotage; and (d) 
forcible seizure. 

G. Pending establishment of facilities by the Agency to 
receive the contributed materials, a Member making such 



668 



Department of State Bulletin 



contributions shall earmark the materials which it pro- 
posed to contribute and shall keep such materials sepa- 
rate from other similar materials in the possession of the 
Member. 

H. The Agency shall as soon as practicable establish or 
secure on the basis of minimum requirement such of the 
following as may be necessary : 

1. Plant, equipment, and facilities for the receipt, 
storage, and issue of nuclear materials ; 

2. Physical safeguards ; 

3. Adequate health and safety measures ; 

4. (Control laboratories for the analysis and verifica- 
tion of materials received and stored ; 

5. Such housing and other administrative facilities 
as may be necessary for any staff required for the pur- 
poses of the central pool. 

I. The Agency is authorized to establish such other 
plant, equipment, and facilities as may be necessary to 
carry out in the most effective manner its functions. 

J. In considering the amount and kind of materials 
and equipment to be made available for the purposes of 
the Agency, Members should be guided by the principle 
that the objectives of the Agency are to be furthered to 
the greatest possible extent. 

K. The contributions made pursuant to this Article 
shall be utilized as determined by the Board of Governors 
in accordance with tlie provisions of this statute. No 
Member shall have the right to require that its contribu- 
tion be kept separately by the Agency or to designate 
the specific project in which its contributions must be 
utilized. 

ARTICLE XI 

Available Services 

A. It is contemplated that Members will make avail- 
able services and facilities which may be of assistance in 
fulfilling the Agency's objectives and functions. The 
Agency shall act as an intermediary in making such serv- 
ices available to its Members. 

B. The services may include all or any of the follow- 
ing: 

1. Services, Including consultative services, relating to 
the establishment and carrying on of any project regard- 
ing research into, and peaceful practical uses of atomic 
energy, including design of specialized equipment and 
nuclear reactors ; and special laboratory services includ- 
ing the conduct of experiments and the making of tests. 

2. Training and education in relation to research into 
or peaceful uses of atomic energy and any necessary pre- 
liminary .subject. 

ARTICLE XII 
Afieney Projects 

A. Any Member or Members of the Agency desiring 
to set up any project in relation to research or practical 
use of atomic energy may request the assistance of the 
Agency in securing fissionable and other materials and 
services necessary for this purpose. 

B. Any such request shall be accompanied by an ex- 



planation of the purpose and extent of the project and 
shall be considered by the Board of Governors. 

0. For the purpose of examination, the Agency shall 
be entitled to send into the territory of the Member mak- 
ing the request a person or persons qualified to investigate 
the projected enterprise. For this purpose the Agency 
in consultation with the State making the request may 
decide whether to utilize oflBcials of its own staff or 
employ suitably qualified nationals of any Member. 

D. The provisions of this Article shall also apply where 
appropriate to a request for services in connection with 
an existing project. 

ARTICLE XIII 

Approval of Projects 

A. Before approving a project under this Article, the 
Agency shall take into consideration : 

1. The usefulness of a project, including its scientific 
and technical feasibility ; 

2. The adequacy of plans, funds, and technical person- 
nel to assure the effective execution and operation of the 
project ; 

3. The adequacy of proposed health and safety stand- 
ards for handling and storing materials and for operating 
facilities ; 

4. The capabilities of the State making the request to 
secure the necessary materials and services from resources 
within its own territory. 

'j. An ecpiitaWe distribution of materials and otJier 
resources available to the Agency, paying due regard to 
all other projects submitted to the Agency. 

6. Such other matters as may appear relevant. 

B. Upon approving a project, the Agency shall enter 
into an agreement with the State submitting the project 
which agreement would provide for the following: 

1. The allocation to the project of the required fission- 
able and other materials and equipment upon such condi- 
tions as the Agency shall determine to be equitable ; 

2. The transfer of ix)ssession of the fissionable mate- 
rials from their usual place of custody, whether tie mate- 
rials be in the custody of the Agency or of States ear- 
marking the fissionable materials for use in Agency 
projects, to the State or States submitting the projects 
under conditions which ensure the safety of the shipment 
and meet adequate health and safety standards. 

3. Continuing authority of tlie Agency to prescribe 
conditions designed to ensure and verify compliance by 
the State or States submitting the project with the terms 
under which the project was approved, as set forth in 
paragraph D of this Article. 

4. Recommendations for services to be provided either 
by the Agency itself or by Members of the Agency in con- 
nection with the project, indicating the State or States 
best qualified to render such services. Where such serv- 
ices are rendered by one Member of the Agency to another, 
they shall be on such terms and conditions as may be 
arranged between the Member making the request and 
the Member willing to provide the service subject to the 
approval of the Agency. 

5. Charges for materials, equipment or services to be 



Ocfober 24, J 955 



669 



furnished by the Agency to the State submitting the proj- 
ect, as determined by the Board of Governors in accord- 
ance with Article XVI. 

6. An undertaking by the State submitting the proj- 
ect that the assistance provided would not be used to 
further the development of nuclear weapons or any re- 
search directed to that end. 

7. Such other provisions as may be suitable and 
appropriate. 

C. Any agreement between the Agency and a State sub- 
mitting a project under paragraph B of this Article and 
any agreement between a State submitting a project and 
a State furnishing services under paragraph B, subpara- 
graph 4 of this Article, shall contain, to the extent rele- 
vant, provisions entitling the Agency : 

1. To approve of the design and of the standards for 
operating conditions; 

2. To require the observance of any necessary health 
and safety measures ; 

3. To require the maintenance and production of 
operating records to ensure accountability for fissionable 
materials ; 

4. To call for and receive progress reports including 
all data developed by participating States resulting from 
the assistance extended by the Agency, as set forth in 
paragraph A of Article IX. 

5. To specify disposition of any fissionable materials 
produced or recovered, and to approve of means for 
chemical processing of spent fuel elements. 

D. The Agency shall have authority to verify, either by 
on-the-spot inspection or by calling for reports, that the 
terms and conditions of the aforesaid agreements under 
which fissionable and other materials and equipment 
were made available have been complied with by the Mem- 
ber receiving them. In case of any insi>ection, the 
Agency may utilize an official of its own staff or any 
suitably qualified national of any Member. The Agency 
in its inspections shall be entitled to make its own 
measurements to verify reported data. In the event of 
a finding of non-compliance by a State, the Agency may 
call upon such State to remedy forthwith the violation or 
other infraction. In the event of failure of the violating 
State to comply fully within a reasonable time, the Agency 
may report the non-compliance to all Members and to the 
Security Council and General Assembly of the United 
Nations to the extent provided by any arrangement or 
agreement between the Agency, and the United Nations. 
In the event of such a finding by the Agency, it may also 
request the return of any fissionable materials supplied by 
the Agency and suspend the supply of any further fission- 
able or other materials by the Agency to the oftending 
State. The Agency, as appropriate in accordance with 
Article XX, may also suspend the offending Member from 
the exercise of the privileges and rights of membership. 

ARTICLE XIV 

Standards 

The Agency may propose for acceptance by Members 
agreements or regulations concerning the standards re- 
ferred to in paragraph of Article XIII. 



ARTICLE XV 

Reimbursement of Contriiuting Members 

Unless otherwise agreed upon between the Board of 
Governors and the Member furnishing to the Agency ma- 
terials and equipment described In paragraphs A and B 
of Article X, the Board of Governors shall enter into an 
agreement with such Member providing for reimburse- 
ment for such materials and equipment. 

ARTICLE XVI 
Finance 

A. The Board .shall submit to the General Conference 
the annual budget estimates for the expenses of the 
Agency, including expenses for the provision of any 
Agency facilities. To facilitate the work of the Board 
in this regard, the General Manager shall initially pre- 
pare the budget estimates. 

B. The General Conference shall consider and approve 
the budget estimates and shall apportion the expenses 
among the Members in accordance with a scale to be 
fixed by the General Conference. The decisions under 
this paragraph shall require a two-thirds majority. 

C. The reimbursement to the contributing Members 
provided for in Article XV shall be made from funds 
received by the Agency pursuant to agreements between 
the Agency and the Members submitting projects. 

D. The Board of Governors shall establish periodically 
a schedule of charges for materials and services to be 
furnished by the Agency pursuant to agreements between 
the Agency and States submitting projects, including 
reasonable uniform storage and handling charges. This 
schedule shall be so designed as to produce minimum 
revenues adequate to provide for reimbursement to con- 
tributing Members in accordance with Article XV. 

E. Funds received by the Agency pursuant to agree- 
ments between the Agency and States submitting projects 
shall be set aside under regulations of the Board to re- 
imburse contributing States; any balance over and above 
the amounts necessary to reimburse contributing States 
shall be placed in the general fund. 

F. The Board of Governors with the approval of the 
General Conference, acting by a two-thirds majority, 
shall have the authority to incur indebtedness on behalf of 
the Agency for the purpose of securing such plants, facili- 
ties and equipment as the Agency may acquii'e in accord- 
ance with the Statute. 

ARTICLE XVII 

PriviJepcs and Immunities 

A. The Agency shall enjoy in the territory of each 
Member such legal capacity and such privileges and 
immunities as may be necessary for the fulfillment of 
its objectives and for the exercise of its functions. 

B. Delegates of Members together with their alter- 
nates and advisers. Governors api>ointed to the Board 
together with their alternates and advisers, and the 
General Manager and the staff of the Agency, shall enjoy 
such privileges and immunities as are necessary in the 
independent exercise of their functions in connection 
with the Agency. 

C. Without prejudice to the immediate effectiveness of 



670 



Department of State Bulletin 



paragraphs A and B of this Article, the legal capacity, 
privileses and immunities referred to in this Article shall 
be detined in a separate agreement between the Agency, 
represented for this purpose by the General Manager, 
acting under instructions of the Board of Governors, and 
the Members concerned. 

ARTICLE XVIII 
Relationship with other Organisations 

The Board of Governors with the approval of the 
General Conference is authorized to enter into an agree- 
ment or agreements establishing an appropriate rela- 
tionship between the Agency and the United Nations 
and between the Agency and any other organizations, the 
work of which is related to that of the Agency. 

ARTICLE XIX 
Amendments, Withdrawals, Disputes 

A. Amendments to the present Statute may be proposed 
by any Member or by tie Board of Governors. The text 
of any amendment proposed shall lie communicated with- 
out delay by the General Manager to all Members. 

B. Amendments shall come into force for all Members 
when approved by the Board of Governors and accepted 
by two-thirds of all the Members in accordance with their 
respective constitutional processes. 

C. At any time after five years from the date when 
the Statute shall initially take effect in accordance with 
paragraph E of Article XXI or whenever a Member is 
unwilling to accept an amendment to this Statute, it may 
withdraw from the Agency by notice in writing to that 
effect given to the Board of Governors. Such notice, if 
communicated prior to June 30 of any year, shall take 
effect on December 31 of that year and, if communicated 
on or after July 1, shall take effect on December 31 of 
the next year unless the Board of Governors shall author- 
ize an earlier date. 

D. Withdrawal by a State from the Agency shall not 
affect its contractual obligations entered into pursuant 
to Article XIII. 

E. The Parties to the present Statute accept the jurisdic- 
tion of the International Court of Justice with respect 
to any dispute concerning the interpretation or applica- 
tion of the Statute. Any such dispute may be referred 
by any Party concerned to the International Court of 
Justice for decision unless the Parties concerned agree 
on some other mode of settlement. The Board of Gover- 
nors is authorized to request the International Court of 
Justice to give an advisory opinion on any legal question 
arising within the scope of the Agency's activities. 

ARTICLE XX 
Suspension of Privileges 

A Member of the Agency which is in arrears for more 
than two years in its financial contributions to the 
Agency may be suspended from the exercise of the privi- 
leges and rights of membership by the Board of Gov- 
ernors. A Member which has persistently violated the 
provisions of this Statute or of the agreements entered 



into pursuant to this Statute may be susjiended from 
the exercise of the privileges and rights of membership 
by the General Conference acting by a two-thirds majority 
upon recommendation by the Board of Governors. 

ARTICLE XXI 
Signature, Acceptance, and Entry into Force 

A. The present Statute shall be open for signature 
by all States specified in paragraiih A of Article V on 

, 1955, and shall remain open for a period of 

ninety days. 

B. The signatory States shall become Parties to the 
present Statute by deposit of an instrument of ratifica- 
tion. 

C. Instruments of ratification and acceptance under 
Article V of the present Statute shall be deposited with 

the Government of , hereby designated as 

depositary. 

D. Ratification or acceptance of the present Statute 
shall be effected in accordance with the constitutional 
processes of the Parties. 

E. The present Statute shall come into force when 
eight States have deposited instruments of ratification 
in accordance with paragraph B of this Article, provided 
that such eight Sfaites shall include at least three of 
the following States : Canada, France, United Kingdom, 
USSR, and the United States. Instruments of ratifica- 
tion deposited thereafter shall take effect on the date of 
their receipt. 

F. The depositary shall promptly inform all States 
signatory to the present Statute of the date of each de- 
posit of ratification and the date of entry into force of the 
Statute. The depositary shall promptly inform all signa- 
tories and Members of the dates on which States subse- 
quently become Parties thereto. 

G. Upon the entry of tlie Statute into force an Interim 
Board of Governors shall be established as provided in 
Annex I. 

ARTICLE XXII 
Registration with the United Nations 

A. This Statute shall be registered by the depositary 
designated in paragraph C of Article XXI with the United 
Nations pursuant to Article 102 of the Charter. 

B. Any agreements concluded between the Agency and 
any Member or Members, and between Members subject to 
approval of the Agency, shall be registered with the 
Agency and with the United Nations if the agreement is 
of such nature that its registration is required under 
Article 102 of the United Nations Charter. 

ARTICLE XXIII 

Authentic Texts, Certified Copies 

The original text of the present Statute executed in 

, and languages shall be deposited in 

the archives of the depositary Government of . 

Duly certified copies thereof shall be transmitted by that 
Government to the Governments of the otlier signatories. 



October 24, 1955 



671 



Annex I 



Interim Board of Oovernors 



Upon tie entry of the Statute into force Members of the 
Agency shall each appoint one representative to act on an 
Interim Board of Governors until ten States including 
three of the following five States — Canada, France, 
USSR, United Kingdom, and the United States — have be- 
come parties to the Statute and for such time thereafter 
not exceeding sixty days as may be required to elect a 
Board of Governors pursuant to Article VII. This In- 
terim Board shall be responsible for the preliminary 
planning of the work of the Agency, the recruitment of a 
General Manager and any other necessary staff on a tem- 
porary basis, and for compiling preliminary budget 
estimates. 

Annex II 

In accordance with the principles set forth in Article 
VII, paragraph A, the First Board of Governors shall be 
constituted as follows : 

1. The five members of the Board under Article VII, 
paragraph A-1, shall be: Canada, France, USSR, United 
Kingdom and United States. 

2. The five members of the Board under Article VII, 
paragraph A-2, shall be: Australia, Belgium, Czechoslo- 
vakia, Portugal and Union of South Africa. 

3. Six other members of the Board shall be elected 
by the General Conference. 



Report of Agent General of 

U.N. Korean Reconstruction Agency 

Statement hy Brooks Hays 

U.S. Rejrresentatvve to the Oeneral Assemlly ^ 

I should first like to thank the Agent General 
[Lt. Gen. John B. Coulter] of the United Nations 
Korean Reconstruction Agency for the informa- 
tive and comprehensive reports which he has sub- 
mitted to us on the work of the agency since the 
last General Assembly. They paint an encourag- 
ing picture of the important and growing con- 
tribution which the United Nations has been mak- 
ing to the rehabilitation of the Republic of Korea. 
The scope of this contribution is indicated by the 
fact that projects of every description have been 
launched in every province of Korea at 3,833 dif- 
ferent locations. 

The Agent General notes in his report^ that 
Unkra is now at the height of its operations. As 

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on 
Oct 4 (U.S. delegation press release 2214 dated Oct. 3). 
' U.N. doc. A/2936. 



he points out, projects which in last year's report 
loomed only in the future are now actually under 
way. This is most gratifying. The sufferings of 
the Korean people are being at least partly alle- 
viated by the contributions of this very worth- 
while program. Factories, mines, schools, and 
hospitals now benefit from Unkra projects. The 
agency stands as a symbol, not only in Korea but 
throughout the world, of what collective action 
among nations can do to make life a little better, a 
little less burdensome for men, women, and chil- 
dren who have already been called upon to endure 
far more than human beings should. 

The draft resolution on this subject, which my 
delegation has the honor to co-sponsor with the 
delegations of Australia, Belgium, Canada, New 
Zealand, and United Kingdom, is designed to ex- 
press sentiments which, I am sure, are shared by 
most of us. It follows closely the lines of the reso- 
lution adopted by the General Assembly last year. 

The first operative paragraph of the draft reso- 



Resolution on UNKRA Report' 

U.N. doc. A/C.2/L.260 dated October 3 

The General Assembly, 

Recalling General Assembly resolutions 410 (V) 
of 1 December 1950, 701 (VII) of 11 March 1953, 
725 (VIII) of 7 December 1953, and 828 (IX) of 
14 December 1954, 

Taking note of the report of the Agent General 
on the work of the United Nations Korean Recon- 
struction Agency for the period 1 September 1954 
to 30 June 1955, and of the comments thereon by 
the United Nations Commission for the Unification 
and Rehabilitation of Korea (A/2982), 

Recognizing the particular importance of the 
Agency's programme for the relief and rehabilita- 
tion of the Republic of Korea, 

1. Commends the Agent General of the United 
Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency for the ex- 
cellent progress made by the Agency in pursuing its 
mission of assisting the Korean people to relieve 
the sufferings and to repair the devastation caused 
by aggression ; 

2. Stresses the desire that the approved pro- 
grammes of the Agency be expeditiously imple- 
mented to the maximum extent possible within 
available funds ; 

3. Expresses appreciation for the valuable and con- 
tinuing assistance given to the Agency by United 
Nations specialized agencies and by voluntary non- 
governmental organizations. 



* Adopted by Committee II on Oct. 5 by a vote of 
48-0-9. 



672 



Department of State Bulletin 



lution would commend the Agent General of 
Unkra for the excellent progress made by the 
agency in the pursuit of its assigiaed task. It 
would record the General Assembly's recognition 
and appreciation of a task well done. 

In this connection, I might say what a pleasure 
it was to hear of the honor paid to General Coulter 
and membere of his staff last July by the people 
of Korea in a ceremony at Seoul in appreciation 
of what Unkra has done for them. This was a 
direct and well-deserved recognition by those who 
are in perhaps the best position to know what the 
Agent General and his staff have accomplished. 
My Government wishes to record its appreciation 
of this tribute from Korea, which was paid to an 
important effort of the United Nations. 

The second operative paragraph of the pro- 
posed resolution would express the desire of the 
General Assembly that the approved program of 
Unkra be expeditiously completed to the max- 
imum extent possible within available funds. We 
believe that Unkra should continue as swiftly as 
possible to carry forward its work on those proj- 
ects for which funds are available. These projects 
are needed by the Korean economy, and we look 
to Unkra to carry them out as rapidly and effec- 
tively as possible. 

We must all recognize that financial contribu- 
tions to Unkra have very nearly reached their 
limit. In referring to the appeals which have 
been made by the Negotiating Committee for Ex- 
tra Budgetary Funds, the Agent General informs 
us that the committee has now advised the Secre- 
tary-General of the United Nations that there 
seems to be little prospect of raising additional 
substantial sums on behalf of this program. We 
nevertheless can be genuinely gratified that Unkra 
has been able to accomplish so much on the basis 
of the contributions which it has received. In 
this connection, we would hope that outstanding 
pledges, which may validly be expected to ma- 
terialize into contributions, should be made avail- 
able as soon as possible. Unkra should know 
definitely what funds it can count upon in order 
that it may proceed to final planning of its work. 

The third operative paragi-aph of the resolution 
would express appreciation for the assistance given 
to this program by the specialized agencies of 
the United Nations and by voluntary nongovern- 
mental organizations. We really need no re- 
minder of the importance of this support. The 
cooperation among the component parts of the 



United Nations system is well known, and today, 
more than ever before, the members of the United 
Nations system are working together. There is no 
part of this system which cannot, when the need 
arises, call upon some other part for assistance 
and receive a prompt response. The Food and 
Agi'iculture Organization, Unesco, and Unicef, 
to mention three examples, have cooperated fully 
with Unkra in Korea. Through their efforts, 
which are described in the report before us, the 
UNKRiV program has been more effective than it 
otherwise could have been. 

The voluntary agencies stand behind the United 
Nations in almost every area of its work. Fifty- 
three of them are actively participating in assist- 
ance to Korean institutions. Long before the 
United Nations was established, or for that mat- 
ter the League of Nations, voluntary agencies 
from many countries were operating throughout 
the world, inspired by religious and humanitarian 
motives. From these agencies have come experi- 
ence, ideas, and personnel which have proved in- 
valuable to the later organized efforts of govern- 
ments. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, my delegation be- 
lieves that support of this resolution will record 
the well-deserved approval of one of those efforts 
of the United Nations in which we can all take 
pride. 

Helping Non-Self-Governing Peoples 
Toward Genuine independence 

Statement hy Laird Bell 

U.S. Repi'esentative to the General AsseiribVy ' 

Underlying the balanced words and phrases of 
the Report of the Committee on Information from 
Non-Self -Governing Territories- is a vast, grop- 
ing, but powerful movement of millions of people 
toward an equal station in the community of free 
nations. This is one of the great historic move- 
ments of our time — the shift from the unequal re- 
lationships of colonialism to relationships of 
equality between European and non-European. 
The shift has, of course, by no means been com- 
pleted, but it has advanced a long way in the past 
10 or 12 years, and it is continuing at an ever more 
rapid pace. I have no doubt that it will continue 

'Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) on Oct. 12 (U.S. 
delegation press release 2225). 
' U.N. doc. A/2908 and Add. 1. 



Ocfofaer 24, 1955 



673 



until all peoples control their own social, economic, 
and political affairs. 

The trend toward the disappearance of what is 
usually called Western colonialism is unmistaka- 
ble and clear to all of us. I would be omittin<j one 
of the major facts of modern history, however, if 
I were not to mention another movement, a trend 
affecting many more millions of people than the 
shift away from Western colonialism. I refer to 
the vast areas of Europe and Asia where once 
free peoples have been deprived of their freedom. 
I do not propose to embark on a discussion of that 
movement here, but I must again say that my dele- 
gation is struck by the fact that the loss of inde- 
pendence by hundreds of millions of human beings 
receives so much less attention in the United Na- 
tions than the rate of progress of the remaining 
colonial peoples toward freedom. 

Nevertheless, my delegation regards the prog- 
ress of dependent peoples toward self-goveriunent 
as one of the most important questions to be con- 
sidered in the United Nations. The rate of prog- 
ress toward self-government of the non-self-gov- 
erning peoples to whom chapter 11 of the charter 
applies is a key question and one in which the 
United Nations has a legitimate concern. 

My delegation's position on the question of self- 
government and the rate at which it should be 
achieved is well known. We fully support the 
aspirations of all people to govern themselves, as 
our history clearly demonstrates. We do, how- 
ever, want peoples to obtain the kind of self-gov- 
ernment or independence which will be genuine 
and lasting. Consequently, we believe it is im- 
portant that the administering powers work 
closely with the non-self-governing peoples to 
build solid educational, social, economic, and polit- 
ical foundations in all the remaining non-self- 
governing territories. The need for solid founda- 
tions should not unduly delay the process of trans- 
ferring greater responsibility to the inhabitants 
of these territories. This process should be car- 
ried forward as rapidly as possible, but it should 
not, in our view, be pressed so rapidly that an 
emerging new nation might not be in a position 
to preserve its freedom. It might succumb to a 
form of domination far more absolute than any 
it had ever known before. 

In addition to the question of the rate of prog- 
ress tow.ird self-government, there is another 
question that luiderlies much of the discussion in 



this committee. This is the question of the role 
of the United Nations in furthering progress 
toward self-government. I shall not attempt to 
repeat my delegation's interpretation of chapter 
11 of the charter. There is, however, one aspect 
of U.N. activity in this field to which my delega- 
tion attaches great importance. 

Spirit of "Good Neighborliness" 

My delegation firmly believes that the interests 
of the inhabitants of non-self-governing territories 
are best ^jromoted by the United Nations when 
both the administering and non-achninistering 
members work together in a spirit of "good neigh- 
borliness," to use the words of article 74, to pro- 
mote the objectives of chapter 11. We believe 
that, despite differences that arise between these 
groups, considerable willingness to work together 
has been demonstrated by both groups. We be- 
lieve that the Committee on Information from 
Non-Self-Governing Territories has, in very con- 
siderable measure, provided a concrete example of 
this cooperative approach to the problems of de- 
pendent peoples. In fact, it is, in our view, one 
of the values of this committee tliat it brings to- 
gether administering and non-administering mem- 
bers of the United Nations and provides an 
opportunity for the exchange of information and 
viewpoints in this field. The 1955 session of the 
committee represented, we believe, another step 
forward in the realization of this cooperative ap- 
proach. While credit is due to all members of 
the committee for their contributions to this ap- 
proach, my delegation joins in paying special trib- 
ute to the chairman, Mr. Scott of New Zealand, 
the vice-chairmen, Mr. Frazao of Brazil and Mr. 
Arenales of Guatemala, and the rapporteur, Mr. 
Jaipal of India. My delegation feels confident 
that the spirit that animated the Committee on 
Information will also pervade the work of this 
committee. 

With regard to the specific matters discussed in 
the i-eport of tlie Committee on Information, my 
delegation has, of course, already made its views 
known in the committee itself. We are pleased 
that we, along with all other membei's of the com- 
mittee, were able to give our approval to the adop- 
tion of this report. The report is, of course, not 
100 percent satisfactory to any member, but we 
believe that it is a reasonably balanced, useful, and 
constructive document, which is a real accomplish- 



674 



Department of Sfate Bulletin 



ment in tliat it reflects tlie willingness of members 
with very different viewpoints, strongly held, to 
accommodate themselves to the viewpoints of 
others. More especially, my delegation fully sup- 
ports the draft resolution contained in annex 2 
(if the report approving the committee's report on 
social conditions. The agencies of my Govern- 
ment responsible for tlie administration of non- 
self-governing territories have, in accordance with 
their usual practice, already transmitted this re- 
port to the appropriate officials in the United 
States territories for their consideration. 

We feel tliat the usefulness of this report was in- 
creased because of the presence of specialist ad- 
visers on the delegations of several of the adminis- 
tering members, and we are glad that the commit- 
tee has, in the introduction to its report, taken note 
of the valuable assistance that it received from 
them. We hope that, as indigenous inhabitants 
become qualified specialists in the fields studied by 
the committee, the administering members will 
increasingly attach indigenous specialist advisei"s 
to their delegations. We believe that such ad- 
visei-s could not only enrich the work of the com- 
mittee but also that their experience would be of 
benefit to their territories. The committee also 
takes note of the helj? it received from representa- 
tives of the non-administering members who pro- 
vided information on policy and programs of 
which they had had experience in their own coim- 
tries and which threw light on comparable prob- 
lems in non-self-governing territories. This kind 
of real exchange of ideas and infonnation is, we 
feel, one of the fields in which the conunittee can 
be of greatest value. 

Like other delegates who have spoken before 
me, we consider the discussion of community de- 
velopment in the committee's report particularly 
useful. As the report indicates, community de- 
velopment programs represent an organized effort 
to get away from the concept of government as 
operating from the top down. These programs 
start from the practical, evei-yday needs of the 
local community, things that everyone can under- 
stand — wells, school buildings, roads. Govern- 
ment comes in only to provide advice, plans, 
equipment, and materials. The community de- 
cides what it wants and how it will get the work 
done. As the report points out, the results of 
community development progi-ams go far beyond 
the wells, school buildings, i-oads, etc., that are 
built. These programs develop civic consciousness 



and pride; they help the ordinary citizen to feel 
a part of local government and even of territorial 
government. It is programs animated by this 
spirit that provide the kind of sound foundations 
that are so important for successful self-govern- 
ment. 

Future of Committee on Information 

With regard to part I of the committee's re- 
port, one question, of course, dominates all others, 
that is, the question of whether or not the Com- 
mittee on Information should be continued and, if 
so, under what conditions. Here, again, I believe 
that the position of my delegation is well known. 
I have already indicated several ways in which 
my delegation considers that the committee per- 
forms a useful function. So believing, we would 
like to see it continued. I have also made amply 
clear that in our view one of the major values of 
the committee is in bringing together, in a co- 
operative endeavor, the administering and non- 
administering members of the United Nations. 
If the committee were to be continued under cir- 
cumstances where it would lose the cooperation of 
important members of either group, its usefulness 
would, to a large extent, disappear. We believe 
that the system of considering tlie problems of 
non-self-governing territories that has developed 
under chapter 11 of the charter during these first 
10 years of the United Nations' existence, while 
not without its faults, has demonstrated that a 
cooperative evolutionary process in this field is 
possible. It was because of our serious concern 
over any step which might jeopardize the contri- 
bution being made by the committee toward the 
advancement of non-self-governing peoples that 
the United States representative in the Committee 
on Information opposed modifications in the 
terms of reference, tenm'e, and composition of the 
committee and that he supported the resolution 
contained in annex 2 of the report, which would 
continue the committee on the same basis for a 
further 3-year jjeriod. My delegation remains 
convinced that the adoption of this resolution by 
the Assembly would be in the best interests of the 
inhabitants of non-self-governing territories and 
of the United Nations itself. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, may I say that as 
a newcomer to this committee I am impressed by 
the interest in the problems of all non-self-gov- 
erning peoples that is taken by practically every 



October 24, 1955 



675 



member of the United Nations. It is certainly 
a relatively new phenomenon in the history of the 
world that the representatives of so many 
sovereign states should devote so much thought 
and attention to the problems of peoples that have 
not yet attained a full measure of self-government. 
I feel sui-e that if, despite natural differences in 
viewpoint, we can keep our thoughts focused on 
the interests of these peoples who look to us with 
so much hope, we will not fail to bring closer the 
day when they take their full part in the inter- 
national conmiunity. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Security Council 

Decisions Taken and Resolutions Adopted by the Security 
Council During the Year 1954. S/INF/9, September 
13, 19.'5.5. 6 pp. mimeo. 

General Assembly 

Recommendations Concerning International Respect for 
the Rlglit of Peoples and Nations to Self-determina- 
tion. Note by the Secretary-General. A/2957, Septem- 
ber 8, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo. 

Budget Estimate.? for the Financial Tear 19.'i6. Revenue 
Producing Activities (Report by the ■Secretary-Gen- 
eral). A/C.5/623, September 8, 1955. 32 pp. mimeo. 

Constitutions, Electoral Laws and Other Legal Instru- 
ments Relating to Political Rights of Women. Memo- 
randum by the Secretary-General. A/2952, September 
12, 1955. 25 pp. mimeo. 

Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Obser- 
vations bv Governments. The Netherlands. A/2910/ 
Add.3, September 13, 19.55. 23 pp. 

Question of South West Africa. Supplement to the re- 
port of the Committee on South West Africa to the 
General Assembly. A/2913/ Add.l, September 13, 1955. 
8 pp. mimeo. 

The International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of 
Atomic Energy. Report of the 'Secretary-General. 
A/2967, September 14, 1955. 7 pp. mimeo. 

Organization of tlie Tenth Regular Session of the Gen- 
eral Assembly. Memorandum by the Secretary-General. 
A/BUR/140, September 14, 1955. 2 pp. mimeo. 

Adoption of the Agenda and Allocation of Items to Com- 
mittees. Memorandum by the Secretary-General. 
A/BUR/141, September 14, 1955. 14 pp. mimeo. 

Draft Convention on the Nationality of Married Women. 
Note by the Secretary-General. A/2944, September 15, 
1955. 6 pp. mimeo. 

Question of Assistance to Libya. Report of the 'Secretary- 
General. A/2968, September 19, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo. 

Question of Assistance to Libya. Communication dated 
1 September 1955 from the Prime Minister of Libya 
addressed to the Secretary-General [relating to assist- 
ance received by the Government of Libya from the 
United Nations]. A/2969, September 19, 1955. 58 pp. 
mimeo. i 

Registration and Publication of Treaties and International 
Agreements. Report of the Secretary-General. A/2971, 
September 19, 1955. 19 pp. mimeo. 



Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Work- 
ing pai)er prepared by the Secretary-General. A/C.3/ 
L.460, September 20, 1955. 26 pp. mimeo. 

Regulation, Limitation and Balanced Reduction of All 
Armed Forces and All Armaments. Conclusion of an 
International Convention (Treaty) on the Reduction 
of Armaments and the Prohibition of Atomic, Hydrogen 
and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction. Letter dated 
22 September 1955 from the Vice-Chairman of the 
delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
addressed to the Secretary-General [transmitting texts 
of proposals made in the U.N. disarmament subcom- 
mittee on May 10 and at the Geneva Conference ou 
July 21]. A/2979, September 22, 19.'"i5. 18 pp. mimeo. 

Adoption of the Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session 
and Allocation of Items to Committees, and Organiza- 
tion of the Session. Report of the General Committee. 
A/29S0, September 22, 1955. 15 pp. mimeo. 

Request for the Inclusion of an Additional Item in the 
Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session : Item Proposed 
by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Measures 
for the Further Relaxation of International Tension 
and Development of Internationl Co-operation. 

(1) Letter dated 23 September 1955 addressed to the 
President of the General Assembly by the Chairman 
of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics. A/2981, September 23, 1955. 2 pp. mimeo. 

(2) Letter dated 25 September 1955 addressed to the 
President of the General Assembly by the Chairman 
of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics [transmitting an explanatory memorandum 
on the above item]. A/2981/Add.l, September 26, 
1955. 3 pp. mimeo. 

Question of the Continuation of the United Nations 
Tribunal in Libya. Report of the Secretary-General. 
A/2983, September 27, 19.55. 4 pp. mimeo. 

Arbitral Procedure. Comments received from Govern- 
ments regarding the draft convention on arbitral pro- 
cedure prepared by the International Law Commission 
at its fiftli session. Honduras. A/2S99/Add. 2, Sep- 
tember 27, 1955. 5 pp. mimeo. 

Application of Spain for Admission to Membership in the 
United Nations. Letters dated 23 September from the 
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Spain addressed to the 
Secretary-General. A/2984, September 27, 1955. 2 pp. 
mimeo. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Surplus Commodity Agreement 
With Ecuador 

Press release 594 dated October 7 

Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs Cecil B. Lyon, and the Ambas- 
sador of Ecuador, Dr. Jose R. Chiriboga, on Oc- 
tober 7 signed an agreement for the sale of sur- 
plus agricultural commodities valued at approxi- 
mately $4 million. The program for the sale of 
these commodities was developed pursuant to title 
I of the Agricultural Trade Development and 
Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480, 83d Con- 
gress). 

Payment for the agricultural commodities will 



676 



Department of State Bulletin 



be made in Ecuadoran currency. A portion of the 
currency accruing under this program will be used 
to meet U.S. Government expenses in Ecuador. 
An additional part of the funds will be loaned to 
the Ecuadoran Government for development pur- 
poses, with eventual repayment to the United 
States in dollars or in strategic materials. The 
remainder will be used for agricultural marketing 
development in Ecuador and the carrying out of 
an educational exchange program between Ecua- 
dor and the United States. 



Great Lakes Fishery Convention 
Enters Into Force 

Press release 602 dated October 11 

The Convention on Great Lakes Fisheries en- 
tered into force on October 11 upon the exchange 
of ratifications in Ottawa by the United States 
and Canada. The convention was signed at Wash- 
ington on September 10, 1954.^ 

The convention brings under a joint U.S.-Can- 
ada conservation regime the greatest fresh-water 
fisheries in the world. Under it will be estab- 
lished the Great Lakes Fishery Commission, com- 
posed of six Commissioners, three from each Gov- 
ernment. The Commission will seek the preser- 
vation and improvement of the Lakes fisheries 
through dual activities in the fields of fishery 
research and sea lamprey control. 

In fishery research, the Commission has the duty 
of coordinating the scientific activities of all agen- 
cies presently engaged in scientific study of the 
Lakes fisheries — the United States and Canadian 
Governments and the conservation departments 
of the eight Great Lakes States and the Province 
of Ontario. The convention thus provides a ma- 
chinery for the pooling of the efforts of all fishery 
experts in the area and the coordination of their 
research. 

The Commission will have no power to regulate 
fishing operations. It can, however, recommend 
conservation measures to the party Governments 
on the basis of its scientific findings. 

The second major responsibility of the Com- 
mission is to destroy the parasitic sea lamprey. 
This eel-like creature attaches itself like a leech 



to a fish and nourishes itself on the blood and 
body juices of its host. It has proved a scourge 
to the trout and whitefish of the upper Lakes, 
ha\ing already destroyed those species in Lakes 
Huron and Michigan. Lake Superior fisheries 
are now also under serious attack. It is estimated 
that this parasite is costing Great Lakes fishermen 
more than $5 million a year in lake trout alone. 

The Connnission has wide powers in the field 
control of the lamprey. It is expected the Com- 
mission will make extensive use of electrical bar- 
riers which, placed across spawning streams, pre- 
vent the lampreys from going upstream to spawn 
and cause their deaths. 



Current Actions 

MULTILATERAL 

Commerce 

International convention to facilitate the Importation of 
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated 
at Geneva November 7, 1952.^ 
Accession deposited: Egypt, September 29, 1955. 

Safety at Sea 

Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London 
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19, 1952. 
TIAS 2495. 

Xotiticdtion bii Xetherlands of extenMon to: Nether- 
lands Antilles, January 11, 1955. 

Telecommunications 

International telecommunication convention. Signed at 
Buenos Aires December 22, 1952. Entered into force 
January 1, 1954. 
Notification by Italy of application to: Somaliland, 

September 9, 1955. 
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro- 
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep- 
tember 16, 1955. 
Pinal protocol to the international telecommunication 
convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22, 1952. 
Entered into force Januarv 1, 1954. 
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro- 
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep- 
tember 16, 1955. 
Additional protocols to the international telecommunica- 
tion convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22, 
1952. Entered into force December 22, 1952. 
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro- 
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep- 
tember 16, 1955. 

BILATERAL 

Austria 

Agreement concerning the disposition of certain United 
States property in Austria, with appendix. Signed at 
Vienna September 26, 1955. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 26, 1955. 



' Bulletin of Sept. 27, 1954, p. 465. 
October 24, J 955 



' Not in force. 



677 



Canada 

Convention on Great Lakes fisheries. Signed at Wash- 
ington September 10, 1954. 
Ratifications exchanged: October 11, 1955. 
Entered into force: October 11, 1955. 

Colombia 

Agreement providing for performance by members of 
Army, Navy, and Air Force missions of certain duties 
specified in article V of military assistance agreement 
of April 17, 1952 (TIAS 2496). Effected by exchange 
of notes at Bogota July 13 and September 16, 1955. 
Entered into force September 16, 1955. 

Ecuador 

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 
1954 ( 68 Stat. 454, 455) . Signed at Washington October 
7, 1955. Entered into force October 7, 1955. 

Luxembourg 

Agreement relating to the off-shore procurement program. 

Signed at Luxembourg April 17, 1954. 

Entered into force: September 30, 1955 (date of notifi- 
cation to the United States of ratification by Luxem- 
bourg). 
Agreement approving the off-shore procurement contract 

with Luxembourg. Effected by exchange of notes, with 

contract attached, at Luxembourg April 17, 1954. 

Entered in force: September 30, 1955 (date of entry 
into force of the off-shore procurement program agree- 
ment). 
Agreement amending the agreement of April 17, 1954, 

relating to the off-shore procurement contract. Effected 

by exchange of notes at Luxembourg May 10 and July 

16, 1954. 

Entered into force: September 30, 1955 (date of entry 
into force of the off-shore procurement program 
agreement). 

Pakistan 

Agreement relating to sale of certain surplus agricultural 
commodities and providing for use of proceeds for 
urgent relief requirements of Pakistan, pursuant to 
agreement for additional emergency assistance in agri- 
cultural commodities of January 18, 1955 (TIAS 3188). 
Signed at Karachi September 29, 1955. Entered into 
force September 29, 1955. 



THE FOREIGN SERVICE 



Recess Appointments 

John D. Hickerson as Ambassador to Finland, October 4. 
Thomas C. Mann as Ambassador to El Salvador, Octo- 
ber 11 (press release 604 dated October 12). 



PUBLICATIONS 



Recent Releases 

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov- 
ernmeyit Printing Office, Washington 25, D.G. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free pubtications, which may he 
obtained from the Department of State. 

International Rice Commission. TIAS 3046. Pub. 5657. 
27 pp. 15«f. 

Amended constitution, with rules of procedure, adopted 
by the United States and other governments. Approved 
by a resolution adopted December 10, 1953, by the Seventh 
Session of the Conference of the Food and Agriculture 
Organization of the United Nations, held at Rome Novem- 
ber 2.3-December 11, 1953. Entered into force December 
10, 1953. 

Enlistment of Philippine Citizens in the United States 
Navy. TIAS 3047. Pub. 5660. 3 pp. 5^. 

