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ol. XXXIII, No. 849
Oaober 3, 1955
ENTERING THE SECOND DECADE • Address by
Secretary Dulles 523
THE U.S. POSITION ON DISARMAMENT • by
Ambassador James J. Jfadsuforth 530
YOUTH AND THE FREE WORLD • by Harold E.
Stassen 535
RELATION OF ANTITRUST POLICIES TO FOREIGN
TRADE AND INVESTMENT O Statement by
ThoTSten V. Kalijarvi 538
For index see inside back cover
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Entering the Second Decade
Address hy Secretary Dulles ^
It is always a pleasure for me to return to this
great Assembly — this center for harmonizing the
actions of nations. My pleasure today is especial.
Not only will this session round out a decade of
United Nations effort, but there are welcome signs
that the second decade may in fact be more har-
monious than was the first. Surely it is in our
power to make it so.
We can feel that confidence because we see the
nations becoming more and more sensitive to the
moral verdicts of this organization. This Assem-
bly is a hall of understanding, and thus of hope.
It is also a hall of judgment. Here the nations
of the world expound, explain, and defend their
international policies. In the process, national
purposes are disclosed and oftentimes altered to
meet the opinions tliat are reflected here. Some-
times true purposes are sought to be concealed.
But this Assembly has a way of getting at the
truth.
The perceptions and the moral judgments of
the nations meeting here endow this Assembly
with genuine power. No nation lightly risks the
Assembly's moral condemnation, with all that
such condemnation implies.
The Problem of Membership
This fact — that our oi'ganization's power de-
rives largely from moral judgments formed here —
illuminates the problem of membership. It shows
how essential it is that there should be here all of
those eligible nations which, by their policies and
conduct, have demonstrated their devotion to the
purjDoses and principles of the charter.
" Made before the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 22
(press release 558).
Today we have a wide and important member-
ship. But about a score of sovereign nations are
not represented here. Most of them meet the
membership tests of our charter. They are peace-
loving, and they have shown themselves able and
willing to carry out the charter's obligations.
Their governments could reflect here important
segments of world opinion.
To block the admission of such nations by use
of the veto power is not only a grave wrong to
them ; it is also a wrong to this organization and
to all of its members.
I hope that, during this Tenth Session, action
will be taken by the Security Council and by this
Assembly to bring these nations into our member-
ship. Thus, the United Nations would enter its
second decade better equipped to serve mankind.
Charter Review
This Tenth Session of ours must deal with the
question of a charter review conference. That
is mandatory under the charter.
The United States believes that such a confer-
ence should be held. One impelling reason would
be to reconsider the present veto power in rela-
tion to the admission of new members, particu-
larly if that veto power continues to be abused.
Also, epochal developments in the atomic and
disarmament fields may make it desirable to give
this organization a greater authority in these mat-
ters. They are vital to survival itself. Wlien
the charter was drafted, none knew of the awesome
possibilities of atomic warfare. Our charter is
a pre-atomic-age charter.
Our founders believed that, after 10 years, the
charter should be reviewed in the light of that
first decade of experience. I believe that they
Ocfofaer 3, 1955
523
were right. That does not necessarily mean that
drastic changes should be made. On the whole,
the charter has proved to be a flexible and work-
able instrument. But few would contend that it
is a perfect instrument, not susceptible to improve-
ment.
The United States believes that this session
should approve, in principle, the convening of a
charter review conference and establish a pre-
paratory commission to prepare and submit rec-
ommendations relating to the date, place,
organization, and procedures of the General Re-
view Conference.
Let me turn now to eome of the events which
have occurred since last Pecember, when the Ninth
Session adjourned. On balance, these develop-
ments have contributed notably to the advance-
ment of our charter goals of international peace
and security in conformity with the principles of
justice and international law. I shall allude only
to those events where United States policy has
played a part, usually in partnership with others.
Germany and Austria
Turning first to Europe, we see that the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany has become a free and
sovereign state by treaties concluded with it by
France, Great Britain, and the United States.
Concurrently, the Federal Republic joined the
Brussels and North Atlantic Treaties. Also, the
Brussels Tre^aty was itself made over so that, in
combination with the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization, there was developed an effective sys-
tem of limitation, control, and integration of
armed forces, the like of which the world has
never seen before.
This system insures against the use of national
force in the Western European area for aggressive
and nationalistic purposes. The arrangements
provide security, not only for the participants but
also for the nonparticipants. They end the condi-
tions which have made Western Europe a source
of recurrent wars, the last two of which have de-
veloped into world wars, endangering all.
Never before have collective security and indi-
vidual self-restraint been so resourcefully and so
widely combined. The result can be hailed as a
triumph by all who believe in the dual principle
of our charter, that security is a collective task
and that "armed force shall not be used, save in
the common interest."
As a sequence to these developments regarding
Germany, Austria became free. The Austrian
State Treaty, which had been pending for 8 years,
was signed last May and now is in effect. Thus are
finally fulfilled pledges given by the Moscow Dec-
laration of November 1943 and hopes which this
General Assembly expressed at its Seventh Session.
It should be noted that the Austrian State
Treaty, bearing the Soviet Union's signature, con-
templates support for Austria's admission to the
United Nations.
The Geneva "Summit" Conference
Quickly following these German and Austrian
developments came new efforts by France, Great
Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States
to reduce the danger of war and to solve outstand-
ing issues by negotiation.
Last May the three Western Powers proposed a
two-stage effort. The first stage would be a meet-
ing of the Heads of Government themselves to
provide "a new impetus" for a second stage, which
would be that of detailed examination of the sub-
stance of the problems.
The first phase of the program occurred at
Geneva last July when the four Heads of Govern-
ment met. They clearly manifested their common
desire for peace and better relations. Specifically
they agreed that further efforts should be made in
three fields, namely :
(1) European security and Germany; (2) dis-
armament; and (3) development of contacts be-
tween East and West.
Now, we enter on the agreed second stage, where
the "spirit of Geneva" will be tested. A United
Nations subcommittee is already discussing the
Geneva ideas about disarmament. Next month,
the Foreign Ministers of France, the United King-
dom, the Soviet Union, and the United States will
meet at Geneva. The Western Powers will asso-
ciate with them, where appropriate, the Federal
Republic of Germany and their other Nato
partners.
At the coming meeting, agreed priority will be
given to the closely linked problem of the reimi-
fication of Germany and the problem of European
security. This is as it should be.
The German people have now been forcibly di-
vided for over 10 years. The perpetuation of this
division is a crime against nature.
524
Deparfmenf of Sfa/e Bullef'm
German Reunification
Tliree-quarters of the Germans are in the Fed-
eral Republic, and they are fortunate in having a
great leader, Chancellor Adenauer. He stands for
a united Germany that will be peaceful and that
will find its mission in friendly cooperation with
its neighbors. He is determined that Germany's
legitimate needs for security and sovereign equal-
ity shall be met without a revival of German
militarism.
It would, however, be a tragic mistake to assume
that, because most of the Germans now have
chosen that enlightened viewpoint, the injustice
of dividing Germany can therefore be perpetu-
ated without grave risk.
There are many nations who feel that their own
future security and world peace urgently require
that Germany should be reunited and enabled, if
it so desires, to become a party to the Western
European arrangements for limitation, control,
and integration of armed forces, so that they can
never serve an aggressive purpose. There are
otliers who profess to feel that a united Germany
within Nato would endanger them even under
these conditions.
To bridge this difference, the Western Powers
are ready to advance some overall plan of Euro-
pean security which would give the Soviet Union
substantial additional reassurances. The con-
junction of this attitude of the Western Powers
with the like mood of the Federal Republic of
Germany provides an unprecedented opportunity.
But the German mood which I describe may not
always persist. Also, it cannot be assumed that
the Western Powere, including the United States,
will always be ready to enlarge their present com-
mitments to meet Soviet concern about European
security.
The present opportunity is so unusual and so
full of constructive possibilities that it can be
hoped that the forthcoming four-power Foreign
Ministers Meeting will find a solid basis for the
reunification of Germany within a framework of
European security.
Tile Sateiiites and Internationai Communism
At Geneva President Eisenhower mentioned
two causes of international tension which were not
accepted for the agenda of tlae conference. The
first was "the problem of respecting the right of
peoples to choose the form of government under
which they will live." As to this, he said that "the
American people feel strongly that certain peoples
of Eastern Europe, many with a long and proud
record of national existence, have not yet been
given the benefit of this pledge of our United
Nations wartime declaration, reinforced by other
wartime agreements."
President Eisenliower also raised the problem of
international communism. He said that for 38
years this problem has disturbed relations between
other nations and the Soviet Union. It is, indeed,
difficult to develop really cordial relations between
governments when one is seeking by subversion to
destroy the other. The head of the Soviet Gov-
ernment took the position that these problems were
not a proper subject of discussion at the Geneva
conference. Nevertheless, the eyes of much of the
world will remain focused upon these two prob-
lems. What, in fact, the Soviet Union does about
them will, to many, be a barometer of the Soviet's
real intentions.
If the "spirit of Geneva" is genuine and not
spurious, if it is to be permanent and not fleeting,
it will lead to liquidating abnormal extensions of
national power, which crush the spirit of national
independence, and to the ending of political of-
fensives aimed at subverting free govermnents.
Tlie Organization of American States
Turning now from Europe to this hemisphere of
the Americas, we find the Organization of Ameri-
can States continuing to demonstrate how the pur-
poses and principles of the United Nations can be
effectuated through regional arrangements for col-
lective self-defense. The organization's general
meetings have promoted political understanding
and economic and social cooperation. On three
occasions within the last 15 months, in relation to
Guatemala, to Costa Rica, and now in relation to
the Ecuador-Peru boundary dispute, the organiza-
tion has acted promptly and effectively to main-
tain international order. Its activities in this field
have been fully reported to the Security Council,
pursuant to our charter.
Tlie Near East
In the Near East the situation remains troubled.
It has been difficult to assure the sanctity of the
Ocfober 3, 1955
525
armistice lines established in 1948 under the aus-
pices of the United Nations to end the fighting
between Israelis and Arabs. The United States
desires to pay high tribute to those who, during
these troubled days, have been serving the United
Nations, and particularly to General Burns of
Canada and his associates.
On August 26 of this year, I addressed myself
to certain fundamental aspects of this situation.^
I said that if the parties desired a stable settle-
ment, they could, I thought, be helped from with-
out. I had in mind financial assistance in relation
to the problem of Arab refugees, and of irrigation
projects which would enable the people through-
out the area to enjoy a better life. I also spoke of
tlie importance of bringing gi'eater security to the
area. I said that, if nations from without the area
made clear their readiness to contribute to these
three essential aspects of a settlement, it might
then be more possible to bring order, tranquillity,
and well-being to the area itself.
President Eisenhower authorized me to say that
he would recommend participation by the United
States in these monetary and security commit-
ments, if this were desired by the governments
directly concerned and on the assmnption that
action wherever feasible should be on an interna-
tional basis, preferably under the auspices of the
United Nations.
The United Kingdom immediately associated
itself with tliese United States suggestions. A
number of other countries have also indicated
their support.
If there is a favorable response from the Near
Eastern countries, many aspects of this problem
would eventually come to the United Nations for
its action at some future session.
The Far East
During the past year the fabric of peace in the
Far East was strengthened by the coming into
force of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty. An organizational meeting of tlie Treaty
Council was held at Bangkok toward the end of
February at the ministerial level.
This security arrangement is unique. It marks
the first time that any considerable number of
countries have banded together, in eastern Asia,
for collective self-defense. There are eight parties
to the treaty, which, in addition, applies to Cam-
' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.
bodia, Laos and Free Viet-Nam. Also, the ar-
rangement draws together western and Asian
countries. This would not have been possible had
not all the parties firmly committed themselves to
the principle of political independence and self-
determination. This commitment is found both in
the preamble to the treaty and in the concurrent
Pacific Charter, which reflects the aspirations of
men everywhere to be free.
The Southeast Asia Treaty does not envisage
the establislunent of a combined military organi-
zation comparable to that which has grown up
under the North Atlantic Treaty. The condi-
tions in the area do not readily lend themselves
to the creation of a treaty force, in being and in
I^lace. Primary reliance is placed on the agree-
ment of the eight signatories to treat any armed
aggression in the treaty area as a common danger
to each party, calling for action on its part. That
pledge will, we believe, work powerfully to deter
aggression.
China
In the China area the situation is somewhat
less ominous than it was. We hope that the Chi-
nese People's Republic will respond to the mani-
fest will of the world community that armed
force should not be used to achieve national
objectives.
The record of this Communist regime has been
an evil one. It fought the United Nations in
Korea, for which it stands here branded as an
aggressor. It took over Tibet by armed force.
It became allied with the Connnunist Viet Minh
in their effort to take over Indochina by armed
force. Then, following the Indochina armistice,
it turned its military attention to the Taiwan
(Formosa) area. It intended to take this area
by force and began active military assaults on its
approaches, which assaults, it claimed, were a
first step in its new program of military conquest.
This constituted a major challenge to principles
to which the United States is committed by our
charter. It was also a direct and special challenge
to the United States itself. We have a distinctive
relationship to these islands, a relationsliip which
is reinforced by a mutual defense treaty with the
Republic of China covering Taiwan and Penghu
[the Pescadores].
At this point, on January 24, 1955, President
Eisenhower asked the Congress of the United
States for authority to use the armed forces of the
526
Department of State BuUetin
United States in the defense of Taiwan and
Penghu and related areas which the President
might judge as appropriate to that defense. After
full hearings in the House and the Senate of the
United States, the requested authority was granted.
In the House the vote was 409 to 3, and in the
Senate the vote was 85 to 3. The authority ter-
minates whenever peace and secuiity of the area
are reasonably assured by international conditions
created by action of the United Nations or other-
wise.
I am convinced that this timely warning, given
with solid, virtually unanimous, national concur-
rence, served to prevent what could have been a
dangerous miscalculation on the part of the Chi-
nese Communists.
Thereafter the Bandung conference was held.
There again the peace-loving nations — many of
them members of the United Nations — made clear
to the Chinese Communists their adherence to our
charter principle that states should refrain in
their international relations from tlie threat of
force.
From the site of the Bandinig conference, Mr.
Chou En-lai proposed direct discussions with the
United States, a proposal which I promptly indi-
cated was acceptable to the United States so long
as we dealt only with matters of concern to the
two of us, not involving the rights of third parties.
That reservation applies particularly, so far as the
United States is concerned, to the Republic of
China, to which we are loyal as to a long-time
friend and ally.
Shortly thereafter the Chinese Communists re-
leased 4 and, later, the other 11 of the United
States fliers of the United Nations Command
whom it had been liolding in violation of the
Korean Armistice Agreement. This release had
been sought by resolution of this General Assem-
bly adopted last December. The outcome justified
the confidence which the United States had placed
in the United Nations and our restraint in the
use or threat of our own national power.
Some 15 months ago the United States had
started talks with the Chinese People's Republic
at Geneva with regard to getting our civilians
home. As a result of the Bandung statement made
by Mr. Chou En-lai and my reply, these talks were
resumed last August, to deal first with the topic
of freeing civilians for return and then with other
practical matters of direct concern to the two of us.
All Chinese in the United States who desire to
return to their homeland are free to do so. They
have always been free to do so except for a few
who were temporarily prevented by restrictions
arising out of the Korean war. The Chinese
People's Republic has now declared that all Amer-
icans on the China mainland have the right to
return and will be enabled expeditiously to exer-
cise that right.
For the favorable trend of events to which I
refer, thanks are due to many. Our Secretary-
General worked assiduouslj' to bring about the re-
lease of United States fliers of the United Nations
Command.' Other governments and individuals
were helpful in this and other matters. The will
of the world community may have operated to
avert another war, the scope of which could not
surely be limited.
Atoms for Peace
Last year I spoke of the peaceful uses of atomic
energy. We had gone through a period of dis-
appointing negotiations to secure the participa-
tion of the Soviet Union in the program presented
to you by President Eisenhower on December 8,
1953. In the face of a negative Soviet attitude,
we had resolved nevertheless to go ahead.
Last September I mentioned four activities
which we promised to commence immediately.
Since that time, we have made good progress in
each of these fields.
The negotiations for establishment of an Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency have led to the
preparation of a draft statute establishing such
an agency.
An International Conference on the Peaceful
Uses of Atomic Energy was held with outstanding
success last month at Geneva. This conference
was so successful that the United States will again
propose a similar conference to be held in 3 years
or earlier if the increasing development of the
peaceful uses of atomic energy will so wan-ant.
The first reactor training course at our Ar-
gonne National Laboratory is nearing completion,
and an enlarged course is about to begin.
Distinguished doctors and surgeons from other
countries are visiting our hospitals and research
establishments where atomic energy is used for
the cure of cancer and other diseases.
Tlie Soviet Union is now taking a more coopera-
' For text of a report by the Secretary-General, see
ibid., Sept. 26, 1955, p. 512.
Ocfober 3, 7955
527
tive attitude, and we gladly note the recent offer
of Premier Bulganin to set aside fissionable mate-
rial for the work of the proposed International
Agency when it comes into existence.
Much has happened, we see, to give reality to the
vista of hope which President Eisenhower por-
trayed when he spoke to our Eighth Session.
Radiation Study
The United States also plans at this session to
propose the establishment of an international tech-
nical body on the effects of atomic radiation upon
Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the United Nations
U.S./D.N. press release 2204 dated September 18
If the United Nations Assembly, which opens next
Tuesday [September 20], agrees to President Eisen-
hower's "open sky" plan for mutual aerial inspec-
tion and exchange of blueprints of the nations' mili-
tary installations, it will be unique and historic.
This plan would end the specter of a massive sur-
prise assault which has haunted the world since the
end of World War II and which has been one of the
greatest causes of world tension. This would lead
the way to the utmost limits of mutual disarmament
for which the free world yearns.
human health. It would be composed of qualified
scientists who would collate and give wide distri-
bution to radiological information furnished by
states members of the United Nations, or special-
ized agencies.
The United States is itself giving much study
to this matter. We believe that properly safe-
guarded nuclear testing and the development of
peaceful uses of atomic energy do not threaten
human health or life. But this is a subject of such
transcendent concern that we believe that all avail-
able data should be sought out and pooled under
United Nations auspices.
Limitation of Armament
On July 21st of this year, at Geneva, the Presi-
dent of the United States took still another major
initiative. Dealing with disarmament, and ad-
dressing himself for the moment principally to the
delegates from the Soviet Union, he proposed that,
as a beginning, each of our two nations should
provide the other with information as to its mili-
tary establishments and with facilities for un-
restricted aerial reconnaissance of the other.
The logic of this proposal is simple and clear.
Major aggression is unlikely unless the aggressor
can have the advantage of sui-prise and can hope to
strike a blow which will be devastating because
unexpected. But the preparation of an attack of
such magnitude could hardly be concealed from
aerial inspection. Aerial inspection would not, of
course, detect everything. We do not think of it
as itself a final comprehensive system of inspection.
But aerial inspection would detect enough to ex-
clude the greatest risk. Because it would do that,
it would open the way to further steps toward
inspection and disarmament which we all, and I
emphatically include the United States, want to
se« taken.
Long experience makes it apparent that, when
there is a sense of insecurity, when there is an
ominous unknown, then arms seem needed and
limitation of armament becomes virtually im-
attainable. Reductions of armament occur when
fear is dissipated, when knowledge replaces ex-
aggerated speculation, and when in consequence
arms seem less needed.
It was, I believe, immediately sensed by all that,
if the United States were to j)ermit Soviet over-
liights of its territory and if the Soviet Union were
to permit the United States overflights of its terri-
tory, that would go far to show that neither had
aggressive intentions against the other. Then, as
President Eisenhower pointed out in his plea at
Geneva, it would be easier to move on to a compre-
hensive, scientific system of inspection and dis-
armament. The essence of the President's pro-
posal was that it would, as a beginning, do what is
required of a beginning; namely, make it more
possible to take subsequent steps.
I hope that the sentiment of this General Assem-
bly will make clear that this beginning should be
made as simply as may be and as quickly as may
be. From such a beginning can come, and I be-
lieve will come, solid advance toward our charter
goal of reducing the "diversion for armaments of
the world's human and economic resources."
Then we can realistically look forward to fulfill-
ing the desire close to the hearts of all our people —
a desire voiced by President Eisenhower at our
recent meeting in San Francisco — that more of
this earth's resources should be used for truly con-
structive purposes, which would particularly
benefit the underdeveloped areas of the world.
528
Department of State Bulletin
A Decade for Peaceful Change
It was 10 years ago last inoiith that the fighting
stopped in World War II. We have lived through
the subsequent decade without another world war.
That is something for which to be j^rofoundly
thankful. But true peace has not been enjoyed.
There have been limited wars; free nations have
been subverted and taken over ; there has been the
piling up of armament, and the rigidities of posi-
tion which are imposed upon those who regard
each other as potential fighting enemies.
That phase may now be ending. I believe that
all four of the Heads of Government, who were at
Geneva, wanted that result and that each contrib-
uted to it. In consequence, a new spirit does in-
deed prevail, with greater flexibility and less
brittleness in international relations.
Some find it interesting to speculate as to which
nations gained and which lost from this develop-
ment. I would say that if the "spirit of Geneva"
is to be permanent, then all the world must be the
gainer. The "smnmit" meeting, if it is to be his-
toric rather than episodic, must usher in an era of
peaceful change.
It will not be an era of placidity and stagnancy,
in the sense that the status quo, with its manifold
injustices, is accepted as permanent. It will be an
era of change, and it will have its strains and its
stresses. But peoples and governments will re-
nounce the use of war and of subversion to achieve
their goals. They will accept orderly evolution
toward the realization of legitimate national as-
pirations. They will develop wider economic in-
tercourse among themselves. They will increas-
ingly respect human rights and fundamental
freedoms. And human effort will be dedicated to
what is creative and benign.
The United Nations, too, will change. Given
good will and mutual confidence, many provisions
of the charter will gain new meaning and new
vitality.
Let us together strive that the next decade shall
be known as the healing decade of true peace.