Agreement between the United States and the Republic 
of the Philippines — amending agreement of November 18 
and December 13, 1952. Exchanges of notes — Dated at 
Manila April 1, June 21, and July 20 and 30, 1954. En- 
tered into force June 21, 1954. 



THE DEPARTMENT 



Recess Appointments 



Herbert V. Prochnow as Deputy Under Secretary for 
Economic Affairs, October 4. 



Designations 

Koderic L. O'Connor as Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Congressional Relations, effective December 1 (press 
release 591 dated October 5). 



Special Economic Assistance. TIAS 3051. 
6 pp. 50. 



Pub. 5664. 



Agreement between the United States and Jordan. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Amman May 4 and 13, 1954. 
Entered into force May 13, 19.54. 

Enlistment of Philippine Citizens in the United States 
Navy. TIAS 3067. Pub. 5690. 3 pp. 5!*. 

Agreement between the United States and the Republic 
of the Philippines — amending agreement of November 18 
and December 13, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes — 
Signed at Manila September 2, 1954. Entered into force 
September 2, 1954. 

Mexican Agricultural Workers, Non-occupational Insur- 
ance. TIAS 3127. Pub. 5783. 5 pp. 5«!. 

Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex- 
change of notes — Dated at Mexico November 19, 1954. 
Entered into force November 19, 1954. 



678 



Deparfment of Slafe Bulletin 



October 24, 1955 



Index 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 852 



American Principles. "Confident of Our Future" 

(Dulles) 639 

American Republics. The Importance of Trade in 

Inter-Auieriean Relations (Holland) .... 654 

Atomic Energy. Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 
(Pastore statement and texts of draft reso- 
lution and draft statute of International Atomic 
Knergy Agency) 660 

Canada. Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters 

Into Force 677 

Disarmament. President and Soviet Premier Ex- 
change Views on Inspection (texts of letters) . 643 

Economic Affairs 

Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters Into 

Force 677 

The Importance of Trade in Inter-American Rela- 
tions (Holland) 654 

Surplus Commodity Agreement With Ecuador . . 676 

U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel Com- 
munity 643 

Ecuador. Surplus Commodity Agreement With 

Ecuador 676 

Europe. U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel 

Community 643 

Foreign Service 

Recess Appointments (Hickerson, Mann) . . . 678 
U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel Com- 
munity 643 

Iran. U.S. Welcomes Iran's Adherence to "North- 
ern Tier" Pact 653 

Korea. Report of Agent General of U.N. Korean 
Reconstruction Agency (Hays statement and 
text of resolution) 672 

Mutual Security. Progress in the Rule of Law 

(Phleger) 647 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. HeliMng Non- 
Self-Governing Peoples Toward Genuine Inde- 
pendence (Bell) 673 

Portugal. Visit of Foreign Minister of Portugal . 653 

Presidential Documents. President and Soviet 
Premier Exchange Views on Inspection (texts 
of letters) 643 

Protection of Nationals and Property. "Dual Citi- 
zens" Warned of Possible Loss of Citizenship . 658 

Publications 

Current U.N. Documents 676 

Recent Releases 678 

State, Department of 

Designations (O'Connor) 678 

Recess Appointments (Prochnow) 678 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 677 

I Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters Into 

I Force 677 

I Surplus Commodity Agreement With Ecuador . . 676 

I U.S.S.R. 

1 "Confident of Our Future" (Dulles) 639 

President and Soviet Premier Exchange Views on 

Inspection (texts of letters) 643 



United Kingdom. Washington Old Hall, Symbol of 

British-American Kinship (Aldrich) .... 651 

United Nations 

Current Documents 676 

Helping Non-Self-Governing Peoples Toward Genu- 
ine Independence (Bell) 673 

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Pastore state- 
ment and texts of draft resolution and draft 
statute of International Atomic Energy 

Agency) 660 

Report of Agent General of U.N. Korean Recon- 
struction Agency (Hays statement and text of 

resolution) 672 

Name Index 

Aldrich, Winthrop W 651 

Bell, Laird 673 

Bulganin, Nikolai A 644 

Butterworth, W. Walton 643 

Cunha, Paulo 653 

Dulles, Secretary 639 

Eisenhower, President 643 

Hays, Brooks 672 

Hickerson, John D 678 

Holland, Henry F 654 

ilann, Thomas C 678 

O'Connor, Roderic L 678 

Pastore, John 660 

I'hleger, Hennan 647 

Prochnow, Herbert V 678 



Check List of Department[of State 
Press Releases: October 10-16 

Releases may be obtained from the News Division, 
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C. 

Press releases issued prior to October 10 which 
api)ear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 591 of 
October 5, 593 of October 6, 594 of October 7, and 
596 of October 8. 

Subject 

Dulles : "Confident of Our Future." 

Visit of Portuguese Foreign Minister. 

U.S. mission to Coal and Steel Com- 
munity. 

Educational exchange. 

Holland : aspects of inter-American 
system. 

Great Lakes fishery convention in 
force. 

Warning to "dual citizens." 

Mann appointment (rewrite). 

Iran's adherence to Baghdad pact. 

'Xdt printed. 



No. 


Date 


507 
598 
599 


10/10 
10/10 
10/10 


*G00 
*601 


10/10 
10/11 


602 


10/11 


(i03 
(■.04 
005 


10/12 
10/12 
10/12 




the 

Department 

of 

State 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D. C. 



PENALTY FOB PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300 

(GPO) 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



THE AMERICAN CONSUL 

Publication 5893 



10 cents 



Many American tourists have but vague ideas of what they 
should expect from their consuls in the way of services while 
they are traveling abroad. The average United States citizen 
has some idea of the functions of his diplomatic representa- 
tives but seems to be quite confused about the duties of the 
American consul. 

The American Consul, a 14-page pamphlet, tells what a 
consul is and what he does. The leaflet oif ers a concise account 
of the history and development of the consular services. These 
are some of the subjects treated : 

Some Early History 

Ships and Seamen 

Visas 

Passports 

Citizenship 

Protective Services 

Custody of Estates 

Insuring Just Treatment 

Missing Persons 

Consular Courts 

Political, Economic, and Trade Reports 

Copies of The American Consul may be purchased for 10 
cents from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. 



To: 



Order Form 

Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 



Eneloaed Knd: 



Please send me copies of The American Consul. 

Name: 

Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



(eaah, check, or 
molten order). 



r 



-y/ie' ^JeA<M^t7n£/n/t /cJ/ tna^e^ 




October 31, 1955 



.»»eN-r 




UNITED STAl&S PUU11.V IIM THE MIDDLE EAST •' 

/Assistant Secretary Allen 683 

THE PROBLEM OF PEACE— TEN QUESTIONS ON COM- 
MUNIST INTENTIONS IN THE FAR EAST • by As- 

sistant Secretary Robertson 690 

FREEDOM, RESPONSIBILITY, AND LAW • by Ambas- 

sador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 696 

THE TASK OF NATO'S NAVAL FORCES • by Admiral 

Jerauld Wright 699 

ADMINISTRATIVE PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS IN 
THE LTNITED.NATIONS AND ITS AGENCIES • State- 

inent by Representative Chester E. Merrow 715 

MEETING THE CHALLENGE FOR ECONOMIC PROG- 

RESS • Statement by Representative Brooks Flays ..... 711 

DISARMAMENT AND THE PRESIDENT'S GENEVA 
PROPOSAL 

Statement by Harold E.' Stassen 703 

U.S. Memoratulum 708 



For index see inside bade cover 



Boston Public Liorary 

NOV 2 3 1955 



^yne zi^e/ta^l^eTit ci^ t/icite 




'•*TB» «' 



bulletin 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 853 • Publication 6049 



Oaoher 31, 1955 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.C. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic $7.60, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Public Services Division, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government tvith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the tvork of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy, issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as tcell as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
ichich the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
u>eH as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



United States Policy in tiie Middle East 



iy George V. Allen 

Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs ' 



The area I sliall consider tonight is sometimes 
referred to as the Near East and sometimes the 
Middle East. "Wliat's the difference between 
these terms? Brisk discussions are often heard 
on the subject. The answer, as far as I personally 
am concerned, is that there is no difference. I 
often use tliem interchangeably. 

You may regard this as a very imprecise way 
for a representative of the Department of State 
to speak. How can we try to deal with the prob- 
lems of an area when we can't even decide what to 
call it? 

Secretary of State Dulles remarked in a speech 
before the American Legion in Miami last week 
I hat the United States cannot be expected to solve 
all the problems of the world. I would like to 
emphasize his statement with the deepest serious- 
ness. I have no doubt that some of the problems 
that he had in mind are in the very area with which 
I am concerned at the present time. 

Question of Terminology 

Perhaps before long we shall be able to solve 
the problem of terminology of the area at least. 
I wish I could say to you definitely tonight that 
the Near East is Greece and Turkey and the Arab 
States and Israel, and that the Middle East means 
Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and perhaps India, 
but it is not that clear. 

The British, who seem to have coined both 
phrases. Near East and Middle East, confused 
the issues irretrievably during the last war by 
opening an office in Cairo which they called the 
^liddle East Supply Center. The British mili- 
tary headquarters there, under General Sir Hugh 

' Address made before the New York Herald Trihune 
Forum on Oct. 17. 



Maitland Wilson, was also called the Middle East 
Command, and all this was in the principal Arab 
capital; so, naturally, people began to think of 
Cairo and the Arab States, including Palestine, 
as the Middle East. 

Greece and Turkej- have come to be considered 
inore as a part of Europe, particularly since they 
became members of Nato. The Atlantic Ocean 
seems to have overlapped its borders slightly. 

But with Greece and Turkey as parts of Europe, 
and the Arab States and Israel as parts of the 
Middle East, what's become of the Near East? 
Perhaps we should list it as a casualty of the 
British War Office. 

The American audience might ask me, but why 
do we have to go along meekly because London 
changes its mind? I don't know; we're easy- 
going people. 

The present government in London is accused 
from time to time of taking its direction from 
Washington. Mr. Bevan is pai-ticularly vocal on 
this point. I offer the foregoing evidence to either 
Mr. Eden or Mr. Attlee the next time they have to 
reply to Mr. Bevan on this subject. We quite often 
follow London's lead in termmology, if not in 
action. 

Reaction in Iran 

Speaking more seriously of British- American 
relations in the Near and Middle East, I had an 
interesting experience in Iran during 1947. A 
prominent Iranian official, who had been educated 
in an American college in Tehran and who'd been 
thoroughly pro- American at the early part of his 
career, told me that he had become disillusioned 
with the United States and had turned toward the 
Soviet Union, not because he favored either com- 
mmiism or police-state methods. 



October 37, 1955 



683 



In fact, his belief in democratic institutions, 
which he had learned at the American college, re- 
mained undiminished. He said that, paradoxical 
as it might seem, his leaning toward Russia was 
solely because liis first loyalty and devotion was to 
the sovereignty and independence of his own 
beloved country, Iran. 

I asked him whether he thought the United 
States had any designs on the sovereignty and 
independence of his country. He said he had no 
thought whatever that the United States wanted 
to weaken Iranian sovereignty or independence. 
The trouble was, he said, that he'd come to tli^e 
conclusion, through sad and bitter experience, 
that, when the chips were down, the United States 
would do nothing contrary to the views of Great 
Britain. "I decided," he said ruefully, "that 
Washington is merely a faint echo of London." 

I asked liim whether history taught him that 
Russia, either Czarist or Communist Russia, had 
shown any particular devotion to Iranian sover- 
eignty and independence. He said he recognized 
perfectly well that Russia would seize Iran with- 
out the slightest compunction if it got a chance. 

Russian desires for warm-water ports in the 
Persian Gulf have been made clear enough since 
the days of Peter the Great. He Imew that, as 
recently as November 1940, Russia had informed 
Nazi Germany, in a solemn proposal handed by 
Foreign Minister Molotov to Von Ribbentrop, that 
Soviet territorial ambitions lay south of Russian 
territory in the direction of the Persian Gulf and 
the Indian Ocean. 

Nevertheless, in the face of these solemn warn- 
ings and the clear lessons of history, he was ad- 
mittedly looking toward Russia, at least tempo- 
rarily, for support in the Iranian dispute with 
Great Britain over oil. He wished he could look 
to the United States for this support, but he was 
convinced that he couldn't get it. 

I commented to liim that his game was not with- 
out certain risks. He said he was well aware of the 
risks involved, but he saw no alternative and he 
was confident that Iran would be able to avoid 
leaning either toward Russia or toward the West 
so strongly or so long that Iran would endanger its 
sovereignty. In fact, he thought that this game 
had enabled Iran to survive in the past. 

My Iranian friend typified a good deal of think- 
ing in the Middle East today. Many of the lead- 
ers of that part of the world are tempted, because 
of irritation with the West over some particular 



issue, to look toward Russia for assistance. This 
is not a new game in the Middle East. It was 
played long before communism was added as a 
further complicating factor. 

Wlien Russian pressure is predominant or seen 
to be the major threat, Iran looks beseecliingly 
toward the West for support. Local quarrels 
within the area frequently determine the momen- 
tary orientation of country X or country Y. 

The Foreign Minister of Greece is reported to 
have said a few days ago that the West might lose 
Greece in the elections next April. He had refer- 
ence, of course, to the Cyprus question, and liis im- 
plication was that the Greek people had become 
disillusioned with Great Britain, Turkey, and the 
United States and might turn toward Russia, or at 
least toward neutralism. 

Egypt's Purchase of Arms 

A few weeks ago the Prime Minister of Egypt, 
Colonel Abdul Kamil Nasser, announced his de- 
cision to piirchase arms from Czechoslovakia. His 
first pronouncement on the subject characterized 
the decision as entirely a commercial transaction. 
Egypt had cotton that it could not dispose of. 
Egypt wanted arms. Czechoslovakia needed cot- 
ton and was willing to exchange arms. So the 
deal was made. 

INIany Americans thought and still think that 
he was quite justified in making such a commercial 
deal. As a sovereign state he could buy arms 
where he pleased. One of the attributes of sover- 
eignty is to make your own decisions even at the 
risk of making bad ones. 

Unfortunately, Egypt has not rested its case 
solely on the grounds that its purchase is nothing 
more than a commercial transaction. In a speech 
before a group of Egyptian army officers on Octo- 
ber 2, Colonel Nasser seemed to justify his trans- 
action on the grounds that the United States, Great 
Britain, and France had engaged in an intrigue 
to keep Egypt weak and to build up Israel. The 
implication of this is that the Western powers are 
bad while the Soviet bloc is "objective." 

With this line of reasoning, Egypt goes beyond 
the commercial justification and invokes political 
argumentation. 

Arab-Israel Problems 

During my recent conversations with the Egyp- 
tian Prime Minister in Cairo, he advanced a line of 



684 



Department of State Bulletin 



reasoning which will come as a surprise, and per- 
haps even as a shock, to most Americans. Colonel 
Nasser indicated clearly his opinion that the West- 
ern powers, including the United States, are guilty 
of a particularly vicious form of imperialism in 
the Middle East today. 

I asked him how he could possibly justify such 
an accusation. In the past 10 years Lebanon and 
Syria have become completely independent, and 
Egypt was at that very moment seeing the last 
foreign soldier in the process of departing from 
its territory, a territory which had been governed 
by foreigners almost continuously since the days 
of Greece and Rome. Imperialism, it seemed to 
me, was everywhere on the wane, especially in the 
Middle East. Moreover, I brought it out that the 
United States had done what it could to hasten 
this process and I reminded Colonel Nasser that 
he himself had expressed his warm appreciation 
for the United States assistance in his efforts to 
obtain Egyptian military control over the Suez 
Canal. 

"That's quite true," he said, "and I did welcome 
your aid. But you have more than offset that by 
your support of Israel." 

It took me some time to understand what con- 
nection there could possibly be between Israel 
and imperialism. Gradually the position, as seen 
by the Arabs, began to penetrate. Their argu- 
ment is that Israel represents a more difficult type 
of colonialism than any they've known before. 
It's true, they say, that Britain ruled Egypt for 
75 years, with governors and troops sent out from 
Britain. Turkey governed Egypt for several cen- 
turies before that, with governors and troops sent 
from Turkey. But the Egyptian people and the 
other Arabs, although not allowed to govern them- 
selves, were at least allowed to continue living in 
their homes and go about their business more or 
less as usual. 

But in the creation of Israel, the Arabs say, the 
Western powers not only established a European 
colony in Arab territory but the world did noth- 
ing to prevent the Israelis from chasing Arab 
inhabitants away from Palestine. Nine hundred 
thousand of them are now refugees, half of them 
living in tents and mud huts, and have been doing 
so for the last 7 years. 

The other half — the Israelis — say that most of 
these refugees left Israel under instructions from 
their own leaders. 
I American policy has been trying, in such ways 



as we could, to achieve a relaxation of the ten- 
sions which unfortunately beset the Middle East 
and, in close collaboration with Great Britain and 
France, to avoid an armaments race in that area. 
Most Americans, both Christians and Jews, un- 
derstand and S3'mpathize fully with the plight of 
the Palestine refugees. 

We are anxious to do everything we possibly 
can to assist them, either through repatriation or 
resettlement, to resume lives of fruitful activity 
and self-respect. 

Arabs generally are inclined to say that Israel 
is primarily an American creation through the 
support given it by the American Government 
and by American Jewi-y. This allegation, like so 
many in international affairs, is a half-truth. 

Israel, in my own personal opinion, is primarily 
the creation of Adolf Hitler and the insane anti- 
Semites of the Nazi regime. It was only because 
of the unspeakable persecutions and avowed pol- 
icy of genocide carried out by the Nazis that many 
Americans, both Jewish and Gentile, came to the 
reluctant conclusion that the remnant of the Jew- 
ish race in Europe needed a state of its own to 
be safe from such brutality. 

But, say the Arabs, why choose an Arab land 
to give them refuge? If you Americans are so 
concerned about their fate, why don't you let them 
enter the United States? But the ardent Zionists 
of Europe didn't want to come to the United 
States. With deep religious fervor they wanted 
to return to the land from which their ancestors 
had been dispersed almost 2,000 years ago. They 
were willing, they said, to live there peacefully, 
side by side with their Arab cousins. It was the 
Arabs, they recall, who started the war of 1947 
and tried to run the Zionists into the sea. 

U.S. Position 

So the argument goes on. We shall hear from 
both sides of this bitterly contested dispute to- 
night. Your question and mine is, "Wliat should 
the United States do about the matter?" 

There's one thing most certainly that we shall 
not and cannot do — we will not promote hostili- 
ties or an armaments race in the area. We shall 
endeavor to look the facts in the face as squarely 
and as honestly as we can. 

It would be easy if the situation were all black 
and white, but it's not. Extremists in Israel would 



Ocfober 31, 1955 



685 



like to expand their present boundaries. Arab 
extremists would still like to drive the million 
and a half Israelis mto the sea. 

Keferring again to Mr. Dulles' statement in 
Miami, the United States cannot solve all the 
problems of the world, but we can do our level 
best to help solve them, and our efforts and in- 
fluence are not small. It's sometimes felt that we 
haven't tried hard enough. Perhaps this is true, 
but I'll remind you that throughout the past 2 
years the American Government, acting through 
Ambassador Eric Johnston, has made every pos- 
sible effort to achieve an equitable settlement of 
the waters of the Jordan River. 

Mr. Dulles made basic suggestions on August 
26 for the progress toward an overall settlement of 
the Arab-Israeli dispute.- Tranquillity and eco- 
nomic progress, not war and bloodshed, are what 
we seek in the Middle East. 

We shall not be discouraged by setbacks, nor 
shall we allow emotions or annoyance to prevent 
us from dealing justly and fairly as God gives us 
ability to determine justice and fairness. 

With courage and determination we shall see 
this job through. 



Talks With Congressional Leaders 
Before Geneva Meeting 

Press release 611 dated October 20 

Secretary Dulles met with a representative 
group of Senators and Representatives on October 
20 to discuss the forthcoming Geneva meeting of 
the Foreign Ministers of the United States, United 
Kingdom, France, and the Union of Soviet Social- 
ist Republics. 

The Secretary reviewed the three points of the 
"Directive of the Heads of Government of the 
Four Powers to the Foreign Ministers" issued at 
the "summit" meeting last July: European se- 
curity and Germany, disarmament, and the 
development of contacts between East and West.^ 

The meeting was held in conformity with the 
practice of the Administration to keep Congress 
informed of developments in the international 
field and to consult with Members of Congress on 
matters of foreign policy. 



Departure of U.S. Delegation to 
Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference 

STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES 

Press release 613 dated October 21 

The Foreign Ministers conference to which I go 
is designed, as President Eisenhower said last 
July, to translate the generalities of the Geneva 
"summit" conference into specific agreements. 
That, he said, is when real conciliation and some 
giving on each side will be necessary. 

The United States delegation will act in that 
sjjirit. 

We sliall seek the reunification of Germany 
within a framework of European security. The 



Publication on Summit Conference 

The Department of State ou October 20 released 
The Geneva Conference of Heads of Oovemment, 
July 18-23, 1955 (publication 6046). The pamphlet 
contains tests of the Geneva conference papers 
which had been published previously, prlncii)al 
statements by President Eisenhower and Secretary 
Dulles, texts of notes exchanged in preparation for 
the conference, addresses made by the President be- 
fore and after the conference, and news conference 
statements on the subject by Secretary Dulles. Cop- 
ies are available from the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. C. (35 cents). 



= Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378. 
•Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 176. 



Western powers, including the Federal Republic 
of Germany, ai'e ready to meet every legitimate 
Russian concern for security. Fortunately, secu- 
rity for Russians is not inconsistent with justice 
for Germans. Indeed, we doubt that in the long 
run security is ever gained by perpetuating a 
grave injustice like the division of Germany. 

We shall seek to advance the cause of disarma- 
ment with which the United Nations is dealing, 
aiid we are ready to promote contacts between 
East and West which will advance understand- 
ing and fellowship and the cause of peace. 

I go with the backing of the President and of 
congressional leaders, and, I believe, of our peo- 
ple. I am very grateful for this support. Our 
delegation will seek to carry worthily its heavy 
responsibilities and to express competently the as- 



686 



Department of State Bulletin 



pirations of our people for peace, justice, and 
freedom for all. 

I realize that tliis conference has serious impli- 
cations. The foundations for it were built by the 
Heads of Government themselves. If we cannot 
build on that foundation, then many high hopes 
will have to be discarded. If, as I believe, we 
can build on that foundation, even modestly, then 
it will be good for all the world and we can look 
to the future with renewed confidence. 



MEMBERS OF U.S. DELEGATION 

Secretary Dulles, U.S. Representative 

Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson 

Harold E. Stassen, Special Assistant to the President 

Coor(Jinator 

Douglas JlacArthur II, Counselor, Department of State 

Deputy coordirMtor 

Jacob D. Beam, Department of State 

Principal advisers 

Charles E. Bolilen, Ambassador to the U.S.S.R. 

Robert R. Bowie, Assistant Secretary of State for Policy 
Planning 

Gordon Gray, Assistant Secretary of Defense 

William H. Jackson, Special Assistant to the Secretary of 
State 

Carl W. McCardle, Assistant Secretary of State for Pub- 
lic Affairs 

Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant SecretaiT of State for 
European Affairs 

Thruston B. Jlorton, Assistant Secretary of State for 
Congressional Relations 

Herman Phleger, Legal Adviser, Department of State 

Assistants 

Eodeiic L. O'Connor, Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of State 

Col. Carey A. Randall, Military Assistant to the Secre- 
tary of Defense 



Transcript of Secretary Dulles' 
News Conference 

Press release 606 dated October 18 

Secretary Dulles: I thought that before you put 
questions to me I might tell you a little bit about 
my plans for the next few days. I am leaving 
late this afternoon for Denver, where I expect to 
see the President again tomoiTow morning some- 
time and go over the filial plans for Geneva. I 
shall be back here for the National Security Coun- 



cil meeting on Thursday morning and Cabinet 
on Friday morning, and on Friday aft«rnoon I 
expect to leave for Europe. I shall go first to 
Rome and leave Rome in time to get to Paris late 
Sunday afternoon or early Sunday evening. Then 
we will have our meetings with the Working 
Group on Geneva on Monday and Tuesday. On 
Wednesday there is a meeting of the Nato Council 
at the ministerial level to go over the preparations 
for Geneva with them. Then the Geneva meeting 
itself starts on Thursday of next week, the 27th. 
Now, if you have any questions. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., cotdd you tell us why you are 
going to Rome? 

A. I am going to Rome because of my desire 
to have a little more time to talk over common 
problems with the Italian Govermnent. They 
have invited me to do so, and I am very happy 
to respond favorably. They have a particular 
interest in many matters that we also are con- 
cerned with, and they are of course very much 
interested in the possible developments at Geneva. 

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Vice President Nixon said 
yesterday that the Geneva conference holds more 
promise than, any conference in the, last 10 years. 
Do you share that optimism? 

A. Well, I share the view which I think he had 
in his mind, which is that there is, I think, more 
chance of some practical steps being taken as a 
result of this Geneva conference than has been 
the case at other recent conferences. The "sum- 
mit" conference at Geneva of the Heads of Gov- 
ernment was not designed to be in any sense an 
action conference. It was stated in the invitation 
that the first conference, the Heads of Govern- 
ment, would be the first stage and that the subse- 
quent meetings of the Foreign Ministers would be 
the second stage at which the spirit of Geneva 
would be sought to be translated into actual deeds. 
So that, as the President said when he came back 
from Geneva, the acid test is going to be what 
happens at the Foreign Ministers conference. I 
believe that there is a reasonable chance of some 
l^rogress of a practical nature being made along 
the lines of the three items of our agenda. 

Q. How long do you expect to stay in Geneva? 

A. Well, it is not possible to fix those things 
precisely in advance. I would suppose that the 



October 31, 1955 



687 



conference would last somewhere around 3 weeks, 
a little more or a little less. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Jioxo do you reconcile the view 
of hope that you have just indicated with the 
so-catted deterioration of the Geneva spirit after 
the conference in July and your warnings and the 
Presidents warnings and others that the Russians 
may have not changed so fundamentally as we 
m,ight have hoped? 

A. I don't think that there is any conflict or 
inconsistency of the positions. It is quite true 
that hopes were aroused in many quarters from 
the meetings of the Heads of Government which 
went beyond the practical possibilities. I do not 
think that either the President or I ever shared 
those extreme hopes. Now, what has happened 
since then has been a disillusionment to some. 
I would not say that it has been a particular dis- 
illusionment to me or to the President. In other 
words, I think that the possibilities which are in 
this second-stage conference at Geneva are about 
as good as we thought they would be when we left 
the summit conference in Geneva. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you had a session yesterday, 
I believe, with Walter Reuther and George Meany. 
Did anything come out of that of significance on 
world news on Geneva? 

A. No. It is not the purpose of these meetings, 
which occur rather periodically — and I hope they 
will continue to be periodic — to arrive at any 
decisions. "We just talk things over, and I thought 
it would be useful to hear their views before going 
to Geneva. They have views on some of these 
problems and also on some related problems which, 
while not actually on the agenda for Geneva, will 
perhaps come up for discussion, such as the ques- 
tion of relations to dependent territories and 
matters of that sort. I was very glad to get their 
views. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your last press conference 
you said you expect substantial progress on the 
German problem.^ Do you still expect it? And 
on what do you base your expectations? 

A. Well, I think I said, and I still would repeat, 
that I hope and expect that there will be a substan- 
tial progress made toward the unification of Ger- 
many. I said I did not expect that the unification 
of Germany would be accomplished at this meet- 

^ BttixeTin of Oct. 17, 19.5.5, p. 606. 



ing or that indeed its accomplishment would be 
assured at this meeting. But I believe that the 
various proposals which will be put forward on 
both sides will bring us nearer together and that 
they will advance and not retard the unification of 
Germany. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you received any indi- 
cation from the Russians that is not publicly 
known that they are willing to take a more flex- 
ible stand on the German issue? 

A. No. My conclusions are based on my analy- 
sis of the situation, not based upon any tipoff or 
indication from the Soviet authorities. 

Middle East Question 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been reports that, 
if the Middle East question is raised in Geneva, 
the Soviets might suggest that they join the three- 
power declaration of 1950 ^ and possibly even some 
organizations in the Middle East. Would you 
give us your views on this question? 

A. I have not heard that suggested. As you 
know, I have previously told you, I discussed this 
Middle East situation twice with Mr. Molotov in 
New York, and no such suggestion was made by 
him at either of those meetings, nor has any such 
suggestion been made to us since then. 

Q. Do you plan to discuss Middle Eastern ques- 
tions in Geneva tvith Mr. Molotov next week? 

A. Well, as you know, that is not on the agenda, 
and it will not come up, as far as we can now 
foresee, as a matter of formal discussion at the 
conference itself, although of course it is always 
permissible, I suppose, for the Foreign Minis- 
ters to put a new item on the agenda if all of them 
want to do so. But what I would think is quite 
likely is that, in informal talks which take place 
as a byi^roduct to these conferences, that subject 
would come up. 

Q. Would you raise the su-bject if Mr. Molotov 
didn't raise the subject? Would tve take the ini- 
tiative? 

A. Well, I would be disposed to, I think. I 
have done it twice, and the third time might have 
more luck than the first two. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in regard to that May 1950 
tripartite declaration, it was really the Amhassa- 



'For text, see ibid., June 15, 1953, p. 834 (footnote). 



688 



Department of State Bulletin 



dor of the Israeli Government who seems to take 
the position that it places upon the Western pow- 
ers a commitment or an obligation to furnish Israel 
arms to match the arms the Communists nfiay he 
providing to the Egyptian Government and other 
Arabic governments. Do you interpret that decla- 
ration of 1950 in that way? 

A. I do not think that one can draw very cer- 
tain conclusions merely from the terms of the 
declaration itself. You have got to apply the 
declaration to the facts, and to some extent the 
facts are still obscvire, as they were when I last 
talked with you. The declaration in general has, 
as far as arms are concerned, two broad concepts : 
one, that it is desirable to avoid a serious im- 
balance of power, the other, that it is desirable 
to avoid an armaments race. Both thoughts are, 
as I recall, implicit in the declaration, perhaps 
explicit. Now, we do not yet know or cannot 
yet judge the military significance of the arrange- 
ment that has been made between the Government 
of Egypt and the authorities in Czechoslovakia 
with reference to arms, as do we neither know yet 
the full quantity or the kinds or the quality. You 
know, this business of secondhand arms is a busi- 
ness which is very difficult to appraise accurately. 
Of course the countries with large armaments are 
constantly discarding the old types and replacing 
them with new. Now, the actual value of the dis- 
cards is something which is not always easy to 
judge, and we are not yet in a position to form 
any clear judgment as to whether what is taking 
place is going to increase importantly the mili- 
tary potential of the Egyptian armed forces. 

Exchanges With Soviet Union 

Q. Mr. Secretary, VFW National Commander 
Murphy quotes you as saying, ^^It might have been 
better not to have brought to the United States 
the Ru^ssian farm delegation.'''' Can you com- 
ment on that? 

A. No. I don't even recall having said it, 
although if Commander Murphy said I said it, I 
would accept his recollection of our talk. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that it would 
have been better if the Soviet Union farm delega- 
tion had not comef 

A. I felt that there were certain aspects of that 
trip which were undesirable. I refer particularly 
to some of the emotionalism that was incident to 



the trip and which I thought might not give a 
very good impression back in tlie Soviet Union. 
But I suppose we will have to get used to those 
things and these first manifestations will prob- 
ably not go on repeating themselves. 

Q. As a general principle, do you disagree that 
exchanges of groups, such as the housing group, 
are desirable? 

A. I think on the whole the exchanges are 
probably desirable. 

Q. Mr. Meany has said several times that he is 
against exchanging labor groups between the two. 
Do you agree with him on that? 

A. We did not discuss that. He did not tell me 
that, and it didn't come up at all; so I do not 
know what reasons he has for that. 

Status of Geneva Talks With Red China 

Q. Mr. Secretary, ivill you tell us something 
ahout your talk Saturday [October 15] with Mr. 
[ V. K. KrishTuz] Menon and particularly whether 
the prospects of a higher level talk between the 
United States and Red China was discussed? 

A. He brought up the subject and I expressed 
to him the view, which I have elsewhere expressed, 
that this meeting at Geneva was arranged to dis- 
cuss matters of direct concern to our two countries, 
and I think that the possibilities of that meeting 
ought to be fully explored and exhausted before 
there is consideration given to a possible second 
meeting. And so far, we have not, I think, nearly 
exhausted the possibilities of this present meeting. 

Q. Can you tell us something about the status 
of those talks, Mr. Secretary? 

A. The status is, I think, known. I will try to 
recapitulate it. As a result of discussion of the 
first item on the agenda, that is, the return of civil- 
ians on the two sides who want to come back, an 
agreement was reached that they were entitled to 
come back and would be allowed expeditiously to 
exercise that right. And certain arrangements 
were made with the Governments of the United 
Kingdom and of India to facilitate the exercise of 
that right of return. There have been a certain 
number of United States citizens who, in pursu- 
ance of that agreement, have been allowed to 
return ; certain others so far have not been allowed 
to exercise the right which they were supposed 



October 3 J, 7955 



689 



to have expeditiously. And we are now, however, 
going on to deal with item two of the agenda, while 
reserving the right to reopen item one at any time 
if it does not seem that the agreement is being 
carried out in good faith. Under item two the 
question of renunciation of force has been dis- 
cussed and the question of trade embargo is to be 
discussed. I think the next meeting is on Thurs- 
day this week [October 20]. 

Q. The discussions are on, the substance — you 
are discussing these questions themselves? 

A. Yes. I should add that the question of a 
further meeting has also been raised by the Chi- 
nese at Geneva. 

Q. Could you give us their reaction during these 
'preliminary stages to the renunciation of the use 
of force? 

A. No. I'm sorry, I can't do that because the 
understanding we have is that the substance of 



what is said at these meetings will not be reported 
by either side except by mutual agreement. 

Q. Mr. Secretary., on this question of a further 
meeting at Geneva, is this the high-level meeting 
which the, Chinese Communists seem to want? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Sir, do you expect the China talks to go on 
while the Foreign Ministers meeting is also in 
progress in Geneva? 

A. I would expect so, yes. 

Department Employees 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have heen some reports 
that two employees of the State Department have 
heen disciplined in connection with the early re- 
lease of the Yalta papers. Is there anything to 
that? 

A. I don't know anything about that one way 
or another. 



The Problem of Peace — Ten Questions on 
Communist Intentions in the Far East 

hy Walter S. Robertson 

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^ 



The peoples of the world long for peace, for 
relief from anxiety and tension, for the assurance 
that they shall escape the frightful slaughter, 
suffering, and destruction of another world war— 
a war which in these days of nuclear weapons 
would probably spell the end of civilization as 
we know it. There can be no doubt that the prob- 
lem of peace is by all odds the problem now 
weighing most heavily on the heart of man. 

In considering this problem of peace I should 
like to take a quick look at the main current of 
events as it moves in the world today with special 
reference to the Far East, the area with which my 
official responsibilities are primarily concerned. 

In so doing, I should like to be able to report 
to you that we stand on the threshold of a happier 

' Address made on Oct. 15 at Davidson College, David- 
son, X. C. 



era. Lately we have seen flashes of light from a 
hitherto darkened shore. Mankind is eager to in- 
terpret them as flashes of good will that can be 
converted into a steady beam of true communica- 
tion and understanding. I know you will agree 
that if we are to have real hope we must look at 
the facts frankly and fearlessly. Only at our 
grave peril could we permit our longing to cloud 
our judgment or our reason. All that we are and 
value is at stake on our decision as to the meaning 
of tliese flashes. 

]\Iany of you, I am sure, liave read of the ancient 
art of wrecking as practiced in an earlier time by 
some of the less scrupulous villagers of the world's 
seacoasts. At night these wreckers would tie a 
lantern on a horse's head and ride along the beach. 
Unwary mariners who sighted the bobbing light, 
thinking it another ship sailing a safe channel, 



690 



Department of State Bulletin 



would be lured to their destruction in the shoal 
water. Death from iniscalculation was neither 
more nor less pleasant a prospect then than now. 

It is too soon to know whether the Communist 
siirnals of jjood will contain substance or whether 
thej' are false signals to lure and to lull. And 
until we do know, we nuist not, we cannot, let 
down our guard. 

The "sunnnit" conference last summer produced 
a phrase — the spii'it of Geneva — that means many 
things to many men. To some it means appease- 
ment; to others, a new era of brighter hope for 
true peac« in our time. 

To appraise the spirit of Geneva realistically, 
however, I think it must be said tluit it means 
neither of those choices but something else. The 
spirit of Geneva M-as compounded in part from 
tlie strength of the free nations of the world and 
in part from the imier problems and stresses of 
the Communist world. It is no cure-all, neither 
is it a sellout. It is an exploratory step designed 
to see if it is possible to find solutions for the press- 
ing problems that exist between the free world 
and tlie Communist world. 

"We have had sufficient experience with the 
Soviet orbit over the last 38 years to make us pro- 
ceed with caution. Within the past decade we 
have had the painful experience of seeing our 
wartime ally systematically \dolate wartime 
agreements almost before the ink on the documents 
was dry. We have seen Communists use every 
weapon in their arsenal — propaganda, infiltra- 
tion, subversion, naked armed aggression — in 
eti'orts to gain their ends. 

We cannot be other than cautious. You will 
remember I^enin's own justification for Commu- 
nist zigzag tactics. Lenin pictured the party as 
a man ascending a steep, unexplored mountain 
who reaches an impossible obstacle to forward 
motion. Then, Lenin said, the man "lias to turn 
back, descend, seek another path, longer, perhaps, 
but one which will enable him to reach the 
summit." 

Lenin's "summit," as we all know, is the de- 
struction of free institutions and domination of 
the wreckage by international communism. It is 
this philosophy that makes us withhold judgment 
on present Soviet intentions. Unless and until we 
see something more positive than words, we can- 
not be lulled by a dream of peace. 

Peace is one of the most stiiring words in the 
English language, but it also can be one of the 



most deceptive under present circiunstances. 
Peace at any price is not peace at all. By adopt- 
ing such a principle, we could guarantee a peace- 
ful world tomorrow, but what kind of a world 
would it be? A police state, a silent world of 
subjugation where no free voice is ever heard. 

At Philadelpliia in August, President Eisen- 
hower warned America against complacency and 
the idol of a false peace.- He said : 

. . . there can be no true peace wbich involves acceptance 
of a status quo in wliieli we find injustice to many nations, 
repressions of human beings on a gigantic scale, and with 
constructive effort paralyzed in many areas by fear. . . . 
The peace we want — the product of understanding and 
agreement and law among nations — is an enduring inter- 
national environment based on justice and security. It 
will reflect enlightened self-interest. It will foster the 
concentration of human energy — individual and organ- 
ized — for the advancement of human standards in all the 
areas of mankind's material, intellectual, and spiritual 
life. 

Purpose of Summit Conference 

The Heads of State who met at Geneva were 
under no illusion that they could resolve at a sin- 
gle encounter the problems that beset the world. 
All that they undertook to do, all that common- 
sense and prudence recommended as being witliin 
immediate reach, was to explore, in a conciliatory 
spirit, various new paths leading toward the pos- 
sible solution of these difficulties. 

No substantive agreements were arrived at con- 
cerning any of the stubborn, brooding issues that 
constitute the cold war. There was agreement 
only upon how these issues would henceforth be 
taken up. The issues still remain. No easy or 
early solutions are in sight. So the true summit, 
and I do not mean the summit of Lenin's distorted 
dream, still lies beyond. The upper slopes, in all 
their formidable aspects, wiU be tackled at the 
meeting of the Foreign IMinisters late this month. 

Nothing could be more dangerous to the future 
order and stability of the world than the assump- 
tion that the Geneva discussions have in some way 
sanctified the present state of things. To believe 
that would be to believe that the commmiity of free 
nations has accepted as a continuing and mialter- 
able fact of life the perpetuation of basic injustices 
that disfigure all too grievously the countenance of 
mankind. The denial of independence to many 
peoples having long, proud histories of national 

" Bulletin of Sept. 5, 19.55, p. 375. 



Ocfofaer 3h 1955 



691 



existence and the subjugation of millions to a con- 
dition which by civilized standards is indistin- 
guishable from slavery camiot be perpetuated. 

There was no acquiescence in these abhorrent 
situations by the Western powers at Geneva. On 
the contrary. The statements of the West made 
unmistakably clear to the Soviet leaders their con- 
victions that the righting of these wrongs was an 
indispensable precondition to a genuine easement 
of world tensions. 

The United States will never sanction, for the 
sake of temporary accommodation, or any other 
reason, the fastening of a machine-made system of 
government upon others whose desires have not 
been consulted and whose consent has not been 
freely given. 

This is the heart of the matter. The issues that 
divide us go far beyond a competition of strategic 
geography. The world that we are given to work 
and strive in stands apart in its separate concep- 
tions of the nature and meaning of life, of the 
place of man in relation to the state and, indeed, 
of liis relationship to God. It is this conflict of 
philosophy and government that everywhere cuts 
across the specific problems before us. 

Let me address myself now to the Far East. 
There, as in Europe and the Middle East, are many 
questions which must be answered by the Commu- 
nists before we can prudently indulge in relaxa- 
tion. 

The United States continues to be portrayed to 
Asian peoples by Communist propagandists as a 
gang of unscrupulous conspirators seeking to 
dominate and enslave (this refers, mind you, to 
our assistance programs) the millions of Asians 
to whose freedom and prosperity we have dedicated 
such a substantial portion of om* national 
resources. 

We continue to hear threats to use force for the 
attainment of political objectives. There seems to 
be a kinship between the current Communist 
tactics and the man who explained to liis friends 
that he was hitting himself on the liead with a 
hanuner because it felt so good when he stopped. 
Are we then to open our arms in unquestioning 
gratitude each time there is a lull in the hostile 
hammer blows? 

As we survey the Far East in a search for signs 
that communism has indeed turned a new leaf, 
what are some of the questions to which we should 
like answers? 



Americans Detained in China 

Since the Red rulers came to power in Peiping, 
many of our citizens in China have been seized on 
the flimsiest of pretexts and subjected to physical 
and mental tortures in Communist prisons. 
Others, during weary months and years of waiting, 
have been denied permission to leave the country. 
Since August 1, our Ambassador to Czechoslo- 
vakia, Alexis Johnson, has been negotiating pa- 
tiently and firmly at Geneva with a representative 
of the Chinese Communists in an effort, first of 
all, to bring about the release of 41 Americans long 
desiring to return home and forcibly prevented 
from doing so. 

Some of these Americans have now been re- 
leased. But there remain 19 others, 18 held in 
prison and one under house arrest.^ Although 
falsely branded as criminals by the Communists, 
most of these people are missionaries who went to 
China in order to devote their lives to bringing 
spiritual and physical comfort to the Chinese peo- 
ple. All are reputable, representative Amei-ican 
citizens. Their arrest and mistreatment cannot be 
condoned imder any civilized standard of conduct. 

As a result of the present Geneva negotiations, 
the Chinese Conununists announced publicly on 
September 10 that these Americans have a right 
to return home. They have also pledged to take 
measures so that these Americans may "expedi- 
tiously" exercise that right. Yet today, more 
than a month after that pledge was given, not a 
single one of these 19 Americans has been released. 
We continue to hope and expect that the Commu- 
nists will carry out their promise. 

Therefore, our first question must be, When will 
the Conununists fiilfill their pledge and release the 
remainder of our mistreated countrymen? 



' For names of the Americans and a partial list of those 
who have been released, see ihid., Sept. 19, 1955, p. 457 
(footnote), and Sept. 26, 1955, p. 489 (footnote). Since 
publication of the latter list, the following have left Com- 
munist China : Emma Angelina Barry, Miss Eva Stella 
Du Gay, Robert Howard Parker, and Mrs. Pieter Huizer, 
all of whom reached Hong Kong on Sept. 26 : Mr. and Mrs. 
Howard Lischke Ricks, who arrived in Japan from Shang- 
hai on Oct. 13 ; and Mrs. Nadeshda M. Romanoff, Irene 
Romanoff, Harriet Mills, and the Rev. Armand Proulx, 
who reached Hong Kong on Oct. 31. Miss Mills and Mr. 
Proulx were the first Americans released pursuant to the 
agreed announcement of Sept. 10 (for text, see ihid., Sept. 
19,1955, p. 456). 



692 



Department of State Bulletin 



Elections in Viet-Nam 

Another question relates to Viet-Nam, now un- 
happily divided into two parts as a result of the 
Geneva conference of July 1954 which brought 
an uneasy peace to this land long troubled by 
foreign-supported Communist guerrilla warfare. 
The northern half of the country is under the iron 
control of the Connnimist Viet Minh ; the southern 
portion, under the guidance of anti-Communist 
nationalist Prime Minister Diem, is steadily pro- 
gressing on the difficult road toward full-fledged 
modern democratic statehood. 

By May 1955, date of the total Red takeover in 
North Viet-Nam, more than 600,000 refugees of 
all creeds had fled southward to freedom. In 
this exodus from Communist slavery the United 
States Navy played an enormous role, making 
hundreds of trips from Haiphong to the sanctuary 
of Free Viet-Nam south of the 17th parallel. Viet 
Minh propaganda warned these refugees they 
would suffer torture, starvation, and death at the 
hands of the Americans. The dream of freedom 
triumphed nonetheless, and was attained. Food 
and medicine and kindness aboard U.S. Navy 
transports washed away fear. The chief wish of 
the rescued was then to tell the unfortunates left 
behind of the falseness of the Communist predic- 
tions and the wondei-s of American treatment. 

These refugees, along with the millions of their 
counti-ymen in Free Viet-Nam, aspire toward uni- 
fication of their country in liberty, as a sovereign 
state pursuing its destiny free of all foreign domi- 
nation. These millions are passionately opposed 
to communism and to any scheme for unification 
under communism. They are consequently highly 
skeptical of the interzonal elections scheduled 
under the Geneva Agreement for July 1956. The 
Free Vietnamese strongly doubt that such elections 
could be held under genuinely free conditions in 
Viet Minh-held territory. Red-style elections in 
the more populous north, accompanied by thought 
control, distortion of the facts, coercion, and in- 
timidation, would unquestionably produce a Com- 
munist victory, thus achieving by seemingly legal 
means the subjugation of Free Viet-Nam to Com- 
munist slavery. Elections under totally free con- 
ditions would, on the other hand, undoubtedly re- 
sult in a unified and independent nation. 

So my second question is. Is it possible to ob- 
tain in North Viet-Nam the necessary conditions 
for a free expression of the national will through 
general elections? 



Threat to Formosa 

Perhaps the gravest question of the Far Eastern 
area relates to the Chinese Communists' attitude 
toward Taiwan, a link of great strategic impor- 
tance in the chain of island defenses in the Western 
Pacific. In defiance of world opinion, the Chinese 
Communists continue to threaten the use of force 
to bring under Communist domination this island 
now occupied by the National Government of 
China and jirotected by a mutual defense treaty 
with the United States. Our Government has 
espoused the entirely reasonable principle of the 
renunciation of the use of force to implement 
policies in this area, as elsewhere. Acceptance of 
this principle does not involve the justice or in- 
justice of conflicting claims. It only involves 
recognizing and abiding by accepted standards of 
conduct under international law. It is a prin- 
ciple which reflects the universal view of the civil- 
ized community of nations. It has found expres- 
sion in the Covenant of the League of Nations, 
the Kellogg-Briand treaties, and the U.N. Char- 
ter. The principle has been accepted by all re- 
sponsible governments of the world. 

"We hope," Secretary of State John Foster 
Dulles said in addressing the American Legion 
at Miami on October 10, "that the Chinese Com- 
mimists will accept for themselves this 'renuncia- 
tion of force' principle. Until now they have 
largely lived by the sword. They came into power 
through violent revolution. They moved into 
Korea to fight the United Nations Command. 
They took Tibet by force. They allied themselves 
with force in Indochina. But perhaps they are 
now beginning to see that persistence in the use of 
force will surely bring disaster." 

So we ask yet another question. Are the Chinese 
Comnvunists and the fifth columns they control 
prepared to renounce the use of force as a means 
to obtain political objectives? 

Violations of Korean Armistice 

Our questions continue to mount as we range 
farther along the perimeter of the great Asian 
land mass which the Communists now dominate. 

The fighting in Korea ended with the signature 
of the Armistice in July 1953. The Armistice 
was designed to preserve the military balance 
until a political conference could arrange for the 
unification of Korea. Wliat has happened? 
From the day the Armistice was signed the Com- 



Ocfofaer 37, 1955 



693 



mimists have openly flouted it. They have brought 
into North Korea some 450 aircraft and other 
combat material in direct violation of its terms. 
They have consistently failed to make the required 
reports to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Com- 
mission. Through the two Communist members 
of the Commission — Poland and Czechoslovakia — 
they have prevented the Commission from making 
adequate inspections in North Korea. Despite 
propaganda about withdrawal of Chinese Com- 
munist armies, they still keep over 400,000 Chinese 
Communist troops in North Korea. 

Nor is their record of performance on unifica- 
tion any better. The Communist radio talks much 
about their desire to unify Korea. But when the 
United Nations tried to negotiate a political set- 
tlement at Geneva in 1954, they insisted on terms 
which would have meant Coimnunist domination 
of all of Korea. In contrast, our own position is 
clear, simple, and forthright. We only want a 
unified, independent, and democratic Korea. We 
believe it can be achieved through genuinely free 
elections under United Nations supervision for 
representatives in the National Assembly propor- 
tionate to the native population of Korea. 

So I ask. Are the C ominvmists frefared to ob- 
serve the Armistice they signed? Are they j)re- 
pared to withdraw their forces and renounce their 
aggression in Korea? Are they tviUing to agree 
to hold genuinely free elections in Korea under 
United Nations supervision? 

Threat to Southeast Asia 

A fifth question concerns the Kingdom of Laos, 
a small, strategically located nation of some 2 mil- 
lion people. Beset by the myriad problems of the 
newly independent state, Laos must also cope with 
a serious threat to its territorial integrity posed by 
the Viet Minh-sponsored Pathet Lao. These Com- 
munist-controlled rebels, in flagrant violation of 
the Geneva Agi'eement on the Cessation of Hostili- 
ties in Laos, continue to defy the Royal Govern- 
ment by refusing to permit the restoration of the 
Government's administration in two northern 
jDrovinces. They have resorted to military at- 
tacks against National Army outposts in the area. 
Conversations between the Lao Government and 
Pathet Lao leaders, under the auspices of the 
International Control Commission, are now being 
held in an attempt to reach a political settlement 



by peaceful means and thus eliminate this source 
of instability and infection in Southeast Asia. 

Thus we ask the question. Will the Comrrmnists 
adhere to their numerous pledges to respect the 
independence^ sovereignty, unity, and territorial 
integrity of other states, hy permitting Laos to 
solve its problems unhindered by foreign inter- 
vention in its internal affairs? 

A little to the west is Cambodia, where the Com- 
mmiists continue to seek by infiltration and by 
hostile propaganda the subversion of another state 
whose independence has been newly won. 

Again we ask. Will the Coinmunists cease in- 
terference in the internal affairs of Camhodia? 

In neighboring Malaya and Singapore the pop- 
ulation is trying to move sensibly and peacefully 
toward autonomy and self-government with the 
assistance of Great Britain. It is an area of 
special concern to the Western World because its 
pojjulation, prejjonderantly of Chinese origin, has 
been the target of aggressively organized subver- 
sion, backed by armed warfare. 

Our question. Are the Communists willing to 
accord freedom, and independence to this rich land 
by peaceful and orderly progress? 

In Thailand, to the north, subversive agents of 
communism have also been active. Coimnunist 
China hai'bors a renegade former premier who has 
called upon the people of Thailand to overthrow 
their free government and substitute commimism 
under the domination of Red China. 

Will the Communists put an end to this type 
of meddling? 

The other new nations of Asia — the Philippines, 
Indonesia, and Burma — all have had to deal with 
Communist infiltration and armed uprising. 
Fortunately they have been successful in throwing 
oft' this brazen challenge to their dearly won inde- 
pendence from colonial status. 

Can we be assu^red that commv/nism will re- 
nounce its ahn of substituting a new type of 
colonial domination for that which has been 
discarded? 

Closest to us geographically, Japan is rebuild- 
ing after the disaster of war. Despite the grave 
economic difficulties which Japan faces, it is a 
rich prize which the Communists covet. At first, 
after the peace treaty, they tried to gain their 
ends through bloody riots. These failed. Now 
they have turned to insidious subversion and 
popular-front tactics. They are trying to lure 



694 



[iepaT\men\ of Sfofe Bu//ef/n 



Japiui into weakening her ties with the United 
States and the other free nations of the world. 

Once more the question is, Will the Convmu- 
nists refrain from efforts to dominate Japan and 
subvert her freedom? 

U.S. Policy in Asia 

In asking these questions concerning Commu- 
nist intentions toward the nations of Asia, we do 
so in full awareness that we also on our part have 
an obligation not to interfere in the internal affairs 
of any country. We have adopted a policy of 
supporting and assisting the free nations of Asia 
who seek help in achieving economic, political, 
and military strength because we have learned at 
great cost that freedom is indivisible. Its main- 
tenance everywhere is vital to the freedom of all, 
including our own, which, when all has been said 
and done, is the real objective of our national 
policy. 

The countries of free Asia and the men who 
lead them are faced with formidable problems. 
All suffer from various degrees of poverty, short- 
age of educational facilities, from poor public 
health. Perhaps most important, the great ma- 
jority lack experience in solving problems of 
organization. Most of the newly established na- 
tions have natural resources which could, if prop- 
erly developed, bring a really new world to 
several hundred million people. Most of the 
leaders of Asia are thoroughly aware of the needs 
of their people and see their task as one of pre- 
serving their cherished national independence 
while bringing their idle resources into play for 
the benefit of their countrymen. The sole pur- 
pose of our mutual aid programs is to help them 
in this task. 

Our hopes for Asia are no different now from 
what they were after the Boxer Eebellion, when 
we alone refused territorial or other special privi- 
leges from prostrate China and instead devoted 
the indemnity owed to us to the education of 
young Chinese so that they might better serve 
their own country. "Wliat we want in Asia is 
what we want everywhere — a world made up of 
independent, responsible, democratic countries 
whose governments are devoted to the peaceful 
development of their own territory and to the wel- 
fare and personal freedom of their own people. 
We want this because it is the only kind of world 
in which the values we put above life can endure. 



We have committed ourselves to explore every 
avenue for the relaxation of world tensions. We 
will seek permanent peace by every honorable 
means, but we are well aware that peace cannot 
be found through surrender of principle. If we 
insist upon answei's to certain unanswered ques- 
tions before tearing down our protective fences, 
we are being neither belligerent nor provocative. 

I need not tell j'ou that the American people 
do not want war with any nation. It is my con- 
viction that no people anywhere wish for war. 
If i^olitical leaders everywhere would be willing 
to abide by the wishes of their people, I am sure 
that the unanswered questions which cast such 
ominous shadows today would be answered, ten- 
sions would disappear, and all of us could, at long 
last, once more go about the business of creating a 
happier and a better world. 

Termination of Guatemalan 
Trade Agreement Proclamation 

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 17 

Tlie President on October 17 signed a proclama- 
tion terminating as of October 15, 1955, the procla- 
mation of May 16, 1936, which proclaimed the 
bilateral trade agreement entered into by the 
United States and the Eepublic of Guatemala on 
April 24, 1936. 

The termination of the 1936 proclamation is the 
final step in giving effect to the termination of the 
agreement, by mutual consent, as proposed by the 
Guatemalan Government on August 2 and ac- 
cepted by the United States on September 28, 1955. 

The announcement of the termination of the 
agreement effective on October 15, made by the 
Department of State on September 30, 1955, con- 
tains the text of the notes exchanged between the 
two Governments.^ 

PROCLAMATION 3117' 

Whekeas, Tinder the authority vt-steil in liira by section 
350 (a) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended by the act 
of June 12, 19.34, entitled "An Act to amend tlie Tarife 
Act of 1930" (48 Stat. 943), the President of the United 
States entered Into a trade agreement with the President 
of the Republic of Guatemala on April 24, 1936 (49 Stat. 
3990), and proclaimed such trade agreement by proclama- 
tion of May 16, 1936 (49 Stat. 3989) : and 

Whekeas the Government of the United States of Amer- 
ica and the Government of the Uepublic of Guatemala 



' Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1955, p. 
' 20 Fea. Reff. 792S. 



77. 



October 31, 1955 



695 



have agreed to tenuiuate the said trade agreement effec- 
tive October 15, 1955 ; and 

Whereas the said section 350 (a) of the Tariff Act of 
1930, as amended, authorizes the President to terminate, 
in whole or in part, any proclamation carrying out a trade 
agreement entered into under such section : 

Now, THEREFORE, I, DwiGHT D. EISENHOWER, President 
of the United States of America, acting under and by 
virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution 
and the statutes, including the said section 350 (a) of the 
Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, do proclaim that the said 
proclamation dated May 16, 1936, shall be terminated as of 
the close of October 14, 1955. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 



and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 
affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this seventeenth day of 

October in the year of our Lord nineteen hun- 

[seal] dred and fifty-five, and of the Independence of 

the United States of America the one hundred 

and eightieth. 



/^ (.jL^-yLAAjU-tLjUL^ A.rt.o>^ 



By the President 

John Foster Dulles 
Secretary of State 



Freedom, Responsibility, and Law 



iy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^ 



To come to this great university to receive the 
eminent and vakiable distinction of your honor- 
ary degree is an event in my life as memorable 
as it is unique, and I thank you. 

Your exercises today are addressed to three 
great ideas which are expressed in the words 
"freedom, responsibility, and law," which I shall 
try to discuss from the standpoint of one who has 
been a government official in the state, national, 
and international fields for 20 years. 

Your exercises have a particular and personal 
meaning for me because one man with whom I 
have been especially closely associated was a dis- 
tinguished gi'aduate of this university — the late 
Brien McMahon, who was Senator from Con- 
necticut when I was Senator from Massachusetts. 
He and I were both members of the Foreign Rela- 
tions Committee, belonging respectively to the 
majority and the minority sides. 

"WHien the great and fundamental question arose 
in 1951 as to whether we would send troops to 
Europe to show the reality of our interest in world 
peace and to help Europe maintain its freedom, 
Brien McMahon and I stood together. There 
was formidable opposition to this idea. It was 

' Address made at the Fordham University School of 
Law, New York, N.Y., on Oct. 8 (U.S./U.N. press release 
2217 dated Oct. 6). 



subjected to attacks by skilled parliamentarians 
and debaters. He and I worked weeks on end in 
the closest possible comradeship. The resolution 
passed, our troops have been in Europe ever since, 
and Europe has not been overwhelmed by Com- 
munist armies. If U.S. troops had been in Europe 
in 1914 and in 1939, there is no doubt in my mind 
that neither the Kaiser nor Hitler would have 
dared begin their aggressions. 

I mention this not merely because Brien 
McMahon was a distinguished graduate of Ford- 
ham but because close association with him showed 
me that he believed strongly in the ideal of human 
"freedom"; that, as a statesman who believed in 
"responsibility," he therefore saw the need to take 
active, sacrifice-demanding steps; and that these 
steps should be taken by "law" to preserve that 
freedom effectively from ever-present danger. He 
was not a weathervane who followed the lightest 
breeze that blew or a chameleon who took the 
color of his political environment. He had a 
mind ; it was a trained mind belonging to a well- 
informed man. Wlien that mind, based on the 
best information, came to a conclusion, he under- 
took to educate and lead the public and not defer 
to the prejudices of those who could not possibly 
know as much about the subject as he did. To his 
defense of freedom, therefore, he brought a sense 



696 



Deporfmenf of State Bulletin 



of responsibility of a high order. It is not going 
too far to say that it is, above all else, this high 
grade of responsibility which brings public re- 
spect to our elected officials. 

It is intelligent of the Fordliam authorities to 
link the words "freedom" and "responsibility" 
and "law." 

Every individual knows in his own life that, 
unless personal freedom is accompanied by a sense 
of responsibility, it ceases to be liberty and speedily 
becomes license. 

In community affairs we know that the two must 
go hand in hand. If we litter our beaches and 
public parks with our own refuse and have not 
the sense of responsibility to clean up our own 
messes, these beaches and parks become trash heaps 
and we thus lose the freedom to enjoy them. 

It sometimes happens that one ward of a mu- 
nicipality seeks to detach itself from the rest of the 
city so that it will have a lower tax rate, con- 
tribute less, and therefore pay less for the schools 
and the sewers and the general upkeep of the 
community. Such persons wish to diminish their 
responsibility. 

We fought a war over the principle of secession 
by a State, and one of the things that we learned 
from the Civil War was that the principle of 
secession ultimately defeats itself. The State of 
Georgia, while under the Confederacy, passed a 
law that the soldiers of that State would not fight 
outside of the State — a decision which, taken in 
the name of States rights, helped the Union. The 
principle of States rights to which the Confeder- 
acy was dedicated was actually a millstone around 
the neck of the Confederacy. As the Civil War 
went on, lesser units of government thought that 
what was sauce for the goose was sauce for the 
gander, and whole counties began to secede. There 
was, for example, Jones County in Mississippi, 
which announced to the world that it was calling 
itself the "Free State of Jones" and would hence- 
forth belong to itself and be sovereign. It is only 
a step from this to each citizen seceding from 
the community, refusing to pay taxes, refusing to 
obey the law, and proclaiming himself a sovereign 
nation too — and that is anarchy. 

In this modern world freedom must also be 
linked with responsibility as far as nations are 
concerned. 

At the United Nations the effort is constantly 
made to try to get sovereign nations who are all 
certainly legally free and independent (however 



much their freedom is threatened by the facts 
of modern science) to act with a sense of responsi- 
bility. There is legal power in the United Nations 
in spite of the paralysis of the Security Council 
by the Soviet veto. But the United Nations 
achieves its task of infusing some responsibility 
into the society of nations, not by invoking its le- 
gal power but by persuasion, by mobilizing world 
opinion, by using its forum — the world's greatest 
single engine for influencing world opinion — in an 
intelligent manner. One result has been that the 
United Nations, in spite of the revolutionary state 
of the world, has in its 10 brief years of life pre- 
vented world wars from developing out of very 
dangerous situations which existed in Iran, in 
Greece, in Israel, in Kashmir, in Indonesia — and, 
of course (and with great and tragic sacrifice of 
troops) in Korea. 

Another recent result was that the mobilization 
of world opinion by the United Nations was fol- 
lowed by the release of our illegally imprisoned 
fliers in China — an action which only an inter- 
national organization could have achieved and 
which in all probability no state, however power- 
ful, could do for itself. 

The United Nations, of course, works in re- 
sponse to a moral sanction. It is not intended to 
be a mere cynical cockpit in which the law-abiding 
and the criminal are indiscriminately scrambled 
up. 

The founders wrote the words "peace-loving" 
and "justice" into the charter, and I contend that 
it is up to those of us who work at the United 
Nations not to debase these moral standards but to 
hold them high and try to see to it that others 
live uj) to them. 

I submit that it is up to us who work at the 
T^^nited Nations to frown on the type of diplomat 
who says that nothing is either good or bad as such 
but that every tiling must be judged solely on 
whether it is practical or impractical. 

Indeed, we who work at the United Nations 
might well inspire ourselves from the prayer of 
St. Francis, which, as you know better than I, 
implores : "O Lord, make me an instrument of Thy 
peace." 

Because, ladies and gentlemen, we should know 
that man's pathetic little devices cannot avail by 
themselves, and only by following God and seek- 
ing God can we hope to bring the world to justice 
and thus to peace. 

Therefore, no matter how many big words we 



Ocfober 37, 1955 

364444 — 55 3 



697 



use and no matter how large are the organizations 
into which man has formed himself, the questions 
of war and peace in this world, of freedom and 
responsibility — whether on the individual or the 
community or the state or the national or the 
international plane — all come back to man, to 
the everyday individual person. 

This may be an unpopular doctrine, particu- 
larly as it is easy to blame certain well-known 
personages for the ills of the world. But can 
we think that if Lenin or Stalin had never lived 
there would have been no cruelty and no oppres- 
sion in Russia ? Can we think that, if the Kaiser 
or Hitler had never been born, Germany would 
not have gone to war? If Hannibal or Caesar 
or Attila or Genghis Klian, if Tamerlane or Na- 
poleon had never existed, would there have been 
no invasions or wars or massacres ? 

It seems unlikely — because every one of us car- 
ries within himself the same evil propensities that 
animated these men. All of us know that we can 
be on our knees one moment in religious piety and 
ten minutes later, behind the wheel of our auto- 
mobile, we can become a jealous, snarling, ruthless 
potential of destruction, threatening perhaps the 
life of the same lady we politely bowed out of 
the church door a few moments before. 

We must therefore not merely fight to keep our 
freedom, but, having kept it, we should use it 
actively and purposefully to make ourselves better 
and our nation better. 

We should use freedom to apply the education 
which we receive from this university, for ex- 
ample, to bring out the truth about ourselves and 
about the world. The Holy Father said in 1950 
that "No society that rests on foundations of hy- 
pocrisy and falsehood is secure." This applies 
with particular force to those of us who are either 
lawyers or government officials, and explains why 
George Washington advised us to : 

Promote as an object of primary importance, institu- 
tions for the general diffusion of linowledge. In pro- 
portion, as the structure of a government is forced to 
accede to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion 
should be enlightened. 

No matter which way we turn, therefore, we see 
that it all depends on the individual's self-mastery. 
We are often told that modem man has many 
aspects, but remember that, while man has his 
industrial, his artistic, and his strategic aspects, 
spiritual man is what predominates. The spirit- 
ual aspect of man is like the wind in relation to 



the sailboat: you cannot steer against it and ad- 
vance. This gives point and immediacy to Abra- 
ham Lincoln's statement: "The question is not 
whether God is with us; it is up to us to be with 
God." 

As we commemorate the past 50 great years of 
Fordham history, let us, in conclusion, be inspired 
for the future by the thought that this university 
and this law school have an unrivaled opportunity 
to inculcate into the hearts and minds of the 
American people the knowledge that freedom, 
responsibility, and law under God go hand in 
hand. 

This has been our faith since the founding of 
the Republic. We depart from it at our peril. It 
has lit us down many a shadowy road in the past. 
It can do so again. It is this faith — and not 
our material achievements — which makes us really 
great. It is this faith that leads us to the open 
road of high achievement which lies ahead. 



Amendment of Tariff of 
Foreign Service Fees 

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 11 

The President by Executive order on October 
10 revoked a schedule of fees heretofore charged 
by U.S. consular officials for certain invoice serv- 
ices provided in connection with shipments of mer- 
chandise to the United States. 

The fees eliminated are provided for in items 1 
through 5 of the Tariff of United States Foreign 
Service Fees. The order formally revoked the 
charge of $2.50 provided for in item 1 for certifi- 
cation of invoices covering goods being exported 
to tlie United States. The Bureau of Customs 
recently eliminated from its regulations this cer- 
tification requirement that liad applied to a sub- 
stantial portion of merchandise consigned to 
United States importers.^ 

Effective 10 days after the date of the publica- 
tion of the Executive order in the Federal Regis- 
ter^ the abolition of the certification requirement 
constitutes another step in the program of simpli- 
fying customs procedures for the benefit of both 
foreign suppliers and U.S. importers. A special 
customs invoice form, not requiring certification, 
is being substituted for the consular form. 



' BuixETiN of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 399. 



698 



Depar^menf of Sfofe Bulletin 



The other related items eliminated from the 
Tariff of United States Foreign Service Fees by 
this Executive order apply to services involving 
relatively few transactions. Certification in these 
instances will be provided without charge by con- 
sular officials henceforth, pending probable even- 
tual elimination of customs requirements for 
them. 

Executive Order 10639- 

Amendment of the Takiff of United States Foreign 
Skkvice Fees 

By virtue of and pursuant to the authority vested in 
me by section 1745 of the Revised Statutes of the United 



States, as amended (22 U. S. C. 1201), it is heieliy ordered 
as follows : 

The Tariff of United States Foreign Service Fees, pre- 
scribed by section ¥-15 of the Foreign Service Regula- 
tions of the United States (Executive Order No. 7968, 
as amended : 22 CFR 103.1) , is amended by deleting there- 
from Items No. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5. 

All prior Executive orders inconsistent herewith are 
amended accordingly. 

This order shall become effective ten days after the 
date of its publication in the Federal Register. 

The White House 
October 10, 1955 



The Task of NATO's Naval Forces 

by Admired JeravM Wright 

Supreme Allied Commarvder Atlantic ' 



I am asked to speak about Nato, and in accept- 
ing this invitation I must invite your attention to 
my severe limitations. Nato is essentially a polit- 
ical organization, wliereas I am a military officer. 
My job is to take the forces which the Nato na- 
tions give us and to organize and train them and 
to plan for emergency or war. I am not involved 
in the most important and interesting peacetime 
aspect of Nato, its political relationships with the 
rest of the world. These political aspects of Nato 
are by far the most important to the United States 
and to all member nations. I am not, therefore, 
a qualified specialist in discussing the status of 
Nato in the world political arena, but I can say 
certain things about Nato which may help you 
in your appraisal of its status today. 

I am siu'e you are aware that Nato is a purely 
defensive organization. It was inspired by tlie 
growing alarm of free nations that their postwar 
security was at stake. Their fears were confirmed 
by the seizure of Czechoslovakia and the Berlin 
blockade and later increased by the attack on 
Korea. It was inspired by the realization that 

'20 Pea. Reg. 7717 (Oct. 14, 1955). 
■' Address made on Sept. 28 before the National Security 
Industrial Association, New York, N. Y. 



their security could not be assured by the efforts 
of that great international organization, the 
United Nations, on which so many had pinned 
such great hopes; by the realization also that no 
one nation could defend itself alone against the 
ever-increasing Soviet armies; and finally by a 
recognition that a collective security, a mutual de- 
fense, were the only means of maintaining our 
freedom. 

The result was the North Atlantic Treaty. This 
treaty was something new to the United States. 
It was our first peacetime alliance for mutual de- 
fense. I reemphasize that Nato is a political 
agreement. It has teeth in it, the teeth so badly 
needed to hold on to our individual and collective 
freedom and to defend ourselves against military 
attack. The teeth are provided in article 5 of 
the treaty, which prescribes that an armed attack 
against any nation shall be considered an armed 
attack against them all and each of the others 
will take such action as it deems appropriate in- 
rhuUtig the use of armed force to restore the peace 
of the community. 

No alliance of democracies can ever be stronger 
than its popularity. When General Eisenhower 
was the first Sujireme Commander in Europe, my 
duties required regular contacts with him. I well 



October 31, ?955 



699 



recall his frequently emphasized thesis that the 
principal job of Nato nations was not the raising 
and training of military forces but the education 
of people, governments, and nations as to the real 
objective of Nato — the objective of mutual sup- 
port, mutual defense, and mutual determination to 
resist and reject aggression. Once this is done, 
the development of the necessary military posture 
would follow easily. This theory that our real 
strength lies in our unity of thought and national 
policy has certainly been borne out by subsequent 
events. 

Organization of NATO 

Now let us take a close look at Nato. How is it 
organized and how does it operate? 

At the top is the Nato Council, a board of direc- 
tors, so to speak, made up of national Ministers — 
Ministers of State for policy matters, Ministere of 
Defense for military matters, or Ministers of Fi- 
nance for fiscal matters. They operate on the prin- 
ciple of unanimity of agreement, and every act of 
the Council has been agreed by all 15 Nato na- 
tions. By virtue of this fact they have high inter- 
national stature and great power, not power of 
authority but power of influence and persuasion. 

They are cumbei-some. But what organization 
is not which seeks unanimity of 15 independent 
authorities? They can never match for speed 
the unilateral actions of a dictatorship over satel- 
lite nations, but they can outdo a dictatorship 
every time in the strengtli wliich comes from vol- 
untary action. 

We have in the Nato Council the means of ex- 
pressing the agi-eed political views of 15 nations. 
We have the means of coordinating in emergency 
the economic facilities of the several nations, such 
as shipping, transport, and communications, for 
the benefit of all. And most importantly, the 
Council is the Nato political agency which pro- 
vides strategic direction and guidance to our mili- 
tary forces. In any democratic organization, be 
it a nation or group of nations, the political must 
control and direct the military. The Nato Coun- 
cil provides the strategic direction and guidance 
upon which all our military plans and operations 
are based. 

The Council gives its guidance to the standing 
group, a military tribunal of British, French, and 
U. S. officers which replaces the Combined Chiefs 
of Staif of World War II. The standing group 



converts this guidance into military directives for 
the plans and operations of the Nato military 
forces. 

These military forces of Nato are divided into 
two principal commands, those dedicated to the 
defense of Europe under General Gruenther and 
those defending the Atlantic under myself. 

The forces defending the Atlantic come from 
eight different nations which border on the At- 
lantic. Without the benefits of Nato these naval 
forces would be a heterogeneous, uncoordinated 
gi'oup of individual ships and planes operating 
each under a different strategic directive issued 
by one of eight different nations. 

But the great contribution which Nato has 
made to our military effort is organization. For 
example, we have over the naval forces of the 
Atlantic Command, a Commander, a headquarters, 
and a joint staff. As Commander of these forces, 
I am responsible to the Nato nations individually 
and collectively for the defense of the Atlantic. 
I am assisted and advised by an international 
staff made up of officers of eight Nato nations. 
My principal subordinate commanders are Amer- 
ican, Canadian, British, and French naval officers 
and airmen. We work under a strategic concept 
and directive passed down from the Council. We 
have a complete set of plans worked out to the last 
detail and agreed by all nations. 

But most important of all, we have an organiza- 
tion — a military operating structure of command- 
ers, staffs, task fleets and forces — an organization 
in which we have a slot for every ship, plane, and 
man which the nations of Nato can provide us ini- 
tially, and progressively later, as their mobiliza- 
tion forces are activated. 

Furthermore, by organized study and planning 
and by frequent international training exercises, 
we know our mutual strengths and weaknesses and 
we are making progress in overcoming the difficul- 
ties of differences of language, communications, 
tactics, equipment, and the all-important matters 
of repair, supply, and logistics. 

Thus, Nato provides us the organization 
through which nations and their forces may reap 
the benefits of coordinated direction, of unity of 
thought and action, whereby they act as a trained 
team rather than a group of individuals. 

In other words, Nato has provided our forces 
with the unity of purpose and the organization by 
which the teamwork so essential to military oper- 
ations can be achieved. Three years ago, we had 



700 



Department of State Bulletin 



eight separate navies in the Atlantic each "on its 
own." Now we have one Nato navy and by virtue 
of organization it is far better than the sum of 
eight. 

Strength of Soviet Navy 

We need all the advantages which Nato organ- 
ization can give us. The Soviet navy today is 
the second largest in the world. Its submarine 
fleet is by far more numerous than all other sub- 
marine fleets in the world. It is designed for the 
task of driving a steel wedge down the Atlantic 
and cutting the lifeline between North America 
and Eurojje. Our task in the Nato navies of the 
Atlantic is to prevent this, and we get gi'eatly 
added strength through the organization and 
peacetime defense planning which Nato gives us. 

I would like to summarize my thoughts by the 
statement that I think that Nato is the greatest 
deterrent to aggression in the world today. The 
fact that 15 nations will rally to the active support 
of any one of its members will make any aggres- 
sive-minded nation think twice before any action 
which would result in invocation of the Nato 
treaty. 

In my travels throughout Europe I have con- 
tacted many of the Ministers of the present gov- 
ernments and almosfc-all of the Heads of State. 
In every case I found a feeling of added strength 
and security by virtue of their membei-ship in 
Nato, an appreciation of the fact that no one will 
ever again stand alone. 

Now I have read reports in the papers and ap- 
praisals by columnists to the effect that, as a result 
of the Geneva Conference, Nato is weakened, that 
the apparent change in attitude of the Soviets has 
reduced the need for Nato. As one of Nato's mili- 
tary commanders I can report no tangible evidence 
of this. On the contrary, I believe that the exist- 
ence of Nato added considerably to the strength 
of our position in the Geneva Conference and 
should receive a large measure of credit for the 
success of these discussions. 

So long as a large part of the world is ruled 
by a dictatorehip, anned to the teeth with forces 
far beyond the requirements of self-defense, and so 
long as they activelj^ pursue the annomiced objec- 
tives of international communism, I see no alter- 
native but that the peace-loving nations of the 
world remain organized — organized for mutual 
sujjport and defense and for the preservation of 
the peace of the community. 



Release of Stockpile Materials 
in Event of Enemy Attack 

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 10 

The President signed on October 10 an Execu- 
tive order which authorizes the Director of the 
Office of Defense Mobilization to release mate- 
rials in the national stockpile for defense pur- 
poses in the event of enemy attack on continental 
United States. 

In such a contingency there could be extensive 
damage to facilities essential to the conduct of war. 
It would be extremely important at that time to 
have immediate access to stockpile materials which 
could be used for the prompt repair and rehabili- 
tation of the most essential facilities. 

At present stockpile materials can be released 
only on order of the President for purposes of the 
common defense. The Executive order does not 
change this, but merely provides the Director of 
the Office of Defense Mobilization with authority 
in advance to handle urgencies which might be 
created by enemy attack. 

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10638' 

atjthobizino the director of the omce of defense 
Mobilization to Ordhie the Reh-ease of Strategic and 
Ceitical Materials From Stock Piles in the Event 
OF AN Attack Upon the United States 

Whereas section ii of the Strategic and Critical Ma- 
terials Stock Piling Act, as amended by the act of July 
23, 1936, 60 Stat. 506 (50 U. S. O. 9Sd), provides, in part, 
that during a national emergency with respect to common 
defense proclaimed by the President strategic and criti- 
cal materiaLs may be released from stock piles for use, 
sale, or other disiwsition on the order of such agency as 
may be designated by the President ; and 

Wherbus the existence of a national emergency with re- 
spect to common defense has been proclaimed by the Pres- 
ident by Proclamation No. 2914 of December 16, 1950 ; ' 
and 

Wherkas an enemy attack on the continental United 
States might create shortages of strategic and critical 
materials requiring immediate release of such materials 
from stock piles to meet military and essential civilian re- 
quirements : 

Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me 
by the said section 5 of the Strategic and Critical Mate- 
rials Stock Piling Act, it is hereby ordered as follows : 

In the event of enemy attack upon the continental 
United States (exclusive of Alaska), the Director of the 



' 20 Fed. Reg. 7637. 

' Bulletin of Dec. 25, 1950, p. 1003. 



October 31, 1955 



701 



Office of Defense Mobilization is authorized and directed 
to order the release by the Administrator of General 
Services of such materials from stock piles established 
under the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling 
Act, in such quantities, for such uses, and on such terms 
and conditions, as the Director determines to be necessary 
In the interests of the national defense. 



^_) (.jLa-y C'i'Z^Lf-fUu^ X.*o-^ 



The White House, 
October 10, 1955. 



Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United 

Kingdom, September 24, 1955. 
Protocol on terms of accession of Japan to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annex A ( sched- 
ules of the Contracting Parties) and annex B (schedule 
of Japan). Done at Geneva June 7, 1955. Entered 
into force September 10, 1955. 
Signature: Germany, September 9, 195.5.' 
Notification of intention to apply concessions received: 

Italy, September 5, 1955 (effective October 5, 1955) ; 

Dominican Republic, September 9, 1955 (effective 

October 9, 1955). 



National Olympic Day, 1955 



Current Treaty Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Austria 

State treaty for the re-establishment of an independent 

and democratic Austria. Signed at Vienna May 15, 

1955. TIAS 3298. Entered into force July 27, 1955. 

Adherence deposited: Czechoslovakia, September 28, 

1955. 

Copyright 

Inter-American convention on rights of the author in 
literary, scientific, and artistic works. Signed at Wash- 
ington June 22, 1946. Entered into force April 14, 
1947.' 
Ratification deposited: Cuba, September 29, 1955. 

Trade and Commerce 

Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to an- 
nexes and text of schedules to the General Agreement 

on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 7, 1955.' 

Acceptance: Japan, June 7, 1955 (by signature of proto- 
col of terms of accession). 

Signature: Denmark, Septeruber 22, 1955. 
Agreement on Organization for Trade Cooperation. Done 

at Geneva March 10, 1955.'" 

Signature: Netherlands, August 31, 1955." 
Declaration on the contlnue<l application of schedules to 

the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done 

at Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force March 

10, 1955. 

Acceptance: Japan, June 7, 1955 (by signature of proto- 
col of terms of accession). 

Signature: Peru, September 16, 1955. 
Protocol of organization amendments to the General 

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva 

March 10, 1955.= 

Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United 
Kingdom, September 24, 1955. 
Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX 

of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done 

at Geneva March 10, 1955.' 

Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United 
Kingdom, September 24, 1955. 
Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of 

the General Agreement (ra Tariffs and Trade. Done 

at Geneva March 10, 1955.' 



' Not in force for the United States. 

' Not in force. 

' Signed ad referendum. 



Proclamation 3119 < 

Whereas the XVIth Olympic Games of the modern era 
will be held in Melbourne, Australia, beginning November 
22 and ending December 8, 1956, with the Winter Games 
to be held at Cortina d'Ampezzo, Italy, from January 26 
to February 5, 19.56; and 

Whereas the Olympic Games have Imbued competitors 
and spectators alike with Ideals of friendship, chivalry, 
and comradeship, thus contributing to common under- 
standing and mutual respect among the peoples of the 
world ; and 

Whereas the Congress by a joint resolution approved 
August 4, 1955 (09 Stat. 470), calls attention to the fact 
thiit the United States Olympic Association is engaged 
in assuring maximum supix)rt for the United States teams 
which will compete witli young men and women from more 
than seventy nations in the forthcoming athletic contests ; 
and 

Whereas the said joint resolution requests the Presi- 
dent to issue a proclamation designating the twenty- 
second day of October, 19.55, as National Olympic Day : 

Now, therefore, I. DwiGHT D. Eisenhower, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby designate 
Saturday, October 22, 1955, as National Olympic Day ; 
and I urge all of our citizens to do their utmost in support 
of the XVIth Olympic Games and the Winter Games 
to be held in 1956, to the end that our Nation may be able 
to send an adequate number of representatives to par- 
ticipate in these games. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 
affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this eighteenth day of 
October in the year of our Lord nineteen 

[seal] hundred and fifty-five, and of the Independence 
of the United States of America the one 
hundred and eightieth. 