William H. Jackson Appointed
Special Assistant to Secretary
Press release 55-4 dated September 19
William H. Jackson of New York has been
appointed, effective September 19, 1955, as a
Special Assistant to the Secretary of State to co-
ordinate within the U.S. Government the develop-
ment of U.S. positions for phases of the Foreign
Ministers meeting at Geneva pertaining to East-
West contacts and exchanges.
Eighth Anniversary of Death
of Bulgarian Patriot
Statement hy Hinder Secretary Hoover ^
Eight years ago tomorrow Nikola Petkov, a
gi'eat Bulgarian patriot, was hanged in Bulgaria.
After a trial which made a mockery of justice, he
was judicially murdered on September 23, 1947,
in order that conununism in his country might
triumph.
Nikola Petkov was a courageous liberal and a
valiant defender of democracy in his country.
His countrymen will never forget the boldness
and selflessness with which he and his colleagues
fought Commimist injustice even after their cause
seemed lost. That the Communist press in Bul-
garia should finally have described his death as
an "imperative state necessity" is striking evi-
dence of the vigor of his struggle.
Although Nikola Petkov's voice and pen have
been silenced, his spirit still lives. His devotion
to the cause of justice and democracy will ever
serve as inspiration to his countrymen and to all
liberty-loving people who look forward to the
day when the captive peoples can once again live
in freedom under governments of their own
choosing.
' Made on the eighth anniversary of the death of Nikola
Petkov (press release 559 dated Sept. 22).
October 3, 7955
529
The U.S. Position on Disarmament
iy James J. Wadsworth
Deputy U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^
At Geneva, 2 months ago, the Heads of State of
France, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union,
and the United States met for the fii-st time in 10
years. That meeting was marked by the emer-
gence of a new climate in international affairs
which has become known as the spirit of Geneva.
This spirit depends largely upon the intentions
proclaimed by the Soviet Union, together with
the rest of us, to seek new ways to ease interna-
tional tensions and lift the fear of war.
The spirit of Geneva could amount to no more
than a cruel illusion unless it is translated into
deeds. In a still agonized world, there is no lack
of troubles in which it can be put to the test. In
Eastern Europe, nations with a proud history of
freedom are not free; subversion and conspiracy
are still active throughout the world ; ancient states
remain divided.
The birth and growth of a sovereign and dem-
ocratic Germany, its contribution to collective se-
curity, and its progi-ess under Dr. Adenauer to its
rightful place in the comity of nations, recognized
by other states, including the Soviet Union, can
only strengthen the spirit of Geneva. But so long
as all Germans are unable to voice the national
will in free elections and while Germany remains
partitioned, the spirit of Geneva cannot find full
expression.
In the United Nations the spirit of Geneva will
find still other testing grounds. In the firgt Gen-
eral Assembly since the Geneva meeting, the peo-
ples of the world are preparing to observe its
workings in a broad range of issues.
Already the meetings of France, Canada, the
United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and the
' Address made before the Foreign Policy Association,
New Yorlf, N. Y., on Sept. 16 (U.S./U.N. press release
2203).
530
United States in the subcommittee of the United
Nations Disarmament Conmiission are providing
a first and a most important test.
I propose to speak today about these discussions
and particularly about the new U.S. position in
the subcommittee meetings.
As you are all aware, President Eisenhower at
Geneva on July 21 presented a new and historic
American proposal.^ That proposal called for the
exchange of blueprints of military information
between the United States and the Soviet Union,
to be verified by mutual aerial reconnaissance.
These blueprints would include : first, the identifi-
cation, strength, command structure, and disposi-
tion of personnel, units, and equipment of all
major land, sea, and air forces, including organ-
ized reserve and para-military; second, a complete
list of military plants, facilities, and installations
with their locations.
Later, in the subcommittee, Harold E. Stassen,
the President's Special Assistant for Disarma-
ment, presented a U.S. Government outline plan
for putting the President's proposal into imme-
diate efl'ect. This plan makes provision, among
other things, for unrestricted but monitored aerial
reconnaissance by visual, photographic, and elec-
tronic means; for freedom of communications ; for
the presence aboard inspecting aircraft of per-
sonnel of the country being inspected ; for simul-
taneous delivery of similar types of information
by each participating government; and for many
other essentials.
One noteworthy provision is for the presence
of ground observers in each country to assist in
verifying the exchange of military information.
Now the proposals of the Soviet Union for arms
' Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173.
Department of State BuUetin
control as put forward on May 10 of this year'
included something similar in calling for observers
at large ports, airdromes, railway junctions, and
highways. These proposals do not clearly estab-
lish tlie right of the inspectors to move about
freely and to see the things they must see. They
are vague in identifying the things which are to
be inspected. And most important, they do not
yet contemplate or permit aerial reconnaissance.
Without aerial reconnaissance the United States
believes that reasonable security against surprise
attack or aggression is impossible.
Prevention of Surprise Attack
The great boon of the President's plan is pre-
cisely that it provides against the possibility of
great surprise attack. While it is in operation
no state which participates in it could hope to
launch a successful attack upon another state with
nuclear or any other weapons. If we can exorcise
the specter of such a surprise attack by any major
nation or involving any major nation, we may be
able to prevent war itself.
We may be able to convert the arms burden
the world now bears into higher living standards
for humanity, and we may devote the peaceful
benefits of atomic energy to the advancement of
all peoples.
Not only is it desirable to shackle surprise at-
tack; it is also, as soldiers and scientists in many
countries now agree, probably the only way now
open to us to achieve the kind of international
control of arms and armed forces on which peoples
could rely.
I shall explain why this is so.
At the present time there is no known method
through which an inspection and control system
could account for the complete elimination of
nuclear weapons. At any given time some current
or nuclear production and much past production
can be hidden away beyond the range of detection,
even by the most modern devices. This secret
store could be used for illicit fabrication of atomic
weapons, and these weapons could be used for
sudden assault on unsusjaecting nations.
So far as the United States knows, no other
government and no other scientists have been yet
able to discover a means to inspect and keep track
of all fissionable material within an acceptable
margin of error. The Soviet Government itself,
= Ibid., May 30, 1955, p. 90O.
in its May 10 proposals and at Geneva and in the
current meetings of the subcommittee, has recog-
nized the limitations on the effectiveness of control
over nuclear weapons material.
I am able to tell you here today that some of
our most eminent scientists are now engaged in a
new stepped-up effort to achieve a breakthrough
to some new measure to control nuclear matter
more effectively. But while that search continues,
the problem grows yearly more difficult and more
awesome as stocks pile up and the means for deliv-
ering an attack are multiplied.
The United States is striving to find an answer
before the arms race reaches a point of no return.
The massive reconnaissance urged by President
Eisenhower could halt this ominous drift. It will
also enable us to make progress in the vital field
of inspection.
In any system of international control of arma-
ments the role of inspection is paramount. With-
out reliable inspection it is impossible to construct
a system in which nations can put their trust.
Without it no nation could be expected to reduce
its strength in accordance with an international
agreement. Even Marshal Bulganin has said
that disarmament really "boils down to inspec-
tion."
The new situation with respect to nuclear ma-
terials has transformed the problem of inspection
and with it many of the fundamentals of arms
control.
Need for Reappraisal
The United States therefore believes it to be the
course of realism — and an honest course — to place
a reservation upon the positions so far reached in
the United Nations deliberations. In asserting
this reservation in the subcommittee, Mr. Stassen
has stressed that we do not reject or disavow our
past policies, nor do we reaffirm them in blanket
fashion. We do believe they must be reappraised.
We are firmly convinced — and in this all of the
Western nations in the subcommittee seem
agreed — that, before the project for arms reduc-
tions worked out earlier in the United Nations or
any other schedule of arms reduction is applied,
there must be agreement upon an effective system
of control and inspection.
The United States wishes, in concert with other
nations and in the new atmosphere since Geneva,
to explore and develop means of inspection appro-
Oc/ober 3, 1955
531
priate to the new situation. The adoption of the
President's plan would go very far toward re-
building international confidence, without which
the installation of a reciprocal, pennanent inspec-
tion system is almost impossible. For upon the
day that the two major nuclear powers decided to
open up to each other, upon that day the security
of the world would be increased. In the general
environment of suspicion countries have not
agreed to give inspection a fair trial, except upon
a series of conditions which none has yet been able
to grant. President Eisenliower's proposal could,
at one stroke, rescue arms control from this vicious
cycle.
Despite the bold sweep of the President's plan
and the seal it would set against war, it is not in-
tended to be the whole answer to the quest for dis-
armament. The President hunself declared,
when he launched his prodigious idea, that "what
I propose is, I assure you, but a beginning."
Our concentration upon the President's concept
and our determination to make a new start in the
subcommittee in the spirit of Geneva should not
for a moment cause us to lose sight of the objective.
Let me say categorically and emphatically just
what this is.
The United States is pledged to work for,
earnestly desires, and energetically seeks a com-
prehensive, progressive, enforceable international
agreement for the reduction of arms, annaments,
and armed forces. This program would incorpo-
rate the results of the latest studies in this country
and abroad.
The President's plan is a first step — a crucial
one, but only a first step toward such a program.
It is, as Governor Stassen has told the subcom-
mittee again and again, a "gateway to disarma-
ment." It is not intended to be a substitute for
an overall arms plan. It is intended to make one
possible.
It is not an exclusive step. Our colleagues in
the United Nations, Britain and France, have put
forward suggestions of merit. These, too, will
aid in the eflFort to lift the arms burden and to
secure peace.
This then is the philosophy back of the U.S.
position. Suspicion has blocked acceptance of
and cooperation in an all-out disarmament and
inspection plan of the type one could consider
truly secure. We want to provide relief from that
suspicion by offering a simple means of mutual
disclosure and verification to the Soviet Union to
prove to them and to the world that we are ready to
lay bare our military potential for the common
cause of peace if they will do the same.
This is the prelude which should precede the
main body of limitations and reductions of arma-
ments. If the Soviets should reject this offer the
insincerity of their professions in favor of dis-
armament will be exposed.
Wliere does this leave the United States ? Are
we euchred into a position of accepting unrealistic
and unsound proposals ? Are we caught in a web
of halfway beliefs and promises? Far from it.
"VVe are in a position to say to the Soviets, in con-
cert with our friends : "Here is the test of sincerity.
If you want real reduction of annaments, then you
will accept the principle of doing these things in
plain sight of one another. If we have notliing
to hide, you should have nothing to hide."
I cannot predict the future of this plan and of
this great opportunity for mankind. We hope
that the General Assembly of the United Nations
on behalf of the anxious multitudes it represents
will record its approval of the President's plan
during its current session.
Two Alternatives
Two alternatives loom on the troubled horizon
of international cooperation :
First: The Soviets accept the principle of the
Eisenhower plan. This will lead through many a
hard month of guiding negotiation as to details,
but it will mean the final breakthrough of peace-
loving man toward the ideal of tranquillity for
the world.
Second: The Soviets reject the principle of the
Eisenhower plan, thereby plunging the world into
still another round of the Ballet Russe, but while
doing that, demonstrating in awful clarity the
utter bankruptcy of their position and the falsity
of the attitude which has led to this so-called
Geneva spirit.
Let me close by recalling both the fallibility and
the indestructibility of human beings. In spite
of all the disappointments, all the frustrations, all
the times we have fallen on our faces, we always
get up and keep on plugging. Sometimes our ef-
forts have earned little more than a sneer ; some-
times the god Mars has blasted our hopes and am-
bitions. But everlastingly mankind is pushing on
toward the abandonment of war as an instnunent
532
Department of State Bulletin
of national policy. Doggedly, stubbornly, some-
times stupidly, we grope toward the ultimate solu-
tion. But we will get there. Mark my words, we
will get there !
I do not know what the Soviet Union will do.
I have spent many months this year and last de-
bating disarmament issues with Mr. Gromyko and
Mr. Malik in the closed sessions of the United Na-
tions Disarmament Subcommittee. I have fol-
lowed the record of the current meetings in which
Harold Stassen so ably represents the United
States.
I can only say that I think that the spirit of
Geneva is perceptibly influencing the Soviet ap-
proach if it has not yet materially altered their
proposals. I do believe that the Soviet Union still
has the President's plan under close and serious
study.
All of us should be aware that the execution
of the Eisenhower plan will confront the Soviet
people as well as ourselves with undertakings of
delicate and far-reaching character. Yet I know
of no other plan which could create so much real
security against surprise attack or give so gi-eat
an easement of fear. We believe that we cannot
do less.
The Soviet Union could give us the real measure
of its willingness to lift the fear of war by doing
as much. We are prepared to meet them halfway.
U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes
Established by 1949 Agreement
Announcement of Meeting
Press release 553 dated September 19
The Department of State and the Civil Aero-
nautics Board announced on September 19 that
they would convene in Washington that after-
noon a meeting between the aeronautical authori-
ties of the United States and Canada pursuant to
a request of the Government of Canada for con-
sultation to review the route pattern established
by the 1949 Air Transport Agreement between
the two Governments.^ It is understood that the
Canadian officials may also desire to discuss col-
lateral matters not within the scope of the air
agreement.
According to Eoss Eizley, Chairman of the
' For an announcement of the signing of the 1949 agree-
ment, see Bulletin of June 12, 1949, p. 766. For text,
see Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1934.
Civil Aeronautics Board and Chief of the U.S.
delegation for these meetings, the Civil Aeronau-
tics Board welcomes this opportunity to renew
acquaintance with the Canadian Air Transport
Board and to discuss problems of mutual inter-
est. Joseph P. Adams, Vice Chairman of the
Civil Aeronautics Board, will be Alternate Chief
of the U.S. delegation. Other U.S. representa-
tives will include Joseph C. Watson and Dorothy
E. Thomas of the Civil Aeronautics Board;
Henry Snowden, C. J. Kolinski, George Vest, of
the Department of State; and Philip S. Bogart,
U.S. Transport and Communications Attache at
the Embassy in Ottawa.
The Canadian delegation will consist of W. J.
Matthews, Chairman of the Air Transport Board ;
A. D. McLean and J. L. G. Morisset, Board mem-
bers ; A. S. McDonald, Executive Director of the
Air Transport Board ; and James Brandy of the
Department of External Affairs.
Exchange of Views
Press release 561 dated September 22
The meeting between Canadian and U.S. civil
aviation authorities which began on September 19
concluded on September 22. William J. Mat-
thews, Chairman of the Air Transport Board,
headed the Canadian delegation, while Joseph P.
Adams, Vice Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics
Board, headed the U.S. delegation.
A beneficial exchange of views took place on the
developments in air transportation between the
two countries. The existing route pattern estab-
lished under the 1949 bilateral air transport agree-
ment was reviewed. Suggestions for additional
services between the western region of Canada and
the United States are to be given further study.
An arrangement will be made so that, until the
airport at Sault Ste. Marie, Ont., is completed,
Canadian airlines will be free to make use of the
airport facilities at Sault Ste. Marie, Mich., for
any of their domestic Canadian services. During
this period the Canadian airlines will also provide
service to U.S. passengers at Sault Ste. Marie,
Mich.
It was agreed that more frequent meetings be-
tween the civil aviation authorities of the two
countries should take place in the future. The
Canadian Chairman expressed the hope that the
next such meeting might take place at Ottawa in
1956.
Ocfober 3, 1955
533
In a special meeting between the Air Transport
Board and the Civil Aeronautics Board, there was
a useful discussion of a number of collateral mat-
ters outside the scope of the air agreement. It was
the first time that all five members of the Civil
Aeronautics Board have met with all members of
an aviation board of another country.
Meeting of ANZUS Council
Press release 565 dated September 24
The Anztjs Comicil, established by the Security
Treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and the
United States, met at Washington on September
24. Richard G. Casey, Minister for External Af-
fairs, represented Australia; Thomas L. Mac-
donald, Minister of External Afl'airs, represented
New Zealand; and Secretary Dulles represented
the United States.
In addition to the Ministers the delegations in-
cluded : for Australia, Sir Percy C. Spender, Am-
bassador to the United States; John Quinn, of the
Department of External Affairs; and Lt. Gen.
Henry Wells, Chief of the General Staff; for New
Zealand, Sir Leslie K. Munro, Ambassador to the
United States; and Alistair D. Mcintosh, Secre-
tary of External Affairs; and for the United
States, Under Secretai-y Hoover; Livingston T.
Merchant, Assistant Secretary for European Af-
fairs; Walter S. Robertson, Assistant Secretary
for Far Eastern Afl'airs-; Douglas MacArthur, II,
Counselor ; and Adm. Felix B. Stmnp, Commander
in Chief, Pacific and United States Pacific Fleet.
At the conclusion of the meeting the Council
issued the following statement:
The Anzus Council affords the Foreign Ministers of
the tliree Governments the opportunity of regular, peri-
odic consultation in regard to international and defense
matters of mutual interest and concern. The over-riding
objective of the Anzits partners is to strengthen the re-
lationships between their Governments and to seeli ef-
fective means of providing for their mutual security.
At this meeting the representatives of the three Govern-
ments were glad to note that since their last meeting in
1954, at which tliey had agreed on the need for the early
establishment of collective defense in Southeast Asia,*
the Manila Pact has been concluded. They unanimously
agreed that the Manila Pact, which is history's first multi-
lateral collective defense organization with East Asian
participation, represents a further highly significant de-
velopment toward sustaining and strengthening peace and
security in an area of vital concern to the free world. In
addition to mutual membership in Anzus and the Manila
Pact, the Ministers noted that their countries have other
relationships which contribute to the development of
strength and stability in the area.
The Ministers discussed at some length the develop-
ments in the world situation occurring since the last meet-
ing of the Anzus Council. They noted with satisfaction
the efforts made at the Geneva meeting of heads of gov-
ernment toward reducing the causes of world tension.
They expressed the hope that these preliminary steps
would be followed by positive action. They were in firm
agreement that world developments do not so far justify
any relaxation of the efforts of the free world to maintain
a posture of defensive strength.
U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence
to ''Northern Tier" Pact
Press release 560 dated September 24
Pakistan has announced its formal adlierence to
the Pact of Mutual Cooi:)eration signed by Iraq
and Turkey on February 24, 1955, and adhered to
by the United Kingdom on April 5, 1955.
The United States has continually been in sym-
pathy witli the desire of these nations to provide
for their legitimate self-defense through a collec-
tive arrangement within the framework of the
United Nations. In the view of the United States
such an arrangement, particularly between the
"Northern Tier" nations of the Middle East, con-
tains the elements needed for an effective area de-
fense structure.
The United States welcomes Pakistan's adher-
ence to the pact which will facilitate the coopera-
tion of these nations for tlieir mutual benefit and
common defense.
" Bulletin of July 12, 1954, p. 50.
534
Department of Stale Bulletin
Youth and the Free World
hy Harold E. Stassen
Special Assistant to the President ^
In responding to your invitation to discuss with
you on this occasion "Youth and the Free World,''
may I first note that we meet here in Ann Arbor
on Labor Day. The great productive processes
of a free people under a system of individual en-
terprise have made this Nation a great power.
In 1955, free labor has confidently and abundantly
turned out full production for peace.
Let us never forget those dark days of war when
American industry was called on to perform her-
culean feats of production for the defense of this
Nation. Now as we work to build a secure peace,
American labor has given ringing testimony to the
Tightness of our free economic system. Never
before have more than 65 million people been
gainfully employed in these United States.
We have entered an era of unprecedented peace-
time prosperity. Personal income has climbed to
new peaks; more people are finding better jobs;
take-home pay is at record heights; and America
is having its best economic year in history.
Our age has revealed a striking and often
stormy tempo of change. With a stepped-up pace,
events that once spanned centuries have been
crammed into generations. This offers a great
opportunity for genuine progress, but it also pre-
sents a sterner challenge than ever before. Will
the youth of our Nation and of other free countries
be equipped, physically and spiritually, to meet
the challenge and grasp the ojDportunity ?
It is my feeling that a free world of people
living together in harmony and assured peace will
be achieved only to the extent our youth can suc-
' Address made before the National Training Confer-
ence for Boy Scout Executives at the University of Michi-
gan, Ann Arbor, Mich., on Sept. 5 (White House press
release).
cessfully meet this challenge of change. Today,
and still more in the years ahead, America and
the entire world will look to leaders who are able
to think courageously, act with judgment and
speed, with imagination and enterprise, and yet
with patience and restraint.
The knowledge through experience available to
nearly 3 million Scouts is helping effectively to
prepare future citizens for a constructive role in
the worldwide effort for a lasting peace with
justice.
If the younger generation is to successfully live
in, and lead in, the turbulent world of reality in
the decades ahead, they must know what is hap-
pening around them. To state it another way,
a climate must be developed which will encourage
our youth to be part of the world rather than
apart from the world.
Just a few weeks ago the eighth World Boy
Scout Jamboree was held. Youngsters from 64:
nations, i-epresenting all races and faiths, gathered
together for this important assembly.
I commend you warmly, not only because of the
excellent work you are iierforming here in the
United States but also for the exceptionally sig-
nificant programs you have carried on with scout-
ing groujjs from other nations in the interest of
brotherhood and stronger ties among all peoples.
Just before I closed out my work as Director
of the Foreigii Operations Administration, a pro-
gram was evolving at the request of the Guate-
malan Government with a view of furnishing use-
ful leisure-time activities for urban youth in
that country. Before launching these activities
my Washington staff consulted extensively with
the Boy Scouts of America, after which a con-
tract was negotiated for the Boy Scouts of Guate-
Ocfober 3, 1955
535
mala. I understand that a nucleus for a volun-
teer staff has been assembled and a youth center
is now being organized.
This is the kind of cooj>erative approach that is
taking hold increasingly throughout the free
world. For us, it is the practice of a great Nation
to help other free peoples to help themselves in
the common quest for a more satisfying, more
fruitful, and more prosperous life.
It is also a relatively new element in our for-
eign relations. Less than a quarter of a century
ago most people drew the line of cooperation
pretty well at our national borders, or at most
within the limits of the continent.
But two World Wars and a near-disastrous de-
pression have taught some grim lessons. Now we
are at a stage in history when even the most pow-
erful nations must know they can no longer heed-
lessly risk the devastation of war.
Can you see why I am moved to express my
belief that the youth of today will face a challenge
of unprecedented proportions?