I?y the President : 

John Foster Dulles 
Secrctiirg of State 



20 Fed. Reg. 79.>5. 



702 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Disarmament and the President's Geneva Proposal 



Following are th-e texts of a statement made hy 
Harold E. Stassen, Deputy U.S. Representative 
on the U.N. Disarmament Com^nission, before 
the Commission's Suhcommittee of Five {Canada, 
France, U.S.S.R., United Kingdom, United 
States) at U.N. Headquarters on October 7 and 
a U.S. memorandwm suhmAtted to the suhcomr- 
mittee on the same day. 

STATEMENT BY MR. STASSEN 

U.S./U.N. press release 2221 dated October 7 

The subcommittee of the United Nations Dis- 
armament Commission is about to begin a short 
recess lasting until after the forthcoming Four 
Power meeting at Geneva of Foreign Minister's. 
This recess involves only a brief pause in the for- 
mal work of the subcommittee. It should mean 
no interruption at all of the great task with which 
we are charged. 

It is time that our parent body, the Disarmament 
Commission, studied the results of our work thus 
far.^ It is time for those who are preparing for 
another momentous meeting at Geneva to take ac- 
count of our deliberations. 

The United States believes that we should meet 
again as soon as we can after Geneva, when we 
shall have the benefit of the counsels of that meet- 
ing. We believe that the full Disarmament Com- 
mission might assemble sliortly thereafter; and 
that the General Assembly of all the members of 
the United Nations should debate the report of the 
Disarmament Commission as soon as feasible after 
its presentation. 

The extraordinary responsibilities laid upon this 
subcommittee I'eally do not permit any uimeces- 
sary delay. They do impose upon us the need for 
full and due reflection and an understanding of 
the position of each one of us upon the i^art of all 



' The report of the subcommittee is U.N. doc DC/71 
dated Oct. 7. 



of us. If I may say so, one of the more encourag- 
ing things about this series of meetings has been 
the development of such an attitude. 

In the period between the two Geneva meetings, 
our conference has provided one of the first and 
most important tests of the "Geneva spirit." This 
is what Ambassador Lodge meant when he wel- 
comed us on the opening day to share in a great 
opportunity.^ 

Toward the close of these remarks I shall try to 
estimate how we have dealt with our opportunities. 
First, I should like to review United States policy 
and our own contribution. 

President Eisenhower's Proposals 

As you are all aware. President Eisenhower at 
Geneva on July 21 ^ presented a new and historic 
American proiDOsal. That proposal called for the 
exchange of blueprints of military information 
between the United States and the Soviet Union, 
to be verified by mutual aerial reconnaissance. 
These blueprints would include, first, the identi- 
fication, strength, command structure, and dispo- 
sition of personnel, units, and equipment of all 
major land, sea, and air forces, including organ- 
ized reserves and paramilitary; second, a com- 
plete list of military plants, facilities, and installa- 
tions with their locations. 

Later, I put into the record a United States 
Government outline plan for putting this plan 
into immediate effect.^ This plan makes provision 
among other things for unrestricted, but moni- 
tored, mutual aerial reconnaissance by visual, 
photographic, and electronic means; for freedom 
of communications; for the presence aboard in- 
specting aircraft of personnel of the coimtry 
being inspected; for the presence of ground ob- 

' Bulletin of Sept. 12, 19r.5, p. 438. 
'Ibid., Aug. 1, 19.J.5, p. 173. 
* U.N. doc. DC/SC.1/31. 



Ocfofaer 31, 1955 



703 



servers in each country to assist in verifying 
exchanges; and for simultaneous delivery of simi- 
lar types of information by each participating 
country. 

The President's proposals are at once as simple 
and as bold as the work of inspiration, deep 
humanity, and great leadership often is. But 
there is also the product of long months of prayer- 
ful study directed by President Eisenhower. 

In the past several weeks I hope I have given 
you some idea of the estimates which lie behind 
this plan. For the final record let me sum them 
up as succinctly as I can. And then I shall ex- 
plain for the first time in these meetings some- 
thing more that we are doing. 

First, we begin with the postulate of peace — 
just and durable peace. This is the great impera- 
tive of the thermonuclear age. On October 19, 
1954, President Eisenhower declared that "there 
is no longer any alternative to peace." ^ And 
every day that passes makes it appear more clearly 
that this was the principal conclusion of Geneva. 
The Eisenhower plan will impose burdens of far- 
reaching character upon all who participate in it. 
But if these undertakings will advance the cause 
of peace, they will be gladly accepted by the 
American people. 

Second, our studies convince us that, in the past, 
perhaps more than others two courses have often 
led to war : one is irresponsible and self-indulgent 
unilateral disai-mament ; another is the classic 
arms race which feeds and is fed upon interna- 
tional fear and distrust. United States policy 
is not based on either course. 

Third, and of vital importance for our studies, 
we have recognized that we are no longer the 
absolute masters of the most powerful tool of war. 
It is not possible by any presently known scientific 
means to detect nuclear weapons-grade material 
once it has been placed in casings and hidden 
away. Such hidden stocks from past and current 
production could be fabricated into weapons and 
used in devastating surprise attack. All of us 
here, and all of our governments, now recognize 
this fact. 

Fourth, in this situation and unless the world's 
scientists are able to achieve a breaktlu'ough, 
making it possible to accoimt in full for nuclear 
weapons material, we believe the best couree is to 
find a way to eliminate large-scale surprise attack. 



° Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954, p. 636 



We believe that one kind of surprise attack and 
the only kind which right now threatens vast de- 
struction and which holds the world in fear is 
surprise attack involving the Soviet Union and 
the United States. 

Fifth, we believe that, on the day these two 
powers decide to open up to each other and to lay 
bare their military potential, the security of the 
whole world will be increased. A climate of 
greater confidence will surely prevail. And in 
that climate, the world will build the kind of 
disai"mament and inspection system in which all 
nations can put their trust — a system in which 
all can reduce and limit and regulate armaments 
and armed forces. 

Gentlemen, these are five realistic, difficult, but 
hopeful conclusions. The Eisenhower plan for 
aerial inspection for peace is based squarely upon 
them. 

The United States also recognizes that these 
five conclusions are matters of concern to each of 
the Governments represented in the subcommittee 
and to all nations of the world. Consequently, we 
have suggested that an agreement between the 
Soviet Union and the United States, putting the 
proposal into effect without delay, might also pro- 
vide for the adherence and participation, as 
agreed, of designated countries on an equitable 
basis, as soon as the plan is in operation. 

The President's Plan and Inspection 

The United States believes that inspection is the 
key to arms limitation. No nation — not the 
United States, not the Soviet Union nor any other 
nation — can safely reduce its armed strength un- 
less there is international agreement which will 
enable all nations to know that these commitments 
are being honored in fact. 

The United States is by no means alone in this 
conviction. Every government here represented 
as well as those which are not holds firmly to this 
belief. 

President Eisenhower said on July 21, 1955 : 

No sound and reliable agreement can be made unless it 
is completely covered by an inspection and reporting sys- 
tem adequate to support every portion of tlie agreement. 
The lessons of history teach us that di-sarmament agree- 
ments without adequate reciprocal inspection increase the 
dangers of war and do not brighten the prospects of 
peace. 

Foreign Minister Pearson of Canada declared 
on March 24, 1955 : 



704 



Department of State Bvlletin 



Without some kind of control and inspection which 
would give us a basis for confidence in any agreements 
reached being observed, any disarmament proposals under 
the present circumstances of fear and contention would 
merely be a cruel and hypocritical delusion, and could be 
put forward only for propaganda. 

Foreign Minister Pinay last week assured the 
General Assembly that 

. . . general controlled disarmament was ever an objec- 
tive of French foreign policy. 

Prime Minister Eden of the United Kingdom 
on July 21 at Geneva declared : 

I fully support the principle enunciated by President 
Eisenhower — that no disarmament plan can be acceptable 
which does not contain a system of inspection and report- 
ing which Is adequate to support every phase of the plan. 

And the Prime Minister of the other of the two 
principal nuclear powere professes similar views. 
Here is what Marshal Bulganin told the Supreme 
Soviet on August 4, 1955, in commenting on Pres- 
ident Eisenhower's proposals : 

The President of the United States justly remarked that 
each disarmament plan boils down to the question of con- 
trol and inspection. 

The peoples of the world, who have the greatest 
stake in the outcome of our work, would be well 
justified in asking why, in view of such a show of 
unanimity, we have not been able to get on with 
the job. 

One general answer is that in the past suspicion 
has so mired the footsteps of nations on the path 
toward agreement that the inspection idea could 
never get off the ground. We believe that the 
President's plan would lift the concept of inspec- 
tion from this morass. It would rebuild that in- 
ternational confidence which is the bedrock of any 
Ijermanent, reciprocal system of inspection and 
control. It would provide an important safeguard 
against a great surprise attack, as well as a mas- 
sive but simple test of inspection. 

My Government believes that the Soviet May 
10 proposals * for stationing ground observers at 
certain key points would have merit if tliese in- 
spectors had adequate powers and immunities. We 
do not believe, however, that in the absence of 
aerial inspection this system would provide ade- 
quate security against surprise attack. Nor do we 
believe it would be sufficient to support a compre- 
hensive program of arms limitation and reduc- 
tions. We note the absence of provisions in the 

• IMd., May 30, 1955. p. 900. 

Ocfober 3 J, J 955 



May 10 proposals for inspection of atomic facil- 
ities and the industrial facilities which back up 
an arms program. 

At one of our recent meetings, Mr. [Arkady A.] 
Sobolev [U.S.S.R.] revised in an apparently frag- 
mentary way the Soviet Union's 1947 proposal on 
atomic energy control. I think it fair to say that 
these ideas bear the marks of their date of origin. 
We should be interested to know how the Soviet 
Union would update these concepts. 

We have other questions about the Soviet con- 
cept of control wliich have remained unanswered 
for some years, despite the May 10 proposals. 

For example, we still wish to know whether the 
inspectors could be on the job and ready to go to 
work before any measures of arms limitation take 
place. We should like to have more detail about 
their rights and powers and their ability to inspect 
the things which must be inspected if states are 
to be sure that what is promised in international 
agreements is actually performed. 

Like Mr. [Antony] Nutting [Great Britain], 
Mr. [Jules] Moch [France], and Mr. [Paul] Mar- 
tin [Canada], I, too, would like to know just what 
types of facilities and armaments would be in- 
cluded in what the Soviet Union rather loosely 
terms the "objects of control," that is to say, those 
things subject to inspection. 

These questions are of great importance for 
reaching agreement. They are all the more sig- 
nificant since changes in nuclear technology and 
the accumulation of nuclear stockpiles have com- 
plicated the task of inspection. 

In the United States and in other countries 
studies are under way to bring inspection methods 
abreast of the problem. Doubtless, the Soviet 
Union has under way a study consistent with its 
realistic recognition of the new situation. 

At Geneva we saw the beginnings of a new kind 
of pragmatic approach to the problem, doubtless 
in recognition of the limitations of the more elab- 
orate older plans projecting goals more extensive 
than inspection could now support. The "pilot 
schemes" suggested by Prime Minister Eden and 
M. Faure might well furnish practical experience 
in inspection. They have been cogently ex- 
pounded in these meetings by Mr. Nutting and 
Mr. Moch. The United States believes they 
should be considered in any plan on which we may 
agree. 

In the United States we are pursuing studies of 
all these matters with great vigor under the high- 



705 



est priorities. I am authorized today to release 
some specific details about these studies. 

Establishment of Task Forces 

As you know, President Eisenhower directed 
that an intensive restudy of United States policy 
on the question of disarmament be made. On the 
basis of our preliminary inqtiiries it soon became 
apparent to the President and the Government of 
the United States that the situation required a 
new, fundamental, and extensive expert study of 
the methods of international inspection and con- 
trol by the most competent authorities in Ameri- 
can life. Accordingly, we selected outstanding 
men to head up task forces in the appropriate 
fields of inquiry. 

I give you now the names of the chairmen of 
each of these task forces, together with an idea 
of its mission: 

The Chairman of the Nuclear Task Force, to 
which we look for progress toward a much desired 
breakthrough, is Dr. Ernest O. Lawrence, the Di- 
rector of the University of California Radiation 
Laboratories at Livermoi'e, California. Associ- 
ated with Dr. Lawrence is a large panel of some 
of the most distinguished nuclear physicists in 
America. As I told the subcommittee on Monday, 
this group stands ready to consider any suggestion 
which any government or any scientist may make 
to develop fully effective means of accounting for 
nuclear weapons material and the detection of 
nuclear weapons if they are concealed. 

The vital task of further designing methods for 
aerial inspection and reporting is headed by Gen- 
eral James H. Doolittle, now Vice President and 
Director of the Shell Oil Company. 

Inspection and reporting methods for Army and 
ground units is the responsibility of Lieutenant 
General Walter B. Smith (Retired), presently 
Vice Chairman of the American Machine and 
Foundry Company. Acting chairman at this time 
is General Lucian K. Truscott (Retired). 

Vice Admiral Oswald S. Colclough (Retired), 
Dean of Faculties, George Washington Univer- 
sity, heads the task force for navies and naval 
aircraft and missiles. 

Steel is the core of military industry. A great 
American industrialist, Mr. Benjamin Fairless, of 
the United States Steel Corporation, is chairman 
of the task force for the steel industry. 

Inspection and reporting methods for power 



706 



and for industry in general is the assignment of 
Mr. Walker L. Cisler, President of the Detroit 
Edison Company, and his group. 

The study of methods of inspection and report- 
ing of national budgets and finances has been 
assigned to a distinguished economist. Dr. Harold 
Moulton, of the Brookings Institution. In the 
course of his studies he is devoting close attention 
to the proposals of Premier Faure of the French 
Government. 

No system of inspection and reporting is better 
than its communications system, which has pecu- 
liar and difficult responsibilities in the nuclear age. 
Dr. James B. Fisk, of the Bell Telephone Labora- 
tories, and other members of a communications 
task force, have been charged with designing a 
method of rapid, continuous, reliable communica- 
tions, without interference, necessary to imple- 
ment an international inspection and reporting 
system. 

My colleagues and all who read my reference to 
these ambitious studies will sense just how large 
a review of our basic policies is under way. 

Pending progress on tlie problem of inspection, 
we have thought that candor required us to place 
a reserve for the time being upon our past posi- 
tions. We certainly do not reject or disavow our 
past suggestions — nor do we believe it would be 
realistic or logical to reaffirm them in blanket 
fashion, confronted as we are by new difficulties 
for inspection, by new proposals made at Geneva, 
and by an evolving political situation. 

We believe strongly that, as we work jointly 
to find a more satisfactory answer to the problem 
of inspection, President Eisenhower's plan would 
be a guarantor of the peace. 

President's Plan and Limitation of Armaments 

The President's plan was not intended to be a 
substitute for an overall progi"am for the limita- 
tion and reduction of arms and armed forces. 
Rather it was intended to make one possible. The 
plan for aerial inspection for peace is a gateway 
to disarmament. 

In a memorable address on "The Chance for 
Peace" on April 16, 1953,^ the President described 
some of the great political issues which divided 
the world, most of which still confront us. And 
then he made this declaration: 



' Ibid., Apr. 27, 1953. p. r,m. 

Departmenf of State Bulletin 



As progress in all these areas [that is, of political dis- 
pute] strengthens world trust, we could proceed concur- 
rently with the next great work — the reduction of the 
burden of armaments now weighing upon tlie world. To 
this end we would . . . enter into the most solemn agree- 
ments. 

At Geneva, when President Eisenhower had set 
forth his proposals for providing against great 
surprise attack, lie went on to point out that : 

. . . what I propose, I assure you, would be but a begin- 
ning. . . . The United States is ready to proceed in the 
study and testing of a reliable system of inspections and 
reporting and, when that system is proved, then to reduce 
armaments with all others to the extent that the system 
will provide assured results. 

Let me assure all who hear me that if these con- 
ditions are. met — if the relief of international 
tensions by concrete acts proceeds concurrently, 
and if, as, and when a reliable system of inspection 
is devised — the United States will be in the fore- 
front of reductions. 

There is no hidden reason — no economic skele- 
ton in the closet — which forces us to maintain any 
particular level of armaments or of armed forces. 
We could maintain them at present levels, we could 
increase them greatly, or we could substantially 

, reduce them. 

P To demonstrate the readiness of the United 
States to disarm, and its ability to do so and still 
increase the prosperity not only of its own citizens 
but of its friends elsewhere in the world, I read 
into our record on September 19 the full story of 
the strength of the United States armed forces, 
year by year since the final year of the war. I 
showed that from eleven and a half million in 
round figures in the last year of war we came down 
to a million and a half men before the Korean war. 
If the conditions I have outlined are met, I sin- 

Icerely do not believe we would have great difficulty 
in agreeing on a proper level for our armed 
forces. But I do believe these negotiations must 
take account of factors which have grown in im- 
portance since 1952, such us the increase in nuclear 
stockpiles which we are unable to detect by 
insjjection. 

The United States delegation has aflirmed dur- 
ing these meetings that a general disarmament 
agreement should affect broad elements of armed 
strength, including military bases. This applies 
to those bases which, by the desire and at the re- 
quest of other countries, the United States utilizes 
abroad — as well as to the bases of the Soviet Union 
at home and abroad. 



Such bases are the products of the times and 
tensions in which we have lived ; on our side they 
have been developed as part of the efforts of the 
free world to protect itself and to advance the 
cause of peace. 

If the circiunstances that brought them into 
being are mitigated, then it is logical that as the 
need for defense decreases the need for bases would 
also decrease. 

We have noted with interest the announcement 
by the Soviet Union of its closing of bases at Pork- 
kala and Port Arthur and of certain reductions in 
armed forces. But we have pointed out, and I 
reiterate, that we cannot evaluate such moves if 
we have no official information about the overall 
strength of the Soviet forces, or about the signifi- 
cance of the Porkkala base, for example, in rela- 
tion to a buildup or reduction of other important 
Soviet bases in the Baltic complex. 

Whether the United States reduces its forces 
further or alters their composition in any way, or 
whether agreement on disarmament comes late or 
soon, the world should be sure of this : 

The United States desires to prohibit the use of 
the atomic weapon or any other weapon or armed 
forces — be they guns, tanks, airplanes, rifles, or 
anything else — in any way other than in accord- 
ance with our obligations under the charter of the 
United Nations and a defense against aggression. 

The Prospect Before Us 

As our recess begins, I believe we can report at 
least some hopeful signs. 

1. We have continued to pursue our delibera- 
tions in the spirit of Geneva. I think that those 
who have participated in these meetings in recent 
years can testify to a real improvement in the 
climate of discussion. 

2. There is a common, avowed awareness of the 
danger of annihilation which modern weapons 
present to every country. 

3. All of us agree on the existence of a new cir- 
cmnstance of tremendous import for any plan of 
disarmament — the fact that nuclear weapons ma- 
terial can be clandestinely acciunulated in signifi- 
cant quantities which inspection cannot presently 
detect. 

4. All of us are agreed on the priority impor- 
tance of finding a method to guard against sur- 
prise attack, particularly against nuclear attack. 

5. There has been a partial — but only a par- 



October 37, J 955 



707 



tial — moving together of ideas on inspection. The 
Soviet Union, if it has not accepted the idea of 
aerial inspection, either in the form of the Presi- 
dent's plan or as part of a permanent comprehen- 
sive system, has at least not rejected it. We on 
our part are willing to incorporate into an inspec- 
tion plan the concept of ground observere some- 
what along the lines proposed by the Soviet Union. 
Also, the British and French delegations have put 
forward very valuable new ideas on inspection. 

6. All of us are agreed on the desirability of 
eventual limitations and reductions of all arms 
and armed forces. 

Our further progress, it seems to me, will be 
greatly assisted if the Soviet Union will : 

1. Accept the logic of its own findings with re- 
spect to the unaccountability of nuclear weapons 
and work with us to develop new methods appro- 
priate to the situation. 

2. Examine with us the best means of prevent- 
ing surjjrise attack, and in particular develop its 
ideas on the President's plan and upon aerial in- 
spection as part of a permanent system. 

3. Give the world the detailed assurances it 
seeks with respect to the right of international 
inspectors to go where they must and see what 
they must if international agreements are to be 
meaningful. 

4. Forbear in its controlled propaganda from 
defeatism and misrepresentation of the present 
situation in respect of our work, which is one of 
great but tentative begimiings. 

5. Cooperate in the world arena in lessening 
political tensions by concrete deeds in the many 
remaining areas of disagreement. 

I have tried as best I could in these meetings to 
do justice to the purposes of the people and the 
President of the United States. Much of what 
I have said may be inadequate or may be obscured 
in the verbatim record by the ebb and flow of 
debate. In order that the documents which go 
forward with the report itself may be complete 
with respect to the President's plan and our own 
policy, I am today tabling a U.S. memorandum 
on that plan which will be circulated by the 
Secretariat. 

The United States is confident that the Disarma- 
ment Commission, the General Assembly, and the 
people of the world will approve the position 
therein described. 

Gentlemen, it remains for me to thank all of my 



colleagues and our staunch associates in the Sec- 
retariat for the privilege of association with them 
in what I ti'ust will turn out to be a fruitful 
endeavor. I know that all of us, and the cause 
of humanity, for which we work, will succeed 
in the end. The very nature of the alternatives 
before us in this thermonuclear age does not per- 
mit failure. Mankind has never been faced with 
such extremes. On the one hand, there is a field of 
devastation so absolute that the mind of man can- 
not conceive it; on the other, there is a vista of 
abundance greater than man has ever known. 

Under God, there can be no doubt which path 
the peoples will choose. 



U.S. MEMORANDUM SUPPLEMENTING 
OUTLINE PLAN FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF 
PRESIDENTIAL PROPOSAL AT GENEVA 
REGARDING DISARMAMENT 

U.S. /U.N. press release 2220 dated October 7 

Importance of Inspection and Control System in a 
Disarmament Program 

All five of the Governments represented in the 
Subcommittee of the Disarmament Commission 
have recognized the cnicial importance of effective 
inspection and control in providing the assurance 
that commitments to reduce and limit and regulate 
armaments and armed forces will be honored. 
President Eisenhower in his statement on disarm- 
ament made at Geneva on July 21, 1955 reaffirmed 
the desire of the United States to introduce "a 
sound and reliable agreement making possible the 
reduction of armaments." The President said "No 
sound and reliable agreement can be made unless 
it is completely covered by an inspection and re- 
porting system adequate to support every por- 
tion of the agreement. The lessons of history 
teach us that disarmament agreements without 
adequate reciprocal inspection increase the dan- 
gers of war and do not brigliten the prospects of 
peace." 

The Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, Mar- 
shal Bulganin, on August 4, 1955 told the Supreme 
Soviet that "the President of the United States 
justly remarked that each disarmament plan boils 
down to the question of control and inspection." 

Foreign Minister Pearson of Canada, Foreign 
Minister Pinay of France, Prime Minister Eden of 
the United Kingdom, have all within the last few 



708 



Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



months emphasized the need for the kind of con- 
ti'ol and inspection which would give a basis for 
confidence that disarmament agreements would 
be observed, and have all stressed the primary im- 
portance of inspection and control of agreements 
to reduce and limit armaments. 

Difficulties of Assuring by Effective Inspection and 
Control That All Nuclear Weapons Are Eliminated 

Together with this recognition of the absolute 
need for a control system adequate to support 
every portion of a disarmament agreement, the 
Governments represented in the Disarmament 
Subcommittee have recognized the problems 
caused by the vast technological developments in 
an expansion of nuclear energy materials. The 
Soviet Union, in its proposals of May 10, 1955, 
noted that "there are possibilities beyond the reach 
of international control for evading this control 
and for organizing the clandestine manufacture of 
atomic and hydrogen weapons, even if there is a 
formal agreement on international control. In 
such a situation, the security of the States signa- 
tories to the international convention cannot be 
guaranteed, since the possibilities would be open to 
a potential aggressor to accumulate stocks of 
atomic and hydrogen weapons for surprise attack 
on peace-loving States." 

In President Eisenhower's statement on disann- 
ament at Geneva on July 21 this year, he said, "We 
have not as yet been able to discover any scientific 
or other inspection method which would make cer- 
tain of the elimination of nuclear weapons. So 
far as we are aware no other nation has made such 
a discovery. Our study of this problem is con- 
tinuing." The representative of Canada, Mr. 
Martin, tlie representative of France, M. Moch, 
and the representative of the United Kingdom, 
Mr. Nutting, have all many times during the dis- 
cussions of the Subconunittee noted the danger of 
inadequate control of fissionable material, that all 
our previous concepts have been rendered obsolete 
by new scientific developments, and that it was 
necessary to consider facts as they are today and 
not as they were yesterday or the day before. 

Mr. Nutting at the Subcommittee meeting of 
October 5, 1955 sunnned up the views of all the 
delegations when he referred to the "barrier of sci- 
ence which pi-events us at this moment, on the ad- 
mission of the Soviet Union, the United States and 
every other delegation represented at tliis table, 



from making nuclear disarmament the safe hope 
for the world that we would wish it to be." 

The present impossibility of establishing an ef- 
fective inspection and control method that would 
completely account for nuclear weapons material 
is of exceptional importance. It means that no 
nation has as yet been able to find any scientific or 
other inspection method that would account for 
all nuclear weapons material. It means that the 
amount of unaccountability is of such magnitude 
as to be an unacceptable unknown quantity of vast 
destructive capacity. 

What Should Be Done? 

In the light of these circumstances, the United 
States believes that two steps should be taken to 
meet the issues posed by these facts. The first is 
to continue the search for the method by which 
complete accountability of nuclear materials and 
reliable inspection and control might be attained. 
The United States is already engaged in this 
search. The United States has placed a nmnber 
of its ablest scientists in continuing work on this 
problem. The United States Government wel- 
comes efforts by any other nation in tliis regard 
and invites the scientists and officials of any nation 
in tlie world, if thej- believe they have a method 
which can completely account for past and present 
production of fissionable materials and to insure 
against improper diversion of nuclear weapons, to 
come forward and advance for consideration such 
a method. 

Second, in addition to such continuing studj' and 
research there must be a joint effort to reach agree- 
ments which can reduce the possibility of war, and 
in particular, and as a first priority provide against 
the possibility of a great sm-prise attack. 

President Eisenhower's Proposal 

It is against this background that President 
Eisenhower on July 21 proposed at Geneva that 
steps be taken now, which would have an imme- 
diate effect, which would be practical, and which 
would strike at the very core of the disannament 
problem — tlie suspicion and fear which are the 
great causes of international tensions. The Eisen- 
hower proposal called for an exchange of blue- 
prints of their military establishments between 
the Soviet Union and the United States and the 
provision of facilities for reciprocal aerial recon- 
naissance from one end to the other of these two 



October 31, 1955 



709 



countries. Tlie purpose of this exchange is to 
provide against the possibility of a great sm-prise 
attack, particularly with nuclear weapons, the 
importance of this having been previously i-ecog- 
nized by the Soviet Union as well as by the United 
States. 

In expomuling these proposals made by the 
President, in the Outline Plan presented by the 
United States in the Disarmament Subcommittee 
on August 30, 1955,^ in order to take into account 
the views of the Soviet Union expressed in its May 
10, 1955 proposals and at Geneva, as well as cer- 
tain views of the other members of the Disarma- 
ment Subcommittee, the United States noted, 
"Each nation has recognized the need for ground 
observers, and these will be stationed at key loca- 
tions within the other country for the purpose of 
allowing them to certify the accuracy of the fore- 
going information and to give warning of evidence 
of suqirise attack or of mobilization." 

In introducing this August 30 Outline Plan, the 
United States also recognized that the danger of 
great surprise attack is a matter of concern to 
each of the Governments represented in the Sub- 
committee and to all nations of the world. It 
is further realized that the carrying out of the 
President's proposal will involve the cooperation 
of each of the Governments represented in the 
Disarmament Subcommittee, and the question 
arises whether this exchange of military blueprints 
and aerial reconnaissance should be confined to the 
territorial limits of the United States and the So- 
viet Union. It is the belief of the United States 
that it is most essential that a beginning should 
be made on the President's proposal by agreement 
between the Soviet Union and the United States, 
but that this agreement between these two coun- 
tries putting the President's plan into effect with- 
out delay might also provide for the adherence 
and participation, as agreed, of designated coun- 
tries on an equitable basis, once the plan is in 
operation between the Soviet Union and the 
United States. 

Furthermore, it should be clear that the Presi- 
dent's proposal is directed toward providing 
against the possibility of a great surjjrise attack 
of any kind with any weapon. So far as the in- 
formation to be exchanged is concerned, it will 
consist of the identification, strength, command 
structure and disposition of personnel, units and 
equipment of all major land, sea and air forces, 

" U.N. doc. DC/SC. 1/31. 



including organized reserves and para-military; 
and a complete list of military plants, facilities, 
and installations with their locations. It is not 
contemplated that the blueprints of military estab- 
lishments would include every specific detail. 
Similar information would be simultaneously ex- 
changed by each Government, as mutually agreed 
upon by the two Governments, within the frame- 
work of the United Nations. This exchange of 
information would be directed toward safeguard- 
ing against the possibility of a great surprise at- 
tack, and the details of information to be ex- 
changed are subject to negotiation. 

So far as aerial reconnaissance is concerned, 
however, the United States would not consider 
that there are prohibited areas. In the words of 
President Eisenhower, the United States "would 
allow these planes, properly inspected, peaceful 
planes, to fly over any particular area of the coun- 
try that they wanted to, because in this — only in 
this — M'ay could you convince them there wasn't 
something over there that maybe was by surprise 
ready to attack them." 

Reduction of the Burden of Armaments 

The United States believes that the taking of 
this practical step to provide against the possi- 
bility of surprise attack, as suggested in the Pres- 
ident's proposals, will lessen danger and relax 
international tensions. 

By this very fact, a system guarding against 
surprise attack as proposed by the United States 
should make more easily attainable a broader 
disarmament agreement. The lessons learned 
through the mutual exchange of military blue- 
l^rints and through reciprocal aerial reconnais- 
sance will help measurably in the joint efforts of 
the Disarmament Subcommittee to find an effec- 
tive inspection and control system which will fully 
support agreements to reduce, limit and regulate 
armaments and armed forces. 

It is the firm i^olicy of the United States Gov- 
ernment that the relaxation of international ten- 
sions through concrete deeds should proceed con- 
currently with efforts to find a solution to the prob- 
lem of armaments. As President Eisenhower said 
at the Geneva Conference of Heads of Govern- 
ment, "The United States Government is prepared 
to enter into a sound and reliable agreement mak- 
ing possible the reduction of armament." 

The United States earnestly seeks an agi-eement 



710 



Departmenf of State Bulletin 



for the reduction of all armaments and armed 
forces, concurrent with the relief of international 
tensions and when a reliable system of inspection 
and control is devised. The problems of disarma- 
ment have become increasingly complicated be- 
cause of the changed technical circumstances 
which have been i^reviously described. These 
technical circumstances must be taken into account, 
not only in devising a system of inspection and 
control, but also in relation to the scale, timing 
and ratio of any reductions wliich might be agreed 
upon. 

Wliile these considerations are being studied, 
and while our scientists are trying to find methods 
by which complete accountability for nuclear ma- 
terial and reliable inspection and control might 
be attained, it is imperative that we find the means 
to provide against surprise attack and to attain 
that degree of international trust indispensable to 
a broad disarmament program supported by 
effective inspection and reporting. The United 
States believes that the Eisenhower plan is the 
gateway to agi-eement in these further fields and 
in itself provides a great assui-ance against war. 

It is the hope of the United States that, upon 
further consideration of the proposal of the Presi- 
dent of the United States at Geneva on July 21, 
the Outline Plan in implementation of the Presi- 
dential proposal submitted to the Disarmament 
Subcommittee on August 30, and the further ex- 
planations made during the course of the Sub- 
committee discussions and summed up in this 
memorandum, that the members of the Subcom- 
mittee, the Disarmament Commission and the 
United Nations General Assembly inay decide 
that the early execution of this plan would con- 
tribute to the reduction of present international 
tensions, would provide safeguards against major 
surprise attack, would lessen the fear of war, 
would assist in tlie development of a comprehen- 
sive international agreement for the regulation, 
limitation and balanced reduction of all armed 
forces and armaments, and woidd advance the 
cause of peace. It is the further hope of the 
United States that agreement could be reached 
to place the proposal of the United States into 
effect at the earliest opportunity, and that the 
members of this Subcommittee would continue 
their efforts to reach agreement on an effective 
system of international inspection and control 
and upon a general program for reduction and 
limitation of armament. 



Meeting the Challenge for 
Economic Progress 

Statement hy Brooks Hays 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

It is altogether fitting and proper that we in 
the Second Committee should devote to the sub- 
ject of economic development a considerable por- 
tion of our time and energies. We do so in 
response to that f arseeing provision in the charter 
which calls on the United Nations to promote — 
and I quote from article 55 — " . . . higher stand- 
ards of living, full employment, and conditions 
of economic and social progi'ess and development." 
It is indeed fundamental to the continuing peace 
and stability of the world as a whole that all 
peo^jles should have a chance to benefit in their 
day-to-day living from the advances which man 
has achieved in the techniques of production. 

Let me say at once, Mr. Chairman, that, in the 
matter of economic development, the interests of 
the peoples of the so-called developed and under- 
developed countries are essentially the same. As a 
matter of fact, I have often felt that these terms 
themselves are misleading. In my own country, 
which is generally classed among the so-called de- 
veloped, there are vast areas of underdevelopment 
which cause us concern. I also am aware that 
many so-called underdeveloped countries can show 
substantial accomplishments in many fields. To 
a considerable degree, we are all underdeveloped. 
The truth is, if one may simplify, that some coun- 
tries are on the whole more underdeveloped than 
others. It is in the undoubted interest of all, at 
whatever place in the scale, that the disparities 
should be reduced and that the tide of rising ex- 
pectations shall nowliere lead to frustration, dis- 
illusionment, or misunderstanding. 

How can this challenge be met ? What can the 
international community do to assist countries to 
further and to speed their economic development ? 
I use the word assist because, in the last analysis, 
the principal effort toward the economic develop- 
ment of each country can only be made by the 
people and government of that country. There 
can be no substitute for the will to progress, whicli 
is a compound of industry, enterprise, resolution, 
the willingness to forego the satisfactions of the 



'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on 
Oct. 12 (U.S. delegation press release 2226). Mr. Hays 
is a Member of the U.S. Hou.se of Representatives. 



October 31, 1955 



711 



moment in favor of lasting gains. But this is 
not to say that cooperative action in this field is 
either useless or undesirable. On the contrary, 
experience has clearly demonstrated the value of 
certain forms of international effort to supplement 
the efforts of individual countries. Let us exam- 
ine some of the ways in which this has been done. 

Technical Assistance 

First of all, there is the exchange of technical 
skills and experience. I refer to the various tech- 
nical assistance programs carried on by individual 
countries and by the United Nations and the spe- 
cialized agencies under the expanded technical as- 
sistance program. This is an outstanding ex- 
ample of mutual self-help. My delegation will 
have more to say about this when we come to it 
on our agenda. 

Nevertheless, it gives me great pleasure to be 
able to announce that my Government will pledge 
to the United Nations technical assistance pro- 
gi'am for 1956 the sum of $15i/4 million. The 
only limitation on this contribution is that it shall 
not exceed 50 percent of all contributions. 

Remarks made by one of the previous speakers 
suggest the mistaken belief that the United States 
Congress has attached conditions to our partici- 
pation in the United Nations expanded program 
of technical assistance. To remove tliis misunder- 
standing and clarify the situation, I would like to 
refer to Public Law 138, approved on July 8, 
1955. The last paragraph of this act contains a 
broad policy declaration. It says: 

It is hereby declared to be the continuing sense of the 
Congress that the Communist regime in China has not 
demonstrated its willingness to fulfill the obligations con- 
tained in the Charter of the United Nations and should 
not be recognized to represent China in the United 
Nations. 

This is an expression of the sense of the Con- 
gress, but it is in no way a condition or limitation 
on the granting of funds for the United Nations 
technical assistance program. 

The purpose of my country's contribution to tliis 
program — and in fact to all economic assistance 
programs benefiting other countries — is well sum- 
marized in a paragraph of the same law, Public 
Law 138. Here it is stated — and I quote : 

It is the sense of the Congress that assistance under 
this Act shall be administered so as to assist other peoples 
in their efforts to achieve self-government or independence 



under circumstances which will enable them to assume an» 
equal station among the free nations of the world and 
to fulfill their responsibilities for self-government or in- 
dependence. 

As a member of the Foreign Affairs Commit- 
tee of the House, which drafted this language, and 
a participant in the congressional debate which 
produced this legislation, I am in a position to 
inform the committee that the language which I 
have just read faithfully expresses the sentiment 
of the Congress of the United States but in no 
sense implies a limitation on the proposed con- 
tribution to the United Nations technical assist- 
ance program for 1956. 

Work of Specialized Agencies 

Another significant contribution of the interna- 
tional community to the economic development of 
underdeveloped countries is the work of various 
technical bodies of the United Nations and the spe- 
cialized agencies. The valuable research carried 
on in technical fields by the Food and Agriculture 
Organization, the World Health Organization, 
and the regional economic conmiissions (to men- 
tion only these) is a rich source of helpful infor- 
mation to the underdeveloped countries. I have 
mentioned particularly the Fag and the Who in 
this connection because I feel that the relation- 
ship of their work to economic development is not 
always as clear as it might be. The greater por- 
tion of the earth's population earns its living from 
the soil. Increase in the productivity of agricul- 
tural processes must go hand in hand with indus- 
trialization if development is to proceed in bal- 
anced fashion. The work of the Fag in the fields 
of research and of technical assistance is therefore 
an important contribution to sound development. 
AVho is dedicated to the improvement of the su- 
preme resource of any country — its human popu- 
lation, whose health and physical well-being are 
of paramount importance in any hoped-for eco- 
nomic advance. 

Finance 

I now come to the subject of finance. Lack of 
capital is by no means the only obstacle to develop- 
ment in many countries, nor is it necessarily the 
most important. Social or governmental insti- 
tutions, shortages of necessary skills, a low level 
of general education, unprogressive attitudes — all 
or any of these may, and in individual cases fre- 



712 



Department of State Bulletin 



queutly do, exercise an even greater retarding ef- 
fect. They may sometimes make impossible the 
full use of capital already available. Neverthe- 
less, it is reasonable to expect that many countries 
will in the course of the early stages of their eco- 
nomic development reach a stage at which capital 
available from internal sources is insufficient to 
allow the rate of expansion they consider desirable. 
The most natural and the best source of supple- 
mentary capital in such cases is the international 
capital market. A country which offers reasonable 
^aranties against arbitrary or discriminatory 
treatment can generally obtain private inter- 
national investment capital on acceptable terms 
for economically sound development projects. 

"Wliile my Government feels strongly that pri- 
vate international risk capital is the most promis- 
ing, and in the long run the most beneficial, com- 
plement to private internal capital in the develop- 
ment process, we recognize the existence of special 
problems requiring special solutions. In a country 
which is attempting to speed its economic develop- 
ment, there may be certain urgent projects, in 
themselves not attractive to private investment, 
but which are indispensable as preliminaries. To 
meet this type of situation, special lending insti- 
tutions have come into existence — the Inter- 
national Bank for Keconstruction and De- 
velopment and the Export-Import Bank. My 
Government is gratified by the progress made to- 
ward the establishment of the International 
Finance Corporation and looks to the early com- 
mencement of its operations. We are hopeful that 
it will encourage and supplement private capital 
in undertaking new tasks. 

In addition, I believe it is opportune to mention 
here that, under the vai'ious bilateral agreements 
concluded since the war, the U.S. has made avail- 
able to the less developed areas of the world some 
$61/^ billion for reconstruction and economic de- 
velopment. The aid program recently approved 
by the American Congress calls for $162 million 
in development assistance to the countries in Asia, 
Africa, and Latin America. In addition, $127i^ 
million has been appropriated for bilateral tech- 
nical cooperation programs. 

Use of Surplus Foods 

Mr. Chairman, I should like to call attention at 
this point to a recent development. Tlie Fao has 
published a most interesting report on a pilot 



study in India of the possibilities of using surplus 
foods to promote economic development.- This 
study illustrates how the demand for consumer 
goods resulting from increased employment pro- 
duced by development projects could in large 
measure be met by the use of food and fiber sur- 
pluses which exist in some parts of the world to- 
day. The benefits which could flow from this 
type of arrangement in terms of controlling the 
inflationary effect of a high rate of investment and 
in diminishing the depressive effects of large com- 
modity surpluses on world markets would seem to 
warrant further exploration. It would prove 
especially useful in countries where increased con- 
sumer income is translated largely into additional 
demand for food and clotliing. In simple terms, 
this means that a country with substantial unem- 
ployment or underemployment may, by using 
agricultural surpluses made available for the pur- 
pose, be able to set its unemployed to work on 
needed development projects. The wages which 
would be paid for this work would go to buy in- 
creased quantities of food and clothing. And tliis 
extra food and this extra clothing would come 
from the agricultural surjiluses. In this fashion, 
and without in any way disturbing normal trade 
patterns, accumulated stocks of food and fiber 
which might otherwise constitute a threat to the 
normal price structure of these commodities in 
international markets may be usefully employed 
in furthering the economic development through 
projects which might not find the necessary 
financing. This is a most attractive possibility 
and would seem to warrant careful study and ex- 
ploration. Public Law 480 has been enacted to 
enable the United States to participate in this kind 
of international cooperation. 