Last October the President said, "Since the ad-
vent of nuclear weapons, it seems clear that there
is no longer any alternative to peace. . . . The
soldier can no longer regain a peace that is usable
to the world."
War is not inevitable. History strengthens my
conviction that Providence has directed man's
genius to release the energy of the atom for a
good purpose.
Not long ago I listened to a man talking to a
scientist about the threat of the atom bomb.
"While he believed unswervingly in God, he could
not understand why the Divine Power had per-
mitted man to devise such an instrument. The
scientist, who doubtlessly had wrestled with the
same question, answered that in a few centuries
our supplies of conventional fuel would be ex-
hausted. Having to rely solely upon our hands
and our body, we would be faced with the bleak
prospect of receding to the primitive stages from
which we developed.
The discovery of nuclear energy, said the sci-
entist, has changed all this by opening up entirely
new avenues to virtually inexhaustible supplies of
power, thus assuring man's future progress.
It is a plain fact that the materials which give
the atom bomb its awful power can be used to
create amazing plenty for mankind.
This was confirmed by the daily headlines grow-
ing out of the recently completed International
Conference on the Peaceful Usesi of Atomic En-
ergy. Here the prospects of nuclear energy as a
powerful force for the benefit of mankind were
most dramatically revealed.
But if atom power is to be man's ultimate bene-
factor, I do not believe we can arrive at that goal
through inaction. We can be neither smug nor
complacent, nor can we resign ourselves to head-
in-the-sand hopelessness.
The dogged, patient insistence on making prog-
ress must be an essential part of America's future
as it has been a vital part of our past.
It is ever present in the inspiring leadership of
President Eisenhower. It must be ever present
in our youth upon whom the legacy of leadership
will fall.
The origin of peace is in the hearts and minds
of men.
Let us see to it that our youth have strong faith
in themselves, in their individual chance for great-
ness, in their country's moral and spiritual values,
and in the future.
U.S. Airlift Drops Rice
to Famine Victims in Laos
The International Cooperation Administration
announced on September 13 that the largest peace-
time air drop in Southeast Asia's history began
that day in the Kingdom of Laos as the first of
1,000 tons of rice, a gift from the people of the
United States, was parachuted to the famine-
stricken villagers of a rugged, mountainous area
too remote to be supplied by road. The first vil-
lage to be supplied in the emergency operation is
Bonn Neua, located in Phong Saly j^rovince, which
borders on Eed China's southern province of
Yunnan.
Rice, which comprises 90 percent of the diet of
the Laotians, is also being airdropped to 24 other
points in the northern section of the country where
famine is widespread and where, because of the
rainy season, roads and rivers are impassable and
much needed relief can come only from the air.
In addition to the 1,000 tons being airdropped,
another 4,000 tons of rice are being distributed
throughout the kingdom by truck and river barge.
The entire relief operation, as well as the rice it-
self, is being financed by the United States through
the International Cooperation Administration
536
Deaarfment of Slate BuUefin
and is being carried out by the Royal Government
of Laos. Thailand, Laos' friendly neighbor to the
west, contributed another 500 tons of the food
staple.
The famine in Laos — which until last year was
one of the Associated States of Indochina — is an
aftermath of the Communist Viet Minh invasion.
When Ho Chi Minh's troops from Communist
North Viet-Nam withdrew from Laos last Novem-
ber, they left wholesale destruction behind. Tliis
devastation, coupled with severe droughts in Laos
over the past two seasons, led to the present serious
food shortages.
Department Reply to Protest on
"Blackboard Jungle" Incident
Press release 557 dated September 21
Following is the text of a letter from Acting
Assistant Secretary Robinson Mcllvaine, which is
in reply to a letter from Mr. Arthur M. Loew of
Augiist 29:
September 19, 1955
Dear Mr. Loew: The Secretary of State has
asked me to reply to your letter of August 29,
1955, protesting the reported action by the Amer-
ican Ambassador to Italy in regard to the pres-
entation of the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer picture
"Blackboard Jungle", at the Venice Film Festival.
Let me first of all assure you that neither the
Department of State nor the Chiefs of Mission
abroad would ever attempt in any way to curb
the free dissemination of views and opinions or
to pre-judge any artistic presentation. By the
same token, neither the Department nor our rep-
resentatives abroad are required officially to en-
dorse any given presentation.
In going over the facts, I cannot find that
there was any attempt at censorship, but rather
that Ambassador Luce was carrying out her own
responsibilities in not wishing to attend the per-
formance of a film which — whatever its artistic
merits — she did not consider truly representative
of America.
I believe a review of the developments in this
matter will fully reinforce this conclusion.
Ambassador Luce discovered on her arrival at
Venice, August 25, that "Blackboard Jungle" had
been substituted for another film in the list of
American entries. The Ambassador then met
with the Director of the Festival. She made it
quite clear that she assumed no authority over the
selection of American entries nor any official power
to request their withdrawal. She also stressed
strongly to the Festival Director that, in keeping
with the principles of free enterprise and non-
interference by Government with private indus-
try, Ajnerican motion picture producers were free
to enter and submit any film they wished in such
festivals. She did, however, state to the Director
that she did not believe she should give official
endorsement to "Blackboard Jungle" by her pres-
ence at the Festival when she believed that the
film would create a seriously distorted impression
of American youth and American public schools
and, thus, abet the anti-U. S. propaganda of the
Communists in Italy. The Festival authorities
remained free to retain the entry.
Prior to his conversation with the Ambassador,
the Festival Director had queried the Rome Mpaa
rejjresentative on this entry. He in turn contacted
the Mpaa in New York and reportetl back to the
Director that the Mgm original entry, "Interrupted
Melody", should be substituted for "Blackboard
Jungle".
The Director of the Venice Film Festival has
already publicly corroborated that the American
Ambassador neither imposed censorship nor mis-
used the prestige of her office.
It is interesting to note that, according to the
Director, the United States is the only participat-
ing country in which private industry and the Gov-
ernment do not coordinate their entries. In keep-
ing with our tradition, the Department believes it
fitting that we continue in that maimer, confident
that there is no conflict of interests that may not be
resolved by the enlightened and mutual under-
standing of Amencan Government officials and
leaders of private business.
I regret, therefore, tliat anyone should consider
the Ambassador's decision not to lend positive en-
dorsement to this film as an effort to pre-censor or
curb the free dissemination of views or opinions.
Sincerely youi-s,
Robinson McIlvaine
Acting Assistant Secretary
for Public Affairs
Mr. Arthur M. Loew, President,
Loew^s International Corporation,
Loew Building - 15/^0 Broadway,
New York 36, New York.
Oc/ober 3, 1955
537
Relation of Antitrust Policies to Foreign Trade and Investment
Statement hy TJwrsten V. Kalijarvi ^
I am Thorsten V. Kalijarvi, Acting Deputy
Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs,
and am appearing here in response to the com-
mittee's request for the Department of State to
present its views concerning the relationshii? of
antitnist policies to foreign trade and investment.
One of the major objectives of our foreign eco-
nomic policy is to promote an expanding world
economy. It is our belief that an expanding
world economy produces a stronger economy at
home and, at the same time, helps to achieve the
desires of peoples abroad to shai'e more broadly
in the advantages of modern industrial techniques
and progress. The greater economic strength
thus achieved contributes to the security of the
free world in general. Thus an expanding world
economy is directly related both to our economic
well-being and to our national security.
It is to this basic objective that three programs
in which the committee is interested are addressed,
namely, the promotion of world trade, the foster-
ing of private investment abroad, and our
espousal of competition as an alternative to car-
telism and socialism. We are convinced that all
of these are important steps toward realization
of an expanding world economy.
The Congress has recognized this in the laws
which it has enacted. Thus, in the Thye amend-
ment [sec. 413] to the Mutual Security Act of
1954,^ the Congress has declared it to be the policy
of the United States "to encourage the efforts of
' Made before the Antitrust and Monopoly Subcom-
mittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee on Sept. 15
(press release 545). For a statement by Mr. Kalijarvi
on May 24 before the Antitrust Subcommittee of the
House Judiciary Committee, see BtrLLETiN of June 13,
1955, p. 974.
' Public Law 665, S3d Cong.
other free nations ... to foster private initiative
and competition" and ''to discourage monopolistic
practices." The essential principle of this policy
is to carry abroad the conviction, developed out
of our own experience, that competitive free enter-
prise provides the dynamic force for economic
progress. The policy set forth in the Thye
amendment recognizes that an economy weighted
down with private restraints is like a ship drag-
ging anchor. Private agreements to limit pro-
duction, to hold up prices, to discriminate against
firms that show independent initiative, to hold
back technological progress, to keep inefficient
producers in business, wherever they occur in the
free world, retard progress and work against our
own interests.
The Department, and the other executive agen-
cies concerned, following this congressional policy,
seek to explain abroad how our competitive econ-
omy works. We encourage foreign officials and
nationals to come to this country to study our
economic system and antitnist laws. We pro-
vide assistance to other countries in the develop-
ment of anticartel laws and enforcement pro-
cedures. In our economic relations, we point out
the existence of restrictive business practices that
impair the ability of other countries to export to
the United States or achieve other economic ob-
jectives. We practice competitive bidding,
wherever possible, in our procurement abroad.
We encourage other countries and international
agencies to utilize competitive bidding. Through
technical aid programs we emphasize the need,
in achieving higher levels of productivity, to elim-
inate restraints on production and trade. We en-
courage American businessmen, labor leaders, and
other citizens to help in pointing out the advan-
tages of a competitive economy.
538
Department of State Bulletin
Progress Since World War II
The results which have been achieved in the
years since AV^orld War II have not been insignifi-
cant. Before the war support of cartels by gov-
ernments abroad was widespread; as a matter of
fact, frequently foreign law required membership
in cartels. This past spring, however, the U.N.
Economic and Social Council noted with satis-
faction that "a number of Governments have
undertaken new measures, or strengthened exist-
ing measures, to prevent or control restrictive bus-
iness practices or their harmful effects" and that
there is a growing awareness that "these practices
may have harmful effects upon economic develop-
ment, employment and international trade." ^ In
support of this view, it might be pointed out that
there is now legislation in most counti-ies of West-
ern Europe designed to control restrictive business
practices, and, what is more important, active
enforcement of such legislation is proceeding in
most cases. 'N^Hiiile this legislation is not as com-
prehensive as our own antitrust laws, there is a
constant trend toward making it more effective.
Perhaps the most dramatic development has been
the inclusion in the Schuman Plan Treaty estab-
lishing the European Coal and Steel Community
of strong anticartel and antimonopoly pro-
visions, closely akin to United States antitrust
principles, rather than to the traditional Euro-
pean concepts of cartel regulation. There is every
reason to believe that effective enforcement of
these provisions will take jilace and that such en-
forcement will have a profound and beneficial im-
pact upon the economies of all the Western Euro-
pean countries.
Another significant change in recent years
which should be called to the committee's atten-
tion has been a marked shift in official attitudes in
Europe in favor of more competitive economies.
For example, in the United Kingdom, the Mon-
opolies Commission has recently issued a report
recommending the outlawing by statute of a num-
ber of restrictive practices most prevalent in Brit-
ish industry. In commenting on this report in
parliamentary debate, Mr. Thorneycroft, presi-
dent of the U.K. Board of Trade, made the follow-
ing statement reflecting the point of view of the
Conservative Party :
It is for these reasons that we have pursued the aims
we have, to remove the obstacles to trade abroad, to rid
' U.N. doc. K./Res. (XIX)/14 dated May 26, 1055.
Ocfober 3, 1955
ourselves of the network of manufacturing controls at
home and to eradicate abuses in the field of monopoly or
restriction. We are, and remain, the party of free enter-
prise and competition, in an age when both are needed
to the full.
xlnother manifestation of the shift of attitude
which has taken place is increased public interest
in the problem. Widespread attention is being
given to the subject in the press. There is broad
public support for the concept of increased pro-
ductivity. Public concern has been expressed over
restrictive practices as revealed by official inves-
tigations. I shall confine myself to one example.
A public opinion poll taken in West Germany in
1951 showed only 37 percent of the people in favor
of free prices and 47 percent for fixed prices. In
contrast, a poll on the same subject in the same
area more than 2 years later showed 54 percent
for a free economy and only 31 percent against. In
the light of this and other information that comes
to us from time to time, it is our belief that the
philosophy of competitive enterprise is making
significant headway in other areas of the world.
Importance to Foreign Relations
At this point, I think it would be useful to the
committee to state four major reasons why the
Department believes that our policy of free com-
petition is important to our foreign relations.
First, the Dejjartment believes this policy has
been a factor in frustrating international cartels.
Such cartels, accompanied by fixed higher prices,
discouragement of new investment, and a static
rather than an expanding economy, have a restric-
tive effect on the world economy. The United
States is not merely one of a number of producing
nations of the world — it alone produces as great a
volume of manufactures as the rest of the world
combined. Without the participation of Amer-
ica's industrial strength, effective cartelization in
field after field of world trade is unrealizable. It
needs little argument to discern how different
would be the course of world trade if the United
States had embraced international cartelism.
American free competition has therefore been one
of the healthiest influences in contributing to effi-
cient, expanding world trade.
Second, our policy of free competition is a major
factor in encouraging other countries to strengthen
competition in their own economies. As I men-
tioned before, there are many activities of this
Government designed to encourage other coun-
539
tries to strengthen the forces of competition in
their economic life. But there is no better form
of encouragement than to practice what we preach.
If, for example, our policy had been to exclude
the field of foreign commerce from the coverage
of our antitrust laws, our advocacy of competitive
enterprise could have had but little meaning to
countries whose economic lifeblood depends upon
their foreign trade.
Third, our policy of free competition enables
us to protect and promote our industry and com-
merce abroad, for it arms us with a basic phil-
osophy on which to rest representations to foreign
governments concerning restrictive practices that
are injurious to American interests. It is true
that the United States may not always be suc-
cessful in such approaches. But we have a much
stronger basis for opposing restrictive practices
aimed at our trade and commerce abroad when
we do not practice them against others.
Fourth, the Department believes that our policy
of free competition contributes to the respect with
which American industry is held in the world.
Our antitrust laws and policy are evidence to other
countries that our aim is not to exploit but to com-
pete, openly and fairly, to bring more and better
goods and services to others at more reasonable
prices. It is in this spirit that we reach out to the
market places of the world. Of course there will
always be those who will slander our country and
our industry with charges of "colonial exploita-
tion," "economic imperialism," and the usual string
of expletives, but our policy of free competition is
one of the most effective answers we have to such
charges.
Effect on U.S. Investments Abroad
Let us now turn to some of the problems we
encounter in the field of antitrust enforcement as
it relates to foreign policy. The first of these is
the effect of our antitrust laws on the making of
United States investments abroad. As already
stated, the State Department is strongly in favor
of maximizing productive U.S. investment abroad
because of the important contribution which it
makes to the economic strength of other free coun-
tries. Much has been written and said about
alleged deterrent effects of the antitrust laws or
their administration on such investments. It has
been said, first, that there is uncertainty concerning
the status of various forms of foreign investment
540
under the antitrust laws and second that, to the
extent they are covered by the laws, the making of
foreign investment is adversely affected. On the
first point, the Department, in submitting its views
to the Attorney General's National Committee To
Study the Antitrust Laws, conunented that "a
clarifying statement concerning the application
of antitrust policy to foreign investment would
be a constructive means of removing existing un-
certainties in the minds of potential investors."
The Department believes that the analysis of the
law contained in the foreign trade chapter of the
committee's report ^ constitutes a valuable contri-
bution to this needed clarification.
Wliile the Department is not in a position to
give any definitive position with respect to the sec-
ond point, permit me to state those factors which
we believe it is necessary to consider in any effort
to arrive at a balanced analysis in the overall
public interest.
First, the Department has observed many cases
in which the antitrust laws have altered the man-
ner in which American firms have invested abroad.
It is, however, hard to point to any specific case
and say that the antitrust laws prevented this in-
vestment from being made. The reason is that
any important foreign investment proposal is gen-
erally based on more than one consideration.
There are such factors to be taken into account,
for examj^le, as the receptivity of a foreign govern-
ment toward the investment ; the evaluation by the
investor of his ability to operate effectively in a
distant and unfamiliar enviromnent; the com-
peting investment opportunities in the United
States; the safety of an investment and the con-
vertibility of earnings; the ability of the investor
to make satisfactory arrangements abroad to per-
mit investment on promising terms; and tax in-
ducements or deterrents. Therefore, it is ex-
tremely difficiUt if not impossible to determine in
most cases if a proposed investment fell through
because of antitrust policy or law.
Second, the question has to be decided whether,
in terms of our basic objective (of promoting an
expanding free world economy), foreign invest-
ments made with restrictions now prohibited by
the antitrust laws should be fostered by the United
States Government. Suppose an American firm
'Report of the Attorney General's National Committee
To Study the Antitrust Laws, March SI, 1955, for sale by
the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, $1 a copy.
Department of State Bulletin
were willing to invest in a going concern in another
country, but only subject to the condition that the
recipient firm would limit its sales to its home
territory. The question arises whether the disad-
vantages resulting from this impediment to the
foreign trade of the other country and that of the
United States outweigh, or are outweighed by, the
contribution which the investment may make to
the domestic economy of the foreign country.
Third, it is important to consider what the effect
abroad would be if the antitrust laws were changed
so as to permit investors to engage in practices
now banned by the antitinist laws. We should not
forget in this context the contribution which our
policy of free competition makes to tiie respect
with which American industry is regarded abroad.
The general investment climate in foreign coun-
tries can be directly affected by any changes in our
policy of free competition. Also, foreign cartel
and monopoly practices are one of the significant
barriers to investment in some countries. In this
connection, the President has asked the Secretary
of State, in accordance with the recommendation
of the Commission on Foreign Economic Policy,
to "make clear to other nations that laws or estab-
lished business practices in their countries which
encourage restrictive price, production or market-
ing arrangements will limit the willingness of
U.S. businessmen to invest abroad and will reduce
the benefits of such investment to other nations.''
There is little doubt that our legalizing practices
now illegal would make more difficult the position
of advocates of free enterprise abroad and our
ability to carry out the President's directive.
These considerations, in our judgment, must be
weighed when assessing the effect of the antitrust
laws on United States investment abroad. Ob-
viously any specific proposals for dealing with
this problem which may be advanced would need to
be considered in the light of other factors as well
as those which have been outlined. The Depart-
ment would be glad to comment from the stand-
point of foreign policy on any specific proposals
that may subsequently be developed, should the
committee so desire.
Ivet us next turn to a second problem area in tlie
field of antitrust enforcement. This consists of
specific antitrust cases which present "conflicts of
jurisdiction" with foreign countries or difficulties
in our relations with other governments. Con-
flicts of jurisdiction may arise when the laws or
decrees of other countries prohibit companies from
taking in those countries action which the laws of
the United States require them to take. Such
would be the case, for example, if a foreign country
prohibited one of its companies from producing
records before a United States court. These
cases, wliich are relatively infrequent, do not fall
into any set pattern and do not readily lend them-
selves to a general formula for treatment. As a
practical matter the Departments of State and
Justice work closely together to develop adequate
solutions in specific cases.
Wliere the problem is one of a potential strain
on our relations with other governments, the De-
partment of Justice has been helpful in working
out the timing and method of handling the case
so as to keep the strain to a minimum.
International Efforts To Curb Restrictive Practices
Finally, for the sake of completeness, we should
not neglect to mention the efforts which have been
made to achieve international cooperation to curb
restrictive business practices. This is a part of the
overall interest of the committee. Accordingly,
let me briefly sketch the considerations which have
been involved. The advantages of such coopera-
tion, where feasible, are apparent — in theory, at
least, it would minimize areas of conflict between
countries resulting from the pursuit of unilateral
policies, and it would I'esult in a more effective
elimination of undesirable restraints on interna-
tional trade. A proposal for an international
agreement on this subject was considered this past
spring at the 19th session of the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations. This
agreement would have established an international
agency to study specific restrictive practices in
international trade and, where appropriate, to rec-
onmiend action to member governments to sup-
press them or eliminate their harmful effects.
The member governments would then be expected
to take action in accordance with their national
laws.
The United States opposed this agreement on
the grounds that the substantial differences in
national policies and practices which still exist
in this field would make the agreement ineffective
in accomplishing its purpose of eliminating re-
strictive business practices which interfere with
international trade.^ "Wliile encouraging progress
'For the test of a note transmitted to the Secretary-
General of the United Nations by the U. S. representative
to the U. N. on Mar. 28, see Bulletin of Apr. 18, 1955,
p. 665.
October 3, J 955
541
has been made in tlie adoption of foreign laws on
the subject, these developments have not reached
the stage at which the recommendations of the
proposed international body could be carried out
effectively at the national level. This Government
recommended to the Council that present empha-
sis be placed on further development of national
programs.
Thus, while the plan for international cooper-
ation proposed by the Economic and Social Coun-
cil is not feasible, the Department continues to
believe in the importance of developing greater
cooperation among governments in other less for-
mal ways in handling common problems in this
area. We are encouraged in this respect by many
evidences of similar interest on the part of many
foreign governments. But we believe that prog-
ress, to be healthy, must follow a normal pattern
of growth. This, we believe, is provided by the
resolution adopted by the Economic and Social
Council in the spring. This resolution urges
countries to examine the problem of restrictive
business practices and to develop means of deal-
ing with them. It provides also for a sharing
of experience among countries. We believe these
are first steps that cannot be bypassed and that
can eventually lead to a common acceptance of
the competitive system. As President Eisenhower
stated in his Economic Report to the Congress
last January :
Our own interest clearly calls for a policy that will
in time extend into the international field those principles
of competitive enterprise which have brought our people
great prosperity with freedom.
In closing, I am sure it is not necessary to em-
phasize that the Department of State is concerned
mainly with the foreign policy aspects of restric-
tive business practices and that it is not the de-
partment most prominently concerned with anti-
trust enforcement. The technical aspects of the
antitrust laws and their enforcement are subjects
on which other departments or agencies are more
competent to sj^eak.
Calendar of Meetings
The Calendar of Meetings, usually published in
the first issue of the month, will appear instead
in the October 10 issue of the Bulletin.
Portugal Frees Certain Imports
From Dollar Area
Tress rele.ise 563 dated September 23
The foUowing joint statement of the Depart-
ments of State and Convmerce v)as released on
September 23:
Tlie U.S. Government welcomes the recent ac-
tion of the Portuguese Government under which
licenses will automatically be issued for the im-
portation of an extensive list of commodities into
Portugal from the dollar area. This marks the
first step by Portugal to free imports from the
dollar area.
Tlie list of goods freed constitutes 53 percent of
the value of dollar imports in 1953. The com-
modities included in the liberalization list, to-
gether with their corresponding paragraph num-
bers from the Portuguese import tariff", are as
follows :
Live animals (13); animal hairs and bristles
(15) ; animal products, not otherwise specified
(IG) ; crude rubber (62); hops (81); vegetable
ivory (91) ; resins (105) ; tobacco (110 and 111) ;
petroleum pitch (117); asbestos (118); sulphur,
not otherwise specified (128) ; gypsum plaster
(134) ; coal (135-B) ; petroleum, noninflammable
at ordinary temperatures (142-A) ; petroleum es-
sences, not otherwise specified (144) ; bitmninous
preparations for paving (145-A) ; infusorial earth
(146); aluminum and alloys (150); cast lead
(152); scrap lead (152-A) ; copper ingots and
alloys (156) ; steel scrap (162) ; galvanized steel
sheets (163); galvanized wire (165); tin plate
(165-A); enamelled steel sheets (166); organic
accelerators for vulcanizing rubber (186-A) ; ace-
tone (191); boric acid (198); alcohol (216 and
218) ; aromatic amines (223-A) ; antioxidants for
the rubber industry (229-D) ; anthraquinone
(230-A) ; sodium borate (245) ; calcium carbonate
(254) ; medicinal extracts, not otherwise specified
(292) ; tri-sodium phosphate (294r-A) ; calcium
phosphate (296) ; furfural (298-A) ; gases, not
otherwise specified (299) ; naphthols (313-A) ;
iron oxides (323) ; paraffin (326) ; peptones (327) ;
medicinal plants (330) ; photographic developers
and fixers for retail sale (337) ; diazonium salts
(339-A) ; subnitrate bismuth (351) ; sulfanila-
mides (352-A) ; sodium sulfites (364) ; vaselines
(379) ; potassium or sodium xanthates (379-C) ;
542
Deparfment of State Bulletin
aluminum in paste (381-A) ; carbons, not othei'-
wise specified (381-B) ; carbon black (390).
Metallic cloths (539) ; canvas for painting
(558) ; alcoholic beverages, not otherwise speci-
fied (563) ; wheat (592) ; fish (615) ; preserved
foods, not otherwise specified (616) ; electric bat-
teries and parts (648) ; aerometers (661) ; carbons
for electrical use (671) ; sensitized plates for pho-
togi-aphy (673) ; compressors and pumps, up to
200 kilos (676-B) ; electric condensers (676-C) ;
collections of works of ai't, not otherwise specified
(705) ; parts for gas, electric, and liquid meters,
not otherwise specified (707-B) ; electric energy
control, distribution, and observation panels
(718) ; ball and roller bearings (718-C).
Aircraft (725-A) ; automobile chassis (728 and
730) ; automobile brakelining and clutch disks
(748-A) ; watercraft for sport acquired by mem-
bers of [stipulated organizations] (751) ; parts for
railway rolling stock (757 and 761) ; springs for
vehicles (762) ; parts for vehicles (764-C, 764-D,
764-F).
Laboratory glassware (847) ; specified other
glassware (849) ; dictionaries (911) ; books (915,
916, 917, 918, 919) ; manuscripts and typescripts
(922) ; carbines and shot guns (945, 950, and 951) ;
artificial teeth (999) ; phonograph records and
sound tapes (1001) ; card-punch business machines
(1009) ; motion picture films (1013, 1013-C, 1013-
D, 1014) ; photoengi-aving plates (1020) ; medici-
nal capsules (1023) ; electronic organs (1026-A) ;
electric lamps for heating (1030) ; serums and
vaccines (1048) ; dental preparations for prothesis
(1062) ; resistance coils for electrical heating ap-
paratus (1076-A) ; smoking tobacco (1083) ; elec-
tronic tubes (1089-A).
This voluntary action by the Portuguese Gov-
ernment is commendable evidence of the desire of
the countries in the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation (Oeec) to move in the
direction of freer trade with the dollar area.
Import Quotas on Oats and Barley
White House Office (Denver) press release dated September 9
The President announced on September 9 that
he would not request the U.S. Tariff Commission
to investigate, pursuant to Section 22 of the Agri-
cultural Adjustment Act, as amended, the advisa-
bility of imposing import quotas on oats and barley
beyond September 30, 1955, the date on which
the quotas presently in efl'ect will expire.
The quotas on oats and barley for the current
crop year, October 1, 1954 through September 30,
1955, are presently only 45 to 50 percent filled
despite ample supplies in Canada, the chief ex-
porter of these commodities to the United States.
The relationships between U.S. and Canadian
prices during recent months have not been con-
ducive to the importation of these grains into the
United States. Unless there is considerable
change in present conditions, therefore, it appears
unlikely that oats and barley would be imported
in such quantities as to interfere materially with
domestic price support progi'ams for these grains.
The Department of Agriculture has assured the
President, however, that it will continue to main-
tain a close review of the situation and that if
conditions should change to such an extent as to
make it necessary, the Department will recom-
mend new investigations under Section 22.
The President's action was based on recom-
mendations contained in letters from the Acting
Secretary of Agriculture, Earl L. Butz, to the
President. Texts of the Acting Secretary's letters
follow.
Letter Concerning Oats
Dear Mr. President : This is concerning import
quotas for oats after September 30, 1955. Presi-
dential Proclamation No. 3070,^ authorized under
Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act,
as amended, limited imports of oats from all
sources during the period October 1, 1954 to Sep-
tember 30, 1955. Imports under the present quota
were approximately 581/2 percent unfilled as of
August 17 of this year.
Based on preliminary information now avail-
able to the Department it appears unlikely that
oats will be imported in sufficient quantities dur-
ing the coming year to interfere materially with
the operation of our price support program. This
is based primarily upon the present and indicated
future relationship between United States and
Canadian prices.
Accordingly, we are not recommending that
action be taken at this time to extend import con-
trols on oats after the expiration of the present
controls. We shall, however, continue to main-
tain a close review of the situation and if condi-
tions should change to such an extent that import
' Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954, i>. 057.
Ocfober 3, 1955
543
controls appear to be necessary we shall inform
you as promptly as possible.
Sincerely yours,
Earl L. Btjtz
Acting Secretary
Letter Concerning Barley
Dear Mr. President: This is concerning im-
port quotas for barley after September 30, 1955.
Presidential Proclamation No. 3075,^ authorized
under Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment
Act, as amended, limited imports of barley from
all sources during the period October 1, 1954 to
September 30, 1955. Imports under the present
quota were approximately 40 percent unfilled as
of August 17 of this year.
' Ibid., Nov. 29, 1954, p. 818.
Based on preliminary information now avail-
able to the Department, it appears unlikely that
barley will be imported in sufficient quantities dur-
ing the coming year to interfere materially with
the operation of our price support progi-am. This
is based primarily upon the present and indicated
future I'elationship between United States and
Canadian prices.
Accordingly, we are not recommending that ac-
tion be taken at this time to extend import con-
trols on barley after the expiration of the present
controls. We shall, however, continue to main-
tain a close review of the situation and if condi-
tions should change to such an extent that import
controls appear to be necessary we shall inform
you as promptly as possible.
Sincerely yours.
Earl L. Butz
Acting Secretary
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Chinese Representation
in tiie United Nations
Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
Mr. President,^
Permit me first to congratulate you on the mes-
sage of hope with which you greeted us today.
For reasons which are well known, the United
States will not engage in a discussion of the sub-
stance of tlie question that has been raised by the
Kepresentative of the Soviet Union [Vyacheslav
M. Molotov]. Instead, we make the following
motion : ^
The (ieneral Assembly
Decides not to consider, at its tenth regular session
during the current year, any proposals to exclude the
representatives of the Government of the Republic of
China or to seat representatives of the Central People's
Government of the People's Republic of China.
' Made in the opening plenary session of the Tenth
General Assembly on Sept. 20 (U.S. delegation press re-
lease 2205).
' Jos6 Maza of Chile.
' U.N. doc. A/L. 195.
Logically, this motion takes precedence over
the Soviet Union proposal * and therefore I ask
that rule 93 of the Rules of Procedure be invoked.
This rule reads as follows :
If two or more proposals relate to the same question,
the General Assembly shall, unless it decides otherwise,
vote on the proposals in the order in which they have
been submitted. The General Assembly may, after each
vote on a proposal, decide whether to vote on the next
proposal.
Now, Mr. President, that rule, you will observe,
gives the Assembly the power to decide questions
of precedence, and I accordingly ask the Assembly
to decide to put my motion to the vote first and
then I will ask for a vote on the motion itself.
I, therefore, ask the President to put the follow-
ing proposal to the Assembly :
The General Assembly decides to consider first the
* U.N. doc. A/L. 194. The Soviet draft resolution called
on the General Assembly to decide "that the representa-
tives of China in the General Assembly and in the other
organs of the United Nations are the representatives
appointed by the Central People's Government of the
Chinese People's Republic."
544
Department of Sfafe BuHetin
motion Just offered by the Representative of the United
States."
Then, Mr. President, after that motion has been
voted on, I shall move that the Assembly vote on
the substantive proposal which I have made."
Proposed Inscription of Cyprus
Item on Assembly Agenda
Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.''
The United States will not address itself to the
arguments on the substance of this question which
have been made here today either by the distin-
guished representative of Greece [George V.
Melas], or the distinguished representative of
Turkey [Selim Sarper], or the distinguished rep-
resentative of the United Kingdom [Anthony
Nutting]. The United States generally believes
that matters of international concern should go
onto the agenda of the General Assembly when-
ever there is reason to think that discussion will
promote the purposes of the charter.
Debate in the United Nations is, of course, not
an end in itself. It is a means to an end. Public
debate is curative in many cases. But it cannot
cure all problems any more than a certain medicine
will cure all diseases. The General Assembly
should not allow itself to be used to defeat its own
purposes.
It is to be observed that the charter itself pro-
vides that in certain cases the parties to an inter-
national dispute should "first of all" seek a solu-
tion by negotiation and other such means.^
The United States has given very careful con-
sideration to the proposed inscription again of the
Cyprus matter on the United Nations General As-
sembly agenda at this time.
Last year the United States was dubious about
inscription because we doubted that, as a practical
matter, jjositive results could be achieved here.
'The vote on giving priority to the U.S. proposal was
41-10 ( Soviet bloc, Burma, India, Indonesia, Norway,
Sweden) ; Afghanistan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Syria,
Yemen, and Yugoslavia abstained.
" The U.S. proposal was adopted by a vote of 42-12
(Soviet bloc, Burma, Denmark, India, Indonesia, Norway,
Sweden, Yugoslavia) ; Afghanistan, Egypt, Israel, Saudi
Arabia, Syria, and Yemen abstained.
' Made in the General Committee on Sept. 21 (U.S. dele-
gation press release 2206).
* Article 3.3.
Therefore, we abstained on the question of inscrip-
tion. However, the General Assembly decided to
proceed with the matter. But after the debate
had taken place, the General Assembly, last De-
cember, concluded that it was not apj)ropriate to
adopt any resolution on the matter of Cyprus and
that it should not consider the item further."
The debate at that time was conducted in a spirit
of relative moderation. Since then the situation
has become more inflamed. It seems to us that the
considerations which actuated the General Assem-
bly last December apply even more strongly now.
A decision at this time not to accept the matter
of Cyprus for General Assembly debate would not
mean that nothing will happen. Eather it means
that the matter can and will be dealt with under
different and more auspicious conditions. There
are occasions when quiet diplomacy is far more
effective than public debate, and this seems to be
one of those occasions.
The representatives of the United Kingdom
have given assurances that they will actively pur-
sue a program which will afford the Cypriots a
greater opportunity to attain their legitimate
aspirations. The United States pledges itself to
continue an active interest in the Cyprus situation.
We believe that developments in the general inter-
est are more likely to occur if the General Assem-
bly does not now take jurisdiction of the matter.
We have come to this decision only after grave
thought, because the matter is one of great impor-
tance. It particularly concerns, in varying ways,
three nations, the United Kingdom, Greece, and
Turkey, with each of which we have the closest
ties. To make a decision which may be contrary
to the desires of our Greek friends to whom we
feel so close is particularly painful for us, follow-
ing the tragic events which have recently occurred
in Turkey.
We feel, however, that we are taking the course
of true friendship in seeking to avoid what we
believe would in reality be a disservice to our
charter goals, both those relating to non-self-
governing territories and those relating to the
development of friendly relations among nations.
For this reason we shall now vote against in-
scription of the Cyprus matter. This is, of course,
without prejudice to our right to support inscrip-
tion later if we think it would advance the pur-
poses and principles of the charter. However, as
° Bulletin of Jan. 3, 1955, p. 31.
Ocfofaer 3, J 955
545
matters are, we believe it best now to follow the
decision of the General Assembly itself of last
December, namely that the General Assembly
should not now consider the item further.
The primary purpose of the United Nations is
to encourage in every possible way the peaceful
settlement of international disputes. We do not
believe that the inscription of the Cyprus item on
the agenda of the General Assembly at this time
will contribute toward that end.^°
Question of Inscribing Algerian Item
on Assembly Agenda
Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}^
We believe the Assembly should bear in mind
certain relevant factors as it decides whether to
inscribe on its agenda the item entitled "The Ques-
tion of Algeria."
Remembering that a vote on the inscription of
an item is without prejudice to the ultimate ques-
tion of the Assembly's comi^etence, we must in this
particular case take into account the following :
Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, which are French
protectorates, Algeria under French law is admin-
istratively an integral part of the French Eepublic.
We have noted in the explanatory memorandum
(document A/2924:) wliich has been submitted by
the members that have proposed the item respect-
ing Algeria that it is stated that "there is an imper-
ative need for negotiations between the Govern-
ment of France and the true representatives of the
Algerian people" and that consideration of the
Algerian question by the General Assembly would
facilitate a solution by making the need for nego-
tiation evident. We have noted further that ref-
erence is made to the right of the people of Algeria
to independence as well as to the concern of the
international community in a prompt solution of
the Algerian problem, a concern to which the
French Government is claimed to have failed to
respond. This memorandum indicates clearly
" The General Committee's vote on inscription was 4
(Egypt, Mexico, Poland, U.S.S.R.)-7 (Chile, France,
Luxembourg, New Zealand, Norway, U.S., U.K.)— 4 (China,
Ethiopia, Haiti. Thailand). On Sept. 23 the Assembly
voted 28-22-10 to uphold the General Committee's recom-
mendation against inscription.
" Made in the General Committee on Sei)t. 22 (U.S. dele-
gation press release 2208).
that what is .sought by the sponsors of the item is
the sanction of the General Assembly to a course of
action intended to bring about fundamental
changes in the composition of the French Republic.
It is the considered conclusion of the U.S. Govern-
ment that the proposed item, viewed in the context
of the action proposed to be sought in the General
Assembly, falls within the provisions of article 2,
paragraph 7 of the United Xations Charter.
For these reasons, the United States will vote
against including this item in the Assembly's
agenda.^
Action Under Rio Treaty in
Costa Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated
Following is the text of a resolution approved
on September 8 by the Council of the Organization
of A7nerican States, acting provisionally as Organ
of Consultation under the Rio Treaty, together
vnth the text of a report submitted to the Cov/ncil
by a special coimnittee established hy the Council
to assist Costa Rica and Nicaragua in settling
problems of concern to the two Governments}
OAS doc. C-i-284 Rev. 1
GAS COUNCIL RESOLUTION OF SEPTEMBER 8
The Council of the Organiz.\tiox of American
States, Acting Provisionally as Organ of
CoNStTLTATION,
H.\^^NG SEEN the report of the Special Commit-
tee of the Council, Acting Provisionally as Organ
of Consultation, presented today.
Resolves :
1. To cancel the call for a Meeting of Consulta-
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs that was
made, in accordance with the Inter-American
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, in the January
11, 1955 resolution of the Council of the Organiza-
tion, and, consequently, to terminate the provi-
sional activities of the Council as Organ of Consul-
tation.
2. To retain the Special Committee while the
'" The vote on inscription was .5 (Egypt, Mexico, Poland,
Thailand, U.S.S.R.)-S (France, Haiti, Luxembourg, New
Zealand, Norway, U.K., U.S., Assembly President )-2
(China, Ethiopia).
' For background, see Bulletin of Jan. 31, 1955, p. 178.
The resolution and report were transmitted to the U.N.
Secretary-General and circulated as U.N. doc. S/3438
dated Sept. 14.
546
Deparimeni of Sfate Bulletin
negotiations for the signing of the bilateral agree-
ment provided for in the present Pact of Amity
and in Resolution II approved by this Council on
February 24, 1955, are in course, so as to enable it
to continue to cooperate with the Representatives
of Costa Rica and Nicaragua whenever they re-
quire such cooperation. The Special Conunittee
shall duly I'eport on this matter to the govern-
ments, through the Council of the Organization.
3. To state that it is pleased that the Commis-
sion on Investigation and Conciliation has been
established by Costa Rica and Nicaragua and to
repeat that it is confident the two Parties will
utilize the services of the aforesaid Commission, in
accordance with the treaties in force between
them.
SPECIAL COMMITTEE'S REPORT OF AUGUST 26
Resolution III, approved on February 24, 1955,
by the Council of the Organization, Acting Pro-
visionally as Organ of Consultation, established
this Special Committee for the purpose of offering
its cooperation to the Representatives of the Gov-
ernments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua in carrying
out the pertinent provisions of Resolution II ap-
proved on that date, especially with regard to the
preparation of the bilateral agreement called for
by the Pact of Amity between these two Republics
and the establishment of the Commission of Inves-
tigation and Conciliation contemplated in the
American Treaty on Pacific Settlement.
This Special Committee was composed of the
Representative of Uruguay who was elected Chair-
man of the Committee, and the Representatives of
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador,
Mexico, Paraguay, and the United States. The
Committee, installed on February 28 last, has been
meeting regularly since then in order to fulfill the
iiigh purposes of the responsibility entrusted to it.
Immediately after the resolutions of February 24
had been approved by the Council, the Presidents
of Costa Rica and Nicaragua each sent a message
to the Chairman of the Council in which they
acknowledged the effectiveness of the action taken
by the Council of the Organization of American
States, and reaffirmed their determination to settle
their differences in a friendly manner. At the
same time, the attitude of Ambassadors Fernando
Fournier and Guillermo Sevilla Sacasa, the Rep-
resentatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, respec-
tively, their encouraging statements, and the spirit
of cordiality demonstrated whenever the Commit-
tee met with them, showed a splendid desire to
reach the best understanding possible, in accord-
ance with the recommendations of the Council act-
ing provisionally as Organ of Consultation. The
Committee has noted with pleasure the cordial
meeting of May 7, 1955, between the Foreign Min-
isters of Costa Rica and Nicaragua held at their
common border on the occasion of the opening of
the section of the Pan American Highway that
unites these two Republics.
The Commission on Investigation and Concilia-
tion referred to in Resolutions II and III of
February 24, has been established, thanks to the
diligent efforts of both governments. This Com-
mission is composed of Mr. John C. Dreier, Chair-
man, and Messrs. Alberto Dominguez Campora,
Mario A. Esquivel, Mario de Pimentel Brandao,
and Oscar Sevilla Sacasa. Also, at meetings of the
Special Committee the Costa Rican and Nica-
raguan RejDresentatives stated that several other
problems of concern to both governments either
had been, or were being, satisfactorily settled. In-
sofar as concerns the bilateral agreement men-
tioned in the Pact of Amity entered into by Costa
Rica and Nicaragua on September 21, 1949, for
the signing of which a cordial appeal was made in
Resolution II approved by the Council, Acting
Provisionally as Organ of Consultation, the Chair-
man of this Special Committee had occasion, at
the meeting of August 4, to report to the aforesaid
Organ that the two preliminary steps in the nego-
tiations for the signing of this important docu-
ment had been taken. These were: (1) the pre-
sentation on May 27 to the Government of Nica-
ragua by the Government of Costa Rica of a draft
containing the basic provisions for the agreement;
and (2) tlie transmittal on August 2 by the Gov-
ernment of Nicaragua to the Government of Costa
Rica of its observations on this draft. In the oral
report that by decision of the Sj^ecial Conunittee,
its Chairman presented to the Council, Acting Pro-
visionally as Organ of Consultation, at the meet-
ing of August 4, the Committee expressed its sat-
isfaction with all these evidences of f riendshijD and
good will and the concrete measures that had been
taken by both governments. At the same meeting
and in the afternoon meeting held on that day, the
Representatives of both parties provided addi-
tional information concerning the most important
aspects of the draft. After taking into considera-
tion the additional information provided by the
October 3, 1955
547
Representatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua and
the views expressed by other Members of the Coun-
cil, it was decided :
1. Tliat the Special Committee shall meet, as
soon as its Chairman deems it convenient, to draft
a report covering the course of the bilateral nego-
tiations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua for the
purpose of preparing the bilateral agi-eement pro-
vided for in Resolutions II and III of February
24, 1955.
2. That the Special Committee, in the light of
the views expressed at today's meetings, submit an
opinion as to the advisability of canceling arrange-
ments for the consultation.
Insofar as the first point of the above-cited deci-
sion of the Council is concerned, the additional in-
formation indicated the progress made up to Au-
gust 4 in the direct negotiations that were being
carried out between Costa Rica and Nicaragua for
the purpose of preparing the bilateral agreement.
The negotiations have continued to be carried out
most diligently since then, and even now. Ambas-
sadors Fernando Fournier and Guillermo Sevilla
Sacasa, the Representatives of Costa Rica and
Nicaragua respectively, are, in a spirit of true co-
operation, doing everything within their power to
expedite the signing of the agreement.