Since the passage of Public Law 480 a little 
over a year ago, 21 agreements have been signed 
with 17 governments involving the purchase of 
surplus agricultural commodities.^ The total 
market value of these agreements has amounted 
to $3G0.S million. The foreign currency resulting 



' Uses of Agricultural Surpluses To Finance Economic 
Development in Undo-dcfcloped Countries: A Pilot fitudy 
m India, Fao Commodity Policy Studies No. 6, June 1!)5.5; 
may be .secured from the International Documents Service, 
Columbia University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, 
N. Y., price $1. 

' For a progress report on the Agricultural Trade De- 
velopment and Assistance Act, see Btjlleti.\ of Aug. 1, 
1955, p. 197. 



October 31, 1955 



713 



from the sale of the commodities has been devoted 
to a variety of purposes, but a large percent has 
gone to loans or grants to further multilateral 
trade and economic development. In fact, 43 
percent has gone for these purposes. 

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 

The accelerating rate of progress in the field 
of 23eaceful use of atomic energy offers promise 
of new vistas which may profoundly' affect the 
jjromises on which our ideas of development pos- 
sibilities have hitherto been based. No one can 
yet forecast the implications of these new dis- 
coveries. My Government has already entered 
into many agreements with other governments to 
provide them witli equipment and fissionable ma- 
terial so that they may be able to keep abreast of 
work in this important field. It is our hope that 
an agency for the peaceful uses of atomic energy 
may shortly come into being to promote the peace- 
ful uses of the atom for the benefit of all. 

Discussions are currently under way or impend- 
ing which, it is devoutly hoped, may lead to an 
easing of past tensions and a resultant willing- 
ness on the part of many countries to reduce their 
armament burdens. Accomplishment of this aim 
would, in the words of the President of the United 
States,* 

. . . lighten the burdens upon the backs of the people. 
It would make it possible for every nation, great and 
small, developed and less developed, to advance the stand- 
ards of living of its people, to attain better food and 
clothing and shelter, more of education and larger en- 
joyment of life. 

And, at San Francisco in June the President 
stated,^ 

As some success in disarmament is achieved, we hope 
that each of the so-called great powers will contril)nte 
to the United Nations, for promoting the technical and 
economic progress of the less productive areas, a portion 
of the resultant savings in military exijenditures. 

The widespread desire of the less developed 
peoples for economic progress is one which we in 
the United States share very sincerely with them. 
The United States Government is contributing to 
the economic progress of less developed countries 
bilaterally. It is also proud to be associated with 
other United Nations members in various multi- 



' liid., p. 173. 

" ma.. July 4, 1955, p. 3. 



lateral endeavors toward the same goal. Even 
with the aid of the new techniques now available 
and the promise of achievement to come, the task 
of eliminating poverty, disease, and ignorance will 
be a long one. But it is a worthy one — an in- 
dispensable one. To carry it forward with sound- 
ness, with justice for all, and without loss of 
precious human freedoms is worth our dedicated 
effort. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 



General Assembly 

Third Report of the United Nations Commission on the 
Racial Situation in the Union of South Africa. A/2953 
[transmitted August 26, 1955]. 304 ijp. mlmeo. 

UXREF Executive Committee. Report on the First Ses- 
sion of the Standing Programme Sub-committee (Ge- 
neva, 12-14, September 1955). A/AC.79/18, A/AC.79/ 
PSC/2, September 21, 1955. 20 pp. mimeo. 

Question of the Correction of Votes in the General As- 
sembly and Its Committees. Report of the Secretary- 
General. A/2977, September 30, 1955. 30 pp. minieo. 

Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session of the General As- 
sembly. A/29S8, October 3, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo. 

Statement by Mr. Philippe de Seynes, Under Secretary for 
Economic and Social Affairs, Before the Second Com- 
mittee, 4 October 19.55. A/C.2/L.261, October 5, 1955. 
11 pp. mimeo. 

Report of the International Law Commission Covering 
the Work of Its Seventh Session. Report of the 
Secretary-General prepared in pursuance of General 
Assembly resolution 6S6 (VII) concerning ways and 
means for making the evidence of customary interna- 
tional law more readily available. A/C.6/348, October 
10, 1955. 26 pp. mimeo. 



Economic and Social Council 

Calendar of Conferences for 1956. Note by the Secretary- 
General. E/2784, August 1, 1955. 6 pp. mlmeo. 

Calendar of Conferences for 1956. E/2793, August 5, 
1955. 3 pp. mimeo. 

Report of the Ad Hoc Advisory Committee of Experts on 
the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders. 
8-17 August 1955. E/CN.5/319, Augu.st 18, 1955. 23 
pp. mimeo. 

Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on Pre- 
vention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. 
Provisional agenda for eighth session. E/CN.4/Sub.2/- 
171, September 22, 1055. 3 pp. mimeo. 

United Nations Children's Fund, Executive Board. Re- 
port of the Programme Committee on its Meetings Held 
at United Nations Headquarters 9, 18, and 14 September 
1955. E/ICEP/L.S30, September 15, 1955. 11 pp. 



Secretariat 

Statistical Office of the United Nations. Timing and 
Interrelationship of Population Censuses with Censuses 
of Housing, Agriculture, Industry and Distribution. 
ST/STAT/P/L.16, August 8, 19.55. 15 pp. mimeo. 



714 



Department of State Bulletin 



Administrative Progress and Problems in 
the United Nations and Its Agencies 



Statement iy Chester E. Merrow 

V.S. Representative to the General Assembly ' 



As you know, it has become almost a tradition 
in the United States for the President to appoint 
at least two Members of the Congress to serve 
on the United States delegation to the United 
Nations. As in all countries, such an appoint- 
ment is one of the highest honors which one can 
receive. I accordingly consider myself most for- 
tunate to have been asked by President Eisen- 
hower to serve as a delegate to this Tenth General 
Assembly. 

In the course of these first days of the General 
Assembly, I have had an opportunity to meet a 
number of my fellow delegates from many other 
countries. "We have exchanged views on several 
topics. One of the favorite topics has been the 
comparison of assignments. In the course of our 
discussions, I have been struck by the fact that 
the Administrative and Budgetary Committee, to 
which we here have been assigned, is a central and 
all-important committee. Although the functions 
of the committee are comparable to the appropria- 
tions committees of national Congresses and Par- 
liaments, they also extend to broader problems of 
administration. 

You, Mr. Chairman [Hans Engen], as the re- 
spected Ambassador of Norway, a country known 
for its interest in administration and economy, 
and the distinguished chairman of the Advisory 
Committee, Ambassador Aghnides,- are among 
those whom I have met who share my own view 
of the importance of this committee. 



' Made in Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary) 
on Oct. 11 (U.S. delegation press release 2224). Mr. 
Merrow is a Memlier of the U.S. House of Representatives. 

^Thanassis Aghnides (Greece), chairman of the Ad- 
visory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary 
Questions. 



Because it is essential that the importance of 
this body, the counterpart of similar committees 
in our national Parliaments, be fully understood, 
I hope I may be pardoned if I express my views on 
the work of the Administrative and Budgetary 
Committee and on its place in the United Nations 
structure. 

First, and of special importance, is the fact that 
the Administrative and Budgetary Committee is 
the only place in the United Nations where the 
I'epresentatives of governments can examine to- 
gether the organizational, administrative, and 
financial structure of the various parts of the 
United Nations system to insure the development 
of a sound and integrated whole. This oppor- 
tunity is of particular interest to me. During my 
service in the Congress of the United States, I 
have had the privilege of serving as chairman of 
the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on In- 
ternational Organizations and Movements. This 
subcommittee conducted hearings and studied the 
operations of the United Nations and the special- 
ized agencies, and other international oi'ganiza- 
tions. I was also head of a mission that visited 
all of the specialized agencies located in Europe, 
as well as the branch office of the United Nations. 
This mission discussed with the key officials of 
these agencies many of the problems which con- 
cern us here. The report of the mission to the 
Congi-ess ^ has been printed and given public dis- 
tribution. With Ambassador Aghnides, I share 
the experience and memory of attending the 1945 
conference in London that drafted the Unesco 
constitution. All of this makes the opportunity 
for an exchange of views in the General Assem- 
bly especially welcome. 



' H. Kept. 1251, 83d Cong., 2d sess. 



October 3?, 7955 



715 



It is well, perhaps, in this 10th anniversary year 
of the United Nations, to begin with an across- 
the-board look at the developments in our major 
fields of concern — organizational matters, budgets 
and contributions, personnel policy, and coordi- 
nation of the United Nations and its specialized 
agencies. 

Growth of the United Nations System 

First, in the organizational field. The years 
since the establishment of the United Nations have 
seen a growth not only in the United Nations it- 
self but also the development of 10 specialized 
agencies of the United Nations. There is the In- 
ternational Labor Organization, which was origi- 
nally part of the League of Nations and is seeking 
to raise labor standards and improve working 
conditions. Tlie Food and Agriculture Organiza- 
tion has been established to improve food and 
agricultural production and distribution. To 
promote peace through collaboration in educa- 
tional, scientific, and cultural matters, there is the 
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul- 
tural Organization. The International Civil 
Aviation Organization aims at developing inter- 
national air transport and improving standards 
of international air navigation. The task of 
facilitating exchange of mail and imf)roving 
world postal services falls to the Universal Postal 
Union, one of the oldest international organiza- 
tions, dating back to 1875. The World Health 
Organization is dedicated to raising world health 
standards. The International Telecommunica- 
tion Union, which stems from an organization 
established in 18G5, is engaged in promoting the 
rational and efficient use of telecommunication 
facilities. Better weather reporting is the aim 
of the World Meteorological Organization, a re- 
cent outgrowth of the International Meteorologi- 
cal Organization. The International Bank and 
the International Monetary Fund undertake to 
facilitate the investment of capital for productive 
pui-poses and to promote currency stability. 

In addition to these permanent and regularly 
supported specialized agencies, there are now five 
programs operating under United Nations aegis 
with the assistance of voluntary contributions. 
These are the International Children's Fund, to 
promote maternal and child welfare; the Tech- 
nical Assistance Program, to bring about higher 
living standards ; the Palestine Belief and Works 



Agency, to provide food, shelter, and gainful em- 
ployment for nearly 900,000 refugees ; the Korean 
Reconstruction Agency, to relieve the suffering 
and repair the devastation caused by aggression; 
and the Eefugee Fund, to find permanent solu- 
tions for limited groups of refugees. 

The activities of these agencies and programs 
extend to nearly every part of the world — to ap- 
proximately 90 countries and territories, in fact, 
thus reaching far beyond the membersliip of the 
United Nations itself. The result is a growth in 
the size of the regular international secretariats 
until they now total more than 9,000 persons. To 
this must be added the internationally recniited 
personnel required to operate the voluntary pro- 
grams — a total of approximately 2,200 persons. 
This is exclusive of local assistance which runs 
into the thousands. 

This trend has led to organizational decentral- 
ization, and this in turn raises the most difficult 
kind of management problems, many of which 
have yet to be solved in a satisfactory manner. 
Through his organizational survey extending over 
the last 2 yeai-s, the Secretary-General has sought 
to assess the character of the problems which the 
United Nations faces in this area. He is now in 
the process of instituting measures designed to 
improve overall United Nations management and 
control of its far-flung opei'ations. Whether cur- 
rent measures are an adequate answer to this 
problem remains to be seen. I am convinced that 
efforts in the same direction should be continued 
in the United Nations and should be undertaken 
in the specialized agencies. 

Total Cost of the U.N. System 

The Information Annex to the Budget Esti- 
mates for 1956 (doc. A/2904/Add.l) shows us 
that the gross budgets of the United Nations and 
its siJeciaJized agencies, exclusive of the Interna- 
tional Bank and International Monetary Fund, 
total $85 million in 1955. To this should be added 
$102,500,000, representing the approximate 1955 
operating level of the voluntarily financed United 
Nations programs of the International Children's 
Fund, the Expanded Program of Technical Assist- 
ance, the Refugee Fund, the Palestine Relief and 
Works Agency, and the Korean Reconstruction 
Agency. The combined total of regular budgets 
and voluntary programs for 1955 approximates 
$187,500,000. This compares to a total expendi- 



716 



Department of State Bulletin 



ture figure of approximately $122,500,000 in 1947, 
the first fully operative year of the United Na- 
tions, the Children's Fund, and the then existing 
specialized agencies (inclusive of the International 
Refugee Organization, but exclusive of the Inter- 
national Bank and Fund). 

For the period from 1946 to 1954 inclusive, the 
total of the United Nations and the currently ex- 
isting specialized agency expenditures (exclusive 
of the Bank and Fund) amount to approximately 
$601 million. If the budgets for 1955 are added, 
the cumulative total to date is $686 million. Add 
to this $665 million representing the amount spent 
on the voluntarily financed progi-ams of the United 
Nations for the same period, plus $412,700,000 
expended by the International Refugee Organiza- 
tion, and we see that a total of $1,764,000,000 has 
been devoted by the international community to 
the work of the United Nations agencies. 

If these facts and figures are to be really mean- 
ingful in terms of the task of this committee, it is 
necessary to analyze them briefly. The 1947 fig- 
ures represent the initial development stage of the 
United Nations, the International Children's 
Fund, and seven specialized agencies, one of which 
is no longer in operation, namely, the Interna- 
tional Refugee Organization. The 1955 figure 
represents the going programs of the United Na- 
tions, eight of the specialized agencies, and five 
major operating agencies, supported by voluntary 
funds. 

Translated into activities, the growing figures 
spell cooperative international endeavor to keep 
the peace, to raise standards of living through 
economic and social development, to feed the 
hungry, to care for the displaced and homeless, 
to fight disease and ignorance, to facilitate man's 
efforts to communicate, and to enhance man's en- 
joyment of work and life. Given these goals, the 
funds expended can be easily justified, provided 
this committee and its counterpart in other agen- 
cies exercise the necessary vigilance to insure that 
waste, inefficiency, organizational defects, and un- 
necessary overhead are eliminated and that the re- 
sults achieved are commensurate with the outlay 
of funds. The fact that the United Nations 
budget seems to have reached a stabilization point 
does not mean that we should relax our efforts to 
find ways and means of improving efficiency and 
eliminating unnecessary activities. This is a con- 
tinuing responsibility of good stewardship. The 
budgets of the specialized agencies should likewise 



be subjected to continuing and careful scrutiny by 



govermnents. 



Sharing of Costs 

At the same time that these regular budgets 
of the United Nations agencies have been increas- 
ing, there has been a trend toward more equitable 
sharing of costs, so that no one member pays 
more than one-third of the total budget in any 
agency. The payment recoi-d in all agencies 
would indicate that with few exceptions, where 
the circumstances are most unusual, assessments 
upon governments have not exceeded their capac- 
ity or willingness to pay. This presents a sharp 
contrast to the situation existing in the programs 
financed by voluntary contributions, viz, the 
Uiiited Nations International Children's Fund, 
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees, United Nations Korean Re- 
construction Agency, United Nations Refugee 
Fund, and the Expanded Technical Assistance 
Program. 

We had a report last week from Mr. Cutts,* the 
chairman of the special committee set up to negoti- 
ate and collect contributions for these programs. 
This report indicated that pledges in particular 
lag far behind the financial targets which have 
been set in order to operate an adequate program. 
This is in spite of the fact that the larger contribu- 
tors assume a higher proportion of the total costs 
than is the case with the regidar budgets. In 
the light of the important tasks assigned to these 
agencies, I believe we should give serious attention 
to the possible reasons for this situation — whether 
targets are set too high or governments are ignor- 
ing their responsibilities or both. 

The support of all member governments — and I 
stress the word "all" — for the causes served by 
the programs of the United Nations agencies must 
be sustained and indeed increased. The form of 
such support, i. e., through an international agency 
or otherwise, and the amount of money devoted to 
it will require a continuing assessment of the fol- 
lowing factors, among others : 

(a) whether an international agency can be 
demonstrated to be the best instniment for meeting 
the needs which are justifiably the concern of the 
international community ; 

*T. \V. Cutts (Australia). The reiiort of the Negotiat- 
ing Committee for Extra-Budgetary Funds is U.N. doc. 
A/2945. 



October 31, 1955 



717 



(b) the degree to which the members of such 
an agency are willing to bear an equitable share 
of the financial burdens entailed in assuming such 
international responsibilities. It is an inescap- 
able fact that, if the brimt of the costs fall upon 
a few member states, the undertaking is not truly 
international and misunderstandings will surely 
result ; 

(c) and lastly, whether international assistance 
will be adequately supported and supplemented by 
national endeavor. 

Personnel Management 

Another major area of continual concern to this 
committee has been the development of sound per- 
sonnel policies. The record will show, I believe, 
that this has been one of the most challenging but 
difficult aspects of the development of interna- 
tional organizations. This is due not only to the 
human and personal problems involved but also 
to the vastly different national traditions and ap- 
proaches in dealing with these problems. Nev- 
ertheless, considerable progress has been made in 
developing among the United Nations agencies 
good, sound, and consistent conditions of service 
in respect of such matters as salaries and allow- 
ances, pensions, leave, sickness and disability ben- 
efits. Past and current debate in this committee 
and in the specialized agencies indicates, however, 
the continued existence of numerous unsolved 
problems connected with staff morale and with 
the selection, development, and maintenance of 
competent staff of the highest integrity. 

For example, concern has been reiterated many 
times on such problems as attracting high caliber 
staff, equitable geographical distribution, elim- 
inating incompetent or unsuitable staff, giving en- 
couragement and recognition to competent staff, 
and development of an esprit de corps within the 
organization. These utterances together with ex- 
pressed attitudes and actions of the various staff 
councils indicate that far gi'eater attention and em- 
phasis needs to be given to ways and means of 
improving jiersonnel management. It would ap- 
pear to be essential, for example, to develop rec- 
ognized and accepted standards of competence for 
selection and promotion and to evolve methods for 
applying these as objectively as possible. Mem- 
ber governments, the staff, and the public at large 
must be assured that the controlling criteria are 
the charter standards of the highest integrity, 



competence, and efficiency, and that to the extent 
that these standards are met, due regard is paid to 
recruiting on as wide a geogi-aphical basis as pos- 
sible. 

A second consideration is that perhaps the time 
has come to examine the concept of geographical 
representation to see whether the interests of the 
organization might be better served if this is in- 
terpreted to be a fair representation of the vari- 
ous cultures indigenous to the various member 
states. A mere counting of heads by nationality 
does not serve the purpose of enriching the organ- 
ization by the provision of diversified training, 
background, and traditions. Still another factor 
requiring attention is mentioned by the Interna- 
tional Civil Service Advisory Board, a group of 
international experts in this field, when it empha- 
sized that adequate staff induction and training, 
as well as effective supervision, are especially im- 
portant in an international organization. Yet 
there appears to be little evidence throughout the 
agencies of specific programs to insure that these 
needs are met. These are but a few examples, but 
I believe this recital serves to illustrate how much 
more can and should be done in the interest of 
improving effectiveness of the staff. 

Coordination of United Nations and Specialized 
Agencies 

"\^niile I have sought to present an overall sum- 
mary of administrative progi-ess and problems in 
the United Nations and its specialized agencies, 
such a survey would not be complete without men- 
tion of the question of coordination, as such.^ 
Considerable progi'ess in coordination among the 
United Nations and its specialized agencies has 
been made in the administrative field. There are, 
for example, a generally comparable salary allow- 
ance and leave system, a common pension system, 
comparable personnel and financial regulations, 
and certain common administrative services. 
This accomplishment has been primarily due to 
the combined efforts of the Advisory Committee 
on Achninistrative and Budgetary Questions, the 
Administrative Committee on Coordination and 
its subcommittees, and the consistency of positions 
of many of the governments represented in the 
various organizations. 



■^ For a statement on this question by Walter M. 
Kotsclmig, Deputy U.S. Representative in the Economic 
and Social Council, see Bulletin of Aug. 22, li)o'\ p. 317. 



718 



Department of State Bulletin 



In view of this and the -work beinj^ xindertaken 
by the Economic and Social Council to insure 
coordination and integration of program plan- 
ning, it seems timely to my delegation to explore 
what measures this committee might recommend 
to improve the combined operations and effective- 
ness of the United Nations and its specialized 
agencies. 

Before advancing the suggestions of my delega- 
tion, let me state briefly what I believe the basic 
relation of the United Nations and its agencies 
should be. The central fact is that each agency, 
regardless of its constitutional autonomy, is a 
vital part of the whole United Nations system. 
In the eyes of the world, the success of a special- 
ized agency is considered the success of the United 
Nations itself and vice versa. Likewise, the weak- 
ness of a specialized agency is considered to be 
the weakness of the United Nations. There is 
a reality we should not ignore. 

Recommendations 

Against this backgromid of progress and prob- 
lems, I shall proceed to outline the views of my 
delegation on both the issues before us which 
require immediate action and those on which at- 
tention needs to be focused and an excliange of 
views encouraged if solutions are to be eventually 
developed. 

(1) We are satisfied with the role of the Advi- 
sory Committee and the Contributions Committee, 
and we shall on most points support their recom- 
mendations for the 1956 United Nations budget 
and scale of assessment. We note that both com- 
mittees are authorized by the Assembly to render 
service to the specialized agencies. The Contri- 
butions Committee has been called upon by nu- 
merous agencies to provide factual and statistical 
data. The Advisory Committee received authori- 
zation last year to visit the specialized agencies, 
upon their invitation, to continue the study of 
administrative and budgetary coordination. It 
is understood that at least one agency has extended 
an invitation to the Advisory Committee. It is 
to be hoped that others will do likewise, since 
there is a very real need for the budget of eveiy 
U.N. organization to have the careful and thor- 
ough type of expert examination which is given 
by the Advisory Committee on behalf of govern- 
ments. 

The advantage of having one group do the task 



for all agencies is obvious. It is a means by 
which the administration and governments in 
each agency can obtain objective advice on ad- 
ministrative improvements that would lead to 
better results for the money expended. It offers 
a means of identifying and focusing attention 
on common problems and the solutions thereto. 
The question arises, however, as to how the Advi- 
sory Coimnittee can fulfill its responsibilities to 
the Assembly and at the same time perform a use- 
ful role on behalf of the agencies. 

Since article 17 of the United Nations Charter 
places upon the Assembly certain responsibilities 
for review of specialized agency budgets, we can 
all agree that from the standpoint of the General 
Assembly as well as of the specialized agencies 
it is important for the Advisory Committee to 
undertake such a role. The problem therefore 
boils down to one of practical arrangements. It 
would appear to my delegation that there ai-e sev- 
eral possible courses of action that would enable 
the Advisory Committee to fulfill this enlarged 
role satisfactorily to all concerned. Before ad- 
vancing any specific suggestions on this matter, 
however, I think it is more fitting that we should 
profit from any views the Advisory Committee 
itself may have on this point. I hope that Am- 
bassador Aglinides with his usual wisdom can 
point the way for a fruitful discussion among 
delegations and representatives of the specialized 
agencies. 

(2) The second major suggestion which grows 
out of my introductory analysis is in response to 
the need for giving more attention to achieving 
better personnel management. This, of course, 
can only be done successfully if the head of each 
agency recognizes the importance of this matter 
and gives it his full support. Otherwise day-to- 
day operations will tend to crowd out such a pro- 
gram. We would urge that the Secretary-General 
and the heads of the various agencies give this 
matter high priority during the course of the next 
few years. It is important that the U.N. organiza- 
tions benefit from modern techniques in personnel 
management. One rather concrete proposal which 
suggests itself on the basis of current U.S. experi- 
ence is the institution of an incentive award 
system. 

The President of the United States, with con- 
gressional approval, initiated a program of this 
kind last November, as a means of enlisting the 
ingenuity and inventiveness of every member of 



Ocfofaer 37, 7955 



719 



the United States Civil Service in the cause of 
greater efficiency and productivity. The chair- 
man of the United States Civil Service Commis- 
sion reported recently that during the first 7 
months of operation 138,000 suggestions were re- 
ceived, 35,000 adopted, about $1,500,000 was paid 
out in cash awards, and the taxpayer benefited to 
the extent of savings of $40 million. While the 
unique and complex character of personnel prob- 
lems in international organizations may require 
considerable modification of national experience, 
it is still valid to expect that these organizations 
can benefit from experience like that of the United 
States. 

We also believe that the International Civil 
Service Advisory Board could play a useful and 
more active role in this connection. To date the 
Board has issued advisory reports covering re- 
cruitment, training, and standards of conduct. 
They provide basic policy guides which can and 
should be used to better jiurpose by all agencies, 
but there has been no followup. More could be 
done by the Board, particularly in assisting those 
organizations to plan and develop sound programs 
of this kind, tailored to the agency's needs. 

(3) My third major suggestion is directed to 
both the secretariats and the governments repre- 
sented here and in other agencies. I believe, and it 
is the belief of my Government, that greater vigi- 
lance and restraint are required in order to avoid 
an unduly large proportion of international budg- 
ets being used for administrative and overhead 
services. There are a number of specific measures 
which could and should be employed with greater 
fidelity to curb this tendency and which should 
lead to greater economy. 

( a) In the absence of exceptional circumstances, 
major meetings of international organizations 
should be held at headquarters. 

(b) Meetings should be scheduled to avoid peaks 
and valleys in the workloads for secretariats and 
governments. 

(c) There should be strict publication and docu- 
mentation control. In this connection, my delega- 
tion would like to suggest that the Fifth Commit- 
tee might set an example and establish a healthy 
precedent by foregoing simimary records except 
for important debates. For many items on the 
agenda, such as those we have just disposed of, the 
rejDort of the committee constitutes an adequate 
account of the proceedings. 

This is not solely a United Nations problem. 



The following plaintive note is sounded in the re- 
port of the Program Commission of the last Gen- 
eral Conference of Unesco. 

In conclusion, the Commission wishes to call the atten- 
tion of the General Conference to certain problems which 
have not only caused delay but have also, in many cases, 
reduced the effectiveness of its work. First is the prob- 
lem of paper work. Never before has the Commission 
had to consider so many documents as this year. ... A 
considerable number of important resolutions were hidden 
in these piles of papers, from which they had to be sorted 
out in order to be adopted, or more often than not held 
over for another meeting, or amended, or reamended, until 
one's head began to spin. 

This has an all too familiar ring and has been 
echoed in these halls as well as elsewhere. 

(d) ]\Ieetings should start promptly. In this, 
some of the technical agencies such as Who main- 
tain a better record than the United Nations or- 
gans. The International Scientific Conference 
on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy in Geneva 
last August was outstanding on this score. The 
following excerpt from the closing address of the 
president of the conference. Dr. Bhabha of India, 
points to the fact that : 

Its success is also due to the spirit and the manner in 
which all the delegates have played their part. From 
the very beginning meetings have begun and ended on 
time, and all the speakers have adliered to the time limit 
set in the program. I am told that this is by no means a 
usual feature of international conferences. The difference 
can perhaps be attributed to the circumstance that, in a 
scientific conference such as this, each speaker has some- 
thing concrete to communicate. I suppose that, when 
one has nothing too concrete to communicate, there is no 
inherent reason why, having started speaking, one should 
stop. 

My colleagues will be greatly relieved, I am sure, 
to know that I have taken the last comment of Dr. 
Bliabha to heart and that very soon I will stop. 

Additional Special Items 

]Mr. Chairman, I sliould like to indicate at this 
point the United States position on several non- 
recurring items which are important primarily in 
the United Nations context. 

My delegation strongly suj^ports the recom- 
mendations of the Special Committee on Judicial 
Review of Administrative Tribimal Judgments* 
and hopes that the report of that committee will 
enable the Fifth Committee to deal with this item 
with a miniminn of debate. 



' U.N. doc. A/2909. 



720 



Department of State Bulletin 



The United States Government is also gratified 
to note that the Secretary-General plans to com- 
plete the headquarters construction in 1956 and, 
in this connection, to erect a memorial plaque for 
those who have died in the service of the United 
Nations. We also consider it eminently just and 
proper for the Fifth Committee to act favorably 
on the proposal to establish a memorial cemetery 
in Korea. 

I could not close these general remarks without 
expressing the appreciation of my delegation for 
the work of the various standing committees which 
serve the Fifth Committee so faithfully, such as 
the Advisory Committee, the Contributions Com- 
mittee, and the Board of Auditors. 

My delegation would also like to associate itself 
with the thanks expressed by the chairman of the 
Advisory Committee, in the foreword to the com- 
mittee's first report, to the persons who have con- 
tributed to the work of the Advisory Committee. 
This particularly applies to the valuable assist- 
ance rendered by Mr. Watson Sellar, retiring 
member of the Board of Auditors, and Mr. Hans 
Cliristian xVndersen, retiring Controller, both of 
whom have contributed so much to the sound 
financial management of the United Nations. 
The Fiftli Committee is indebted to Mr. Sellar, 
who has served since the inception of the United 
Nations, for his personal contribution to the de- 
velopment of a thoroughgoing audit system and 
for the enormous assistance rendered by the staff 
of his Government department. Tribute is also 
due the Government of Canada, which has made 
this possible. 

If, as on this occasion and others, we feel it 
necessary to comment critically on certain details 
of United Nations administration, we do so only 
out of a desire to be helpful and consti'uctive. My 
delegation is convinced that the United Nations 
must continue to examine and improve its adminis- 
trative practices if it is to fulfill the great hopes 
that we — and I think the whole world — have for 
its continued growth as an instrument working 
for peace in this nuclear age. I have no doubt 
that my colleagues on this committee are as con- 
scious as I am of the great responsibility we bear 
as overseers of an organization which embodies so 
much hope and promise. If the United Nations is 
to play the role expected of it in this disorderly 
and uncertain world, those who carry out its man- 
date will have to function with a high sense of 
duty and teamwork. 



Convinced as we are of the challenge and the 
difficulty which this administrative task places 
upon the Secretary-General, we stand ready 
always to cooperate with him. His term of office 
has been marked by accomplishments and im- 
provements which merit our sincere pride and 
gratitude. 

I am confident that, if properly supported, the 
United Nations system as it enters its second 
decade will grow, develop, and increase in influ- 
ence and effectiveness. We are engaged in waging 
peace with an intensity and earnestness of purpose 
never before experienced in the history of the 
world. In that great effort the United Nations 
system serves as one of mankind's major instru- 
mentalities. The charter is a living organism and 
has developed and must continue to develop as a 
potent instrument for meeting the many complex 
problems of international character which know 
no boundary lines. As we trj- to project the fu- 
ture, we can be certain that, with a concerted 
effort on the part of all of us, the United Nations 
system will succeed and help man realize his great- 
est hope and that a new and peaceful world will 
emerge through the instrumentality of the U.N. 
structure. Toward that goal the Administrative 
and Budgetary Committee, by making possible 
more efficient use of available funds, can make a 
major contribution. 



U.S. Delegations to 
International Conferences 

Contracting Parties to GATT 

The Dejiartment of State announced on October 
20 (press release 610) that James C. H. Bon- 
bright, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal, will be 
chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Tenth 
Session of the Contracting Parties to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt) , opening 
at Geneva on October 27. The delegation also 
includes the following : 

Vice chairman 

John M. Leddy, Special Assistant to the Deputy Under 
Secretary for Economic Affairs, Department of State 

Adtnsers 

A. Richard DePelice, Chief, International Agreements 

Branch, Trade Policy Division. Foreign .Agricultural 

Service, Department of Agriculture 



October 31, 7955 



721 



Ethel M. Dietrich, Director, Trade Division, U.S. Mission 
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Euro- 
pean Regional Organizations, Paris 

Robert Eisenberg, Attach^, U.S. Embassy, Luxembourg 

Morris J. Fields, Chief, Commercial Policy and United 
Nations Division, Office of International Finance, De- 
partment of the Treasury 

Mortimer Goldstein, Assistant Chief, International Fi- 
nance Division, Department of State 

Walter Hollis, Office of the Assistant Legal Adviser for 
Economic Affairs, Department of State 

Eugene J. Kaplan, Chief, United Kingdom-Ireland Sec- 
tion, British Commonwealth Division, Office of Eco- 
nomic Affairs, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Depart- 
ment of Commerce 

Bernard Norwood, Trade Agreements and Treaties Divi- 
sion, Department of State 

Laurence G. Pickering, Trade Agreements and Treaties 
Division, Department of State 

George L. Robbins, Department of Agriculture 

Joe A. Robinson, U.S. Consulate General, Geneva 

Clarence S. Slegel, Assistant Director, European Division, 
Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Department of Commerce 

Leonard Weiss. Assistant Chief, Trade Agreements and 
Treaties Division, Department of State 

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
is a trade agreement in which the United States 
and 34 other countries participate. Initially ne- 
gotiated in 1947, its rules of trade now cover more 
than 80 percent of the world's commerce. 

The Tenth Session is expected to last about 5 
weeks. It will be concerned with problems that 
have arisen under the agreement since the last 
meeting of its adherents, which began October 28, 
1954, and ended March 7, 1955. 

At the Tenth Session there will be consultations 
about the discriminatory import restrictions of five 
countries : the United Kingdom, Ceylon, Australia, 
New Zealand, and the Federation of Ehodesia and 
Nyasaland. The consultations will include a 
broad examination of (1) the impact on trade of 
the restrictions in question and (2) the basis for 
their retention. During this review, the U.S. 
delegation will have the opportunity to seek infor- 
mation regarding the operation of the import con- 
trols of these countries and to press for relaxation 
of those which appear to be unduly or unneces- 
sarily severe. 

The U.S. delegation also intends to hold infor- 
mal talks with the delegations of several other 
countries with a view to securing a relaxation of 
certain of their import controls adversely affecting 
American products. 

The Contracting Parties will also review the 
first annual report by the United States on restric- 
tions on agricultural imj)orts into the United 



States. Such restrictions are made in connection 
with domestic price-support legislation on farm 
commodities. At the Ninth Session the United 
States obtained a waiver of its obligations under 
the agreement in order to eliminate conflict be- 
tween the requirements of this legislation and the 
provisions of the Gatt laying down the conditions 
under which import controls may be imposed. 

The Contracting Parties will also consider at 
the Tenth Session applications by Belgium and 
Luxembom-g for authorization to maintain a lim- 
ited number of restrictions on imports of agricul- 
tural products. These apjilications are expected 
to be considered in the light of aiTangements made 
at the Ninth Session whereby a Contracting Party 
in the process of eliminating the import controls 
protecting its monetarj' reserves may be permitted 
in special circumstances to continue certain of the 
controls for a limited period of time. Such au- 
thorizations are designed to facilitate the transi- 
tion to the complete elimination of such import 
controls and would contain safeguards for the in- 
terests of other Gatt countries. 

The delegations of the 35 governments will con- 
sider a report by the six Gatt countries which con- 
stitute the European Coal and Steel Conununity. 
Tliese countries, Belgium, France, the Federal Re- 
public of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the 
Netherlands, will describe recent Csc operations 
as they affect the coal and steel trade of their Gatf 
partners. 



THE DEPARTMENT 



Appointments 

Robert C. Hill, as Special Assistant to the Under Secre- 
tary of State for Mutual Security Affairs, effective Octo- 
ber 12 (press release 616 dated October 21). 



THE FOREIGN SERVICE 



Recess Appointments 

John J. Muccio, as Ambassador to Iceland, October 19. 



722 



Departmenf of State Bulletin 



October 31, 1955 



Index 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 853 



American Principles. Freedom, Kesponsibility, 

and Law (Lodge) 696 

Asia. The Problem of Peace — Ten Questions on 
Communist Intentions in tlie Far East (Robert- 
son) 690 

China. Status of Geneva Talks With Red China 

(Dulles) 689 

Communism. The Problem of Peace — ^Ten Ques- 
tions on Communist Intentions in the Far East 
(Robertson) 690 

Congress. Talks With Congressional Leaders Be- 
fore Geneva Meeting 686 

Disarmament. Disarmament and the President's 
Geneva Proposal ( Stassen statement and text 
of memorandum) 703 

Economic Affairs 

Meeting the Challenge for Economic Progress 

(Hays) 711 

U.S. Delegation to Contracting Parties to GATT . . 721 

Europe 

Dep.irture of U.S. Delegation to Geneva Foreign 

Ministers Conference 686 

Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting (Dulles) . . . 687 

Publication on Summit Conference 686 

Talks With Congressional Leaders Before Geneva 

Meeting 686 

Foreign Service 

Amendment of Tariff of Foreign Service Fees 

(Eisenhower) 698 

Recess Appointments (Muccio) 722 

Guatemala. Termination of Guatemalan Trade 
Agreement Proclamation (text of proclama- 
tion) 695 

Iceland. Recess Appointments (Muccio) .... 722 

International Organizations and Meetings 

U.S. Delegation to Contracting Parties to GATT . . 721 
U.S. Delegation to Geneva Foi-eign Ministers Con- 
ference 686 

Military Affairs. Release of Stockpile Materials in 

Event of Enemy Attack (Eisenhower) . . . 701 

Mutual Security. The Task of NATO's Naval 

Forces (Wright) 699 

Near East 

Middle East Question (Dulles) 688 

United States Policy in the Middle East (Allen) . . 683 
Nortli Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Task of 

NATO's Naval Forces (Wright) 699 

Presidential Documents 

Amendment of Tariff of Foreign Service Fees . . . 698 

National Olympic Day, 195.5 702 

Release of Stockpile Materials in Event of Enemy 

Attack 701 

Termination of Guatemalan Trade Agreement Proc- 
lamation (595 

Publications 

Current U.N. Documents 714 

Publication on Summit Conference 686 



State, Department of. Appointments (Hill) . . . 722 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 702 

Termination of Guatemalan Trade Agreement 

Proclamation (text of proclamation) .... 695 

U.S.S.R. Exchanges With Soviet Union (Dulles) . 689 

United Nations 

Administrative Progress and Problems in the United 

Nations and Its Agencies (Merrow) .... 715 

Disarmament and the President's Geneva Proposal 

(Stassen statement and text of memorandum) . 703 

Freedom, Responsibility, and Law (Lodge) . . . 696 

Meeting the Challenge for Economic Progress 

(Hays) 711 

Name Index 

Allen, George V 683 

Dulles, Secretary 686, 687 

Eisenhower, President 695,698,701,702 

Hays, Brooks 711 

Hill, Robert C 722 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, .Tr 696 

Merrow, Chester E 715 

Muccio, John J 722 

Robertson, Walter S 690 

Stassen, Harold E 703 

Wright, Jerauld 699 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 17-23 

Releases may be obtained from the News Divi- 
sion, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Subject 

Dulles : transcript of news confer- 
ence. 

Exchange of medical films with 
U.S.S.R. 

Death of Carlos Davila. 

Hollister : Colombo Plan meeting. 

Delegation to GATT (rewrite). 

Communique on congressional brief- 
ing. 

Representatives to Ethiopian Silver 
Jubilee. 

Dulles : departure for Geneva con- 
ference. 

Hoover: death of Carlos Davila. 

Wilcox : "The U.N. After Ten Years." 

Hill appointment (rewrite). 

U.S. invitation on Atomic Energy 
Agency. 

Delegation to wheat agreement con- 
ference (rewrite). 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bitlletin. 



No. 


Date 


606 


10/18 


t607 


10/18 


*60S 

t609 

610 

611 


10/19 
10/20 
10/20 
10/20 


*612 


10/20 


613 


10/21 


*614 

t615 

616 

t617 


10/21 
10/21 
10/21 
10/21 


t6]S 


10/22 




the 

Department 

of 

State 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D. C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, $300 

(GPO> 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



THE AMERICAN CONSUL 

Publication 5893 



10 cents 



Many American tourists have but vague ideas of what they 
should expect from their consuls in the way of services while 
they are traveling abroad. The average United States citizen 
has some idea of the functions of his diplomatic representa- 
tives but seems to be quite confused about the duties of the 
American consul. 

The American Consul, a 14-page pamphlet, tells what a 
consul is and what he does. The leaflet offers a concise account 
of the history and development of the consular services. These 
are some of the subjects treated : 

Some Early History 

Ships and Seamen 

Visas 

Passports 

Citizenship 

Protective Services 

Custody of Estates 

Insuring Just Treatment 

Missing Persons 

Consular Courts 

Political, Economic, and Trade Reports 

Copies of The American Consul may be purchased for 10 
cents from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. 



Order Form 

'o: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 



Enclosed fyid: 



Please send me copies of The American Consul. 