With regard to the advisability of canceling the
Meeting of Consultation, the Committee has kept
upjDermost in its mind the views expressed at the
meetings of August 4, Resolution II (6) of Febru-
ary 24, and the understanding on the basis of
which Resolution II (6) was drafted and ap-
proved. These facts show that the Council is duly
qualified to decide whenever it so desires, to cancel
the Meeting of Consultation in the light of the
development of the situation, within a reasonable
length of time. In view of the decision taken by
the Council on August 4, and taking as a basis the
afore-mentioned facts, this Special Conmiittee has
come to the conclusion that the Meeting of Con-
sultation referred to in the resolution approved by
the Council of the Organization on January 11
should now be canceled.
To fulfill the higli purposes of the February 24
resolutions, and in view of the opinions expressed
at meetings of botli the Council and the Special
Committee, a final measure that could be adopted
at the same time that the Meeting of Consultation
is canceled would be to authorize the Committee
to continue to oli'er both Parties all the coopera-
tion they desire until the negotiations now being
carried on are concluded. Tliis Committee would
subsequently report to the governments, through
the Council of the Organization, with respect to
the results of its work.
In view of these considerations, this Special
Committee has the honor to submit the following
draft resolution :
The Council of the Organization of American States
Acting Pkovisionally as Okgan of Consultation
Having seen the report of the Special Committee of
the Council Acting Provisionally as Organ of Consultation,
presented today,
Resolves :
1. To cancel the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers
of Foreign Affairs that was convoked, in accordance with
the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, by
the January 11, 1955 resolution of the Council of the
Organization.
2. To terminate the provisional activities of the Council
as Organ of Consultation.
3. To retain the Special Committee while the negotia-
tions for the signing of the bilateral agreement provided
for in the present Pact of Amity and in Resolution II
approved by this Council on February 24, 1955, are in
course, so as to enable it to continue to cooperate with the
Representatives of Costa Rica and Nicaragua whenever
they require such cooperation. The Special Committee
shall duly report on this matter to the governments,
through the Council of the Organization.
4. To state that it is pleased that the Commission on
Investigation and Conciliation has been established by
Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and to repeat that it is con-
fident the two Parties will utilize the services of the
aforesaid Commission, in accordance with the treaties In
force between them.
August £6, 1955.
Josfe A. Moea
Ambassador of Uruguay
Chairman of the Committee
HECTOR David Castro
Ambassador,
Representative of
El Salvador
d'ost R. Chiriboga V.
Ambassador,
Representative of Ecuador
Guillermo Enciso Velloso
Ambassador,
Representative of Paraguay
Jorge Ibmael Saravia
Ambassador,
Representative of Argentina
John C. Dreieb
Ambassador,
Representative of the United
States
Fernando IjObo
Ambassador,
Representative of Brazil
ALBEHiTO SEpCLVEDA
Contreras
Ambassador,
Representative of Chile
Andr:6s Fenochio
Representative of Mexico
548
Department of State Bulletin
Designations
William Barnes as Chief, Foreign Reporting Staff, effec-
tive July 31.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Regulations on Post Differentials
and Cost-of-Living Allowances
EXECUTIVE ORDER 10636'
Amendment of Executive Oedee No. 10000 or Septembeb
16, 1948, Pbescbibing Regulations Goveenino Additionai,
Compensation and Credit Geanted Certain Employees
OF the Federal Government Serving Outside the United
States
By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 207
of the Independent Offices Appropriation Act, 1949, as
amended by section 104 of the Supplemental Independent
Offices Appropriation Act, 1949 (62 Stat. 1205), and by
section 301 of title 3 of the United States Code, and as
President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as
follows :
1. Subsection (a) of section 106 of Executive Order No.
10000 of September 16, 1948,' prescribing regulations gov-
erning additional compensation and credit granted cer-
tain employees of the Federal Government serving outside
the United States, is amended to read as follovFS :
"(a) The following regulations shall govern the pay-
ment of foreign post differentials under this Part :
( 1 ) Payments shall begin as of the date of arrival at the
post on assignment or transfer and shall end as of the date
of departure from the post for separation or transfer, ex-
cept that In case of local recruitment such payments shall
begin and end as of the beginning and the end of employ-
ment, respectively.
(2) Payments for periods of leave and of detail shall
begin and end as determined in regulations prescribed
under section 102 (c) hereof.
(3) Payments to persons serving on a part-time basis
shall be pro-rated to cover only those periods of time for
which such persons receive basic compensation.
(4) Payment shall not be made for any time for which
an employee does not receive basic compensation."
2. Subsection (a) of section 208 of the said Executive
Order No. 10000 is amended to read as follows :
"(a) The following regulations shall govern the pay-
ment of Territorial post differentials and Territorial cost-
of-living allowances under this Part :
(1) Payments shall begin as of the date of arrival at
the post on assignment or transfer and shall end as of the
date of departure from the post for separation or transfer,
except that in case of local recruitment such payments
shall begin and end as of the beginning and end of employ-
ment, respectively.
(2) Payments for periods of leave and of detail shall
begin and end as determined in regulations prescribed
under section 202 (c) hereof.
(3) Payments to persons serving on a part-time basis
shall be pro-rated to cover only those periods of time for
which such persons receive basic compensation.
(4) Payment shall not be made for any time for which
an employee does not receive basic compensation."
3. Regulations prescribed by the Secretary of State
pursuant to section 106 (a) (2) and by the Civil Service
Commission pursuant to section 208 (a) (2) shall, so far
as practicable, be of uniform application.
This order shall be effective as to each officer or em-
ployee affected thereby upon the beginning of his first pay
period commencing after November 1, 1955.
/C-/ (.JiS-y L'CXU (.J-t:.u.^ Xyio-^^
The White House
September 16, 1955.
TREATY INFORMATION
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Aviation
' 20 Fed. Reg. 7025.
' 13 Fed. Reg. 5453.
Convention for unification of certain rules relating to
international transportation by air, and additional pro-
tocol. Concluded at Warsaw October 12, 1929. Entered
into force February 13, 1933 (49 Stat. 3000.)
Adherence deposited: Venezuela, June 15, 1955.
Commerce
International convention to facilitate the importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
at Geneva November 7, 1952.'
' Not in force.
Ocfofaer 3, 1955
549
Ratification deposited (with reservation) : Germany,
September 2, 1955.
Nationality
Couvention on the nationality of women. Signed at Mon-
tevideo December 2C, 193.3. Entered into force August
29, 1934.
Ratification deposited: Nicaragua, August 81, 1955.
BILATERAL
Belgium
Agreement amending annex B of the mutual defense as-
sistance agreement of January 27, 1950, as amended
(TIAS 2010, 2878, 3223) . Effected by exchange of notes
at Brussels August 24 and Sejitember 3, 1955. Entered
into force September 3, 1955.
Bolivia
Agreement extending the Army mission agreement of
August 11, 1942 (56 Stat. 1583), as extended. Effected
by exchange of notes at La Paz August 9 and September
9, 1955. Entered into force September 9, 1955.
Haiti
Military assistance agreement. Signed at Washington
January 28, 1955.
Entered into force: September 12, 1955 (upon receipt by
the United States of notification of ratification bv
Haiti).
Korea
Agreement relating to the loan of IS additional naval ves-
sels to Korea. Effected by exchange of notes at Seoul
August 29, 1955. Entered into force August 29, 1955.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents,
except in the case of free puMications, which may 6e
obtained from the Department of State.
The Department of State, 1930-1955: Expanding Func-
tions and Responsibilities. Pub. 5852. Department and
Foreign Service Series 44. tiO pp. 400.
A pamphlet on the growth in the Department's functions
and responsibilities in the past quarter century.
Participation of the United States Government in Inter-
national Conferences, July 1, 1953— June 30, 1954. Pub.
5776. International Organization aud Conference Series
I, 28. X, 234 pp. 700.
A record of the ofBcial ijarticipation of the United States
Government in multilateral international conferences and
meetings of international organizations dui-ing the period
July 1, 1953— June 30, 1954.
United States Participation in the United Nations, Re-
port by the President to the Congress for the year 1954.
Pub. 5769. International Organization and Conference
Series III, 104. xiii, 277 pp. 700.
A comprehensive reijort by the President to the Congress
for the year 1954 and a review of the ninth year of the
United Nations.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, First Protocol
of Rectifications and Modifications to the Geneva, An-
necy, and Torquay Schedules. TIAS 2885. Pub. 5414.
443 pp. $1.25.
Agreement between the United States and Other Govern-
ments — Signed at Geneva October 27, 1951. Entered into
force October 21, 1953.
Visits of Naval Vessels. TIAS 2965. Pub. 5513. 19 pp.
15^.
Arrangement between the United States and Cuba. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Habana February 11 and 21.
1949. Entered into force February 21, 1949. And exten-
sions and amendment.
Defense, Facilities Assistance Program. TIAS 2973.
Pub. 5.527. 5 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Norway. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Oslo May 7, 1954. Entered
into force May 7, 19.54.
Passport Visa Fees. TIAS 2977. Pub. 5.532. 10 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and El Salvador.
Exchange of note.s — Signed at San Salvador December 7
and 15, 1953. Entered into force December 15, 1953.
Mutual Defense Assistance, Special Program of Facilities
Assistance. TIAS 2998. Pub. 5.566. 4 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and the United
Kingdom. Exchange of notes — Signed at London June 8
and 15, 1954. Entered into force June 15, 1954.
Civil Aviation Mission to Honduras. TIAS 3005. Pub.
5587. pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Honduras. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Washington March 7, 1952.
Entered into force February 15, 1954.
Technical Cooperation, Project in Developmental Engi-
neering. TIAS 3(107. Pub. 55S9. 9 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex-
change iif notes — Dated at Mexico April 6, 1954- Entered
into force April 6, 1954.
Special Economic Assistance. TIAS 3009. Pub. 5591.
8 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Lebanon. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Beirut June 11 and 18, 1954.
Entered into force June 18, 1954.
Technical Cooperation. TIAS 3010. Pub. 5.592. 2 pp.
50.
Agreement between the United States and Israel — amend-
ing agreement of February 26, 1951. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Tel Aviv June 21, 1954. Entered into force June
21, 1954.
American Dead in World War II, Military Cemetery at
Madingley. TIAS 3011. Pub. 5593. 3 pp. and map. 150.
Agreement between the United States and the United King-
dom. Exchange of notes — Signed at London June 21, 1954.
Entered into force June 21, 1954.
Technical Cooperation, Application to Eritrea. TI.\S
3026. i'ub. 5620. 6 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa May 18 and June
12, 19.54. Entered into force June 12, 1954.
550
Department of State Bulletin
October 3, 1955
Index
Vol. XXXIII, No. 849
Africa. Question of Inscribing Algerian Item on
Assembly Agenda (Lodge) 546
American Principles. Youth and the Free World
(Stassen) 535
American Republics. Action Under Rio Treaty in
Costa Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text
of resolution and report) 546
Australia. Meeting of ANZUS Council 534
Bulgaria. Eighth Anniversary of Death of Bul-
garian Patriot (Hoover) 529
Canada
Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 543
U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes Established by
1949 Agreement 533
China. Chinese Representation in the United Na-
tions (Lodge) 544
Congress, The. Relation of Antitrust Policies to
Foreign Trade and InAestmeut (Kalijarvi) . . 538
Costa Rica. Action Under Rio Treaty in Costa
Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text of reso-
lution and report) 546
Disarmament
Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Repre-
sentative to the United Nations 528
The U.S. Position on Disarmament (Wadsworth) . 530
Economic Affairs
Import Quotas on Oats and Barley 543
Portugal Frees Certain Imports From Dollar Area . 542
Relation of Antitrust Policies to Foreign Trade and
Investment (Kalijarvi) 538
U.S. Airlift Drops Rice to Famine Victims in Laos . 536
U.S. and Canada Review Air Routes Established by
1949 Agreement 533
Foreign Service. Regulations on Post Differentials
and Cost-of-Living Allowances (text of Execu-
tive order) 549
International Information
Department Reply to Protest on "Blackboard
Jungle" Incident (Mcllvaine) 537
William H. Jackson Appointed Special Assistant to
Secretary 529
Italy. Department Reply to Protest on "Black-
board Jungle" Incident (Mcllvaine) .... 537
Laos. U.S. Airlift Drops Rice to Famine Victims
iu Laos 536
Mutual Security. Meeting of ANZUS Council . . 534
Near East
Proposed Inscription of Cyprus Item on Assembly
Agenda (Lodge) 545
U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence to "Northern
Tier" Pact 534
New Zealand. Meeting of ANZUS Council ... 534
Nicaragua. Action Under Rio Treaty in Costa
Rica-Nicaragua Case Terminated (text of reso-
lution and report) 546
Pakistan. U.S. Welcomes Pakistan's Adherence to
"Northern Tier" Pact .534
Portugal. Portugal Frees Certain Imports From
Dollar Area 542
Presidential Documents. Regulations on Post Dif-
ferentials and Cost-of-Living Allowances (text
of Executive order) 549
Publications. Recent Releases 550
State, Department of. Designations 549
Treaty Information. Current Actions 549
United Nations
Chinese Representation in the United Nations
(Lodge) 544
Entering the Second Decade (Dulles) 523
Proposed Inscription of Cyprus Item on Assembly
Agenda (Lodge) 545
Question of Inscribing Algerian Item on Assembly
Agenda (Lodge) 546
The U.S. Position on Disarmament (Wadsworth) . 530
Name Index
Barnes, William 549
Butz, Earl L 543
Dulles, Secretary 523
Ei.senhower, President 543, .549
Hoover, Herbert, Jr ' 529
Jackson, William H 529
Kalijarvi, Thorsten V 538
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 528, 544, 545, 546
Mcllvaine, Robinson 537
Stassen, Harold E ] 535
Wad-sworth, James J 539
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 19-25
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press release issued prior to September 19 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 545 of
September 15.
No. Date Subject
.5.53 9/19 U.S.-Canadian civil aviation meeting.
5.^4 9/19 W. H. Jackson appointment.
555 9/20 Trade agreement negotiations (see
BlTLLETIN of 9/26).
*556 9/20 Educational exchange.
.557 9/21 Mcllvaine letter on "Blackboard
Jungle."
558 9/22 Dulles : "Entering the Second Decade."
5.59 9/22 Hoover : anniversary of Petkov death.
*o60 9/22 Visit of Foreign Minister Breutano.
561 9/22 U.S.-Canadian civil aviation meeting.
*.562 9/23 Revi.sed Hoover-Hullister itinerary.
563 9/23 Freeing of iujports into Portugal'from
dollar area.
t564 9/23 Morton : "U.S. Program for Refugee
Aid."
565 9/24 Anzus Council Meeting.
.566 9/24 Pakistan adherence to Northern Tier
pact.
■"Not jirinted.
tHehl for a later issue of the Bulletin.
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Vol. XXXIII, No. 850
October 10, 1955
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PEACEFUL
USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY • by Lewis L. Strauss . 555
THE U.S. PROGRAM FOR REFUGEE RELIEF • by
Assistant Secretary Morton 561
AMERICAN POLITICAL DEMOCRACY AND THE
PROBLEM OF PERSONNEL SECURITY • by
R. W. Scott McLeod 568
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS BY WOMEN
OF THE AMERICAS • by Mrs. Frances M. Lee . . . 584
For index see inside back cover
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International Conference on the Peaceful Uses
of Atomic Energy
hy Lewis L. Strauss
Chairman, U.S. Atomic Energy Commission ^
The posture of a nation is a composite of the
words of its leaders and the deeds of its people.
The Atomic Energy Conference had its origin in
President Eisenhower's unforgettable words to the
United Nations in December of 1953 when he told
of the great promise in store for peoples every-
where if the world's scientists and engineers could
be free to devote themselves fully to the benign
uses of the atom.
Four months later we moved to translate the
President's vision into deeds. We proposed a
world conference to compare notes on the peaceful
atom, for we were convinced that such a confer-
ence would give to the peoples of the world a
clearer understanding of the paramount problem
of this age — a realization of the blessings denied to
all of us by reason of the fact that atomic arma-
ment must have first call upon the resources, in-
tellectual and material, of a world precariously at
peace.
The problem is not a new one. As children, we
all grew up with the Arabian Nights story of the
fisherman who found a bottle in Ms nets, un-
corked it, and released a great cloud which rapidly
transformed itself into the monstrous and threat-
ening Djinn. The story ended happily, as you re-
call, by the fisherman's artifice in inducing that un-
welcome apparition to return to the bottle and be-
come captive once more.
This fable, even to the illustrations of the great
mushroom cloud from which the Djinn material-
ized, is like the situation we face today — how to
render atomic energy harmless, how to get it back
'Address made before the Atomic Industrial Forum
and the American Nuclear Society at Washington, D.C.,
on Sept. 28 (Atomic Energy Commission press release).
into its bottle, under control, so we may make it
fulfill our wishes for good purposes only.
The Geneva conference was a step toward that
goal, but only a step. The press of the world,
which sent some 800 reporters to Geneva, was en-
thusiastic and generous in its appraisal of the
proceedings. They were described as a resound-
ing triumph of "atoms for peace." But this
should not conceal for us the fact that the con-
ference was only a preliminary move in a right
direction and that succeeding steps will have to
be taken if any permanent good is to result.
Participation of 72 Nations
But it was a truly gratifying beginning. The
enthusiasm and cooperation which it inspired
among the nations, great and small, surpassed
the expectations of those whose task it was to set
up the conference machinery. They had antici-
pated that the conference might attract some 400
scientists and that perhaps 300 papers would be
submitted. Actually we found that 72 nations
were eager to participate and that, not 400 scien-
tists and engineers, but 1,400 would attend. The
number of reports and papers submitted was not
300, but nearly four times as many — so many in
fact that only a fraction could be presented orally.
But most of them, brilliant works, will be pub-
lished.
The day is not yet here for a precise evaluation
of these more than 1,100 papers and discussion
sessions. However, enough time has perhaps
elapsed for a reminiscent look at the conference,
to appraise its more obvious and immediate ef-
fects and some of the initial benefits gained from
October 10, 7955
555
it. Within those limits I would like to give you
my impressions, admittedly from the viewpoint
of a prejudiced observer.
First, I might say something about our own
participation. Our United States delegation
was selected with great care and nmnbered 384
persons, of whom 239 were scientists and engi-
neers, the remainder being the necessary staflP to
operate the exhibits, the reactor, and other
services.^
Of the 1,110 papers presented to the conference
by all the participating countries, either orally
or for inclusion in the published proceedings, ap-
proximately one-half — to be precise, 48.2 percent —
were submitted by the United States. All our
papers had been prepared months in advance and
carefully reviewed to make certain that no mat-
ters of military significance were compromised.
"The Tennessee Chalet"
The nations having atomic energy programs of
any magnitude had imjjressive technical exhibits
at the conference, but incontestably the star at-
traction was our operating research reactor, built
at our Oak Ridge Laboratory, flown to Geneva,
and erected on the grounds of the Palace of Na-
tions. The attractive redwood structure we put up
to house the reactor quickly acquired the nickname
of "The Tennessee Chalet," and it was visited by
more than 63,000 persons during the 2 weeks of the
conference. Incidentally, for most of the dele-
gates from other countries, including scientists and
engineers come to deliver learned papers on atomic
energj', it was their first opportunity to see an ac-
tual atomic reactor of any kind, much less to op-
erate its controls as very many of them did. We
also had in our main exhibit an outstanding dem-
onstration of what Americans are doing in pure
science, industry, medicine, and biology, and more
about power development. Many of you here
tonight contributed to this exhibit and are familiar
with it. Some of those exhibits, brought from
Geneva, are included in the Trade Fair on exhi-
bition here.
At a trade exposition in another section of Ge-
neva, industrial firms of several countries — the
Soviets excepted — showed their products to good
effect, but we made it clear that we had not come
to Geneva to boast of our scientific prowess or, in
' For a list of the U.S. delegation, see Bulletin of Aug.
8, 1955, p. 243.
other words, that we had not entered with the
spirit of carrying off all the laurels in a sort of
atomic Olympic Games.
Soviet Exhibit
The Soviet had a large technical exhibit which
was chiefly remarkable, from my point of view,
for the fact that it was there at all. We have had
"atoms for peace" exhibits circulating around the
world for more than a year. But, until this con-
ference, we had seen nothing of Russian progress
in this field. Therefore, great interest and con-
jecture attached itself to anything they proposed
to show. Because the rest of the world knew so
little of what the Russians were doing with the
peaceful atom, it was clear that whatever they ex-
hibited, or even reported, would be in the nature
of a revelation.
Let me at this point say that they did come up
with a great deal. There was no evidence, how-
ever — photograf)hic or otherwise — to support the
statement made by Soviet official spokesmen a few
years back to the effect that, whereas the United
States was engrossed with atomic energy to make
bombs, they, the Soviets, were using atomic energy
to change the courses of rivers and to remove
mountains. On the other hand, their exhibits in
areas of biology, in certain industrial applications,
and in general instrumentation were not unim-
pressive and occasionally not greatly dissimilar
from our own.
However, it was electrical power generation
from atomic energy that attracted particular in-
terest in the Soviet exhibit. They demonstrated
a scale model of their 5,000-kilowatt reactor and a
motion picture of the reactor itself, well photo-
graphed and accompanied by a narration in Eng-
lish. They also indicated that larger power re-
actors of a different design were planned. We, of
course, have had units substantially larger than
the Soviet plant operating for a considerable time,
and far larger ones are building.
Soviet written reports to the conference showed
careful preparation and a considerable amount of
detail. But it became apparent early in the pro-
ceedings that, in answering the questions of dele-
gates, they were not prepared to engage in the
same degree of frankness as other delegations.
The Russian delegation, of whom some 79 were
technicians, impressed our people as generally
competent and, in some instances, as exceptional
556
Department of State Bulletin
men. We have no way of knowing whether it was
their first team, but as one of our people said,
"They were good enough to be a first team."
It is the general impression among the members
of our delegation that, on the basis of Geneva, we
are well ahead of other nations — all other na-
tions — in both the scope and the state of our tech-
nology in using atomic energy for peaceful pur-
poses. This, however, was to be expected since
we appear to have a considerably larger program
than any other country and we have been engaged
upon it for a longer time.