Name: 

Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



(eaah, check, or 
money order). 



u 



iJAe/ ^efia'i^i^teTii/ ^^ t/tafe/ 




; FoZ. XXXIII, No. 854 

i 

November 7, 1955 




OPENING OF GENEVA MEETING OF FOREIGN 
MINISTERS 

Statements by Secretary Dulles "27 

Western Proposals for German Reunification and European 

Security 729 

Soviet Proposal on European Security 732 

THE UNITED NATIONS AFTER TEN YEARS 

Address by Assistant Secretary Wilcox 736 

Address by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 736 

USING THE ATOM FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 

PROGRESS IN ASIA * Statement by John B. Hollister . . 747 

COMMUNIST CHINA AND AMERICAN FAR EASTERN 

POLICY • Article by John M. H. Lindbeck 751 



For index see inside back cover 



Boston Public Library 
juperintendeat of Documents 

NOV 2 3 1955 




^Ae z!/)efia/ytme7il: c^ tylate Vj W. 1 1 \J L i i 1 



Vol. XXXIII, No. 854 • Publication 6053 



November 7, 1955 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing OfHce 

Washington 25, D.C. 

Peice: 

62 Issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OP State Buixetin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



Tim Department of State BULLETIN, 
a ujeekly publication issued by the 
Public Services Division, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. Tlve BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and tlie 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other offi- 
cers of tlie Department, as well as 
special articles on various pluises of 
international affairs and tlie func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which tlie United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative nuiterial in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



Opening of Geneva Meeting of Foreign Ministers 



Following are statements made by Secretary 
Dulles at the Conference of Foreign Ministers at 
Geneva on October 27 and 28; the text of the pro- 
posals of France^ the United Kingdom^ and the 
United States for German reunification and Eu- 
ropean security dated October 28; and the text of 
the Soviet proposal of the same date deali?ig with 
European security. 



STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES, 
OCTOBER 27 

We meet here charged with a heavy load of re- 
sponsibility. Last July the Heads of our Gov- 
ernments declared here their desire for a stable 
peace and reduction of tensions. The four were 
able to agree on three issues wliich must be re- 
solved in pursuit of these ends.^ 

At the same time, tlie summit conference clearly 
brought out deep differences as to the proper road 
and means to achieve these objectives. 

The problem is this : Each of our Govermnents 
recognizes that tlie present situation is not a sat- 
isfactory basis for a secure peace. At the same 
time, each has a concern that any changes should 
not impair its security. This is only natural. 

The existing tension and distrust have deep 
roots that cannot easily be eradicated. But we 
have reached a critical point where we must either 
move forward in a series of common actions which 
will restore confidence or else tlie futiu-e might be 
not merely like the past, but worse still, a deterio- 
ration of the past. 

The three topics on our agenda illustrate the 
nature of this problem. 

Taking first tlie problem of Germany, all rec- 
ognize that the division of Germany is a gi'ave 
injustice and a source of instability. We have all 



^ For text of the July 23 directive to tlie Foreign Min- 
isters, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 19.55, p. 176. 



agreed that Germany should be reunified by free 
elections. Yet to achieve German reunification at 
this stage requires that we each be satisfied that 
this step will not impair our security. 

Recognizing this necessity, the United States is 
prepared to join in assurances related to German 
unity which will preclude any revival of German 
militarism. These, we believe, take proper ac- 
count of all legitimate security interests, includ- 
ing those of the Soviet Union, and should permit 
of proceeding promptly to achieve the reunifi- 
cation. 

The second item, disarmament, poses a similar 
problem. All recognize that present levels of 
armaments are a heavy burden on the various na- 
tions and sliould be reduced, not merely as a meas- 
ure of economy but because armaments designed 
for security may in fact lead to war. But no one 
of us can be expected to reduce our military capa- 
bility materially except in step with similar reduc- 
tions by others. Hence progress clearly depends, 
not merely on agreeing to reduce but also on as- 
surance that the agreed reduction will actually 
take place. Otherwise none will feel that it can 
safely carry out the agreed reductions. 

That is why the United States, the United King- 
dom, and France have placed such heavy em- 
phasis on an adequate inspection and control sys- 
tem as a prerequisite to genuine disarmament. 
Meanwhile President Eisenhower's proposal for 
the exchange of blueprints and aerial inspection 
could create an atmosphere conducive to progress 
in this field. 

And touching on the third item of contacts, we 
all agree that greater contact between us could 
serve to promote mutual understanding. But in 
this field also we cannot expect, all at once, far- 
reaching action which will ignore all security con- 
siderations. We must tackle first those areas which 
on one hand do not seriously involve the security 
of either side, and which on the other hand as- 
sure reciprocal benefits. 



November 7, 1955 



727 



statement by President Eisenhower 

White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 26 

Three months ago Secretary Dulles and I, with 
the governmental leaders of France, Great Britain, 
and the Soviet Union, met at Geneva. The pur- 
pose, as I said in opening that conference, was to 
"create a new spirit that will make possible future 
solutions of problems which are within our re- 
sponsibilities." ' 

The world hopes that that conference did in fact 
create that new spirit. 

However, as I said to the American people on 
my return, the "acid test" would come when the 
Foreign Ministers would, in accordance with our 
Geneva directive, tackle concretely these problems 
for which our nations have responsibility and which, 
if unresolved, create tension and danger. 

Tomorrow the four Foreign Ministers meet at 
Geneva to resume where we left off last July. 
They will seek solutions which are possible if that 
new spirit is real. Foremost among these measures 
is the reunification of Germany within a frame- 
work of European security. 

Secretary Dulles and I think alike with respect to 
these matters. We have often discussed them and 
twice within the last two weeks he and I reviewed 
together the positions and the proposals which will 
be made at Geneva by the Western nations. These 
will be designed to promote a peace of justice, with 
increased security and well-being for all. They 
will reflect a genuine spirit of conciliation and 
accommodation. If the Soviet Union responds in 
a similar spirit, much progress can be made. That 
is my personal hope, as I am confident it is the 
hope of the American people. 

We shall all of us follow with eagerness the de- 
velopments at Geneva, for they will go far to dem- 
onstrate whether the "spirit of Geneva" marks a 
genuine change and will actually be productive of 
the peaceful progress for which the whole world 
longs. 



■ Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 171. 



The United States comes to this meeting dedi- 
cated to exploring patiently and sincerely all pos- 
sible approaches to realistic solutions of these prob- 
lems. We hope this spirit will be reciprocated. 

We shall have various proposals on these mat- 
ters which seek to meet legitimate Soviet concerns. 
Our proposals aim to make possible the necessary 
changes in present conditions on a basis which does 
not impair the security of any other and indeed 
would greatly enhance that security by the re- 
moval of the existing sources of instability and ten- 
sion. We hope that the Soviet Union will give 



these proposals the serious and sympathetic con- 
sideration which we believe they deserve. 

The hope which I have expressed is the hope of 
President Eisenhower, whose thoughts are much 
with us, and I deeply appreciate your thought of 
him. Even since his illness he has twice discussed 
with me fully the problems which confront us here, 
and he yesterday made a statement about our work, 
a copy of which I should like to circulate as a con- 
ference document. 

We here shall, I know, all be conscious of the 
fact that, as President Eisenhower says in the state- 
ment of yesterday to which I alluded, the devel- 
opments at Geneva will go far to demonstrate 
whether the "spirit of Geneva" marks a genuine 
change and will actually be productive of the 
peaceful progress for which the whole world longs. 



STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES, 
OCTOBER 28 

I would like now to address myself to some of 
the observations that were made by Mr. Molotov, 
and, in the first instance, to the condemnation of 
what Mr. Molotov called "military blocs" but 
which are in reality collective security associa- 
tions. 

I realize that there is a difference of opinion 
between our Governments with reference to these 
matters, and probably it will not be possible to 
resolve all those differences at this time, but I 
could not pass without comment the condemna- 
tion of these collective defense organizations. 

Why, indeed, should it be that nations should 
not join together to help each other against what 
they consider to be a common danger, or in pur- 
suance of what they consider to be a sense of com- 
mon destiny? Individuals do that. It is con- 
sidered the appropriate way to get security. And 
the charter of the United Nations, to which we 
have all subscribed, defines that as an inherent 
right of nations. 

It is suggested that these collective defense 
associations are a cause of increased military ex- 
penditures, and in support of that these figures 
are given showing that in the case of some of our 
countries our military budgets went up very 
sharply between the year 1948 and the year 1951. 

But it should not be forgotten that some things 
happened during that period other than the forma- 
tion of collective security associations. There 
were the events which took place in Czechoslo- 



728 



Department of State Bulletin 



vakia, there was the blockade of Berlin, there was 
the attack upon the Republic of Korea. Anyone 
who examines history realistically must see that it 
was such events as these that led to the increase of 
military budgets, and not the creation of collec- 
tive security associations. 

Indeed, I think it is demonstrable that the mili- 
tary budgets of each of the "Western powers would 
have gone up much more sharply than they did 
were it not for the fact that because of military 
security we thought that we could help each other 
out and, therefore, did not need, in each individual 
nation, as large a military budget as would have 
been felt necessary had we stood alone. 

Mr. Molotov has said, and said with some reason, 
that security pacts of themselves do not necessarily 
provide adequate security, and I think he put the 
question : how do we get security? Well, I think 
that the way to get security is to try to end some 
of the injustices which prevail in the world and 
whicli sometimes drive people into acts of violence 
which otherwise they would not commit. One of 
those injustices, and one the responsibility for 
which we liere are charged with, is the continued 
division of Germany. 

We have come here with proposals to deal with 
each of these two problems, the solution of which 
would serve the interests of consolidating peace. 
We have put on the table yesterday,- through For- 
eign Minister Pinay, the proposal for the unifica- 
tion of Germany, which reflects in essence the 
Eden Plan which was put forward at our Berlin 
conference,^ and the new proposals to give secu- 
rity assurance in connection with the reunification 
of Germany. 

The suggested treaty of assurance on the reuni- 
fication of Germany is new, and it represents an 
honest, sincere, painstaking effort to carry out the 
directive in that respect and to meet what we rec- 
ognize to be a legitimate preoccupation of the 
Soviet Union and, indeed, of all of us, as against 
the possibility that Germany might again become 
a militaristic state. 

I was very glad to hear Mr. Molotov say that he 
would study these proposals more carefully, be- 
cause it is quite obvious that his initial reaction is 
based upon an inadequate understanding of the 



' The proposals presented on Oct. 27 were circulated as 
a conference document on Oct. 28. 
' Bulletin of Feb. 8, 1954, p. 186. 



document. As I understood Mr. Molotov, his basic 
objections to the proposal, as he understood the 
proposal, were in essence two : one to the effect 
that the proposal required Germany to become a 
party to Nato, and the other was that the sanc- 
tions of the treaty were mere "consultations." 

Dealing with the first point, let me say that there 
is nothing whatsoever in the treaty proposal which 
conflicts with the provision of the Eden Plan that 
the all-German Government shall have authority 
to assume or reject the international rights and 
obligations of the Federal Republic and the Soviet 
zone of Germany. 

Let me make it perfectly clear and emphatic: 

There is nothing whatsoever in the treaty pro- 
posal which requires Germany to become a mem- 
ber of Nato. It is recognized that a reunified 
Germany will be free to accept or to reject existing 
obligations with reference either to Nato, to Brus- 
sels, or to Warsaw. That is a complete freedom, 
and nothing in our proposals is in any way con- 
trary to that. 

We shall, of course, examine carefully the pro- 
posal which the Soviet delegation has submitted. 
In looking at it in the few minutes that have been 
available, I think it will be found that some at 
least of the provisions of our proposals coincide 
with the i^roposals of the Soviet delegation. 

The proposal of the Soviet delegation, so far 
as I can see, is in no way connected with the re- 
unification of Germany, and, therefore, it would be 
difficult for us to consider it until we see the pro- 
posal which the Soviet delegation says it intends 
to submit for the reunification of Germany. 
When we see the two together, then we shall be 
able to appreciate them better. 



PROPOSALS OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF FRANCE, 
THE UNITED KINGDOM, AND THE UNITED 
STATES OF AMERICA FOR GERMAN REUNIFI- 
CATION AND EUROPEAN SECURITY 

Press release 628 dated October 28 

At the Geneva conference, the Heads of Government 
recognized, in their directive to the Foreign Ministers, 
the common responsibility of the Four Powers for the 
reunification of Germany by means of free elections in 
conformity with the national interests of the German 
people and the interests of European security. 

France, the United Kingdom and the United States of 
America have striven unceasingly for the reunification 
of Germany in freedom in order to promote real stability 
in Europe. Last year they put forward, in the Eden 
Plan, proposals which offer the German Nation the means 



November 7, 1955 



729 



to recover its unity in accordance with the rights of 
peoples and liberty of the individual. They renew these 
proposals in the paper attached hereto. 

Free elections leading to the formation of a single 
government for the whole of Germany are the right way 
of ensuring full participation of the German people in 
the solution of the German problem, which the Soviet 
Government says it also desires. If agreement in prin- 
ciple is reached during the present Conference, it should 
be possible to settle without delay questions concerning 
the Electoral Law and the supervision of the elections, 
which could take place as early as 1956. 

Without German unity, any system of European 
security would be an illusion. The division of Germany 
can only perpetuate friction and insecurity as well as 
grave injustice. France, the United Kingdom and the 
United States of America are not prepared to enter into 
a system of European security which, as in the Soviet 
proposals put forward at Geneva, does not end the division 
of Germany. 

At the Geneva conference, the Soviet Government ex- 
pressed concern about the policy and associations of a 
reunified German Government. The Soviet Union ap- 
pears to fear that a unified Germany, established by 
free elections and free to choose its associates in collec- 
tive defense, would constitute a threat to the security of 
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The fact is that 
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Western 
European Union are strictly defensive organizations. 
Far from constituting a threat to peace, they contribute 
to the security not only of their members but of all 
states. This is evident from the various limitations and 
restrictions which the members of the Western European 
Union have assumed and from the restraint on individual 
action which the Nato system imposes on its members. 
If a reunified Germany elects to associate itself with these 
organizations, the inherent obligations of restraint and 
control would enhance rather than detract from Soviet 
security. 

Nevertheless, to remove any possible grounds for Soviet 
refusal to reunify Germany promptly, France, the United 
Kingdom and the United States of America are prepared 
to take further steps to meet the concern expressed by 
the Soviet Government. They accordingly propose the 
conclusion of a treaty in the terms set forth below, con- 
currently with the conclusion of an agreement to reunify 
Germany under the Eden Plan. This treaty would com- 
prise undertakings to refrain from the use of force and 
to withhold aid from an aggressor, provisions for the 
limitation and control of forces and armaments, and the 
obligation to react against aggression. The treaty would 
enter into force only in conjunction with the reunification 
of Germany. It would be carried out by stages. Its 
signature would be concurrent with the signature of the 
agreement on the Eden Plan. The final stage would be- 
come effective when a reunified Germany decides to enter 
NATO and the Western European Union. 

France, the United Kingdom, and the United States 
of America are convinced that these proposals could lead 
to an agreement satisfactory to both sides. If the Soviet 
Union's concern over immediate German reunification is 



primarily security, these proposals should constitute an 
acceptable basis for negotiation since they ijrovide a 
system of control in which the Soviet Union would di- 
rectly participate, and reciprocal assurances from which 
the Soviet Union would directly benefit. Such a settle- 
ment, by creating confidence in an area vital for world 
security, would facilitate the solution of even wider 
problems. 



Outline of Terms of Treaty of Assurance on the 
Reunification of Germany 

The treaty, which would be concluded concurrently 
with an agreement on the reunification of Germany under 
the Eden Plan, would cover the following subjects : 

1. Renunciation of the use of force — 

Each pai'ty would undertake to settle, by peaceful 
means, any international dispute in which it might be 
involved and to refrain from the use of force in any man- 
ner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. 

2. Withholding support from aggressors — 

Each party would agree to withhold assistance, mili- 
tary or economic, to any aggressor, and any party could 
bring the aggression to the attention of the United Na- 
tions, and seek such measures as are necessary to main- 
tain or to restore international peace and security. 

3. Limitation of forces and armaments — 

In a zone comprising areas of comparable size and depth 
and importance on both sides of the line of demarcation 
between a reunified Germany and the Eastern European 
countries, levels for armed forces would be specified so as 
to establish a military balance which would contribute 
to European security and help to relieve the burden of 
armaments. There would be appropriate provisions for 
the maintenance of this balance. In iiarts of the zone 
which lie closest to the line of demarcation, there might 
be special measures relating to the disposition of military 
forces and installations. 

4. Inspection and control — 

The parties would provide information on an agreed 
progressive basis on their armed forces in the zone. There 
would be agreement on progressive procedures of mutual 
inspection to verify such data and to warn against any 
preparation for surprise attack. 

5. Special warning system — 

In order to provide added depth to the surveillance 
system on both sides and thus give further protection 
agaiuBt surprise attack, provision could be made to 
establish : 

A) in the Western part of the zone mentioned in para- 
graph 3, a radar warning system operated by the Soviet 
Union and the other Eastern members of the treaty, and 

B) a like system in the Eastern part of that zone oper- 
ated by the Nato members of the treaty. 

6. Consultation — 

There would be suitable provision for consultation 
among the parties to implement the Treaty. 

7. Individual and collective self-defense — 

It would be provided that nothing in the Treaty would 
impair or conflict with the right of individual and col- 
lective self-defense recognized by the United Nations 



730 



Department of State Bulletin 



Charter and Treaties under it. No party would continue 
to station forces in the territory of any other party with- 
out the tatter's consent, and upon request of the party 
concerned any party would withdraw its forces within a 
stated period, unless these forces are present in the 
territory concerned under collective defense arrange- 
ments. 

8. Obligation to react against aggression — 

Each party would agree that armed attack in Europe by 
any party which is also a Nato member, against any 
party which is not a Nato member, or vice-versa, would 
endanger the peace and security which is the object of 
this Treaty, and that all the parties would then take 
appropriate action to meet that common danger. 

9. Entry into force by stages — 

The provisions would come into effect progressively at 
stages to be agreed. 

Plan for German Reunification in Freedom 

Method of Reunification 

German reunification and the conclusion of a freely 
negotiated Peace Treaty with a united Germany should 
be achieved in the following stages : 

I — Free elections throughout Germany. 

II — The convocation of a National Assembly resulting 
from those elections. 

Ill — The drafting of a Constitution and the prepara- 
tion of Peace Treaty negotiations. 

IV — The adoption of the Constitution and the forma- 
tion of an all-German Government responsible for the 
negotiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty. 

V — The signature and entry into force of the Peace 
Treaty. 

I— FREE ELECTIONS THROUGHOUT GERMANY 

Free and secret elections should be held throughout 
Germany including Berlin at the earliest possible date. 
These elections must be held in conditions of genuine free- 
dom. Safeguards must be agreed to assure this freedom 
before, after and during the elections. The elections 
must also be supervised in such a manner as to make 
sure that these safeguards are observed and that the 
elections are properly conducted. 

(1) Preparation for the Elections 

(a) The Electoral Law 

The Electoral Law should be prepared by France, the 
Unjdn of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom 
of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United 
States of America, In consultation with German experts, 
taking into consideration the electoral laws already 
drafted for this purpose by the Bundestag of the Federal 
Republic and the Soviet Zone Volkskammer. When ap- 
proved by the Four Powers it should be published 
throughout Germany. Elections should take place as 
soon as possible thereafter. 

(b) Guarantees for Free Elections 

The draft electoral law must contain provisions which 



will guarantee the genuine freedom of the elections. 
These include, amongst others : 

Freedom of movement throughout Germany. 

Freedom of presentation of candidates. 

Immunity of candidates. 

Freedom from arbitrary arrest or victimisation. 

Freedom of association and pnlitical meetings. 

Freedom of expression for all. 

Freedom of the press, radio and television and free 

circulation of newspapers, periodicals etc. 
Secrecy of the vote. 
Security of polling stations and ballot boxes. 

(c) Supervision of the Elections 

Supervision should be carried out by a Supervisory Com- 
mission throughout the whole of Germany. There should 
be a central body with subordinate bodies at Land and 
local levels. All votes should be counted and verified at 
local headquarters in the presence of the Supervisory 
Commission. 

(i) Composition of Supervisory Commission — The 
Commission should be composed of representa- 
tives of the Four Powers with or without the 
participation of neutrals, assisted by Germans in 
a consultative capacity, 
(ii) Organisation of the Commission — The Commis- 
sion should work on a Committee basis. Its de- 
cisions should be taken by majority vote, 
(iii) Functions and Powers of the Commission — The 
principal task of the Commission will be to en- 
sure that the elections take place in genuine free- 
dom and in strict conformity with the provisions 
of the Electoral Law. 

(2) Method for Completing the Above Preparations 

The Foreign Ministers must in the first place agree on 
the principles contained in this Plan. They will then 
give instructions accordingly to a Working Group, con- 
sisting of the principal representatives in Germany of the 
Four Powers, or members of their staffs, which will work 
out the necessary details and submit a report. 

This report should include, in particular : 

(1) the draft of the all-German Electoral Law; 

(2) detailed recommendations regarding the super- 
vision of the elections. 

The Working Group should begin work not later than 
two weeks after the Foreign Jlinisters have agreed on the 
principles contained in this Plan. It .should submit its 
report to tlie Four Governments not later than one month 
after beginning its work. 

II— THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY 

The all-German elections will establish an all-German 
National Assembly. 

During the period between the end of the elections and 
the full assumption of control by tlie all-German Govern- 
ment, it will be desirable for part of the supervisory ma- 
chinery to remain in operation, in order to prevent action 
after the elections which would impair the conditions of 
genuine freedom under which they will have been held, as 



November 7, 1955 



731 



provided in Section I (1) (b) above. Recommendations 
on tliis subject should be included in tlie report of the 
Working Group. 

Ill— DRAFTING OF A CONSTITUTION AND PREPARATION OF 
PEACE TREATY NEGOTIATIONS 

The National Assembly vpill begin drafting a Constitu- 
tion as soon as possible after its first meeting. Mean- 
while, it may form a provisional all-German Authority 
charged with as.sisting the Assembly in drafting the Con- 
stitution and with preparing the nucleus of the future all- 
German executive organs. The Authority may also open 
with the Four Powers preliminary negotiations for the 
Peace Treaty. 

IV— ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION AND FORMATION OF 
AN ALL-GERMAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE 
NEGOTIATION AND CONCLUSION OF THE PEACE TREATY 

The draft of the Constitution will be submitted to the 
Assembly as soon as possible. Immediately after it has 
been adopted an all-German Government will be formed. 
This Government will then be responsible for the nego- 
tiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty. At the same 
time, sucli other institutions as may be provided for in 
the Constitution shall be established. 

As soon as the all-German Government has been formed, 
the National Assembly will determine how the powers of 
the Federal Government and the German authorities in 
the Soviet Zone shall be transferred to the all-German 
Government, and how the two former shall be brought to 
an end. 

The all-German Government shall have authority to 
assume or reject the international rights and obligations 
of the Federal Republic and the Soviet Zone of Germany 
and to conclude such other international agreements as 
It may wish. The Four Powers will support any applica- 
tion of the all-German Government to accede to the United 
Nations Organization. 

Each of the Four Powers will exercise, with respect to 
the National Assembly, the provisional all-German Author- 
ity and the all-German Government, only those of its rights 
which relate to the stationing of armed forces in Germany 
and the protection of their security ; Berlin ; the reunifi- 
cation of Germany ; and a Peace Treaty.* 

Decisions of the National Assembly, the provisional all- 
German Authority and the all-German Government in 
carrying out this Plan will not require the approval of the 
Four Powers. Such decisions may not be disapproved 
except by a majority vote of the Four Powers. 

V— SIGNATURE AND ENTRY INTO FORCE OF THE 
PEACE TREATY 

The signatories to the Treaty should include all States, 
or the successors thereof, which were at war with Ger- 
many. The Treaty should enter into force when ratified 
by the Four Powers and by Germany. 



SOVIET PROPOSAL OF OCTOBER 28< 

General European Treaty on Collective Security 
in Europe: Basic Principles 

For the purpose of ensuring peace and security and of 
preventing aggression against any state in Europe, 

For the purpose of strengthening international coopera- 
tion in conformity with the principles of respect for the 
independence and sovereignty of states and noninterfer- 
ence in their internal affairs. 

Striving to achieve concerted efforts by all European 
states in ensuring collective security in Europe instead of 
the formation of groujiings of some European states di- 
rected against other European states, which gives rise to 
friction and strained relations among nations and ag- 
gravates mutual distrust. 

Having in view that the establishment of a system of 
collective security in Europe would facilitate the earliest 
possible settlement of the German problem through the 
unification of Germany on a peaceful and democratic 
basis, 

European states, guided by the purposes and principles 
of the Charter of the United Nations, conclude a General 
European Treaty on Collective Security in Europe the 
basic provisions of which are as follows : 

1. All European states, irrespective of their social sys- 
tems, and the United States of America as well, may be- 
come parties to the Treaty provided they recognise the 
jmrposes and assume the obligations set forth in the 
Treaty. 

Pending the formation of a united, peace-loving, demo- 
cratic German state, the German Democratic Republic 
and the German Federal Republic may be parties to the 
Treaty enjoying equal rights with other parties thereto. 
It is understood that after the unification of Germany the 
united German State may he a party to the Treaty under 
general provisions hereof. 

The conclusion of the Treaty on Collective Security In 
Europe shall not affect the competence of the four pow- 
ers—the U. S. S. R., the U. S. A., the United Kingdom and 
France — to deal with the German problem, which shall 
be settled in accordance with decisions previously taken 
by the Four Powers. 

2. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to refrain 
from aggression against one another and also to refrain 
from having recourse to the threat or use of force in their 
international relations and, in accordance with the Charter 
of the United Nations, to settle any dispute that may 
arise among them by peaceful means and in such a way 
as not to endanger international peace and security in 
Europe. 

3. Whenever, in the view of any State-party to the 
Treaty, there is danger of an armed attack in Europe 
against one or more of the tStates-parties to the Treaty, 
they shall consult one another in order to take effective 
steps to remove the danger and to maintain security in 
Europe. 



* The provisions of this plan are subject to any pro- 
visions of a security agreement concluded in connection 
with the reunification of Germany. [Footnote in original.] 



' For text of the identical proposal introduced at the 
"summit" conference, see The Geneva Conference of 
Heads of Oovernnient, July 18-2S, 1955, Department of 
State publication 6046, p. 48. 



732 



Department of State Bulletin 



4. An armed attack in Europe against one or several 
States-parties to the Treaty by any state or group of 
states sliall be deemed to be an attaclv against all the 
Parties. In the event of such an attack, each of the 
Parties, exercising the right of Individual or collective 
self-defence, shall assist the state or states so attacked 
by all the means at its disposal, including the use of 
armed force, for the purpose of re-establishing and main- 
taining international peace and security in Europe. 

5. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake jointly 
to discuss and determine as soon as possible the procedure 
under which assistance, including military assistance, 
shall be provided by the States-parties to the Treaty in 
the event of a situation in Europe requiring a collective 
effort for the re-establishment and maintenance of peace 
in Europe. 

6. The States-parties to the Treaty, in conformity with 
the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, shall 
immediately inform the Security Council of the United 
Nations of any action taken or envisaged for the purpose 
of exercising the right of self-defence or of maintaining 
peace and security in Europe. 

7. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake not to 
participate in any coalition or alliance and not to con- 
clude agreements the objectives of which are contrary to 
the purposes of the Treaty on Collective Security in 
Europe. 

S. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to pro- 
mote a broad economic and cultural cooperation among 
themselves as well as with other states through the de- 
velopment of trade and other economic relations, the ex- 
pansion of cultural ties on a basis excluding any 
discrimination or restrictions which hamper such coop- 
eration. 

9. In order to implement tlie provisions of the Treaty 
concerning consultation among its Parties and to consider 
questions arising in connection with the task of ensuring 
security in Europe, the following shall be provided for : 

(a) Regular or, when required, special conferences at 
which each State shall be represented by a member of its 
government or by some other specially de.signated repre- 
sentative ; 

(b) The setting up of a permanent consultative political 
f committee the duty of which shall be the preparation of 

appropriate recommendations to the governments of the 
States-parties to the Treaty ; 

(c) The setting up of a military consultative organ the 
terms of reference of which shall be specified in due 
course. 

10. Recognising the special responsibility of the per- 
manent members of the United Nations Security Council 
for the maintenance of international peace and security, 
the States-parties to the Treaty shall invite the Govern- 
ment of the Chinese People's Republic to designate repre- 
sentatives to the organs set up in accordance with the 
Treaty in the capacity of observers. 

11. The present Ti-eaty shall not impair in any way tlie 
I obligations of European states under international trea- 
' ties and agreements to which they are party, provided the 

principles and puriX)ses of such agreements are in con- 
formity with those of the present Treaty. 



12. The States-parties to the Treaty agree that during 
the first period (two or three years) of the implementa- 
tion of measures for the establishment of the system of 
collective security in Europe under the present Treaty 
they shall not be relieved of the obligations assumed by 
them under existing treaties and agreements. 

At the same time the States-parties to existing treaties 
and agreements which provide for military commitments 
shall refrain from the use of armed force and shall settle 
by peaceful means all the disputes that may arise between 
them. Consultations shall also take place between the 
parties to the corresponding treaties, and agreements in 
case any differences or disputes arise among them which 
might constitute a threat to the maintenance of peace in 
Europe. 

i:;. Pending the conclusion of agreements on the reduc- 
tion of armaments and the prohibition of atomic weapons 
and on the withdrawal of foreign troops from the terri- 
tories of European countries, the States-parties to the 
Treaty undertake not to take any further steps to increase 
their armed forces on the territories of other European 
states under treaties and agreements concluded by them 
previously. 

14. The States-parties to the Treaty agree that on the 
expiration of an agreed time-limit from the entry into 
force of the present Treaty, the Warsaw Treaty of May 
14, 195.5. the Paris Agreements of October 23, 1954, and 
the North Atlantic Treaty of April 4, 1949 shall become 
ineffective. 

15. The duration of the Treaty shall be 50 years. 



Secretary To Visit Austria 
and Yugoslavia 

Press release 621 dated October 25 

The Department of State announced on October 
25 that the Secretary of State plans to take ad- 
vantage of his presence at the Geneva Conference 
of Foreign Ministers to pay a visit to President 
Tito of Yugoslavia. The Secretary will fly to 
Brioni on November 6, vphere he will confer with 
President Tito and be the latter's guest at luncheon. 
The Secretary of State is particularly pleased to 
be able to make this visit since he has never been 
to Yugoslavia and has not had the opportunity 
previou.sly to meet President Tito. The visit will 
afford an opportunity for a general exchange of 
views on problems of current interest. 

En route to Yugoslavia the Secretary of State 
hopes to be able to stop at Vienna, Austria, for an 
unofficial visit on November 5 in order to attend 
the opening of the Vienna State Opera that night 
as tlie guest of Ambassador Thompson. These 
plans are, of course, dependent upon developments 
at the Foreign Ministers Conference at Geneva. 



November 7, 1955 



733 



President Sends Greeting 
to People of Berlin 

FoUoioing is the text of a message from Presi- 
dent Eisenhoioer to the people of Berlin, read hy 
John J. McCloy, foriner U.S. High CoTrmiissioner 
for Germany, at a ceremony held at Berlin on 
October 2]^ to observe the fifth anniversary of 
the- installation of the Freedom Bell. 

I send my personal greetings to the people of the 
City of Berlin, whose indomitable courage 
throughout the airlift and through many other 
trying experiences has meant so much to the people 
of the Free World. The steadfastness of the City 
and its people has always produced the warmest 
response in the hearts of the people of the United 
States. 

I give you my assurance of the continued con- 
cern of my country for the well-being of the City, 
and our firm support for the miity of Berlin, and 
of all Germany. 



Soviet Obligations Concerning 
Germany 

Following is the text of a note delivered hy the 
Am,erican Embassy at Moscow on October 27 to the 
Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs in reply to 
a Soviet note of October 18, together with the 
text of the Soviet note. 

U.S. NOTE OF OCTOBER 27 

Press release 627 dated October 28 

The Embassy of the United States of America 
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For- 
eign Ailairs, and, with reference to the Ministry's 
note of October 18, 1955, concerning the agree- 
ments concluded on September 20, 1955, between 
Marshal Bulganin and Mr. Grotewohl, has the 
honor to state the following views of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States. 

As the Govermnent of the United States has 
already made clear in its note of October 3, 1955,^ 
these agreements can in no way be regarded as re- 
leasing the Soviet Government from its obliga- 
tions under existing Four-Power Agi'eements, and 
in particular its responsibility for ensuring the 

• Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1955, p. 616. 
734 



normal fimctioning of communications between 
the different parts of Germany, including Berlin. 
For its part, the United States Government can- 
not accept the allegation contained in the Minis- 
try's note that, in treaties it has concluded with 
the Federal Government of Germany, it has vio- 
lated the obligations it had assumed under quadri- 
partite agreements. 



SOVIET NOTE OF OCTOBER 18 

The Ministry of Foreign AfCairs of the Uniou of Soviet 
Socialist Republics presents its compliments to the Em- 
bassy of the United States of America and In connection 
with the latter's note of October 3 has the honor to state 
the following: 

On September 20 of this year the Government of the 
Soviet Union and the Government of the German Demo- 
cratic Republic concluded "A Treaty on Relations Be- 
tween the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the 
German Democratic Republic," which after ratification 
by the Parliaments of both countries has come into force. 
According to the treaty, relations between the Soviet 
Union and the German Democratic Republic are settled 
on a basis of full e<iuality, mutual respect of sovereignty, 
and noninterference in internal affairs. The treaty pro- 
vides for the cooperation of the Soviet Union and the Ger- 
man Democratic Republic in the interests of guaranteeing 
peace and security in Europe, and the reestablishment of 
the unity of Germany on a peaceloving and democratic 
basis. 

In concluding the treaty with the German Democratic 
Republic, the Soviet Government at the same time made 
the decision on the abolition of the function of the High 
Commissioner of the U.'S.S.R. in Germany, and also on 
the termination of the validity on territory of the Ger- 
man Democratic Republic of laws, directives, and decrees 
of the former Control Council in Germany issued by the 
occupying powers in the course of exercising rights of 
occupation of Germany. 

At the same time, considering the actual situation 
which has come about at the present time, when on the 
territory of Germany there exist two independent sov- 
ereign states, the Soviet Union established diplomatic 
relations with the German Federal Republic. Thus, the 
Soviet Union has at the present time diplomatic relations 
with both states existing on the territory of Germany. 

The Government of the United States of America has 
diplomatic relations with one German state — the German 
Federal Republic — with which it has concluded well- 
known treaties in violation of the obligations which it 
assumed under the four-power decisions in relation to 
Germany. Absence of normal relations of the United 
States of America with the other part of Germany — with 
the German Democratic Republic — cannot, naturally, 
serve as an obstacle to the proper regulation of relations 
between the Soviet Union and the German Democratic 
Republic. 

In signing the treaty on the relations between the 
U.S.S.R. and the German Democratic Republic, the parties 



Department of State Bulletin 



proceeded from the premise that the German Democratic 
Republic exercises its jurisdiction on territory under its 
sovereignty, which, of course, also applies to communica- 
tions on that territory. 

As for control over the movement between the Gennan 
Federal Republic and West Berlin of military personnel 
and freight of fiarrisons of the U.S.A., Great Britain, and 
France, quartered in West Berlin, in negotiations between 
the Governments of the D.S.S.R. and the German Demo- 
cratic Republic, it was stipulated that this control would 
henceforth be carried out by the command of the Soviet 
military forces in Germany temporarily until the achieve- 
ment of a suitable asreement. 

It is self-understood that, in concluding the above-men- 
tioned treaty, the Governments of the Soviet Union and 
the German Democratic Republic took into consideration 
the obligations which both have under existing inter- 
national agreements relating to Germany as a whole. 

In connection with the foregoing, the Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. has the honor to send the 
Embassy for its information texts of the "Treaty on Re- 
lations Between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
and the German Democratic Republic" and documents con- 
nected therewith." 



NATO Fellowship and Scholarship 
Program 

Press release 626 dated October 28 

The North Athxntic Council has approved ar- 
rangements for the Nato Fellowship and Scholar- 
ship Program announced last July. This action 
was taken in implementation of article 2 of the 
North Atlantic Treaty, which provides for coop- 
eration in nonmilitary fields. The Fellowship and 
Scholarship Program is designed to promote the 
study of historical, political, constitutional, legal, 
social, cultural, linguistic, economic, and strategic 
problems which will reveal the common heritage 
and historical experience of the Atlantic countries, 
as well as the present needs and future develop- 
ment of the North Atlantic area considered as a 
community. 

The sum of 13,500,000 French francs has been 
set aside for the 1956-57 program. 

Arrangements have been made to provide two 
categories of awards : 



'■ Not printed here. 



Nato research fellowships to be awarded to 
established scholars for a period of a few months ; 

Long-term scholarships to be awarded to 
younger scholars for the 1956-57 academic year. 

Candidates must be nationals of a member state 
and must undertake to pursue their research or 
study in one or more member countries. They 
will be selected by a Selection Committee under 
the chairmanship of Ambassador L. D. Wilgress, 
the Canadian Permanent Eepresentative to Nato, 
who is also chairman of the Nato Committee on 
Information and Cultural Eelations. 

The following have agreed to serve on the Se- 
lection Committee : 

James B. Conant, United States Ambassador to the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany and formerly President of 
Harvard University 

Robert Marjolin, Professor at Nancy University and for- 
merly Secretary-General of the Organization for Euro- 
pean Economic Cooperation 

Alberto Tarchiani, formerly Italian Ambassador to the 
United States 

H. U. Willink, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge, 
and formerly vice chancellor of Cambridge University 

U.S. citizens wishing to be considered for these 
awards should communicate with the following 
agencies, which are cooperating with the Depart- 
ment of State in administering the program in this 
country : 

For research fellowships — Conference Board of 
Associated Research Councils, Committee on In- 
ternational Exchange of Persons, 2101 Constitu- 
tion Avenue, N.W., Washington 25, D. C. 

For long-term scholarships — Institute of Inter- 
national Education, One East 67th Street, New 
York 21, N. Y. Requests for consideration in this 
category must be received by December 1, 1955. 

Fellows and Scholars will be required to pre- 
pare a report on their research or study and sub- 
mit it to Nato, in English or French, not later 
than 3 months after the expiration of the fellow- 
ship or scholarship. 

It is expected that this progi'am will point the 
way to new means of cooperation among Nato 
member countries in the nonmilitary sphere. 



November 7, 1955 



735 



The United Nations After Ten Years 



Following are texts of addresses made in observance of United Nations 
Day hy F7'ancis . Wilcox, Assistant Secretary for International Organiza- 
tion Affairs, and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representative to the United 
Nations. 



ADDRESS BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WILCOX > ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR LODGE' 



Today we are celebrating an important birth- 
day — the United Nations is 10 years old. It is 
rounding out its first decade of existence as man- 
kind's most successful effort to harmonize the 
actions of nations and "to save succeeding genera- 
tions from the scourge of war." Born from the 
holocaust of the Second World War, its first 10 
years has been an era of uneasy peace and re- 
stricted conflict. Yet its existence is perhaps our 
best guaranty against a third general war, which, 
in this nuclear age, could mean the destruction of 
our civilization. 

Like most liirthdays when we grow a little older, 
this is a time for sober thought as well as 
celebration. 

President Eisenhower has called the United 
Nations "sheer necessity." Let us I'eview the 
10-year record and see why this is so. '\'\niat is 
the importance of the United Nations to us and 
what part do we play in it? ^Yhat are some of 
its main problems? "Wliat are its prospects for 
the future? 



The Role of the United Nations 

To me, one of the most impressive things about 
the LTnited Nations is the number and variety of 
problems it deals with — problems that we couldn't 
handle alone if we wanted to. The 50 nations who 



^ Made before the Cincinnati Council on World Affairs, 
Cincinnati, Ohio, on Oct. 24 (text as delivered; the ad- 
vance text of the address was issued as press release 
615 dated Oct. 21). 

[Continued on page 740) 



To be in Salt Lake City is inspiring to anyone 
who has read American history and who has thus 
learned of the faith of the pioneers who, with 
classic courage, braved every hardship to get here 
and to found this beautiful city. They were men 
and women who valued their freedom and who 
were profoundly religious.- They were, therefore, 
men and women who were ready to try new de- 
vices and to take adventurous steps if need be. 
They knew that they could not achieve these great 
goals by looking back. 

This same pioneer courage must animate all 
Americans today — in whatever part of the country 
they may live — if they are to achieve peace with 
justice. Certainly we cannot organize peace by 
looking back or by clinging to obsolete ways of 
thinking. But if we inspire ourselves with the 
courage and the faith and the adventurousness of 
our j^ioneers, we have a good chance of making a 
better world. 

The pioneer spirit has helped the United Na- 
tions achieve its past successes. More of that same 
spirit will make it succeed again in the future. 

This is a big year in United Nations history — 
and not merely because this happens to be the 
tenth year of the United Nations' existence. 

It is big because so much concrete accomplish- 
ment has been crowded into the last 10 years in 
si:)ite of many obstacles. 

This reflects credit on the United Nations. 

It is a big year because the number of Ameri- 
cans who expect miracles to be wrought by the 
United Nations has dwindled to an insignificant 
number, just as the number of those who fear that 

'Made on Oct. 2.3 at Salt Lake City, Utah (U.S./U.N. 
press release 2229 dated Oct. 17). 