In this connection it is interesting to note, how-
ever, that at least one of the Russian papers pre-
sented at the conference bore the date of 1943,
indicating that they had been seriously concerned
with the subject for a longer time than many of
us realize.
"WHiile what the Russians revealed at Geneva did
not contain anything new or startling, it did give
some insight into their working methods and into
the caliber of their research. On the basis of their
role at Geneva, they appeared stronger in basic
research than in its practical applications.
No Justification for Complacency
The fact that we appear to be ahead in the
peaceful applications of atomic energy — perhaps
by a scant few years — certainly offers no justifica-
tion for complacency. To the contrary, the situ-
ation must be regarded as a serious challenge. The
Soviets have not outstripped nor equaled us in any
peaceful application, but at the same time — and
this is important — we did not show anything at
Geneva which they camiot have in a few years,
given the talent and zeal which we believe them
to possess.
Too many of us have been thinking of the Rus-
sians, either by education or temperament, as not
quite equal to us in the technological sense. De-
spite the many things wrong with their political
system from our point of view, let us not fall into
the easy attitude of assuming that they cannot
compete with us in mastering atomic energy. The
early date at which they produced nuclear weapons
should be a constant reminder of the fallacy and
danger of such an attitude on our part. We can
never let down our research without letting down
our guard at the same moment.
Also, the belief that science cannot thrive under
conditions designed solely to protect the security
of data already in hand and deemed important
to national defense would seem to be brought into
question by the degree of Soviet progress. This
progress was achieved under security provisions
which are part of a complete tyranny where com-
munication is rigidly controlled and the individual
has no rights. Since lue proceed under the policy
of removing information from classification as
rapidly as possible, the Soviet results present
something of a paradox.
Power From Atomic Energy
With respect to power from atomic energy, the
Geneva conference made it evident that, while
others are engaged in extensive undertakings, our
program is presently substantially ahead in ex-
tent and in the versatility of its approach. As
you know, we are relatively close in the United
States to the production of economic, electrical
energy. Even today, the kilowatts we are pro-
ducing in our reactors would be economic in some
parts of the world.
But different countries are taking different
paths to power development, depending upon
varying economic factors. England, for example,
foresees the end of her increasingly expensive
coal. For England, therefore, time is of the es-
sence ; she cannot afford to wait for development
of the ultimate reactor of maximum efficiency.
Soviet Russia has no private industry interested
in developing the peacetime uses of atomic energy
and no spirit of competitive free enterprise. In
Russia the whole show is a government monopoly.
It will be interesting to see how this will affect the
search for a more economic and efficient power
system than the one they exhibited.
We, in the United States, are fortunate in that
we face no urgent shortage of conventional fuels.
We have time and the opportunity to attack the
problem from every side and to experiment simul-
taneously with a whole variety of atomic power
systems. That is exactly what we are doing.
Last week the Commission took another step for-
ward and invited proposals from industry and
other groups for the design and construction of
small atomic power plants. This marks the sec-
ond round of a partnership program designed to
speed the development of efficient, economic nu-
clear power. Our first power demonstration
reactor progi-am began, as you know, earlier this
year and produced proposals for large plants.
Ocfofaer 70, 1955
557
American industry is dedicating risk capital in a
conservative race to produce the best and most
efficient means of atomic power — knowing full
well that the first plants will not be economic.
To sum up, we did not go to this conference in
an effort to carry away all the honors. If there
was some semblance of a contest, in the technical
exhibits and in the papers presented, no one lost
in this competition. All the nations gained, and
the winner was mankind.
New Understanding of U.S. Desire for Peace
From the viewpoint of our national self-inter-
est, however, the conference was certainly a victory
for fundamental American policy. We achieved
new understanding abroad of our earnest effort
to promote a decent and enduring peace.
As a people, knowing full well the sincerity
of our own desire for peace, we have not always
appreciated how the rest of the world regarded
us. Sometimes even nations whose safety from
aggression has depended upon our possession of
nuclear weapons have shown a tendency to view
us with suspicion. Too often, in the past, Com-
munist propaganda has had some success in de-
picting us as warmongers interested in the atom
only to make bombs and ready to use them to gain
our supposed imperialist aims. This myth was
effectively demolished at Geneva and without our
having to brand it as a myth. Our scientists and
engineers who went to Geneva and who unfolded
there a factual account of our purpose and efforts
to use the atom for man's benefit were ambassa-
dors of peace, plenipotentiary and extraordinary.
The conference was convened without any po-
litical objective. Nor did it, in its 162 hours of
sessions, encounter any political complications.
Under its "ground rules" any discussion of politi-
cal topics or of atomic weapons was out of bounds
by common consent, in advance. The fact that
no violations of either the letter or the spirit of
the conference occurred is one of the principal
explanations for its success. But notwithstand-
ing the absence of politics from the conference, it
is bound to have a profound international politi-
cal impact.
Chief Results of Conference
What were its chief results? It would appear
that there were several, both immediate and for
the not-distant future :
First, the free world — perhaps even the Soviet —
has a new understanding of the absolute sincerity
of our desire to strip the atom of its "military
casing" and "adapt it to the arts of peace." The
conference substantially advanced the President's
program of "atoms for peace." Any suspicion
of our motives, imported to the conference, could
not have survived the 2 weeks of Geneva, and
many delegates volunteered that statement to me
in similar words.
Second, commmiication was reestablished be-
tween men of science who for many years had ex-
perienced the isolation of finding those lines down.
As a result, much cross-fertilization of ideas will
occur and that, inevitably, will stimulate new in-
ventions in many phases of the atomic art during
the next year or two.
Third, there can no longer be any talk of na-
tions which, from the point of view of possessing
information for the peaceful applications of
atomic energy, are "have not" nations. The
smaller nations were impressed by the fact that
the development of atomic power is a very complex
and expensive undertaking — an undertaking
which requires, first of all, a grounding in the
basic technology and then a substantial body of
trained scientists and engineers. The notion that
all they have to do is place an order for a reactor
out of a catalog and be immediately in business
to provide electrical energy from atomic power —
if such a notion existed — was, or should have
been, dispelled at Geneva.
Fourth, we gained much information of value
to ourselves from the conference. One byproduct,
I believe, was a rebirth of humility. We learned
not to underrate the competence of others and to
cease to think of ourselves — those of us, that is,
who were so inclined — as especially and exclusively
gifted with imagination and ability in exploring
the possibilities of the new worlds that lie ahead.
This realization could save us in the future from
some grievous error of judgment.
Fifth, all of us were impressed by the disturbing
fact that Russia appears to be training scientists
and engineers at a faster rate than we are. Mr.
Allen Dulles, the distinguished Director of our
Central Intelligence Agency, has publicly stated
that, between 1950 and 1960, Soviet Russia will
have graduated 1,200,000 scientists and engineers,
compared with about 900,000 in the United States
in our present program. Those figures would not
558
Department of State Bulletin
be so important did we not know tliat our own col-
leges and universities are turning out only about
half the number of engineers we require today.
Unless corrected, this situation, a generation
hence, will become a national calamity, imperiling
our security and freedom in an age of expanding
dependence upon science and technology. This is
a most serious subject and demands prompt con-
sideration and more emphasis than I can give it
in this general report.
Sixth and finally, in this listing of the results
of the world's first Conference on the Peaceful
Uses of Atomic Energy, I come to the brightest,
most appealing of all its accomplishments. As
our story of the peaceful atom was printed widely
overseas, the result was that for millions of people
all over the world Geneva cast off the mesmerism
of the bomb. No other event that has occurred
has done so much toward taking the horror — the
terror — out of the atom.
The first decade of man's mastery of the atom,
in its actual application, began on an early morn-
ing in July of 1945 in a blinding flash over the
sands of Alamogordo. The monstrous Djinn had
been released from the bottle. The second decade
of the atom may be said to have begun in Geneva,
10 years later, but this time it emerged, not as a
terrifying monster, but as tlie powerful, obedient
servant of man. Wider horizons of grander view
were opened. To many, it must have seemed that,
overnight, the atom had been transformed from a
thing of fear and terror to a promise of great
blessing.
Histoi'y may record that in Geneva, at the open-
ing of this second decade of the atom, mankind's
stake in peace was lifted out of the paralysis of
fear to a vision so compelling as to render un-
thinkable the very notion of another major war.
If the conference produced such a vision, it made
a good and auspicious beginning. "We must not
allow that vision to fade — either for us or for
other men.
Foreign Ministers Discuss
Coming Geneva Conference
Press release 574 dated September 29
Following is the text of the coimnimique issued
at New York on September 28 at the conclusion
of the meeting held there September 27 and
28 hy the Foreign Ministers of France^ the United
Kingdom, and the United States.
The Foreign Ministers of France, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America met
in New York on September 27 and September 28
to continue preparations for the forthcoming Ge-
neva Conference.
In reviewing progress already made in this re-
spect, they found themselves in complete accord.
In particular they agreed that priority should be
given to the reunification of German}', within the
framework of a plan for European security.
They also made provisions for further consulta-
tion with their Nato partners, and expect to meet
in Paris with the other members of the North At-
lantic Council prior to the Geneva Conference.
On September 28, they were joined by the For-
eign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany
and continued their discussion of matters of com-
mon concern.
The three Foreign Ministers also met with the
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union
and had a useful discussion of the arrangements
for the Geneva Conference.
U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany
Press release 573 dated September 29
The following statement was issued at New York
on September 28 hy the Foreign Ministers of the
United States, the United Kingdom, and France.
The Foreign Ministers of the United States, the
United Kingdom, and France wish to make known
their view on certain points in connection with the
agi'eements of September 20, 195.5, as reported in
the press, between the Soviet Union and the regime
in the Soviet zone of Germany.
They wish in the first place to emphasize that
these agreements cannot affect the obligations or
responsibilities of the Soviet Union under agree-
ments and arrangements between the Three
Powers and the Soviet Union on the subject of
Germany and Berlin. The Soviet Union remains
responsible for the carrying out of these obliga-
tions.
Secondly, the three Foreign Ministers reaffirm
that the Federal Republic of Germany is the only
German Government freely and legitimately con-
stituted and therefore entitled to speak for Ger-
many as the representative of the German people
Oc/ober ?0, J 955
559
in international affairs. These three governments
do not recognize the East German regime nor the
existence of a state in the Soviet zone.
Finally, as regards a statement which has re-
cently appeared in the Soviet press on the frontiers
of Germany, the three Foreign Ministers reaffirm
the repeatedly expressed position of their Gov-
ernments that the final determination of the fron-
tiers of Germany must await a peace settlement
for the whole of Germany.
Policy on Supplying Arms
to Countries of Middle East
The conversation was informal and of a general
nature, since there had already been a full ex-
change of views on matters of common concern
when Dr. von Brentano and Secretary Dulles re-
cently met in New York with the Foreign Min-
isters of the United Kingdom and France.
Among subjects covered here was the situation
of Berlin in the light of recent developments.
They also touched on the matter of European
integration. The Secretary indicated the impor-
tance which the United States attaches to this
development.
The meeting served to underline the close and
friendly relations between the Federal Republic
and the United States.
Joint U.S.-British Statement '
The United States Secretary of State and Brit-
ish Foreign Secretary discussed together reports
relating to their arms supply policies in the Mid-
dle East.
They wish to state that the United States and
British Governments have for some time been in
close consultation with each other as well as with
other governments in relation to this matter and
that there has been, and continues to be, complete
harmony of views between their two governments.
Both governments base their policies on the de-
sire, on the one hand, to enable the various coun-
tries to provide for internal security and for their
defense, and on the other, to avoid an arms race
which would inevitably increase the tensions in
the area. They will continue, and hope other
governments will continue, to be guided by these
principles.
Talks Between Secretary Dulles
and German Foreign Minister
Press release 579 dated September 30
The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal
Republic of Germany, Dr. von Brentano, with his
advisers, met on September 30 with the Secretary
of State and officials of the State and Defense De-
partments. After first meeting at the Department
of State, they continued their talks during
luncheon at Blair House.
^ Issued at New Tork City on Sept. 27 by Secretary
Dulles and Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan.
U.S. Friendship for Greece
Following is the text of a letter froin President
Eisenhower to King Paul of Greece, delivered m
Athens on- SeptemJ)er 29.
In the present difficult situation, I desire to as-
sure Your Majesty that I remain deeply convinced
of the paramount importance of the ties of strong
friendship which unite Greece and the United
States. Even if there are differences of opinion
over how the Cyprus question should be handled,
we shall not let this one issue trouble our deep
friendship and sympathy for Greece.
With kindest personal assurances,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Recognition of New Government
of Argentina
White House Office (Denrer) press release dated September 25
The Ambassador of the United States of Amer-
ica at Buenos Aires, Albert F. Nufer, informed
the Argentine Foreign Office at 9 a. m., e. s. t. (11
a. m., Argentine time) on September 25 that the
Government of the United States recognizes the
new government headed by Maj. Gen. Eduardo
I^nardi as the Government of the Republic of
Argentina.
In taking this action, the United States Gov-
ernment looks forward to the continuance of the
friendly relations which have existed between the
United States and Argentina.
560
Department of State Bulletin
The U.S. Program for Refugee Relief
hy Thruston B. Morton
Assistant Secretai'y for Congressional Relations^
United States citizenship is a proud and honor-
able claim. Those of us who hold it through an
accident of birth do not always appreciate just
how much it means. Only through meeting and
talking to those who have sweated and struggled
to win American citizenship can we gain a full
appreciation of what this privilege means to those
less fortunate than ourselves.
"We natives sometimes lose sight of the strength
and protection offered by our Constitution and by
our historic Bill of Eights — which, incidentally,
was proposed to the Congress just 166 years ago
today. To thousands of new Americans who have
for a decade or more lived in the shadow of fear
and oppression and the secret police, however, this
great document and its amendments truly offer a
new lease on life and new hope.
All of you are familiar with the famous words of
Emma Lazarus :
Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me :
I lift my lamp beside the golden door.
These words are as vital today as they were
when tliey were written. The lamp is still burn-
ing brightly; the golden door has not been shut.
All of us here are descendants, no matter how
far lemoved, of immigrants. Our forebears saw
in America a land of promise. They came here
seeking fulfillment of that jaromise.
Today more men, women, and children are com-
ing to our shores. These new immigrants and fu-
ture citizens will one day stand as equals before
the law with descendants of the Mayflower's pas-
'- Address made at the Citizenship Day Festival of the
Americanization League of America at Milwaukee, Wis.,
on Sept. 25 (press release 564 dated Sept. 23).
sengers. The Constitution, as Wendell Willkie
aptly phrased it, does not provide for first- and
second-class citizens.
Much of America's strength has been drawn
from the energy and imagination of our new
citizens. In Israel Zangwill's words, "America
is God's Crucible, the great Melting-Pot where
all the races of Europe are melting and reform-
ing. . . ." Each group of new Americans
brings to this country a new wealth of spirit, a
new stoi-e of promise and of hope. "Homeless,
tempest-tossed," they are the same material upon
which this nation of ours was built.
Many who come to our shores today are refu-
gees who have risked life itself to escape from
totalitarian oppression. These people have a
spirit which refuses to submit to chains. And
they had the will and strength to break out of
the chains that bound them.
In many parts of the world men are still in
chains. This is particularly true of the eastern
part of Germany and the formerly independent
nations of Eastern Europe and the Baltic area.
U.S. Position at Geneva
Since the "summit" conference at Geneva there
has been some feeling that what is called the
"spirit of Geneva" will cause us to forget the
captive peoples of Eastern Europe.
Let me assure you that this will not happen.
We went to Geneva because of the American
people's belief in peace. At Geneva we fully sup-
ported the principles upon which Americans be-
lieve an enduring peace must be based. There
was no compromise with these principles as a
result of the conference.
A cardinal principle among these beliefs is the
right of every nation to independence and a free
Ocfofaer 10, J 955
561
choice of its institutions. This concept lies at the
very foundation of American political traditions.
No administration in this coxmtry could ever fail
to make it a basic principle in American foreign
policy.
Americans naturally believe this principle ap-
plies to Eastern and Central Europe, where kin-
ship and common culture strengthen their ties
with the people. Woodrow Wilson's well-known
advocacy of self-determination for the peoples of
this area was one of the clearest expressions of
that unchanging desire of Americans to see the
Eastern European nations enjoy freedom and
independence. More recently, President Eisen-
hower's memorable address of April 16, 1953,-
reemphasized this principle.
The United States remained faithful to this
principle at Geneva. The question of self-govern-
ment in Eastern Europe was raised as a funda-
mental issue by President Eisenhower ^ when he
said:
On a broader plane, there is the problem of respecting
the right of peoples to choose the form of government
under which they will live; and of restoring sovereign
rights and self-government to those who have been de-
prived of them. The American people feel strongly that
certain peoples of Eastern Europe, many with a long
and proud record of national existence, have not yet
been given the benefit of this pledge of our United Nations
wartime declaration, reinforced by other wartime agree-
ments.
That is the unswerving position of the United
States in this matter. President Eisenhower made
clear the attitude of the American people on the
need to restore sovereign rights and self-govern-
ment to the peoples of Eastern Europe.
"We sought at the Geneva conference to lay a bet-
ter basis for peace. And, at the same time, we
sought to work in a positive and practicable way
through diplomatic means toward steps which
would assist the eventual winning of freedom by
the captive peoples.
One definite goal was to bring about an im-
proved international situation based on coopera-
tion that might induce the Soviet Union to recog-
nize that there can and must be freedom for the
Central and Eastern European peoples without
jeopardy to its own security. Freedom for these
nations is indeed an essential component of se-
curity for all European nations.
The American people welcome, as a step in the
right direction, the changed attitude of the Soviet
leaders and the apparent agreement at Geneva that
the Soviet Union and the West will in the future
attempt to resolve the issues between them through
peaceful negotiations in a more favorable inter-
national atmosphere.
We must have deeds in addition to words, how-
ever. For the American people, Geneva will re-
main a gesture without substance unless it leads
to concrete actions on the part of the present Com-
munist governments in the form of benefits to the
cajative peoples, an alleviation of their burdens,
and the restoration of their freedom.
In the meantime we will continue to work con-
structively for the creation of a secure peace. We
continue to believe that the question of the status
of the captive peoples must be settled satisfactorily
in obtaining a secure peace. We are determined to
do all we can to find positive means to open the
door to the emancipation of these people. We are
certain that this purpose expresses the unalterable
conviction of the American people.
But while the present situation exists in the
satellite countries, the flow of refugees continues.
And as long as these refugees pour out from behind
the Iron Curtain, we have a moral responsibility
to do what we can to help them readjust and re-
settle in the free world.
Administration of Refugee Relief Program
One of the princii^al ways in which we are doing
this is through the Refugee Relief Program. All
of you here, I am sure, are familiar to some extent
with this program. Some of you may actually
have come to this country under the program's
auspices. If any of you have, may I add my own
expression of welcome to our country and the hope
that your life here will compensate for the un-
pleasant experiences of the past.
The Refugee Relief Act was put into effect on
August 7, 1953.* Under the terms of the act a
maximum of 214,000 victims of war's aftermath,
natural disaster, oppression, persecution, and ad-
verse economic conditions in their native lands may
become permanent residents of the United States
and eventually American citizens.
This program came about because of President
Eisenliower's deep concern over the increasing
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599.
'/Md., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 172.
* For articles on the Refugee Relief Act, see ihid., Aug.
24, 1953, p. 231, and Sept. 27, 1954, p. 452.
562
Department of State Bulletin
numbers of refugees, particularly those coming
from behind the Iron Curtain. Wlien he recom-
mended the emergency legislation known as the
Eef ugee Relief Act of 1953,^ he said :
These refugees, escapees, and distressed peoples now
constitute an economic and political threat of constantly
growing magnitude. They look to traditional American
humanitarian concern for the oppressed. International
political considerations are also factors which are in-
volved. We should take reasonable steps to help these
people to the extent that we share the obligation of the
free world.
Both Houses of Congress took action in trans-
lating the President's request into legislation and
agreed on a compromise figure of 214,000 people
to be admissible under the act.
Let me clear up one minor point of confusion
at this juncture. A figure of 209,000 is often used
in connection with this program rather than the
total of 214,000. That lower figure is the total
nmnber of visas permissible under the act, because
5,000 of the overall total are nonimmigrants al-
ready in the United States.
The various Govenmiental units which work
together in administering this act are the State
Department's refugee relief administration; the
Immigration and Naturalization Service of the
Justice Department; Labor's Bureau of Employ-
ment Security and the U.S. Employment Service;
the U.S. Public Health Service of the Department
of Health, Education and Welfare; the Army's
Counterintelligence Corps; and the Treasury
Department.
In addition help is provided by the Intergov-
ernmental Comniittee on European Migration
(Icem), 30 voluntary agencies, and 37 Governor's
Committees throughout the United States.
The Icem is composed of 26 members, of which
the United States is one. We contribute slightly
more than one-third of the Committee's operating
budget and work very closely with it in helping
people get not only to this country but to other
places in the Western Hemisphere.
The voluntary agencies, which include such
groups as the Lutheran Refugee Service, the Na-
tional Catholic Welfare Conference, Church
World Service, and the United Hl\s Service, have
been of great value in helping to arrange travel
and transportation in cooperation with Icem.
The Governor's Committees came about as a
result of a personal plea from President Eisen-
hower on August 7, 1954.^ He called the Gover-
nors' attention to the urgent need to stimulate the
flow of assurances through the establishment of
local refugee committees. New York at that time
had already set up such a committee, and 36 other
States have since followed its lead. There is still
time for the remaining States to take action, how-
ever, and such a move would be more than wel-
comed by those most concerned with the progi-am.
The more interest and participation that can be
obtained at the gi'ass roots, the greater the chances
will be for a completely successful progi-am.
The Refugee Relief Act is an extremely intri-
cate and complicated piece of legislation. It
requires a complex organizational setup to ad-
minister its technical requirements. That organi-
zation is now established and fully operative, and
it is working out quite well. The present staff
can easily meet the current workload and more,
and reserves are available to handle any increase
in volume.
Changes in the program's administration and
amendments made to the regulations in order to
speed up the steps necessary to process a refugee
have greatly simplified the situation that existed
in the program's early stages. Practices and pro-
cedures are being scanned constantly to assui'e
maximmn efficiency and simplicity of operations.
The two things most necessary now to further
expedite the fulfillment of the aims of the act are
an increased flow of assurances and congi'essional
approval of the amendments to the act proposed
by President Eisenhower.
More Assurances Needed
The act provides that a refugee must have an
assurance of a job, housing, and against becoming
a public charge. This assurance must be signed
by a U.S. citizen and verified by the Administrator.
In the early days of the program many of the
assurances went for overseas relatives known to the
assurer. Today the relative category has been
pretty well used up and we need assurers who will
sign for people they don't know. This is, of
course, a much more difficult job.
This is where the voluntary agencies and the
Governor's Committees are needed the most. And
it is where such groups as yours can be of great
^Ibid., May 4, 1953, p. 639.
October 10, 1955
'Ibid., Aug. 16, 1954, p. 239.
563
assistance in spreading the word of the urgent
need for assurances.
Perhaps some facts and figures on where we
stand now will help explain the need for assur-
ances.
Visa issuance in the Refuge Relief Program, I
am happy to report, has now exceeded the 50,000
mark.
Total of visas issued by September 16 was
52,068. This is an increase of 35,018 visas since
last January 1 — and the increase each week now
is near 1,500 visas.
There is another impressive gain in the number
of cases entering the program's so-called "pipe-
line." This figure is the cumulative total of all
persons who have been notified of documents re-
quired to process their cases. The total of all ap-
plicants is now 169,229, a gain of 106,376 since
January 1.
It is of interest to note that from the beginning
of the program in August 1953 until December 31,
1954 — a period of nearly 17 months — 17,053 visas
were issued. On the other hand, between January
1 of this year and September 16 — a period of not
quite 9 months — 35,018 visas were issued, more
than twice the total on record the first of this year.
This graphically demonstrates the extent of the
increase in the rate of visa issuances in 1955.
During the same period of 1955, however, veri-
fied assurances from U.S. citizen sponsors were
only 73 percent greater than the number of verified
assurances received during the preceding 17
months.
I think those figures point up the seriousness of
the lack of assurances. This situation camiot be
overemphasized. We are reaching the stage of
the program where time has become critical.
As many of you may know, the State Depart-
ment recently held a conference of chairmen of
Governor's Committees at Washington at which
the whole emphasis was on the procurement of
assurances. Secretary Dulles told this conference :
We are facing a situation now where tlie bottleneck is
. . . the problem of getting assurances .... The visas
are being issued at a rate which is going to catch up with
our present backlog and then the question is getting these
assurances.
I know Wisconsin ranks tenth in the Xation in
procuring assurances for refugees, however, and it
is a very fine record. But, to repeat myself, time
is running short and an increased flow of assur-
ances must be stimulated if we are to make the
deadline of December 31, 1956.
Pierce J. Gerety, the program's Deputy Admin-
istrator, emphasized this point when he told the
delegation at the conference :
The next 6 or 8 months are very critical in the role you
people can play, which is producing assurances back home.
We have to get the assurances in sufficient number back
home in order to give us time to process the applications
and issue the visas so people can come to the United
States.
The three major areas where assurances are most
needed are Germany, Austria, and the Nether-
lands. When we ask for assurances, we are ad-
dressing ourselves primarily to these areas because
we have enough assurances in Greece and Italy,
the two other major refugee centers.
Under the act 90,000 expellees and escapees are
admissible from Germany and Austria, and 17,000
refugees and relatives are admissible from the
Netherlands. To date we have only 437 verified
assurances in the Netherlands, only 14,079 in Ger-
many, and only 5,494 in Austria. That is what
makes these three areas more critical than any
other spots in the program.
Up imtil a short time ago, some social welfare
agencies, upon whom great reliance must be placed
for the procurement of assurances, argued that
assurances were slow in forthcoming because of
the small number of peojjle who had entered the
country under the terms of the act. Wliile this
may have been true in the act's early days, it is no
longer valid today. Steps leading to the issuance
of a visa have been simplified greatly and the
major concern now is getting enough assurances.
Amendments Recommended by President
In an eli'ort to exj^edite the flow of assurances
and make it possible for the program to fulfill its
aims, President Eisenhower on May 27 of this year
asked for 10 specific amendments to the act.'' He
pointed out that the purposes of the act are not
being achieved as swiftly as we had all hoped.
Although administrative imjDrovements have been
made, the President noted, such improvements by
themselves are not enough. For that reason Mr.
Eisenhower recommended amendments which em-
braced these changes :
1. A redefinition of the terms "refugee," "es-
capee," and "expellee," the effect of which will be
'Ibid., June 13, 1955, p. 951.
564
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
to relax somewhat the restrictions contained in the
definitions of those terms in the act, removal of
the limitation that all those who are foiind to be
"firmly resettled" are ineligible for visas, and
abandonment of the requirement that a "refugee"
must be "out of his usual place or abode" in order
to qualify.
2. Adoption of a provision enabling members of
a family who are separated from the principal ap-
plicant and who cannot accompany the principal
applicant at the time the visa is issued to follow
to join him in the United States.
3. Adoption of a provision to permit an alien
afflicted with tuberculosis to come to the United
States with his family if all are eligible, notwith-
standing the bar of the immigration laws against
a person so afflicted.
4. The reallotment of visas unused during the
life of the act to the use of orphans on a worldwide
basis and the raising of the maximum-age limita-
tions for eligible orphans from 10 years to 12 years.
5. Definition of the term "eligible orphan" and
the imposition of certain limitations upon the
adoption abroad of an orphan by a U.S. citizen and
spouse.
6. Eevision of the criteria for adjustment of
status of aliens in the United States to eliminate
the requirement that they must have entered this
coiuitry in lawful status as nonimmigi-ants in all
cases.
7. Adoption of a provision to permit voluntary
agencies, as well as individual citizens, to file as-
surances of employment, housing, and against be-
coming a public charge.
8. Elimination of the requirement that a valid
passport or similar document be produced in each
case as a prerequisite to the issuance of a visa.
9. Adoption of a provision to place exclusive
responsibility upon the consular officer for the de-
termination of eligibility of an applicant.
10. Elimination of the requirement that a 2-year
history covering the period prior to application for
visa must be available.
Of these 10 amendments suggested by the Presi-
dent, we feel that two are of primary importance
and are needed most urgently.
First is the so-called agency assurance, which is
in effect now by regidation but which would be
much simpler for everybody if it were in the act.
This situation has been helped by the Administra-
tor's instruction to consular officers of February
18, 1955, which permits the "preprocessing" of
cases. Preprocessing, in simple terms, means that
a case may be processed before the receipt of an
assurance if the sponsoring agency states that an
assurance to cover the case will be received. The
obvious advantage of this procedure is that in-
dividual cases may be processed and made ready
for completion upon the arrival of an assurance.
The second important amendment is the redefi-
nition of the term "refugee." We are working
with definitions first put forward in 1948, and the
many changes which have taken place in refugee
conditions throughout the world making a re-
definition necessary are readily apparent.
None of these amendments was adopted in the
first session of the 84th Congress. Not only would
they be of tremendous benefit in aiding the Ref-
ugee Relief Program, but they would contribute
toward the correction of deficiencies in our immi-
gration and naturalization policies.
The proposed amendments are relatively simple
and offer an immediate correction of some of the
existing deficiencies. The liberalization of immi-
gi-ation requirements which the amendments pro-
vide would facilitate the admission of many de-
serving persons to this country. This would
clearly and promptly indicate to the peoples of
friendly nations the intent of the President and
the Congress in this subject.
Secretary Dulles has strongly urged the adop-
tion of these amendments in the early days of the
coming session of the Congress. Favorable action
on these amendments will be highly beneficial to
our relations with friendly countries. Passage of
the amendments, I am confident, will also bring
forth the necessary assurances in greater numbers
than ever before both from voluntary agencies and
from individual citizens.
At this time of year, when we commemorate
Citizenship Day, it is appropriate that Americans
everywhere take note of these matters concerning
possible future citizens. If we in America live
up to our fijiest humanitarian tradition and act
with wisdom, many unfortunate people who today
live in refugee camps watching for a glimmer from
liberty's torch may in future years celebrate this
occasion with us.
October 10, 1955
565
U.S.-Yugoslav Talks Concluded
Following is the text of a joint communique
released at Belgrade on Octoler 1.
The visit of Deputy Under Secretary Robert
Murphy to Belgrade has provided opportunity
for frank and fruitful discussion of a wide range
of problems of mutual interest to Yugoslavia and
the United States. As a result, differences of
opinion have been ironed out and a clearer under-
standing of objectives reached. This has been
achieved in a very cordial atmosphere and should
establish a solid basis for the further cooperation
of the two countries. These meetings gave further
evidence of the confidence and mutual respect
which has been established between the two
countries in recent years.
During his visit Mr. Murphy, accompanied by
Ambassador [James W.] Riddleberger, had
luncheon and two conversations with President
Tito and several meetings with Under Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs Prica, Vice President
Vukmanovic-Tempo, and Defense Minister
Gosnjak. Mr. Murphy concluded his conversa-
tions with a luncheon on October 1 tendered at the
American Embassy in honor of Vice President
Kardelj and other high-ranking Yugoslav and
American officials.
President Eisenhower has been one of the great-
est advocates of a government of principles and
not a government of personalities. He has con-
stantly striven to hammer out governmental poli-
cies through Cabinet and National Security
Council discussions and decisions. These have
been shared by the Vice President, by the Cabinet
members, and by heads of governmental agencies.
Thus President Eisenhower has forged a team,
and the principles and policies under which that
team operates are well known to all of its mem-
bers.
Thus, there can be ample time for the President
to make a full recovery without any jeopardy to
the welfare of the Nation or to the steady prosecu-
tion of our national and international policies for
peace and human welfare.
I have been asked whether I shall go ahead with
plans for meeting with the other three Foreign
Ministers at Geneva the end of next month. The
answer is that, of course, I expect to be there.
Our national bipartisan attitude toward these
matters is well known, and nothing M'hich in any
event we intended to improvise.
Mr. Hoover and Mr. Hollister
Leave for Far East
Illness of President Eisenhower
Press release 575 dated September 29
In response to questions from the press, Secre-
tary Dulles made the following informal state-
ment just prior to departing for Ottawa, Canada,
September 25, 1955, to attend the meetings of the
Joint United States-Canadian Committee on
Trade and Economic Affairs.
President Eisenhower's illness is a cause for
sadness, which is felt throughout the nation and
throughout the world. But it is not a cause for
alarm.
I have no knowledge of a medical character
which is not known to everyone. But this infor-
mation, that we all have, seems to indicate that the
attack is similar to that which many people incur
without any permanent ill effects. That is what
all the world hopes.
In the meantime, our governmental processes,
both foreign and domestic, are going to go for-
ward in an orderly and uninterrupted manner.
Departure Statement by the Under Secretary
Press release 572 dated September 29
Mr. Hollister and I are making a visit to the
Far East to study at first hand the problems of
that area. I will leave Manila for Washington on
October 14. Mr. Hollister will go on to be head of
our delegation to the Colombo Plan conference at
Singapore and will visit some other countries in
that area on his way home.
By this personal visit we hope to add to our
understanding of the many countries through
which we will travel. We are looking forward
to the opportunity to talk with leaders and officials
of these countries. Through friendly discussions
we hope to arrive at a deeper knowledge of how
best to proceed with our common effort. Of course
we will also visit our own diplomatic and opera-
tions missions.
The Colombo Plan conference to which Mr. Hol-
lister will be our chief delegate is of considerable
importance. As you know, the Colombo Plan is
concerned with economic development as a means
566
Depatimeni of S/afe Bo//efin
of providing greater opportunity for the peoples
of Soutlieast Asia.
I am pleased that Mr. Herbert V. Prochnow
is also accomjjanying us. jNIr. Procluiow was
sworn in today as a special consultant and it is
Secretary Dulles' intention to recommend to the
President that Mr. Prochnow be appointed Deputy
Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs.^
Announcement Concerning Itinerary
Press release 580 dated September 30
The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 29 that Under Secretary Hoover would re-
turn to "Washington October 17 from his current
trip to the Far East to enable him to have a few
days in Washington before the Secretary of State
departs for Geneva. Herbert V. Prochnow, Con-
sultant to the Secretary of State, will return with
Mr. Hoover.^
At the same time it was announced that John
B. Hollister, Director of the International Coop-
eration Administration, would serve as U.S. Rep-
resentative at the Ministerial Meeting of the Con-
sultative Committee for Economic Development
in South and Southeast Asia which is to be held
at Singapore from October 17 to October 22, 1955.
The revised itinerary follows : ^
September 29 leave Washington
September 30 arrive HiclJham Field, Honolulu
October 1 leave Hickham Field, Honolulu
October 3 arrive Tokyo
October 5 leave Tokyo
October 5 arrive Seoul
October 8 leave Seoul
October 8 arrive Taipei
October 11 leave Taipei
October 11 arrive Manila
' The President signed Mr. Prochnow's commission as
Deputy Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs on
Oct. 4.
^ It was subsequently decided that Mr. Prochnow wiU
make the balance of the trip with Mr. Hollister and will
attend the Colombo Plan meeting at Singapore as adviser
to the U.S. delegation.
' For the original itinerary, see press release 549 dated
Sept. 16 (not printed here).
Mr. Hoover will leave Manila October 14 and
arrive in Washington on October 17.
Mr. Hollister and his associates will leave Ma-
nila on October 15. The balance of their itinerary
follows :
October 15 arrive Djakarta
October 16 leave Djakarta
October 16 arrive Singapore
October 21 leave Singapore
October 21 arrive Bangkok
October 24 leave Bangkok
October 24 arrive Vientiane
October 24 leave Vientiane
October 24 arrive Phnom Penh
October 25 leave Phnom Penh
October 25 arrive Saigon
October 27 leave Saigon
October 30 arrive Washington
Change in U.S. Delegation
to Colombo Plan Meeting
Press release 576 dated September 30
On September 16 the Department released the
names of the U.S. delegation to the Seventh Meet-
ing of the Consultative Committee for Economic
Development in South and Southeast Asia (com-
monly known as the Colombo Plan), which is to
be held at Singapore from September 29 to Octo-
ber 22, 1955.* At that time it was announced that
Acting Deputy Under Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs Thorsten V. Kalijarvi would
serve as U.S. Representative to the INIinisterial
Meeting which is to be held from October 17 to 22.
The Department announced on September 29
that John B. Hollister, Director of the Interna-
tional Cooperation Achninistration of the Depart-
ment of State, would serve as U.S. Representa-
tive at the Ministerial Meeting. With the revi-
sion of Mr. Hollister's itinerary of his current
Far Eastern trip permitting him to attend the
Colombo Plan meeting, it was felt essential that
Mr. Kalijarvi remain in Washington.
' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 513.
Ocfober JO, 1955
567
American Political Democracy and the Problem of Personnel Security
by R. W. Scott McLeod
Administrator^ Bwreau of Security and Consular Affairs ^
You will note that I have altered the subject
originally assigned for discussion by exchanging
the words "Personnel Security" for the words
"National Security." This seems to me a more
accurate statement of the matter within my compe-
tence. I do not believe that American political
democracy needs a new endorsement. I believe
we are all devoted to it as the best human system
of government yet devised. Over a period of 175
years of tremendous changes in society we have
found it to be flexible enough to endure. And it
is exactly because we so cherish it that some of us
have been given special duties to protect it.
As you know, there are three kinds of security
as we practice it in government today. There is
physical security, by which we mean tlie protection
which is afforded to documents. It embraces the
systems of codes and ciphers, the storage, the
transmission, and the handling of papers on which
the Government has recorded information which,
if in unfriendly hands, might have an adverse
effect on the national interest. There is also tech-
nical security, a vast field in this technological age,
wherein we attempt to protect primarily against
devices intended to obtain classified information
when it is spoken in conversations presumed to be
private.
Obviously the elaborate and sometimes costly
apparatus to lock the barn before the horse is
stolen is useless if the man who possesses the key
to the barn is not trustworthy. Thus, today I
will confine my discussion to the program which
seeks to assure personnel of integrity.
There have been security programs in our Gov-
ernment before those which are aimed at protect-
ing against the Communist conspiracy. During
the time I lived in New Hampshire I was told that
a loyalty oath was required of citizens of that area
during the period which preceded the Revolu-
tionary War. Although a loyalty oath is a use-
less device unless it is predicated on a purpose
to prosecute perjurers, I assume that this early
requirement in one of the colonies resulted from
a preoccupation with the matter of personnel
security.
At one time or another in our history Tories,
Indians, and Southern sympathizers were security
risks, and it seems a logical assumption that some
means were used to keep such individuals out of
the councils of government.
The earliest attention to the problem under dis-
cussion today appears to have been the hearings
conducted by the House Committee on Un-
American Activities in 1938 which disclosed the
connections of some Federal employees with Com-
munist front organizations.
No doubt as the result of. these hearings and be-
cause of the war clouds gathering in Europe, the
Congress in 1939 adopted section 9A of the Hatch
Act, which forbade an employee of the Govern-
ment to belong to any political party or organiza-
tion which advocates the overthrow of our consti-
tutional form of government.-
' Address made before the American Political Science
Association at Boulder, Colo., on Sept. 9.
'^ 5 U. S. C. 118j. Federal employees ; membership in
political parties ; i)enalties. (1) It shall be unlawful for
any person employed in any capacity by any agency of
the Federal Government, whose compensation, or any
part thereof, is paid from funds authorized or appro-
priated by any Act of Congress, to have membership in
any political party or organization which advocates the
overthrow of our constitutional form of government in
the United States. (2) Any person violating the pro-
visions of this section shall be immediately removed from
the position or office held by him, and thereafter no part
of the funds appropriated by any Act of Congress for
such position or office shall be used to pay the compensa-
tion of such persons.
568
Department of State Bulletin
Beginning in 1941 the Congress established a
practice which has since become standard, of in-
serting language in appropriation bills making it
unlawful to use the funds to pay the salary of
persons who advocate, or belong to organizations
which advocate, overthrow of the Government by
force and violence and making it a felony for such
persons to accept such salary.
And during the war years — in fact, up until
1950 — the military agencies were given broad
security authority.^
There were other gestures in the direction of
security, evidencing a rather vague awareness that
a problem, not too clearly stated, existed and
should be dealt with.^
During the war, of course, the public mind was
largely concerned with the Nazi-Fascist menace.
After the war a series of incidents made it rather
apparent that our wartime ally and the interna-
tional conspiracy it fostered was a continuing men-
ace to our national security. This was a bitter
disillusionment to those who looked forward so
eagerly to peace.
The Amerasia case, the report of the Canadian
Eoyal Commission, and the reports by Elizabeth
Bentley and Whittaker Chambers gave respon-
sible officials pause, and such of these matters as
reached public notice contributed to the necessity
to take effective measures for control.
Congressional reaction was expressed in July
1946 by the enactment of the so-called McCarran
Rider = to the State Department Appropriation
" 111 general, they were authorized to dismiss civilian
employees whenever such dismissal was "warranted by
the demands of national security" (P. L. 703 and 671,
76th Cong., and P. L. SOS, 77th Cong.).
* On Sept. 26, 1942, the Civil Service Commission revised
its regulations to provide for dismissal of civil employees
on grounds of "reasonable doubt as to loyalty" (Section
18 2(c)(7)(e)). Authority for this action was based
on the Lloyd-LaFollette Act of 1912 (5 U. S. C. 652) . Also,
in April 1942 the Attorney General set up an inter-
departmental advisory committee to advise agencies on
how to handle complaints from the Dies committee and
to develop uniform procedures for the use of Federal
Bureau of Investigation reports. And on Feb. 5, 1943,
Executive Order 9300 (S Fed. Reg. 1701) established a
President's Inter-Departmental Committee to perform
similar functions.
° "Notwithstanding the provisions of section of the Act
of August 24, 1912 (37 Stat. 555), or the provisions of any
other law, the Secretary of State may, in his absolute
discretion during the current fiscal year, terminate the
employment of any officer or employee of the Department
of State or of the Foreign Service of the United States
Ocfober 10, 1955
359645—55 3
Bill. This proviso gave the Secretary of State the
right "in his absolute discretion" to dismiss em-
ployees when deemed "necessary or advisable in
the interests of the United States."
Evolution of Present Personnel Security Order
It seems clear that the present-day effort to ob-
tain integrity in the Federal work force is the
result of the success of the Communist conspira-
tors in penetrating and contaminating that force.
The postwar revelations that Communist agents
actually worked in the Government were shock-
ing to most Americans. Citizens had become ac-
customed to affording a considerable respect to
the officials of their Govermnent. The demonstra-
tion that some of these officials were unworthy
brought disillusionment and demands that meas-
ures be taken to cope with this matter.
On November 25, 1946, as a result of recom-
mendations from the Congress, President Truman
issued Executive Order 9806 '^ establishing a tem-
porary commission on employee loyalty. The
commission was directed to study existing security
measures. As a result of the commission's work.
Executive Order 9835 ' was issued on March 21,
1947.
Executive Order 9835 provided an entirely new
approach to the problem. For the first time the
Federal Government proposed to look at each of
its 2.5 million employees with the purpose of ex-
amining the loyalty of each.
The procedures devised for this break with the
past are of interest. The name of each employee,
together with his fingerprints, was furnished to
the Federal Bureau of Investigation for a name
check. If "derogatory information" was found in
the FBI records, a full field investigation was to
be made. The results were furnished the employ-
ing agency. The standard for dismissal under
Executive Order 9835 was "reasonable grounds
for belief" that the employee was "disloyal to the
Government of the United States."
As a result of experience with this order it was
amended on April 28, 1951,* so that the standard
whenever he shall deem such termination necessary or
advisable in the interests of the United States." The
rider was contained in each appropriation bill up to and
including that for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1953.
" 11 Fed. Reg. 13863.
' 12 Fed. Reg. 1935.
'Executive Order 10241, 16 Fed. Reg. 3690.
569
was "reasonable doubt as to the loyalty" of the
employee to the Government.