736 



Department of Slate Bulletin 



the United Nations is a threat to our sovereignty 
has also dwindled. 

Both of tliese dwindlings reflect credit on the 
American people. 

Two truths sliould be set down : One is that the 
age of miracles will not be brought about by any 
manmade international organization ; the other is 
that what we have now at the United Nations is 
no conceivable infringement of or threat to any 
nation's sovereignty, including our own. It is 
interesting in this connection that the polls show 
that slightly more Americans wish to merge the 
United States Government into a world govern- 
ment than wish to get out of the United Nations. 
The first course would be fantastic and the second 
course would be imprudent. It is well that only a 
small number think either of these things. I am 
against both of them. Between them they add up 
to only 11 percent, which can be compared with 
the 74 percent who, at the latest count, thought the 
United Nations was doing a good job. This was an 
alltime high. 

So there has been progress in the last 10 years 
both at home and at the United Nations. 

The Achievements of Ten Years 

"We can best assess the progress of the United 
Nations by remembering, first, that the basic as- 
sumption at San Francisco 10 years ago was that 
there would be big-power unity, notably between 
the United States and the Soviet Union — an as- 
sumption which broke down scarcely before the 
ink on the United Nations Charter was dry. 

With this fact in mind, we can next ponder the 
following record : 

That, in spite of this lack of big-power unity, 
the United Nations has in the last 10 years played 
a decisive part in 

— extinguishing the threatened Communist ag- 
gression in Iran and causing withdrawal of Soviet 
troops there; 

— ending the Communist war against Greece; 

— preventing open warfare over Kashmir be- 
tween India and Pakistan ; 

— bringing about the advent of Israel into the 
family of nations and the ending of war in the 
Holy Land; 

— the emergence of Indonesia as an independent 
nation; and 

— the successful fight of IG free nations to repel 
the bloody Communist aggression in Korea. 



In Korea the United States contribution was, 
of course, overwhelming and indispensable. 
Nevertheless, our United Nations allies sent the 
equivalent of two divisions of troops to fight be- 
side the forces of the United States and the Re- 
public of Korea. Measured in money, this effort 
saved us at least $600 million a year (which can 
be compared with our $13 million contribution to 
the United Nations) . Measured by the far graver 
arithmetic of human life, it meant 17,000 casual- 
ties, including over 3,000 dead. 

Of course these contributions from other United 
Nations members were not big enough. It is cer- 
tain that they would have been considerably 
bigger and would have included troops from still 
other nations if it hadn't been for the policy which 
prevailed at that time. This policy was that any 
nation contributing troops in Korea had to equip 
and maintain those troops itself or reimburse the 
United States for their equipment and mainte- 
nance. Naturally there were a number of coun- 
tries who had many good and brave soldiers but 
who did not have the resources to equip them. 
This was, therefore, a mistaken policy. If ever 
an occasion similar to Korea occurs again — which 
God forbid I — this is a mistake which will not be 
repeated. 

In the past 3 years, still over fierce Soviet ob- 
struction, the following new achievements have 
been added through United Nations action : 

We achieved the Korean Armistice, retaining 
the vital rule that no prisoner could be sent back 
to coinmunism against his will. 

We placed the Soviet Union on the Communist 
side at the Korean Political Conference, instead 
of allowing it to attend as a "neutral." 

We condemned the Communist atrocities 
against our troops in Korea and fully exposed 
their brutal methods of getting false germ war- 
fare "confessions." 

We stopped the Soviet plot to use its United 
Nations veto to torpedo the Monroe Doctrine and 
take over Guatemala, and thereby we achieved a 
great victory for freedom. 

We constantly used the United Nations forum 
to fight the cold war against communism, to ex- 
pound communism's horrors, and to proclaim the 
merits of the free system. 

We continued to keep Communist China out of 
tlie United Nations — thus keeping the United Na- 
tions faithful to its character as an organization 



November 7, 1955 



737 



of "peace-loving" nations, and also preventing an 
immense gain in prestige and influence for world 
communism. 

A particularly vivid example of what an inter- 
national organization can accomplish which no 
individual national government can in all proba- 
bility do for itself was the liberation of the 15 
American fliers who were illegally detained by 
the Chinese Communists. We have many to thank 
for this result : our allies who stood by us from the 
very beginning, other governments which helped, 
the tireless eilorts of Secretary-General Ham- 
marskjold who put his own reputation on the 
chopping block and left no stone unturned, even 
going to Peiping in person ; and to the patience and 
forbearance of the American jseople, under the 
leadership of President Eisenhower whose judg- 
ment on how to handle this anguished question 
was thus so clearly vindicated. But the under- 
lying fact is that the passage of a General As- 
semblj' i-esolution by an overwhelming vote last 
December created a state of world opinion which 
made the release of these prisoners desirable, not 
only from our viewpoint but from that of their 
captors. Any person can look at these 15 young 
men and say to themselves, "One of these might 
have been my child — or my brother — or my 
friend" and then reflect on the direct value of the 
United Nations to him or her. 

The United Nations opens many doors and 
builds many bridges and creates many ojipor- 
tunities which would not exist otherwise. The 
international scientific conference which was held 
at Geneva last summer under the terms of a Gen- 
eral Assembly resolution, which in its turn was 
passed in response to the suggestion of President 
Eisenhower in December 1953, has led to the free 
exchange of much information which, until then, 
had been considered highly secret by all sides. 

Then for the first time since the end of World 
War II there is real hope that some progress can 
be made toward disarmament — and, what is 
equally fundamental, toward real inspection, 
without which true disarmament cannot exist. 
President Eisenhower's projaosal at Geneva last 
smnmer for aerial inspection should, if agreed to, 
go far to make surprise attack impossible, and 
this, of course, is a boon to the whole free world, 
who would never be aggressors in any war. If 
tliis Tenth Session of the General Assembly can 
adopt the President's "open sky" proposal as a 
world policy, humanity will have taken one of its 



great forward steps and the Assembly will stand 
in history as a major milestone away from bar- 
barism and war. 

Experience has taught us that if the world can 
only know — if light can be thrown into dark 
places — many of the principal causes of tension 
and of war are eliminated. That is another merit 
of President Eisenhower's aerial inspection 
scheme. If we know what is being done behind 
the Iron Curtain, it is better for us — and it is bet- 
ter for them, too, in the long run. 

The United Nations deals with more than war 
and conflict. For years it has carried on small but 
effective programs of technical assistance to help 
people grow more food, cure disease, and leai'n to 
read ; programs of aid to children whom war and 
chaos have made homeless and hungry ; programs 
of aid to refugees from communism, war, and po- 
litical oppression. These programs help suffer- 
ing people wherever they operate and show dra- 
matically that we care what happens to them. 

All this has been done even while we reduced 
our American share of the costs of the United Na- 
tions, while we increased the Soviet share, and 
while we worked out a program in which all Am- 
erican citizens holding important office at the 
United Nations have been screened in accordance 
with Civil Service Commission and FBI pro- 
cedures. 

New Approach to World Peace 

Let me now submit a very large question. In 
addition to this tabloid review of recent specific 
accomplishments of the United Nations, can it be 
said that in the last 10 years we have learned any 
new truth concerning the cure for war, as doctors 
have in the past discovered new truths which lead 
them on to the cure of hitlierto deadly diseases ? 

I think we have. The United Nations has ac- 
quired huge influence, not by using legal power 
but by becoming the most effective engine in the 
world for influencing public opinion. In most 
of the sjjecific achievements which I have enumer- 
ated, this played the decisive part ; in all of them 
it played a big part. Therefore, the new truth 
which we have learned about finding a cure for 
war in these first 10 years of the United Nations' 
existence is that influence which grows naturally 
and rapidly in accordance with events is more ef- 
fective than law which is not obeyed. Influence 
often underlies law and, in fact, if the forces of 
opinion which make influence are contrary to the 



738 



Department of State Bulletin 



letter of the law, the law becomes a dead letter. 

Thus, the United Nations has not really essen- 
tially sufTered in its work of war prevention be- 
cause of an inadequate supply of legal power. I 
say this in spite of the fact that the Soviet abuse 
of the veto is reprehensible; violates the spirit of 
the charter ; and, by its use against the admission 
of 14 well-qualified member states, prevents the 
United Nations from growing as it should. 

But this abuse in blocking the admission of new 
members is distinct from the question of using 
legal power to prevent war. 

Thirty years ago many favored the "hitch your 
wagon to a star" approach, whereby governments 
made legal commitments in the vague hope that 
this would somehow improve matters, even though 
it was plain that such commitments would not be 
lived up to when the test came. 

It is clear today that the approach to world 
peace does not lie in surrendering sovereignty and 
in making commitments in disi'egard of future 
military, strategic, and p)olitical realities (which 
commitments would become a dead letter when in- 
voked). To do so is actually a disservice to the 
cause of peace, leads to disrespect for law, and is 
immature. 

The right approach is to work on world opin- 
ion — to create and then operate an organization 
which can mobilize to the maximum all the will- 
power and all the ability to resist aggression which 
may exist in the world at the moment the aggi'es- 
sion is committed. The amount of resistance thus 
mobilized may well be smaller than that which is 
theoretically possible under the old-fashioned ap- 
proach of unrealistic (and extravagant) legal 
commitment — or it might be larger. But it would 
at least be real. 

At the United Nations it has become clear that 
it is always futile — and often dangerous — to try 
to force world opinion into a legalistic strait- 
jacket because the amount of public support for 
common international action varies widely from 
year to year, from issue to issue, and from one 
political regime to another. 

Contrast With League of Nations Covenant 

In harmony with the United Nations Charter, 
there is in such regional organizations as Natq, 
for example, no guaranty of territorial integrity. 
Instead the parties declare that an attack on one 
is an attack on all and that, when such an attack 



occurs, the parties will consult. This is a far cry 
indeed from article X of tlie I^eague of Nations 
Covenant with its rigid advance requirement of 
support of specific terrain, regardless of military, 
strategic, or political realities. 

It is interesting today to recall the furor which 
was caused because a majority of the Senate in 
1920 wished to change the League of Nations 
Covenant — and how did they want to change it? 
Merely so that the United States would be the sole 
judge of whether a matter involving its interests 
was or was not a domestic question ; merely so that 
the United States would sit in the League as a 
great power and not have merely equal power with 
tiny nations; and merely so that United States 
military actions to preserve the territorial integ- 
rity of a nation would first have to be approved 
by the Congress. 

These ideas are all commonly accepted today 
and are implicit in the LTnited Nations Charter. 
No one even questions them any more. 

Those few, therefore, who today wish to give 
up our national sovereignty and the other few 
who charge that the United Nations is jeopardiz- 
ing our sovereignty are debating a question which 
is 35 years old and has actually been as dead as a 
herring for at least 10 years and maybe more. It 
is a debate which disregards what we have learned 
about international politics in the air-atomic age, 
which has made world opinion — and not sur- 
render of sovereignty — the effective, and domi- 
nant, force for peace. 

In the United Nations Charter the one part 
which is other than recommendatory is the part 
which gives the Security Coimcil power to is-sue 
what lawyers call "action orders," which are 
legally binding on all member nations. Yet, when 
the United Nations confronted the largest and 
most dangerous aggression in its 10-year history — 
in Korea, in 1950 — did it use this legal power to 
repel the aggression ? It did not. Could it have 
done so? It could have, because the Soviet Union 
(with its veto) was not present at that time. 
Wisely, however, it was decided to appeal to the 
world and to seek to mobilize world opinion, rather 
than to order the world. And the aggi'ession in 
Korea was repelled. 

The release of the fliers because of the mobiliza- 
tion of world opinion by the United Nations is, 
as I mentioned earlier, a most striking illustration 
of the effectiveness of this new engine for affecting 
public opinion. 



Noyjemher 7, 1955 



739 



It is indeed so striking that it leads me to ex- 
press this thouglit in conclusion: that the effec- 
tiveness of the United Nations' mobilization of 
world opinion for the fliers in this year of 1955 
must give us great hope for the future. I say this 
because their release naturally prompts us to ask 
ourselves this question: If this mobilization was 
so effective in bringing about the immediate and 
specific goal of releasing these men, why cannot 
public opinion be mobilized equally effectively to 
bring about the long-range and general goal of 
developing a common idea of justice in the world? 

We know that peace can only be organized de- 
pendably on the basis of justice. We also know 
that there is no idea of justice which is commonly 
held throughout the world by all the human race 
today. (The Communist idea of justice, for ex- 
ample, is radically different from ours.) To build 
such a sense of justice one must work on world 
opinion. 

That is what the United Nations forum does. 
That is what it did in the past in preventing wars 
in widely scattered parts of the world. That is 
what it did recently in bringing about the release 
of our fliers. That is what it can do in the future 
for the general goal of lasting peace — if we have 
the ideas, if we have the vision, and if we have 
the wisdom to use it properly. That is the chal- 
lenge which the United Nations holds out to us 
today. In all truth the United Nations is as good 
as we, the members, are at any given moment 
capable of being. Its only limitations are those 
of the human spirit, and no American, certainly, 
will set limits on that. 



(Continued from page TS6) 

wrote the charter purposely made its terms of ref- 
erence broad enough to include a great range of 
problems. The charter had to reflect the economic 
and political interdependence of nations in the 
midtwentieth century. Modern communication of 
all kinds had made the comparative isolation and 
freedom of action of even a generation ago forever 
outmoded. 

People sometimes think that the United Nations 
by its mere existence creates the problems brought 
before it. Actually, institutions are a product of 
our needs and are created to meet those needs. 
In this sense the United Nations exists simply be- 
cause of sheer necessity. If it were disbanded to- 



morrow, we would have to begin the creation of 
a similar organization the day after. 

This is why our people at the United Nations 
find themselves concerned with such widely differ- 
ent matters as the welfare of peoples on remote 
Pacific islands; with human rights; with the ' 
oi^ium trade; with the Arab-Israel controversy 
in the Middle East; and, yes, with the question 
of French policies in North Africa. For in this 
closely knit world of ours there is often disagree- 
ment as to whether a problem is domestic or in- 
ternational in character. The United Nations is 
prohibited by its charter from interfering in a 
country's domestic affairs. It is not meant to be a 
busybody organization which intervenes in other 
people's business uninvited. 

These are a few examples to illustrate the scope 
of the problems coming before the United Nations. 
Most of these problems are not new. Few are 
solved in any given year. Many will remain with 
us for a long time. For the United Nations re- 
flects the world and mankind as it is — its virtues 
and its imperfections. 

I do not mean to suggest that all problems can 
be brought nearer to solution merely by throwing 
them into the United Nations. But in a great 
many cases the United Nations does give an op- 
portunity to bring matters out in the open and 
discuss them in a constructive manner. By this 
process, pent-up pressure is released, dangerous 
tensions eased, and, sometimes, temporary or 
permanent solutions arrived at. 

On the other liand, there are times when United 
Nations consideration of a problem may not con- 
tribute to its solution. That is why, for example, 
we voted against discussion of the Cyprus ques- 
tion and the Algerian question in the current ses- 
sion of the General Assembly.- In the first case, 
the General Assembly agreed with us. In the 
latter, it did not; as a result, the French delega- 
tion walked out. This French action, I assure 
you, had a very sobering effect on many members 
of the General Assembly. It was a warning of the 
serious consequences that might flow from United 
Nations interference in what a state might con- 
sider its domestic affairs. France has contributed 
much to the United Nations, and her absence from 
the Assembly is most regrettable. We hope for 
her early return. 

^ For U.S. statements opposing inscription of these ques- 
tions, see BuxiETiN of Oct. 3, 1955, pp. 545 and 546, and 
Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582. 



740 



Department of State Bulletin 



During these first 10 years, the United Nations 
has shown a remarkable amount of flexibility. 
Somehow or other, in spite of unforeseen circum- 
stances, it has found effective ways to deal with 
many of the problems referred to it. 

Consider, for example, the role of the United 
Nations as peacemaker. The United Nations is 
not a superstate. It cannot compel us to take 
action which we do not believe to be in our national 
interest. It cannot pass laws binding on its mem- 
bers. Its role where quarrels between nations or 
real thi-eats to the peace are involved is, therefore, 
a difficult one. But this does not mean that the 
United Nations is a powerless organization. Its 
real power derives from the vibrant force of world 
opinion and its ability to marshal this opinion in 
support of a given course of action. 

Problems Before the United Nations 

The record shows impressive results. Let me 
illustrate. The Communist invasion of the Re- 
public of Korea is the classic example of United 
Nations resistance to aggression. Here the 
North Koreans refused a United Nations appeal 
to cease their attack and withdraw to their orig- 
inal positions. The object of the attack was, in 
effect, the United Nations itself. At stake was 
, the prestige and veiy existence of the United 
I Nations as an effective international organiza- 
tion. The Security Council, boycotted at the 
time by the U. S. S. E., called for and got the 
support of the majority of United Nations mem- 
bers to take action to throw back the aggi'ession. 
It took 3 long years and its cost was great in 
blood and in wealth. But it worked. Since the 
Korean war no aggressor nation has directly de- 
fied the United Nations. 

The historians of tomorrow will record that 
the Korean incident marks a great turning point 
in our efforts to stem the aggressive tactics of 
world communism. For it was in Korea that the 
free world demonstrated, laeyond any shadow of 
doubt, its determination to stand together against 
armed attack. 

One of the present members of the United Na- 
tions is Indonesia. It was elected last week to the 
Economic and Social Council, and yet only a few 
years ago the United Nations was called upon 
to settle the fighting between the Netherlands and 
the people of Indonesia. First it called for and 
obtained an armistice. Then it got the two sides 



together in a negotiating conference at The 
Hague. The result was the creation of the new 
state of Indonesia. The pressure of world public 
opinion played an important part in urging both 
parties to negotiate a settlement after they had 
stopped shooting at each other. 

You are all familiar, I know, with the fighting 
which broke out between Israel and the Arab 
States in 1948. Here the United Nations was 
faced, in yet another instance, with open warfare. 
It called for a cease-fire, negotiated a truce, and 
has supervised that ti'uce for 7 years. To be sure, 
this is an armed, uneasy truce. No permanent 
solution has yet been found, but neither side has 
wished to venture a new war or be stigmatized 
as an aggressor. In any event, the United Na- 
tions has succeeded in preventing a renewal of 
major hostilities. 

In still another case, the Burmese complained 
about the presence of foreign forces in the north- 
east provinces of Burma. They strongly felt that 
this was a threat to the peace in the area. The 
United Nations did not take any concrete action, 
but it did focus world attention on the situation 
and this brought about the removal of most of the 
forces from Burma. This peaceful solution was 
arrived at by cooperation of the parties princi- 
pally concerned — Burma and the Eepublic of 
China, with the assistance of Thailand and the 
United States. A good deal of the credit must go 
to the United Nations, which was acting as a 
watchdog over the situation. 

Suppose in all these cases there had been no 
United Nations. I can assure you the outcome 
in these cases would have been very different. 
Communism and defeatism would have spread un- 
checked in the Far East. "Weak nations would 
have been overwhelmed by strong ones. The voice 
of peoples aspiring to self-government would have 
gone unheard. 

But these things did not happen. In each case 
the United Nations was brought into action at 
various critical stages in the evolution of these 
international problems. Otherwise, we might al- 
ready liave been plunged into World War III. 

The record of the first 10 years is one of strug- 
gle, trial and error, triumphs and discourage- 
ment. But the United Nations has emerged as a 
vital and effective organization in man's long 
quest for world harmony. As President Eisen- 
hower said at San Francisco last June: 



November 7, 1955 

365190 — 55 3 



741 



That there have been failures in attempts to solve in- 
ternational difficulties by the principles of the charter, 
none can deny. That there have been victories, only the 
willfully blind can fail to see. But clear it is that with- 
out the United Nations the failures would still have been 
written as failures into history. And, certainly, without 
this organization the victories could not have been 
achieved; instead, they might well have been re- 
corded as human disasters. These the world has been 
spared. 

Now, let us test the organization from the stand- 
point of American self-interest by taking a look at 
some current problems before the United Nations. 

There is the problem of disarmament. 

There is the problem of peaceful uses of atomic 
energy. 

There is the problem of increasing the member- 
ship of the United Nations. 

There is the problem of charter review. 

What can be done to advance American interests 
in each of these areas ? 



Disarmament 

Man's search for a workable system of disarma- 
ment is not new. "Wliat is new is the atomic arms 
race, the danger of a nuclear war and the destruc- 
tion of modern civilization. The United Nations 
has been grappling with the problem of disarma- 
ment since 1946. By last summer we seemed to be 
hopelessly deadlocked with the Kussians. For it 
had become clear that disarmament without ade- 
quate inspection would be a sham, and yet the 
stockpiling of nuclear weapons by both sides had 
exceeded any known detection devices. Surely 
there must be an answer to this dilemma if only 
the mind of man could be given the time to work 
it out. In the meantime, what steps could be 
taken to guard against a surprise attack? It was 
this situation which led President Eisenliower at 
Geneva last July to make his bold and simple pro- 
posal designed to break the deadlock in the dis- 
armament field. 

The President called for an exchange of mili- 
tary information between the United States and 
the Soviet Union and unrestricted aerial recon- 
naissance over the territories of our two countries. 
He made this proposal as a first step toward re- 
moving those mutual suspicions and fears which 
stand in the way of disarmament. This, he be- 
lieved, would open the door to further agreement 
on the details of an effective inspection system and 
reduction of armed forces. It would insure 



742 



against great surprise atomic attack by either the 
United States or the Soviet Union ; it would be a 
first test of inspection ; it would rebuild that mu- 
tual confidence and trust which must be the basis 
of a permanent system of inspection and control. 

The people of the world grasped the meaning 
of the President's proposal eagerly and enthusias- 
tically. The four Heads of State meeting at Ge- 
neva agreed that it should be given priority study 
by the United Nations. Accordingly, the Sub- 
committee of the United Nations Disarmament 
Commission met in New York on August 29 and 
worked toward agreement. We set forth plans 
for putting the President's proposals into im- 
mediate effect. But the Soviet delegation held 
back. They reverted to their earlier proposal for 
stationing inspection teams at strategic points on 
each other's territories. They seemed, whether 
intentionally or not, to miss the real significance 
of our proposal. The first step must be to re- 
store confidence and to help develop a sense of 
security from surprise attack — this the President's 
aerial inspection plan would do. 

In an exchange of letters between Soviet Pre- 
mier Bulganin and President Eisenhower,^ the 
United States offered to include the Soviet inspec- 
tion team proposal as another means, in company 
with the President's plan, of creating that atmos- 
phere of trust necessary to agreement on disarma- 
ment. 

The Disarmament Subcommittee recessed its 
meeting in New York without securing Soviet 
agreement to the Eisenhower proposals. 

But this was not just another in a long history 
of stalemates on disarmament. Some significant 
progress has been made. Specifically, there were 
these hopeful signs : 

The deliberations were conducted in the "spirit 
of Geneva" and there was a definite improvement 
in the climate of the debate ; 

There was a common awareness of the danger of 
annihilation which nuclear weapons pose to every 
country ; 

There was general acknowledgment that nuclear 
weapons can be secretly accumulated and hidden 
from any present detection technique ; 

Finally, all agreed on the urgent importance of 
finding a method to guard against great surprise 
attack. 



• Ibid., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 643. 

Department of State Bulletin 



Meanwhile, the President has demonstrated in 
yet another way our determination to do our ut- 
most to resolve the issue. Only 2 weeks ago eight 
Nuclear Task Forces were created, under the chair- 
manship of distinguished American leaders, to 
tackle the problem of detecting concealed nuclear 
weapons or weapons materials.* The assistance 
and cooperation of all nations and all scientists 
in this quest were invited. 

There are some signs that we are emerging from 
under the shadow of the atomic cloud that threat- 
ens all of us. But there is still a long and difficult 
road ahead. 

Three days from now the Big Four Foreign 
Ministers will meet in Geneva. On their agenda 
will be the vitally important and related problems 
of European security, German unification, and 
disarmament. It is hoped that progress there will 
include agreement to put the President's plan into 
effect. 

There is a Chinese proverb which reminds us 
that "a journey of a thousand miles starts with a 
single step." We may not have traveled far down 
the difficult road toward disarmament, but we are 
on the way. 

Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 

Until 2 years ago atomic energy was virtually 
synonymous with atomic weapons, and synony- 
mous with fear in the minds of most of us. That 
is no longer the case. On December 8, 1953, before 
the Eighth General Assembly, the President an- 
nounced our Govermnent's determination to 
launch a program to bring the unpredictable bene- 
fits of atomic energy to the service of mankind. 
He invited all countries to explore this great new 
frontier with us. In boldness and vision it 
matches his Geneva proposals for aerial inspection 
as a first step toward disarmament. Now, less than 
2 years later, the peaceful uses of atomic energy 
are a powerful prospective force for human wel- 
fare. 

The Tenth Assembly has heard heart-warming 
reports of the progress made: the peaceful uses 
conference in Geneva last summer in which 73 
countries participated, the greatest scientific 
conference ever held; the training of dozens of 
foreign scientists in our atomic laboratories; the 
negotiation of agreements with 24 countries to 



provide them with atomic reactors for research 
purposes; proposals for the study of the efi^ects 
of atomic radiation ; and lastly, the completion of 
a draft statute for an International Atomic En- 
ergy Agency .° 

This agency will be entirely concerned with the 
peaceful uses of atomic energy. We hope it will 
become one of the most important of the United 
Nations specialized agencies. We hope it will be- 
come the center for encouraging and assisting all 
nations and all peoples to use atomic energy for 
creative and humane purposes — in medicine, in 
health, in industry, in science. It will be respon- 
sible for allocating for such purposes the fission- 
able materials contributed by member countries. 
It will stimulate scientists everywhere to develop 
new and yet undreamed-of benefits and to ex- 
change their knowledge with other scientists. 

The President's initiative of 1953 should result 
in one of the most constructive and most promis- 
ing uses to which the United Nations has been put. 

Membership in the United Nations 

The United Nations now has 60 members. But 
there are about a score of sovereign nations which 
remain outside. The United States takes second 
place to none in advocating the principle of uni- 
versality of membership. We realize that if the 
organization is to be a center for harmonizing the 
action of nations it must have representation from 
every government able and willing to carry out 
the purposes and principles of the charter. Fur- 
thermore, the United Nations needs the advice and 
participation of all peace-loving countries in its 
deliberations. The United Nations, like any other 
representative body, will lose its force and effec- 
tiveness if it does not represent adequately the 
family of nations. However, in considering the 
applications of nonmember candidates, we hold 
that the terms of the charter should be observed : 
namely, that "the United Nations is open to all . . . 
peace-loving states which accept the obligations 
contained in the . . . Charter and, in the judg- 
ment of the Organization, are able and willing 
to carry out these obligations." 

To date 14 applicants have been declared eli- 
gible under these standards by the General As- 
sembly. Yet they remain outside the United 



* lUd., Oct. 31, 1955, p. 70e. 
November 7, 1955 



' For a U.S. statement on peaceful uses, together with 
the text of the draft statute, see iMd., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 660. 

743 



Nations because of the use, or abuse, of the veto 
in the Security Council by the U. S. S. K. The 
reason for this is not far to seek. There are five 
Communist-sponsored states which have never 
been declared eligible for admission. These the 
U. S. S. R. would swap for a majority of the eli- 
gible states in a package deal. "We continue to 
believe that each candidate should be considered 
on its own merits. 

I strongly believe that a just solution consistent 
with the principles of the United Nations must be 
found. New states coming into being or becom- 
ing eligible for admission continue to add to the 
list. They cannot be left indefinitely waiting 
outside the door. 

One possible proposal is that the permanent 
members of the Security Council forego the use 
of the veto on membership and that applicants be 
approved for admission by a vote of 7 of the 11 
members. Great powers wishing to express dis- 
approval of a candidate, under this proposal, 
could abstain from voting. 

The United States Government has frequently 
urged that agreement be reached among the per- 
manent members to refrain from using the veto 
on the admission of new members. This was the 
position taken by the Senate in the Vandenberg 
resolution, which it approved in lOiS by a vote 
of 6J— i. Meanwhile, various proposals have been 
put forward in New York. We shall continue to 
explore these proposals with the hope that some 
solution can be found. 

I should like to make clear here that, in speak- 
ing of membership, I do not include the question 
of seating Communist China. There is a distinct 
difference between the admission of a new member 
to the United Nations and the question as to which 
government should represent a state already a 
member. For the past 10 years the Republic of 
China has been a member of the United Nations. 
As such it has been ably represented bj' the Na- 
tionalist Government. On more than 150 oc- 
casions the various agencies and organs of the 
United Nations have voted against the seating 
of Communist China. We must remember that 
the Chinese Communists remain accused as an 
aggressor against the United Nations, that they 
have defied the authority of that organization, and 
that they have not accounted for a large number 
of American soldiers lost in the Korean action. 
In sum they have fallen far short of the commonly 
accepted standards of international conduct. 

744 



Charter Review 

Now let us turn to the United States position on 
charter review. This is a question of particular 
interest to me because of my association with the 
special Subcommittee on the United Nations 
Charter of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit- 
tee. This subcommittee, as you may know, has 
held a number of public hearings in cities through- 
out the country to determine the views of private 
groups and individuals. In a recent interim re- 
port "^ the subconnnittee stated tliat they had found 
no strong body of opinion against holding a re- 
view conference and that such a conference would 
seem desirable if and when there was a good 
chance of accomplishing something by it. 

Let us look back 10 years and see why a review 
of the charter is in order. It may be useful to 
recall three of the basic assumptions on which the 
charter was drafted in 1915 : First, it was assumed 
that the major powers would cooperate in peace 
as they had worked together to win the war ; sec- 
ond, it was assumed that the peace treaties would 
soon be concluded and the United Nations would 
be able to function in a relatively peaceful world ; 
and third — since the terrible explosive power of 
the atom bomb was unknown at the time — it was 
assumed that any future wars would be fought 
with conventional weapons and would be no more 
dangerous to civilization than those of the past. 

As events turned out all three of these assump- 
tions proved erroneous. Given these miforeseen 
and unpredictable developments, it is remarkable 
that the United Nations has operated as well as 
it has. Moreover, they lend support to those who 
say we have a "pre-atomic" charter which needs 
revision to bring it into line with present-day 
thinking. 

Very soon the question of wliether or not to 
call a charter review conference will come formally 
before the United Nations Assembly. It will be 
recalled that in 1945 when the charter was drawn 
up it included a special provision placing the 
matter of review on the agenda of the Tenth As- 
sembly. At that time a number of countries, par- 
ticularly the smaller member states, accepted 
certain articles in a spirit of compromise but with 
serious mental reservations. They did so on the 
understanding that they would have an oppor- 
tunity to reconsider these provisions after a period 
of trial and in the light of experience. The 



» S. Rept. 1305, 84th Coug., 1st sess. 

Department of Slate Bulletin 



United States delegation at San Francisco in 1945 
supported the inclusion of article 109 providing 
for a review conference. 

Now the allotted period of trial has elapsed. 
The charter is both a bold experiment and a his- 
toric innovation in diplomacy. The organization 
it created has become a new and vital force in 
world affairs. We believe that much good may 
come from collective study, at the proper time, of 
the accomplishments, the problems, and the po- 
tentialities of this great instrument for harmon- 
izing the action of nations. The first decade has 
shown that the United Nations derives its greatest 
strength and wields its widest influence from the 
support and understanding of the peoples of the 
world and from the moral force of world opinion. 
We believe that a charter review conference could 
greatly strengthen that public understanding. To 
achieve optimum I'esults, however, that review 
should be held under favorable international cir- 
cumstances, and only after careful and thorough 
preparatory work. 

With all these considerations in mind our dele- 
gation to the Tenth Assembly plans to support and 
cosponsor a resolution favoring a review confer- 
ence and establishing a broadly representative 
preparatory commission to report its recommenda- 
tions to the Twelfth Session of the Assembly. 

In looking forward to a review conference our 
Government is thinking in terms of improvmg the 
charter we have. We are not thinking of a world 
government, nor of locking out the U.S.S.R., 
nor of quitting the organization ourselves. What 
we want to do is to strengthen the United Nations. 
In the words of Secretary Dulles, we do not pro- 
pose "to lose the good that is, in the search for 
something better." 

A few words need to be said regarding the so- 
called "spirit of Geneva" as it relates to the cur- 
rent session of the Assembly. There has been 
wide speculation that this would provide a series 
of tests by which to judge the real substance of the 
gestures of cooperation which the U.S.S.R. made 
at the Geneva "summit" meeting and in the weeks 
that followed. 

Both the President on his return from Geneva 
and the Secretary of State have cautioned that a 
new spirit is not enough — that it must be re- 
flected in concrete acts to lessen international ten- 
sions and restore those foundations of mutual 
trust which the Soviet Union and international 
communism had so seriously eroded over the last 



10 years. Actually the spirit of Geneva is not an 
end in itself. It is a means to an end. 

The Tenth Assembly has indeed proved some- 
thing of a test. There has been a refreshing re- 
duction in Soviet exploitation of the session for 
propaganda purposes and an absence of the vitri- 
olic attacks on the United States which we have 
had to bear in the past. But thex'e is also an ab- 
sence of the concrete assurances we seek. In 
other words, even though the manner of spealdng 
in New York has changed somewhat, the sub- 
stance of Soviet speeches remains pretty much the 
same. One recalls somehow the Biblical reminder 
that "the voice is Jacob's voice, but the hands are 
the hands of Esau." 

For our own part we have sought to clarify 
and direct attention to the causes of tension and 
we have acted to reduce them. The President's 
overflight "open sky" plan is certainly a major 
contribution on our side — from which we have re- 
ceived from the Soviets only a negative return. 
Meanwhile, certain Communist actions outside the 
United Nations have a discouragingly reminiscent 
pattern. For example, the sale of arms to Egypt 
and Soviet overtures to other Middle Eastern 
countries can only heighten tensions and threaten 
the peace in the area. 

It is clear that we must continue to pursue a 
policy of watchful waiting with regai'd to the 
meaning of Geneva. We must not let our opti- 
mism outrun our good judgment. It would be 
foolish to expect an easy accommodation of the 
basic differences which separate the Communist 
and non-Communist world. A just peace, which 
is the goal of our efforts, cannot be won easily. 

The Specialized Agencies 

No review of the first decade of the United Na- 
tions would be balanced without some considera- 
tion of the role of the specialized agencies. The 
work of these agencies has effectively advanced 
the economic and political objectives of our 
foreign policy by raising the productivity and 
living standards of underdeveloped countries and 
removing the conditions which encourage the 
spread of communism. Countries which are 
prosperous and stable make reliable allies and 
good customers. Our support of the specialized 
agencies has been very much in our national self- 
interest. Their work supplements our bilateral 
aid programs and at much smaller cost, since two- 



November 7, J 955 



745 



thirds or more of their annual budgets are borne 
by the other members of the United Nations. 

Our Government has taken special pains to in- 
sure that our participation in the specialized agen- 
cies is in full accord with our social and economic 
principles and that our citizens in and out of 
public life are informed on this participation. To 
this end, we always include on our delegations 
to the conferences of these agencies, as we do to 
the General Assembly, members of Congress and 
other prominent leaders in American life. It is 
at these conferences that programs are reviewed, 
policies set, and budgets approved. 

With regard to the United Nations Educational, 
Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco), 
because of its broad terms of reference, Congress 
took particular care that interested organizations 
would have a continuing voice in this agency's 
policies and programs. With this in mind, it es- 
tablished a National Commission for Unesco, to 
which 60 of our leading national educational, 
scientific, and cultural organizations appoint 
members. This Commission is advisory to the 
Department of State on all aspects of our partici- 
pation in Unesco. 

In view of this fact, I find it difficult to under- 
stand the few individuals and organizations who 
fear that the United Nations or its specialized 
agencies are leading us down the road of world 
government, invading States rights, or dictating 
our school curricula. None of the specialized 
agencies, for example, has the power to commit 
the United States to any treaty or agreement with- 
out our express consent. We should never forget 
that the United Nations is an association of sov- 
ereign states, and acceptance of treaties or con- 
ventions is up to each government in accordance 
with its constitutional processes — in our own case, 
approval by two-thirds of the Senate. I have 
worked long enough with that body to know that 
anyone who believes it is possible to slip a treaty 
through the Senate without its members being 
aware of what is going on is simply unfamiliar 
with the careful procedures the Senate has worked 
out to consider such matters. 

Next week the National Commission for Unesco 
will hold its annual meeting and national confer- 
ence in Cincinnati. The Department of State is 
very appreciative of the cooperation and fine sup- 



port of the people of Cincinnati in preparing for 
this conference. It is made up of distinguished 
fellow citizens meeting here to carry out the man- 
date of Congress. One of its responsibilities will 
be to review and assess the fii^st 9 years of Unesco. 
In this connection, I am reminded of a recent 
observation of Secretary of State Dulles. He 
said : "Those who know the United Nations best 
are those who have the highest opinion of it, and 
the few wlio disparage the United Nations are, in 
the main, people who know nothing about it at 
all." We all have a responsibility to understand 
the United Nations. It needs our interest and our 
criticism, but tMs criticism should be informed 
and constructive. 

Ten years is a very short time on which to judge 
the potential effectiveness of the United Nations. 
It has been operating under many difficulties, 
which include the hazards and tensions of the 
atomic age, the aggression in Korea, the cold war 
between the Communist and non-Communist 
world, and the fact that some states still remain 
outside the organization. 

A Vital Force for Peace 

Of course, the United Nations is not a panacea, 
it is not a cure-all, it is not a remedy for all the 
world's ills. But it is a vital force for peace and 
it deserves our full support. That it has survived 
so well should give us all cause for encouragement. 

Tlie major powers are now seeking to get at the 
causes of tension and distrust which divide the 
world. If they succeed in doing so, we will then 
be entering an era which would "permit the United 
Nations to exercise more effectively its responsi- 
bility for harmonizing the actions of nations. For 
the United Nations has no power to impose har- 
mony on its member nations. But when condi- 
tions of mutual trust are established, then it can, 
and I am sure it will, capitalize on this new en- 
vironment. 

The role of the United States in the United 
Nations is clear. The vast majority of Americans 
support the organization and our membership in 
it. They realize it is here to stay. The Congress 
has given it strong and consistent support from 
the beginning. Its second decade may well record 
the history of man's success or failure to live to- 
gether in peace, freedom, and mutual security. 



746 



Department of State Bulletin 



Using the Atom for Economic and Social Progress in Asia 



Statement by John B. Hollister 

Director^ International Cooperation Administration ^ 



For 5 successive years the United States has 
participated in the annual meeting of the Consult- 
ative Committee. We take pride in this pai'ticipa- 
tion in a common undertaking which concentrates 
on the problems, progress, and prospect of eco- 
nomic development in this important area of the 
world. A brief account of United States partici- 
pation in Asian development over the past years 
is included in the report now before us. 

Rather than expand upon the report, however, 
I should like now to talk of a problem of impor- 
tance to all of us and of what we together can do 
about it in a common effort. 

I should like to talk to you about atomic energy 
and to consider what we can do, within the frame- 
work of the Colombo Plan, to use the atom for 
economic and social progress in Asia. 

The whole world is stirred by the promise held 
out by the benign uses of atomic energy. We do 
not know the full potentialities of this great force 
that we have mastered, nor can we foresee the 
profound changes it will bring in our lives. AVe 
do have firm basis for confidence in its potential 
for good — in medical diagnosis and therapy, in 
agriculture, in biology, in industry, and, in partic- 
ular, in the field of power. We know from the 
conference on atomic energy held in Geneva this 
past August ^ that men of many nations are mak- 
ing a magnificent effort to push back the bound- 
aries of knowledge. We know that, as a result of 



' Made at the Ministerial Meeting of tlie Consultative 
Committee for Economic Development in South and South- 
east Asia (Colombo Plan) at Singapore on Oct. 20 (press 
release 609). Mr. Hollister was U.S. representative at 
the Ministerial Meeting. 

' For a report on the conference by Lewis L. Strauss, 
chairman of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, see 
Buu.ETiN of Oct. 10, 195.5, p. 555. 



the pooling of information at Geneva, the rapid 
advances that have already been made will be 
exceeded in the years immediately ahead. 

We learned from the Geneva conference that 
within 2 to 5 years the first full-scale nuclear power 
stations will be generating substantial amoimts of 
electricity. On the basis of the operating experi- 
ence of these stations we will learn more of the 
economics of nuclear power and more about the 
safety and reliability of different types of stations 
in operation. We know as a matter of certainty 
that as the years go by atomic power will play an 
increasingly important role. 

Complexity of Atomic Research and Operations 

Atomic energy research and operations have 
characteristics which we must bear in mind as we 
prepare to engage in them on an increasing scale. 
Most important is the complexity of atomic 
energy, which is not a single science but a special 
way of using many sciences. In the field of re- 
actors, for example, whether we speak of research 
reactors or power reactors, we must use the tal- 
ents of chemists, phj'sicists, mathematicians, 
engineers of many kinds, health physicists, instru- 
ment makers, and many technicians and skilled 
workers. Not only must an adequate number of 
these men of diverse skills be available, but they 
must work together as a team in order that re- 
actors can be designed and ojaerated safely and 
efficiently. 

In the use of atomic energy also many fields of 
science and industry come into play. The tech- 
niques of atomic energy, including particularly 
the use of isotopes, have fruitful application in 
medical research and diagnosis, in agricultural 
research, in biology, in industrial controls and 



November 7, 1955 



747 



processes, in food sterilization, and in many other 
fields. In such applications atomic energy may 
well come to have an importance equal to that of 
atomic power, but it can only assume this impor- 
tance if the machines and materials are made 
available in a convenient way to the experts from 
allied fields. 

Another special characteristic of atomic energy 
research and training is the elaborate and expen- 
sive equipment which is necessary. Not only the 
nuclear reactors which we particularly associate 
with atomic energy but also the particle accelera- 
tors with which we have been familiar for a longer 
time are essential to much basic research and 
training in this field. For a well-rounded re- 
search program, several of these machines should 
be located at a single installation so that problems 
can be undertaken with the equipment best 
adapted to each phase. Furthermore, special 
equipment and laboratory facilities are necessary 
for handling radioactive materials and these also 
must be brought together with the reactors them- 
selves for the most efficient work. 

It is clear from these special requirements that 
a sound and thorough atomic research and train- 
ing effort is a very costly program indeed. In 
my country we have found it necessary to handle 
the atomic energy development and application 
programs at special regional laboratories which 
have in a single location the men of many fields 
of specialization and the expensive laboratory 
facilities and machines. 



Shortage of Skilled Manpower 

In view of the complexity of an atomic energy 
program, the demands for trained men are very 
great. One of the chief obstacles to the develop- 
ment of the peaceful iises of the atom is the short- 
age of skilled manpower. There is need every- 
where for scientists and technicians trained to 
deal with nuclear materials; for qualified engi- 
neers who know how to design and operate plants 
fed by nuclear fuel ; for specialists trained in the 
use of radioisotopes; for labor skilled in the vari- 
ety of arts that this new medium requires. This 
is an age of expanding dependence upon science 
and technology. 

No country can hope to participate full}' in the 
benefits of the atom that does not have a corps of 
trained persons who can work safely and effec- 



tively with atomic materials. This is as true for 
the United States as it is for Asia. In a recent 
statement before the American Nuclear Society, 
Admiral Strauss, chairman of the U.S. Atomic 
Energy Commission, pointed out that the United 
States is turning out of its colleges and universi- 
ties only about half the number of engineers it 
requires today .^ The problem of training scien- 
tists, engineers, and tecluiicians is increasingly 
engrossing our attention, and, unless we take 
measures now to meet the need, the limiting factor 
in the years ahead will be the human factor. 

It is for this reason that President Eisenhower's 
"atoms for peace" program has from its inception 
emphasized the need for training and experience. 
My Government has tried to meet the problem by 
a threefold program: (1) we have offered courses 
of instruction in the United States to foreign 
students in radioisotope and reactor technology as 
well as in other atom-related fields; (2) we have 
assembled extensive libraries of information about 
the atom and furnished them to countries and uni- 
versities all over the world; (3) we have devel- 
oped a program of bilateral agreements with other 
countries to encourage and support the installa- 
tion of research reactors. In addition to being a 
tool for research, the research reactor will famil- 
iarize engineers and technicians with the types of 
problems they will encounter in the operation of 
power reactors. 

We have not been alone in offering training 
programs to nationals of other states. "We look 
forward to the establishment of the International 
Atomic Energy Agency as an important instru- 
ment for making widely available nuclear tech- 
nology in all its asj^ects. The agency will also be 
an instrument through which fissionable mate- 
rial will be allocated for projects for training 
and research, and for the generation of power. 
However, the requirements of the new age of 
atomic energy demand an approach on all fronts. 
There is need of national programs and of inter- 
national programs. There is need as well for re- 
gional programs. The woild cannot realize the 
benefits of nuclear energy until the number of 
qualified persons who can live with and use the 
atom is increased many fold. 

The question of adequately trained people poses 
a particular challenge to all of us represented here 
today. If Asia is to benefit to the fullest possible 



' Ibid., p. 559. 



748 



Department of State Bulletin 



extent by the general advance of mankind into the 
atomic age, this challenge must be met. There is 
developing a strong interest among Asian nations 
in meeting it on a regional basis. One of the 
delegates from Pakistan to the recent Geneva 
conference on atomic energy suggested that Asian 
resources might be called upon to meet these re- 
quirements in this way. 

If such a cooperative Asian effort is to be made, 
the first object would seem to be to build up as 
rapidly as possible the necessary human skills. 
The logical beginning would be to establish under 
the auspices of the Colombo Plan a center for 
nuclear research and training. I am proposing 
that such a regional center be established, and my 
Government is prepared to contribute substan- 
tially toward it. This center could supplement 
existing facilities for basic training of engineers, 
chemists, and physicians at the college level. It 
could offer facilities for training and for research 
in the field of medicine, agriculture, and in his- 
tory, applying the new techniques of atomic en- 
ergy. Such a center would make available at a 
single site the various laboratories and major types 
of equipment required for advanced research, in- 
cluding laboratories for handling radioactive 
materials and major research equipment such as 
accelerators and cyclotrons. This center could 
help in developing instructors and teachers in 
nuclear science and engineering for Asian educa- 
tional institutions. It might be a logical place 
to locate a cancer hospital. It could become a 
place where government officials and industrialists 
could assemble for conference to consider the place 
of atomic energy in their own national and indus- 
trial plans. By the diversity of its facilities it 
could supplement training that individual Asian 
countries may be able to offer to their own citizens. 

At such a center the scientists of Asia in many 
fields could undertake their work with the neces- 
sary equipment to match the rapid progress in 
other areas of the world. They would be able to 
use isotopes and other tools of atomic research to 
study and cui-e the diseases endemic to Asia and 
to improve the crops most important to it. If 
atomic energy is to make its full contribution to 
the health and economic program of Asia, you who 
are most aware of your problems and possibili- 
ties must adapt it to the particular needs and op- 
portunities of this great area. 

It is our view that, if such an institution is to 
come into vigorous life and to serve well the needs 



of tlie Asian world in this new field, it must rest 
firmly on Asia's interest and support. The center 
as we see it would be established for students of the 
region, staffed largely by scientists from the re- 
gion, supervised by administrators from the re- 
gion, and supported by governments of the region. 
The burden of setting up the center and carrying 
it forward, and the obligation of staffing it, would 
rest with the Asian members of the Colombo Plan. 
The fruits of the effort would also belong to Asia. 



U.S. Prepared To Contribute Reactor 

The United States contribution would provide 
funds for the training of Asian students and for 
laboratoi"y facilities and equipment for research 
and training. In particular the United States is 
prepared to contribute to such a center a reactor 
suitable for research and training. 

We believe that in the next few years power re- 
actors will be available for export from the United 
States. If this proves to be the case and the nec- 
essary safeguards can be provided, then the United 
States contribution to the center Avould include a 
small power reactor. The power reactor would 
produce electricity for the center, but its princi- 
pal purjDose would be to provide experience in the 
maintenance and servicing of a proven type of 
atomic power plant and its components. 

We note with interest and appreciation that the 
Government of Canada has offered and is now 
negotiating for the transfer of a research reac- 
tor to the Government of India. We believe that 
the United States and Canadian offers mutually 
complement each other and multiply the potential 
benefits to be derived from such research. It is 
envisaged that the Colombo Plan center proposed 
by the United States would endeavor to develop, 
particularly for countries which do not now have 
such programs, the essential skills and technical 
knowledge in the atomic field. We also foresee 
the center as a means for preparing technicians 
and scientists of Colombo Plan countries so that 
they may be able to pursue more advanced training 
in countries of the area as well as elsewhere. 

We hope that the members of the Colombo Plan 
will study this proposal. If on consideration they 
conclude that it merits support, my Government 
will then consider what further steps may be neces- 
sary to carry the proposal forward, including the 
question of the location of such a center. In sur- 
veying possible sites there must be taken into ac- 



November 7, 1955 



749 



count available local facilities, ease of access and 
communication, and other pertinent factors. The 
guiding purpose must be the complete availability 
of the center to all the Colombo Plan countries on 
an equal basis. 

If such a regional effort should materialize, it 
would prove an outstanding milestone in the co- 
operative efforts of the world to prepare for a fu- 
ture in which atomic energy will play an increas- 
ingly vital role in human welfare. 



Question of China's Immunity 
in National City Bank Case 

In the Bulletin of April 4, 1955, reference was 
made to the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court 
on March 7, 1955, in the case of National City 
Bank of New York, Petitioner v. The Republic of 
China et al., Respondent. 

Recently in coimection with two other suits 
instituted in the U.S. District Court for the South- 
ern District of New York by the Republic of China 
against First National City Bank of New York 
(new name for National City Bank), the bank 
interposed the same counterclaims on defaulted 
Treasury notes of the Chinese Government held by 
the bank as had been made in the case decided by 
the Supreme Court on March 7, 1955. The Chi- 
nese Ambassador asked the Department to inform 
the court that the Republic of China was immune 
from suit on the counterclaims. The Depart- 
ment's reply of September 26, 1955 reads in part 
as follows : 

"The two actions pending in the District Court 
are said to be based upon demand deposits in the 
respondent bank. It is further stated that in each 
case the defendant bank has set forth two counter- 
claims based upon obligations of the Government 
of China which the City Bank holds. The first 
counterclaim is based on a Chinese Govermnent 
Treasury Note given by the Chinese Government 
as security for a loan made in 1920, by a syndicate 
of member banks in which the National City Bank 
participated. The second counterclaim is based 
on the ownership by the Bank of Chinese Govern- 
ment Treasury notes issued in 1947 and purchased 
by the City Bank in 1947 and 1948. The obliga- 
tions of the Chinese Govermnent on which the 
counterclaims are based are alleged to be due and 
unpaid. 



750 



"The Embassy's note states that the Govern- 
ment of China has never consented to be sued on 
the counterclaims and that it feels that to allow 
the City Bank to put forward these counterclaims 
is tantamount to permitting an individual suit to 
be brought against a friendly foreign state without 
its consent. The Embassy requests that if the 
Department considers it appropriate, it transmit 
the view of the Chinese Government to the District 
Court for the Southern District of New York, to- 
gether with a suggestion that the Republic of 
China is entitled to immunity from the counter- 
claims inteq^osed by the National City Bank in 
these two actions. 

"The Department regrets that it is unable to 
comply with the Embassy's request. The law of 
sovereign immunity as the Department under- 
stands it is that, in certain types of cases at least, 
a sovereign cannot without its consent be made a 
respondent in the courts of another sovereign. 
There has been a growing tendency to restrict the 
area of immunity and as indicated in the Depai-t- 
ment's letter of May 19, 1952,^ to the Acting At- 
torney General it has been its policy since that date 
to follow the restrictive theory of sovereign im- 
munity in the consideration of requests of foreign 
governments for recognition of such immunity. 
That is, the Department recognizes the immunity 
of the foreign sovereign with respect to its public 
acts (jure imperii) but not with respect to its 
private acts (jure gestionis). 

"In the two actions with respect to which the 
Embassy seeks the Department's assistance, the 
Chinese Government is not the respondent to an 
action brought against it without its consent but 
as the Embassy's note indicates the Chinese Gov- 
ernment has sought the assistance of a United 
States court to recover its deposits with the de- 
fendant bank. The Chinese Government is, 
therefore, within the jurisdiction of the court not 
against its will but on its own initiative. The im- 
munity, if any, which it had in the existing cir- 
cumstances has thus been waived. Having sought 
the application to the defendant of American law, 
it is in no position to contend that any defenses 
available under that law to the defendant should 
be denied. And it would be most inappropriate 
for the Executive Branch of the Government to 
suggest /to the courts what defenses are available. 



"BuiiETiN of June 23, 1952, p. 984. 

Department of State Bulletin 



The Department is unaware of any principles of 
international law which would make it inappropri- 
ate to apply to a foreign sovereign which has sub- 
mitted to the jurisdiction of domestic law any 
provisions of that law which would be applicable 
to any other litigant. 

"In the view the Department takes of this case, 



it is unnecessary for it to decide whether the activ- 
ities of the Chinese Government which are in- 
volved in the counterclaims to the two pending 
actions are in the nature of public acts concerning 
which it would be entitled to immunity if made a 
party respondent in the courts of the United 
States without its consent." 



Communist China and American Far Eastern Policy 



hy John M. H. Lindbeck 



The Communist conquest of China has com- 
pelled the United States radically to readjust its 
approach toward the problems of the Far East. 
Manifestations of mutuality and friendliness be- 
tween tlie American and Chinese peoples have been 
terminated by the fiat of Communist rulers on the 
China mainland. Instead of being an Asian con- 
tributor to the development of peaceful interna- 
tional cooperation and a cornerstone of Far East- 
ern political stability and military security, the 
China mainland now has been converted into the 
major base of military aggression and Communist 
subversion in Asia. 

The problem that has faced U.S. policymakers 
since the Chinese Communists took over the China 
mainland has required two concomitant and re- 
lated efforts: (1) meeting and repelling the hos- 
tile thrusts of Chinese Communist power in Asia 
and (2) rebuilding non-Communist Asian 
strength and stability. The direction and sub- 
stance of United States policies since 1949 have 
been developed increasingly along lines directed 
toward the achievement of these ends. 

The emergence of Communist power in China 
has violently changed the balance of power in the 
Far East and vastly increased the tasks and prob- 
lems of the free countries of Asia in seeking the at- 
tainment of their national objectives of domestic 
progress and national independence. In the mid- 
thirties, China itself, under the leadership of the 
Nationalist Government at Nanking, was gradu- 
ally emerging from a long period of weakness and 
instability. But the Chinese Government then 
was committed to special treaty provisions and for- 



eign rights which prevented it from exercising un- 
fettered control over its own people and resources. 
Japan already controlled Manchuria, and Russia 
exerted large influence in Sinkiang. War lords 
fragmented the authority of the Central Govern- 
ment, and Chinese Communist rebel forces created 
large islands of chaos and suffering in the rural 
hinterland. Although the general picture was one 
of progress and hope, China was still an area of 
weakness and instability. 

In the rest of Asia at that time, Japan stood 
preeminent in military and industrial might. 
Japan was the center of control, order, and sta- 
bility in northeast Asia. Throughout the rest 
of Asia, except in Thailand, Western powers main- 
tained establishments which provided order — the 
United States in the Philippines; the French in 
Indochina ; the Dutch in Indonesia ; Great Britain 
in Malaya, Burma, and lesser areas, as well as in 
the lands lying to the west. 

This prewar Asian world of Japanese power, 
colonial order, and Chinese recovery was shat- 
tered during the course of the Second World War 
and its aftermath. First, Japan's advancing 
columns of aggressive armies and administrators 
destroyed Western colonial power and adminis- 



• Mr. Lindhech, author of the above arti- 
cle, is Public Affairs Adviser, Chinese Af- 
fairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs. This 
article is based on an address made at Ohio 
State University on July 21, 1955. 



November 7, 1955 



751 



trative systems under which millions of people 
lived in the Far East. In China, they cut the 
Chinese Government off from its major areas of 
economic and political strength and supplanted 
its authority with puppet regimes. Japan thus 
undermined order and brought the chaos of war 
to those parts of Asia which lay outside her 
boundaries. In turn, the Allied victory over 
Japan brought about the destruction of the 
Japanese Empire. By the end of the war no 
part of Asia had escaped chaos and the radical 
changes precipitated by war. 

Power Vacuum in Asia 

The defeat of Japan immediately created a 
major power vacuum in Asia. Manchuria, Korea, 
and Formosa, cut adrift from Japanese control, 
required the establishment of new administrative 
systems, both local and central. Japan itself lay 
exhausted and impotent. The extensive eco- 
nomic network which Japan had created to bind 
Asia to herself was torn asunder as parts and 
pieces were repossessed by the countries she had 
occupied. Not only did Asia lose 8 million tons 
of Japanese shipping sunk during the war, but 
it was deprived, as well, of the large regional net- 
works of Japanese marine insurance, warehousing, 
banking, and communications which had provided 
the Far East with essential trading services. The 
destruction of the Western commercial and trad- 
ing institutions and Japan's network of trading 
organizations and facilities made Far Eastern 
economic recovery a slow and costly undertaking. 

Economic paralysis was paralleled by political 
instability and weakness. Driven by nationalism, 
fed by wartime resistance movements, and encoiu-- 
aged by American and European nations, seven 
new states emerged in the Far East — nine alto- 
gether in Asia — to supplant prewar colonial or 
Western-supported governments. Korea was 
freed from Japan; the Philippines, long encour- 
aged to prepare for self-government, was granted 
independence by the United States ; Indonesia be- 
came independent of the Netherlands; Burma 
was restored to independence by Great Britain; 
and the three states in Indochina — Viet-Nam, 
Laos, and Cambodia — gradually secured their in- 
dependence from France. 

To replace the relatively efficient administra- 
tion provided by the Western metropolitan 
powers and Japan prior to the war, these newly 



independent countries had to develop from meager 
resources their own administrative systems. In 
the process of governing themselves, each of these 
countries was confronted with enormous problems 
as it tried simultaneously to recover from war- 
inflicted wounds, to control dissident and sub- 
versive groups, to develop new and workable po- 
litical organs, to create conditions favorable for 
economic development, and to furnish the local 
and national services required by its people. Not 
the least of these problems was the creation of 
political parties capable of providing political di- 
rection and winning the support and safeguarding 
the interests of their own peoples. 

Emerging of CFiinese Communist Party 

In this Far Eastern scene of new and untried 
governments and the chaos and weakness of war- 
time destruction, an effective and ruthless Com- 
munist Party established its power on the China 
mainland. It rapidly developed and organized 
its political and economic resources, and with 
Russian help emerged as the strongest military 
power in Asia. And the party itself overshad- 
owed all others in Asia in size, experience, dis- 
cipline, and resources. 

This aggressive Chinese Communist regime be- 
came a more insidious threat to Asia and the free 
world than Japanese imperialism had been. For, 
in effect, the Chinese Communist conquest of the 
China mainland extended Communist power and 
the Soviet world into the heart of Asia. The rela- 
tive power of Communist China in an Asia weak 
from the ravages of war and in the throes of a 
major political revolution and economic readjust- 
ment in itself represented a basic alteration in 
the balance of Asian power as it had existed prior 
to the war. With this Communist regime linked 
directly to the Soviet world, the shift in power 
acquired drastic dimensions. The prospects of 
communism in Asia were completely altered, and 
the task of the free world was immeasurably in- 
creased. American policymakers had to reckon, 
therefore, with Communist China as a threat to 
Asia and the free world, on the one hand, and with 
the vulnerabilities of Far Eastern countries to 
Chinese communism, on the other hand. 

Despite shifts in tactics from time to time, the 
Chinese Communists have given no evidence of 
abandoning their ultimate objectives — within 
China, the establishment of totalitarian (or, in 



752 



Department of State Bulletin 



their terms, "democratic centralist") socialism, 
and outside of China, the extension of Communist 
power througli the jiromotion of the world Com- 
munist revolution. In international politics, as in 
internal politics, the Chinese Communists have, 
when expedient, accommodated those whom they 
regard as their enemies ; but Avhen occasion offered 
or circmnstances changed, the Peiping regime has 
undertaken, like other Communist parties, to de- 
stroy its enemies or erstwhile friends. 

Communist attitudes toward India and Burma 
illustrate this tactical shift. Depicted at the Pe- 
king Trade Union Conference in 1949 as coun- 
tries which terrorized workers and stood in need 
of liberation, they are now called "peace-loving" 
states with whom coexistence is not only possible 
but also highly desirable. Every effort now is be- 
ing made by Peiping to turn these and other coun- 
tries against the United States and to persuade 
them to forego as unnecessary individual and col- 
lective measures for their self-defense. At the 
same time, however, the Chinese Communists con- 
tinue their active efforts to strengthen subversive 
movements within each of these coiuitries for the 
time when they may make a bid for power. Mean- 
while, the Chinese Communists push ahead their 
program of modernizing and enlarging their own 
military establishment, already the most powerful 
in Asia. There is every evidence of continuing 
dedication to the expansionist goals of interna- 
tional communism. 

Military Strength of Chinese Reds 

1 The threat of Chinese Commmiist military 
power looms dark over Asia. The Chinese Com- 
munists have over 3I/2 million men in their field 
and public security forces. In addition, it is esti- 
mated that there are between 6 and 10 million men 
in the militia units which the Chinese Communists 
use to maintain domestic control. The field forces 
clearly are trained and equipped to engage in mod- 
ern warfare. During and following tlie Korean 
war these field forces have undergone progressive 
modernization. With the help of the Soviet 
Union the Chinese Communist Army has acquired 
increasing numbers of mechanized and armored 
military units. The Cliinese Connnunist Air 
Force has an estimated 2,000 aircraft, of which 
over 1,600 are believed to be combat types, includ- 
ing jet fighters and bombers of recent Soviet de- 
sign. A small Chinese Communist Navy is being 



steadily strengthened by the addition of naval 
vessels from the Soviet Union, probably including 
some Soviet-type submarines. 

The intentions of the Chinese Communists have 
been clearly and repeatedly stated. The Chinese 
Communist Defense Minister Peng Teh-huai said 
to the National People's Congress at Peiping on 
July 16 : 

The Chinese People's Liberation Army must, in the 
internal situation, strive to consolidate the People's Dem- 
ocratic Dictatorship, and vigorously build up strength 
for the liberation of the Chinese territory of Taiwan. . . . 
To undertake [this] sacred mission . . ., we must speedily 
build up powerful, modernized armed forces. We must 
have not only a mighty army but also a mighty air force 
and a mighty navy. 

All available information indicates that the Chi- 
nese Coimnunist military forces will continue to 
gi'ow in power and improve in efficiency. This 
military program is intended to assure the Chinese 
Communist regime of its position as the dominant 
Asian power in terms of military strength. It 
coidd also widen the already enormous gap be- 
tween Conmimiist China and other Asian nations 
with respect to military strength. 

Dangers of Subversion 

It is not military power alone, however, which 
makes Communist China a menace to Asia. Its 
threat to the Far East is far more varied. Skilled 
in the manipulation of political movements and 
pojjular discontent and trained to organize and 
utilize subversive groups whose activities can be 
coordinated with the political, military, and eco- 
nomic weapons of Peiping's foreign policy, the 
Chinese Communists have vastly increased the 
dangers of subversion in the Far East. Since 
Mao Tse-tung's triumph on the mainland, the 
Chinese Communists systematically have sought 
to weld the various Communist movements in non- 
Communist Asia into a coherent and unified re- 
gional force capable of acting under their central 
direction. 

Acting alone, the Communist movement in each 
of the non-Communist Far Eastern countries has 
only limited capabilities. The abortive efforts of 
several Asian Communist parties — in Burma, 
Malaj'a, Indonesia, and the Philippines — to seize 
political power by direct action during the period 
fi'om 1948 to 1950 demonstrated their lack of in- 
digenous strength. At the present time, no Corn- 



November 7, 7955 



753 



munist Party in the non-Communist countries of 
the Far East possesses sufficient military strength 
of its own to attempt to seize power from the exist- 
ing government. If the problem of subversion 
were a purely domestic problem, each of the non- 
Communist countries of Asia could probably cope 
successfully with the disloyal and subversive 
Communist elements within its own borders. But 
Mao's victory on the China mainland has provided 
Asian communism with a firm base and exposed 
each of these countries to increased hazards from 
externally supported Communist groups. 

Prior to the establishment of a Communist base 
on the China mainland, Asian Communists lacked 
regional unity and central direction. They were 
divided by diverse historical origins, backgrounds, 
and experience. The Korean and Japanese 
parties were founded through the direct efforts 
of the Comintern. Others, such as the parties in 
Indonesia and India and, to a degree, in Indo- 
china, owed their origin to mother parties in 
Europe. The parties in Indochina, Malaya, 
Thailand, and the Philippines were created 
largely through the efforts of Chinese Com- 
munists. 

There were also other factors which limited the 
effectiveness of the Communist parties in the Far 
East. Their efforts to use Soviet strategies and 
tactics primarily designed to further Communist 
objectives in the West at times resulted only in 
frustration. Soviet plans often had little rele- 
vance to the problems of the Asian parties. Be- 
ing remote from the Kremlin, the Communist 
parties of South and Southeast Asia often re- 
ceived little attention or direction from Moscow, 
with the result that they sometimes operated in 
relative isolation from the worldwide Coimnunist 
movement. Under these conditions it is under- 
standable that Asian Communist movements were 
plagued and divided by problems of factionalism, 
dissidence, and rivalry for leadership. 

The Chinese Communists have moved rapidly 
to correct this disorganized situation. Their in- 
fluence, prestige, power, and location have placed 
the Chinese party in an overwhelmingly dominant 
position in the Asian Communist scene. Asia's 
Communists now see a Chinese Communist Party, 
claiming a membership of about 7 million, in con- 
trol of Asia's largest army, with vast territories 
populated by more than 500 million people and 
with a party leadership unrivaled in experience 
and prestige in the Asian Communist world. It 



is obvious to the estimated 124,000 party members 
and their 3 to 4 million disciplined supporters 
scattered through the non-Communist countries 
of the Far East that their future is bound directly 
to Communist China and to the support they re- 
ceive from over 814 million party members in the 
Chinese party and its North Korean and Viet 
Minh affiliates. 

Ties With Other Asian Communists 

To extend its influence and control over the 
Communist movements in free Asia, Peiping has 
been developing organizational ties with each of 
the Far Eastern Communist parties. From Ko- 
rea and Japan in the north to Burma and Indo- 
nesia in the south ideological direction is provided 
through varied channels. In some countries the 
Communist Bank of China and Chinese Commu- 
nist diplomatic and consular officials act as agents 
of the Chinese Communist Party. In other areas 
only clandestine connections are available. Pe- 
riodic conferences in Peiping with representatives 
from all or most of the countries of the Far East 
provide occasions for developing coordinated re- 
gional plans and programs under Chinese guid- 
ance. Daily broadcasts to the countries of the Far 
East from mainland China in every major Far 
Eastern language convey Peiping's up-to-the-min- 
ute interpretation of current events and its guid- 
ance on major issues for Communist groups 
throughout the region. From Peiping go funds, 
propaganda materials, and agents. To the main- 
land come foreign agents for training, foreign mil- 
itary units to be equipped and trained, and poten- 
tial leaders of revolutionary movements for har- 
bor against the time when their services may be 
needed. Through organizational ties, ideological 
guidance, the development of operational meth- 
ods, and central direction, Peiping is converting 
local Communist parties into a regional force. 
These parties increasingly demonstrate their abil- 
ity to act in unison to exploit regional develop- 
ments, to advance Chinese Communist objectives, 
to attack special targets, and to disrupt regional 
cooperation among the non-Communist countries 
of eastern Asia. 

Reactions to Communist Power 

Communist China has made its threatening 
presence unmistakably felt throughout the Far 
East and in the world. Each country of the Far 



754 



Department of State Bulletin 



East has reacted in some way to the menace and 
lodgment of Communist power, both military and 
subversive. The sharpest reactions have come 
from the two states whose continued existence has 
been most directly jeopardized by Communist suc- 
cess and ambitions — the Republics of China and 
Korea. Both have already faced the possibilities 
of extinction by the aggressive military forces of 
Communist China. Both Governments seek the 
fulfillment of their national aims through policies 
which will enable them to free from Communist 
oppression the lands and the peoples conquered 
by the Communists. Both Governments believe 
that their security and that of Asia depend on 
military strength to save them until the aggres- 
sive, militarized Chinese Communist totalitarian 
system is destroyed. In effect, the leaders of Free 
China and Free Korea maintain a posture of de- 
fensive hostility toward Communist China. They 
have little alternative, for they have been singled 
out as avowed objects of Communist destruction. 
As a result, both countries have bent every effort 
to build up their military strength and now pos- 
sess the strongest military forces in free Asia. 

Neither of these Governments has political or 
economic relations with the Peiping regime, and 
both consistently oppose any recognition of the 
political claims and any extension of the political 
and economic influence of that regime. More- 
over, alert to the dangers of subversion, they have 
resolutely rooted out within the areas under their 
control all known Communist agents and organs. 
There is no place for the subversive or the fellow 
traveler in these embattled coimtries. Aggression, 
not subversion, is the major Communist threat they 
fear, for the vast majority of their peoples have 
experienced and rejected communism. 

More recently a third divided country has ap- 
peared on the Asian scene — the Eepublic of Viet- 
Nam. The Geneva agreements of July 1954 par- 
titioned Viet-Nam at approximately the I7th par- 
allel, pending an ultimate settlement of political 
problems. "Wliile it has agreed not to use force to 
bring about reunification, the Government of the 
Republic of Viet-Nam is not a party to the Geneva 
agreements and neither recognizes nor deals with 
the Communist Viet Minh, which is in control 
north of the 17th parallel. Nor does it recognize 
the Peiping regime, which not only encouraged 
and supplied the Viet ]\Iinh in its strike for power 
but also extended to its leader. Ho Chi Minh, and 
his Communist regime diplomatic recognition and 

November 7, 1955 



international status even before the conclusion of 
an armistice in the summer of 1954. Since the 
Free Vietnamese are under increasing Commu- 
nist pressure, their only hope for survival seems 
to be on a basis of continuous resistance to all 
forms of Communist power. This means a costly 
investment of Viet-Nam's energies and resources in 
military strength and in an effort to achieve po- 
litical control over dissident and subversive 
elements. 

Two other countries, the Philippines and Thai- 
land, reacted to the emergence of a powerful Chi- 
nese Communist regime by striving to root out 
domestic affiliates and potential agents — the local 
Communists — and cutting them oft' from any con- 
nections with China and the outside. Resistant 
to Communist China's claims and distrustful of 
its objectives, both Governments have broken po- 
litical, diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties 
with the China mainland. But in each of these 
countries there is still an operative Communist 
Party organization maintaining an illegal exist- 
ence, encouraged and defended by the voice of 
Peiping. In Thailand the party is, in effect, a 
Chinese party with perhaps 50,000 supporters and 
large influence in at least one of the Chinese re- 
gional fraternities. The subversive threat cannot 
be ignored here any more than it can be ignored 
to the south, in Malaya, where the party has a 
warring guerrilla army and a supporting Minh 
Yuen mass organization, virtually all Chinese. 
Fearful of Communist China's military power, 
Thailand and the Philippines have undertaken to 
develop their defensive military strength and to 
join in collective security arrangements with each 
other and with other Asian and Pacific powers 
in the Manila Pact. Both countries sent military 
contingents to Korea to assist in repelling Com- 
munist aggression. 

Wliile Cambodia and Laos have not had much 
time in their newly acquired independence to re- 
act fully to the threat of Chinese Communist 
power, they have taken initial steps to protect 
themselves. There is no doubt that they sense their 
weakness and vulnerability in the face of the Chi- 
nese Communists and their Viet Minh partners. 

Communist Party in Japan 

The reaction of the Japanese people to Com- 
munist China presents another situation. While 
Japan has neither diplomatic nor formal economic 

755 



relations with Coniiminist Cliina, the Japanese 
Government has submitted to a certain amount of 
so-called "people's diplomacy" with unofficial Jap- 
anese groups and organizations in the interests 
of securing the repatriation of thousands of Jap- 
anese nationals and the release of captured and 
castaway fishermen. Perhaps because, until re- 
cently, they have had little responsibility for their 
own military security and historically have been 
concerned with the threat of Eussian rather than 
of Chinese power, some Japanese do not appear 
to have awalcened fully to this new Chinese Com- 
munist threat. They seem still to be living in the 
neutralist and pacifist dream which came upon 
them after their defeat in war. 

The desire of some Japanese for accommodation 
with the Communist regime on the China main- 
land rests perhaps more on economic motivation 
than political preference, but it also reflects the 
social and economic frustrations and military im- 
potence which have engendered a mood of ac- 
commodation. Here the Communist Party 
enjoys a quasi-legal existence. It has an under- 
ground directorate and a membership of about 
80,000, supported by controlled organizations with 
over 360,000 fellow-traveling members. Once one 
of the weakest of all Communist parties in Asia, 
the Japanese Communist Party has now become 
one of the largest Communist parties in the non- 
Communist part of eastern Asia, possessing obvi- 
ous capabilities to move both directly and 
indirectly against the Government. The Japa- 
nese Government and jjeople have adopted meas- 
ures, however, which have increasingly restricted 
the subversive potentialities of the Japanese Com- 
munist Party and movement. 

Burma and Indonesia reacted to the emergence 
of Communist China by adopting external poli- 
cies of accommodation while at the same time un- 
dertaking internal measures to check the activities 
of local and Chinese Communists. They appear 
to hope that Chinese Communist domestic preoc- 
cupations, the restraints on Peiping of United Na- 
tions influence and world opinion, the power of 
other international groufDings, and a friendly at- 
titude on their part will save them from external 
Communist attack. However, diplomatic, eco- 
nomic, and cultural intercourse, reinforced by the 
ties to the China mainland of large minorities of 
resident Chinese, provide the Peiping regime with 
a tempting and exploitable oi^portunity to encour- 
age and support those gi'oups which seek to sub- 



vert the power o f these Governments. By their ef- 
forts to suppress Chinese Communist-supported 
activities in their own countries, Burma and Indo- 
nesia show that they have recognized the subver- 
sive threat of Chinese communism. The Gov- 
ernments of both countries, in fact, have success- 
fully crushed Communist revolts by drastic mili- 
tary measures — revolts which had the explicit 
blessings of the Chinese Communists. 

Thus, in varying degrees, these exposed coun- 
tries of eastern Asia have been concerned with 
their vulnerability to the military, political, and 
economic activities of the Chinese Communists. 
After the Chinese Communists conquered the 
mainland, their military vulnerability was imme- 
diate and acute, and they turned to the West, par- 
ticularly the United States, for assistance in re- 
sisting the aggressive thrusts of Communist 
Cliina's military might. The United States, al- 
ready possessing military forces and having mil- 
itary commitments in the Far East — in Korea, 
Japan, the Philippines, and the Pacific Trust Ter- 
ritories — as a result of the defeat and occupation 
of Japan, undertook the primary task of assist- 
ing countries of free Asia to redress the military 
balance of power. 

U. S. Security and Defense Policies in Far East 

The development of the security and defense 
policies and programs of the United States in the 
Far East was in response to the needs of free 
Asian countries imperiled by hostile Communist 
power and the result of direct provocations of the 
Chinese Communists toward the United States and 
its friends. Immediately after the North Korean 
Communists launched their attack, the Chinese 
Communists demonstrated their support of Com- 
munist aggression. As a result, on June 27, 1950, 
President Truman ordered the Seventh Fleet to 
guard Taiwan and to prevent Chinese Nationalist 
air and sea operations against the China main- 
land as a measure designed to protect the flank of 
United Nations forces in Korea. In October the 
Chinese Communist military forces intervened 
massively in Korea. This caused the United 
States to drop its proposal of September 21, 1950, 
that the United Nations General Assembly study 
and make recommendations on the problem of the 
future of Taiwan. Also, after this intervention, 
the United States undertook to provide military 
assistance to the Government of the Republic of 
China on Taiwan. Even at that time, the mili- 



756 



Department of State Bulletin 



tary assistance agreement with the Chinese Gov- 
ernment, formalized in an exchange of notes of 
January 30 and February 9, 1951, specified that 
the military assistance was to be used by the Chi- 
nese Government only "to maintain its internal 
security or its legitimate self-defense." In May 
1951 a small United States military advisory 
group was established on Taiwan. 

Communist aggression in Korea, coupled with 
the obvious and growing hostility of Russia to- 
ward the West and its seizure and fortification of 
Japan's northern islands, made the security needs 
of Japan especially urgent. The peace treaty 
with Japan was accompanied by a security ti'eaty 
between the United States and Japan. When 
these two treaties were approved by the Senate of 
the United States on March 20, 1952, two addi- 
tional security treaties were also ratified by the 
Senate: the mutual defense treaty between the 
United States and the Philippines and the se- 
curity treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and 
the United States. These four treaties, taken to- 
gether, provided an initial foundation for secur- 
ity in the Far East. In the words of the Senate 
Committee on Foreign Relations, they 

. . . constitute an important contribution toward clarify- 
ing the position of the United States in the Pacific. They 
are logical and desirable steps in liquidating the old war 
and strengthening the fabric of peace in the Far East 
against the danger of a new war. 

The continuing menace of Communist aggres- 
sion in Korea resulted in the signing on October 1, 
1953, of a mutual defense treaty between the 
United States and the Republic of Korea. In the 
words of the Korean Foreign Minister, this de- 
fense treaty was concluded to "conserve the fruits 
of our joint efforts so far made to check aggres- 
sion and contribute toward putting a final stop 
to encroachments upon freedom." Secretary 
Dulles, concerned with the future, pointed out 
that this treaty recognized that "in a world where 
the foi'ces of aggression still constitute a threat, 
constant preparedness and constant vigilance are 
the price of our freedom." 

Meantime, the consolidation of Communist 
gains in North Viet-Nam underscored the need for 
united action to deter further Communist-spon- 
sored aggression in Asia. As early as April 16, 
1953, President Eisenhower foresaw that the ap- 
proaching cease-fire in Korea would allow Com- 
munist China to increase its aid to Viet Minli 
forces in Indochina. At Manila, therefore, on 



September 8, 195-1, the Southeast Asia Collective 
Defense Treaty was signed by Australia, New 
Zealand, France, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thai- 
land, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 
The treaty not only provided for meeting collec- 
tively external armed attack against any state 
within the treaty area but also provided for the 
adoption of measures to be taken for the common 
defense from other than armed attack. A protocol 
to the treaty makes the treaty applicable, upon 
request, to the territories of Free Viet-Nam, Laos, 
and Cambodia. 

Republic of China 

The mutual defense treaty between the United 
States and the Republic of China, a further step 
in securing the peoples of Asia from Communist 
aggression, was signed on December 2, 1954, 
against a background of mounting Chinese Com- 
munist belligerence. The Peiping regime had 
made its hostility unmistakable. In July 1954 it 
had launched a major propaganda campaign 
threatening to "liberate Taiwan." On September 
3, Quemoy Island had been sijbjected to the heavi- 
est bombardment sustained by the Chinese Na- 
tionalist forces in 5 years. On November 23 the 
Chinese Communists had sentenced 13 Americans 
to long imprisonment, including 11 airmen of the 
United Nations Command who were held in viola- 
tion of the Korean Armistice. 

Following the signing of this defense treaty, 
the Chinese Communists increased their hostili- 
ties against the territories and forces of the Re- 
public of China by intensively bombing the Tachen 
Islands and seizing Ichiang Island on January 
18-20. This led the Congress of the United States 
to adopt a joint resolution on January 29 authoriz- 
ing the President: 

to employ the Armed Forces of the United States as he 
deems necessary for the specific purpose of securing and 
protecting Formosa and the Pescadores against armed 
attack, this authority to include the securing and pro- 
tection of such related positions and territories of that 
area now in friendly hands and the taliing of such other 
measures as he judges to be required or appropriate in 
assuring the defense of Formosa and the Pescadores. 

This authority was granted to the President in 
recognition of the fact that certain territories of 
the Republic of China — 

are now under armed attack, and threats and declara- 
tions have been and are being made by the Chinese Com- 
munists that such armed attack is in aid of and in 



November 7, 7955 



757 



preparation for armed attack on Formosa and the 
Pescadores. 

Thus gradually, and under the compelling 
threats of Chinese Communist power, Asian na- 
tions and peojiles have joined their efforts to ours 
to meet the hostile power of Communist arms and 
aggressive actions. Collectively and by persistent 
effort on the part of many nations, Asia and the 
free world have undertaken to develop the mili- 
tary power necessary to meet and counter the 
threatening military strength of Communist 
China. At the same time, the United States has 
continued to use its influence in favor of renounc- 
ing the use of force to settle the issues raised by 
the Communist regime in Peiping. In the United 
Nations Security Council the United States sup- 
ported the New Zealand proposal for considering 
with the Chinese Communists the question of end- 
ing hostilities among the islands along the coast 
of China. Secretary Dulles has repeatedly stated 
the willingness of the United States to discuss the 
question of a cease-fire with the Chinese Com- 
munists. In this way the United States has sup- 
ported the development of a regional system of 
collective security within the terms of the United 
Nations Charter and in support of its principles. 
The defensive character of these security pro- 
grams and policies is evident in the very nature 
of their development. 

U. S. Economic Policies in Far East 

These military defense policies have been sup- 
plemented by related economic actions. The 
United States and the nations of the free world 
through the United Nations have adopted eco- 
nomic measures to restrict the warmaking capa- 
bilities of the Cliinese Communists. Wlien 
Communist China intervened in the Korean war, 
the United States on its part revoked all general 
licenses for all exports to Communist China. [ We 
imposed a ban on imports from Communist China 
and established strict license controls on all finan- 
cial transactions between the United States and 
tlie Communist China mainland. In July 1950 
other free world countries also adopted measures 
for controlling free world trade with Communist 
China and North Korea. Finally, some 45 coun- 
tries, including several who are not members of the 
United Nations, have supported the United Na- 
tions resolution of May 18, 1951, which recom- 
mended an embargo on the shipment to Com- 
munist China and North Korea of 



arms, ammunition and implements of war, atomic energy 
materials, petroleum, transportation materials of stra- 
tegic value, and Items useful in