The element of security as apart from loyalty
entered the picture as a general program on
August 27, 1950,'' when the 81st Congress enacted
Public Law 733, the legal basis for the existing
program. This law provided for the suspension of
employees in 11 named agencies, including the De-
partment of State, and the termination of such
employees in the interests of national security, if
certain procedural safeguards as set forth in the
statute were afforded the employee.
The evolution of a security as distinguished
from a loyalty program is an important consid-
eration and represents again the fact that the re-
sponsible authorities were directing their efforts
against the Communist conspiracy. In dealing
with the problem as a practical matter it became
apparent that an employee who is loyal to our
Government can pose a threat to the national
interest.
This is a point which is still obscure in the pub-
lic mind. It has had an important bearing on
the public relations aspect of the problem, for,
while employees dismissed between the period of
1947 to 1950 were dismissed generally under a
loyalty standard (since only a few agencies had
security authority), those handled between 1950-
1953 in agencies covered by Public Law 733 could
either be disloyal or be security risks.
The Eisenhower security program, brought into
being by Executive Order 10450 on April 27, 1953,
is clearly a security program, with the issue of
loyalty only one of the standards.^"
Security Programs in the State Department
The State Department, together with the mili-
tary and intelligence services, must always expect
to be a primary target of an international con-
spiracy. There is ample evidence that the De-
partment has long been conscious of its position.
Prior to enactment of the McCarran Eider on July
" A few civilian ageucies and the military departments
previously had special security authority. The State De-
partment began security determinations after the Mc-
Carran Rider was enacted in 1046 and after Executive
Order 9835 in 1947 continued to make security deter-
minations collaterally with loyalty findings.
"Executive Order 10450 (IS Fed. Reg. 24S9) extended
P. L. 733 in accordance with section 3 of that law to all
departments and agencies, an extension upheld on July
28, 1955, by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia in the case of Cole v. Young.
5, 1946, there was a Personnel Security Commit-
tee in the Department, but its authority was lim-
ited to that provided by the Hatch Act and the
Civil Service Regulations.
After the McCarran Rider became effective, the
Department of State established the Advisory
Committee on Personnel Security, which operated
until July 1947, when the Personnel Security
Board was established. Regulations were adopted
by the Board to consider security cases under the
authority of the McCarran Rider. In December
1947 the Board was directed to consider cases aris-
ing under the loyalty program initiated by Execu-
tive Order 9835. In June 1948 the Board was re-
designated as the Loyalty Security Board and
detailed regulations were adopted to provide for
the processing of both loyalty and security cases.
The Department derived its loyalty authority
from Executive Order 9835 and its security au-
thority from the McCarran Rider. The enact-
ment of Public Law 733 in August 1950 provided
additional security authority. The Loyalty Se-
cui'ity Board continued until May 27, 1953, when
Executive Order 10450, issued 30 days earlier,
became effective and required new procedures.
Premises of Existing Security Program
As Administrator of the State Department's se-
curity program there are certain premises on
which the program is based of which I must be
cognizant.
1. There exists a clear and present danger to
our society. This danger is caused by the exist-
ence of a criminal conspiracy called communism,
which aims to overthrow our Government and
change our society by whatever means it may find
available, including force, violence, and sub-
version.
If this danger did not exist it would be difficult
to justify any security program, or at least one
as thorough as that which we have. That it does
exist has been established by law, by Executive
order, and by judicial interpretation. Congres-
sional mandates and Executive orders to combat
this danger have been cited previously .^^
" The most recent re-statement of this doctrine by the
Congress was the enactment of the Communist Control
Act of 19.54 (Section 841, Title 50, U.S.C.A.) wherein Con-
gress stated, "holding that doctrine, its role as the
agency of a hostile power renders its existence a clear,
present and continuing danger to the security of the
United States."
570
Department of State Bulletin
The courts have upheld this finding. In sen-
tencing the Communist leaders convicted under
the Smith Act in 1949," Judge Medina stated,
These defendants were not convicted merely for their
political beliefs or ideas or for belonging to the Com-
munist Party. I made it plain in my charge the jury
could not convict for anything like that but they had to
find there was specific intent to overthrow the Govern-
ment by force and violence and to use words as a rule of
action. . . .
2. That Federal employment is a privilege.
This premise is stated in the two "whereas" clauses
on whicli the President predicated Executive Or-
der 10450.
3. That maximum protection must be afforded
the employee of the Government against un-
founded accusations, rumor, gossip, and unrelia-
ble information. This premise is also stated in
the "whereas" clause of Executive Order 10450.
The two clauses embracing these two premises are
as follows:
WHEREAS the interests of the national security re-
quire that all persons privileged to be employed In the
departments and agencies of the Government shall be re-
liable, trustworthy, of good conduct and character, and of
complete and unswerving loyalty to the United States ;
and
WHEREAS the American tradition that all persons
.should receive fair, impartial, and equitable treatment
at the hands of the Government requires that all persons
seeking the privilege of employment or privileged to he
employed in the departments and agencies of the Govern-
ment be adjudged by mutually consistent and no less than
minimum standards and procedures among the depart-
ments and agencies governing the employment and reten-
tion in employment of persons in the Federal Service,
(emphasis supplied)
In recognition of these premises the State De-
partment issued regulations which, when they
were published on July 27, 1953, had the effect of
law. Our regulations were modeled in the De-
partment of Justice. They have been tested by
two years of use. Moreover, under the terms of
Executive Order 10450 the Civil Service Commis-
sion makes a "continuing study" of the implemen-
tation of the order and reports "deficiencies" and
"tendencies" to the head of the department and
the National Security Council.^^
'= Smith Act, Section 2.3S."., Title IS, U. S. Code. The
conviction was upheld by the Supreme Court on June
4, 1951 : Dennii et al. v. U.S., Ml U.S. 494.
'"Section 14, Executive Order 10450: "(a) The Civil
Service Commission, with the continuing advice and col-
laboration of representatives of such departments and
agencies as the National Security Council may designate,
Thus, unless the laws, the Executive orders, or
the regulations issued thereunder are changed by
the duly constituted authorities, they form the
frame of reference for a security administrator
and should not be presumed, at least by him, to
be illegal, unreasonable, or unjust.
In the absence of change, I conclude that the
security program is adequate to :
1. Prevent Communist penetration of our Gov-
ernment, and
2. Protect the inherent rights of government
employees.
Yet no one contends that this program is sacro-
sanct. In addition to the review provided in the
order itself we find that the program is under
constant scrutiny in tlie Congress, the courts, and
the press.
As a result of this scrutiny and review many
thoughtful persons have come to grips with the
question of what a security program does to the
rights of an individual American. It has been
stated that civil rights are infringed, that legal
rights are abated, that inlierent rights are
involved.
Every American, according to our tradition, is
entitled to a square deal from his Government.
I hope I can demonstrate, through discussion of
our procedures, that the Government is endeavor-
ing to insure this basic right.
It is difficult to argue that a security program,
like other governmental programs based on law,
shall make a continuing study of the manner in which this
order is being implemented by the departments and agen-
cies of the Government for the purpose of determining :
(1) Deficiencies in the deijartment and agency security
programs established under this order which are in-
consistent with the interests of, or directly or indirectly
weaken, the national security. (2) Tendencies in such
programs to deny to individual employees fair, Impartial,
and equitable treatment at the hands of the Government,
or rights under the Constitution and laws of the United
States or this order.
"Information affecting any department or agency de-
veloped or received during the course of such continuing
study shall be furnished immediately to the head of the
department or agency concerned. The Civil Service Com-
mission shall report to the National Security Council, at
least semi-annually, on the results of such study, and
shall recommend means to correct any such deficiencies
or tendencies.
"(b) All departments and agencies of the Government
are directed to cooperate with the Civil Service Commis-
sion to facilitate the accomplishment of the responsibili-
ties assigned to it by subsection (a) of this section."
October ?0, 1955
571
does not in some instances and to some degree af-
fect civil rights. It is evident, for example, that
investigation of an individual can be to some ex-
tent an intrusion on that individual's privacy.
Many of the rules of society translated into laws
necessarily constrain individual tendencies or
purposes which, except for the fact that people
must live in close proximity to each other, would
not be in themselves wrong.
Our laws and our courts have always taken cog-
nizance of the matters of intent and degree.
There is an obvious distinction between being
jostled by an unruly passerby and being pushed
to safety from in front of a speeding vehicle. The
first act is at least bad manners and possibly dis-
orderly conduct. The second is a normal human
reaction which can be heroic.
Our Constitution and traditions are delicately
balanced between the necessities of the basic re-
sponsibility of government to achieve the greatest
good for the greatest number and, at the same
time, to clearly observe and respect the sovereign
rights of the individual. It is this delicate posi-
tion, with its great potentials of dilemma, that
requires constant scrutiny, criticism, and evalua-
tion of our laws, procedures, and programs, in-
cluding this one under discussion today. There
are three questions which, among others, must be
asked. First, is the danger real and present?
Second, do the results justify the effort ? " Three,
do the benefits exceed the disadvantages?
No thoughtful American wants to achieve ab-
solute security in government at the cost of sacri-
ficing our traditions or by adopting the very forms
of totalitarian conduct which we seek to guard
against.
We should discuss briefly the theory of a se-
curity program. It seeks to frevent Communist
[penetration of the Government. It is not de-
signed to prosecute such penetration. It seeks to
protect the public interest before and not after
the commission of an overt act. Such, indeed, is
one of the definitions of security. ^°
This theory is an important consideration in
assessing this problem. If a person commits an
" The Atomic Energy Commission alone lias spent $100
million for personnel investigations, the Department of
Defense $29 million. (Cong. Rec. of June 27, 1955, p.
7878).
" "The condition of being protected or not exposed to
danger ; . . .", Webster's New International Dictionary,
Second Edition, Unabridged.
overt act of disloyalty he may be indicted, tried,
and convicted under our judicial procedures.
Under our theory of law he is innocent until proven
guilty. The burden of proof rests on the Gov-
ernment, and the jiu-y is instructed to resolve
reasonable doubts in favor of the accused. This
is a system developed through centuries to insure
fair play in establishing guilt.
A security system is not intended to establish
guilt, since no act against the public interest may
have occurred. If such has taken place the trans-
gressor could be prosecuted in court. The system
is intended to prevent such an act. There can be
no proof, since future events are not susceptible
of present proof. A security risk under our pro-
cedures is not necessarily guilty of any illegal act.
He is a person who has been adjudged unsuitable
for Federal employment.
Department's Personnel Security Procedures
How is the judgment as to an individual's se-
curity potential reached? The security judg-
ment must be based on some kind of data. Under
Executive Order 10450 the appropriate officials
are directed to make an investigation, varying in
degree in accordance with the sensitivity of the
position to be filled. In the State Department it
was determined administratively that all positions
are "sensitive". Thus, under the order, all incum-
bents and applicants undergo a "full field" inves-
tigation. The full field investigation means that
inquiries are made in the field, at the source, as
opposed to the seat of government, to substantiate
all information which the individual has furnished
to the Department. This begins with date and
place of birth and extends through education, em-
ployment, places of residence, etc., up to the pres-
ent time.
In most cases the investigation is purely routine.
Everything the individual says is substantiated
and no information relating to the criteria estab-
lished in the order is reported. The criteria, in-
formation concerning which the investigation is
designed to disclose, are: 1. behavior character-
istics indicating lack of integrity or a course of
conduct which leads to belief that the individual
may, if subjected to coercion or pressure, be sub-
ject to hostile influence ; 2. actual overt subversion ;
3. establishing or continuing sympathetic associa-
tion with subversives; 4. advocacy of overthrow
of the Government by unconstitutional means;
572
Department of State Bulletin
5. membership in subversive organizations; 6. en-
gaging in espionage; 7. serving the interest of a
foreign power in preference to the interest of the
United States."
If the investigator finds "derogatory informa-
tion" (i. e., related to the criteria) he is instructed
to attempt to ascertain the truth of the allegations
he has heard.^' This is a primary safeguard
against unfounded rumors, gossip, or statements
from overly suspicious or unfriendly individuals.
Having, in his judgment, completed his inquiry,
the investigating officer files a report with the De-
partment's Office of Security.
Here the report is reviewed to determine whether
in fact the investigators have covered all reason-
able leads. If more investigation is required, it
is directed from the Office of Security in the De-
partment.
The practice is followed of permitting the em-
ployee in all cases, and the applicant according
to circumstances, to furnish an oral explanation
of derogatory data. This interview with the in-
dividual frequently clears up such matters as mis-
taken identity or leads to sources which can resolve
questions which are clearly matters of opinion.
When it appears that the file is as complete as
practicable it is forwarded to a separate staff in
the Office of Security. This staff has as much
background and training as it is possible to pro-
vide in the special field of security evaluation.
From the recitation of the criteria it is clear that
the evaluator's problem is to make a calculated
judgment, on the basis of what the individual has
done, as to what he may reasonably be expected
to do in the future when entrusted with infor-
mation vital to the security of the United States
and if subjected to pressures from the Communists.
The evaluating official must make a decision "to
insure that the employment and retention in em-
ployment ... is clearly consistent with the inter-
ests of the national security." '^ If there is reason-
able doubt that the employment or retention is
clearly consistent with the interests of national
security, this doubt should be resolved in favor of
the Government."
'"Executive Order 10450, section 8 (a) as amended by
Executive Order 10491 (18 Fed. Keg. 6583).
" Investigators of tlie Department's Office of Security
malse full field investigations unless or until data relating
to the national security (subversive) is reported, at
which point the case is referred to the FBI.
" Executive Order 10450, section 2.
"Departmental Regulations, vol. I, section 392.32.
Fully 90 percent of all cases are resolved at this
level by furnishing a clearance, under the stand-
ards of the order by the Office of Security, to the
Office of Personnel. In those cases in which the
evaluator recommends further review and possible
action, the files are sent forward to the Director
of the Office of Security.
If the Director of the Office of Security, after
review of the file, decides that continued employ-
ment is not clearly consistent with the interests of
national security, he forwards the file to the office
of the Administrator of the Bureau of Security
and Consular Affairs. Here the matter is again
reviewed by his staff and then by the Acbninis-
trator personally. If he reaches the conclusion
that continued employment "is not clearly con-
sistent," he forwards the file with a recommenda-
tion for suspension to the Deputy Under Secretary
for Administration, to whom the Secretary of
State has delegated his power to suspend.
If the decision to suspend the employee is made
by the Deputy Under Secretary, he sends the file
to the Department's Security Counsel, who is as-
signed to his office. Here a lawyer abstracts from
the, file all information which may be furnished
the employee, and this data is the basis for the so-
called "letter of charges" which must be furnished
within 30 days of the notice of suspension.
The letter of charges is one of the most difficult
aspects of the administration of this program.
Although the employee has been given an oppor-
tunity earlier to explain orally such derogatory
information as the Department may furnish him,
it nnist be furnished again in writing.
This raises the issue of confrontation. It is a
most difficult issue. Having decided that employ-
ment is not clearly consistent, it seems imprudent
to furnish an individual classified information,
possibly furnished by another agency, to which he
is, if a security risk, surely not entitled. On the
other hand, in fairness, he must be given every
opportunity to explain. Like so many theoretical
dilemmas it seems to resolve itself in practice. I
cannot recall a single case in which the individual
has been adjudged on the basis of information of
which he has not the slightest inkling. In fact,
one of the oddities of this business is to find the
individual referring to an informant by name
when the informant's identity has been protected
from even the security officers.
If the employee desires to contest the Depart-
ment's action he is obliged to file a written answer.
Ocfober 10, ?955
573
He may furnish whatever supporting data he may
conckide is useful and may, of course, seek the
advice of counsel of his choice.
After the employee has made an answer, the
regulations provide that the Department's Ad-
ministrator and ,the Security Counsel shall review
the record and recommend either jointly or sever-
ally that the emjiloyee be reinstated in that his
answer is sufficient or separated in that his answer
is not sufficient.
The Deputy Under Secretary for Administra-
tion considers the recommendations. If he de-
termines the employee's answer is not sufficient,
the employee is entitled to a hearing as provided
by law.^°
Under the regulations a hearing board, com-
posed of a minimum of three employees of other
Federal departments or agencies, is empaneled
from a roster maintained by the Civil Service Com-
mission. As a matter of practice, board members
of equivalent rank and experience in Government
service are obtained. Panel members may not
serve if they are personally acquainted with the
employee who is being processed.
Under the hearing procedure the Department's
file is made available to the panel. The employee
and his attorney, if he so desires, appear before
the panel. The Security Counsel is present as a
representative of the Secretary of State and affords
legal assistance to the board.
The formal rules of evidence do not apply to this
procedure. Nor does the board or the employee
have subpoena power or funds to reimburse wit-
nesses who may be forced to travel to appear. The
board's function is to review the entire case in
order to advise the Secretary whether or not the
individual's continued employment is consistent
with the interests of national security. It ob-
viously is a further safeguard against unfair or
inadequately supported decisions.
At the conclusion of the hearing the board mem-
bers prepare jointly or severally a ^Memorandum
of Reasons. Their Memorandum of Reasons to-
gether with their advice to the Secretary is then
forwarded, with the file, directly to the Secretary
of State. Under the law he must personally re-
view or designate someone to personally review
the case before he renders a final decision, which
™ Under the provisions of P. L. 733 hearings are author-
ized only in the cases of employees who have a permanent
or indefinite appointment and have completed their pro-
bationary or trial period.
is not subject to review outside the Department."
As seems apparent from these procedures, the
role of the security administrator may be likened
to that of the grand jury in the judicial system.
He fuids, as it were, probable cause. His judg-
ment is subject to high-level review and hearing
before a final determination is made by still higher
authority.
There is one further item with respect to our
procedure which I should like to discuss. It has
to do with publicity regarding an individual's
case. It would be grossly unfair for the Depart-
ment of State to point its finger at an individual
and say publicly, "You, sir, are a security risk."
Yet, circumstances have forced the Department
to make public annoimcement as to the disposition
of a few cases, sometimes because the employee
himself publicized his case, sometimes because a
third person made an issue of the matter. In no
case, however, has the Department disclosed the
information, obtained in confidence, which makes
up its files.
The letter of suspension and all subsequent cor-
respondence in one of these cases is marked "Lim-
ited Official Use," and it is stated in the letter that
the Department regards the action as private
between itself and the employee.'^
There are, of course, many facets of the person-
nel security program which I have not explored in
the time allotted. Permit me to summarize this
statement briefly.
It is apparent that the final determination, even
after close adlierence to the law and the proce-
dures, is inevitably a matter of human judgment.
The best we can hope for in a security program
is that legally constituted authority will :
1. Recognize the danger, now primarily the
Communist conspiracy, which makes a program
necessary ;
2. Provide a system which will adequately de-
fend against that danger;
3. Establish fair procedures with reasonable
safeguards for the individual ; and
4. Place in the position of administrative re-
" These procedures are provided by Departmental Regu-
lations published on July 27, 1953 (vol. I, sub-chapter 390).
'" The form used in the State Department letters is as
follows : "This and subsequent communications will be
marked Limited Official Use in the light of the Depart-
ment's policy to regard these matters as personal between
itself and the employee. The policy is intended to pro-
tect the employee and is based upon a reciprocal regard of
the matter by the employee."
574
Department of Stale Bulletin
sponsibility those individuals who, to the best of
their ability, will render sound judgments without
fear or prejudice.
There is no human product which is not subject
to further perfection, and it will not be argued
that the security program is any exception. Im-
provements have been effected on the present pro-
gram during its short history of two and one-half
years. I am sure further ameliorations will come
to pass. They will evolve from the practical
knowledge and experience of those officially re-
sponsible for the carrying out of the program as
well as from the independent ideas of individuals
and groups especially interested, like your own.
All of us are in accord with the peculiarly Ameri-
can system of free criticism for cc«istructive ends.
As long as we know and understand the critical
danger which has required the existence of formal
security procedures in this country, and while we
keep ever before us the bright standard of liberty
which has led us throughout our history and which
makes us at once the envy of and the example to
other lands, we must continue to progress.
I feel that I could not better close my talk than
by repeating the most timely words of President
Eisenhower to the American Bar Association at
Philadelphia on August 24 this year."^ I think
his words state very lucidly the largest problem of
the world today — the problem from which the
necessity for security programs arises and from
which widespread and deep concern for the safety
and freedom of our people so justifiably stems.
These excerpts from the President's speech, with
which I will conclude, are very much in context.
"The central fact of today's life is the exist-
ence in the world of two great philosophies of
man and of government. They are in contest for
the friendship, loyalty, and support of the world's
peoples.
"On the one side, our Nation is ranged with
those who seek attainment of human goals through
a government of laws administered by men. Those
laws are rooted in moral law reflecting a religious
faith that man is created in the image of God
and that the energy of the free individual is the
most dynamic force in human affairs.
"On the other side are those who believe — and
many of tliem with evident sincerity — that luunan
goals can be most surely reached by a government
of men who rule by decree. Their decrees are
' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 375.
rooted in an ideology which ignores the faith that
man is a spiritual being, which establishes the all-
powerful state as the principal source of advance-
ment and progress.
"The spirit of Geneva, if it is to provide a
healthy atmosphere for the pursuit of peace, if
it is to be genuine and not spurious, must inspire
all to a correction of injustices, an observance of
human rights, and an end to subversion organized
on a worldwide scale."
Board of Foreign Scholarships
The President on September 24 appointed Mrs.
Bernice B. Cronkhite to be a member of the Board
of Foreign Scholarships for a term expiring Sep-
tember 22, 1957. On the same date he reappointed
the following for terms expiring September 22,
1958 : Samuel M. Browjiell, Koger Allan Moore,
Celestine Joseph Nuesse, and Philip H. Willkie.
Written Tests for Foreign Service
To Be Held in December
Press release 5159 dated September 29
The Department of State announced on Septem-
ber 29 that a 1-day written examination will be
given in 65 cities on December 9, 1955, for candi-
dates wishing to enter the career Foreign Service.
In support of the present program to publicize the
opportunities available in the Foreign Service,
25 Departmental and Foreign Service officers will
shortly visit nearly 200 colleges and universities
throughout the country to talk to young men and
women interested in a career in the Foreign Serv-
ice of the United States.
Requests to take the December examination
must be filed with the Board of Examiners, De-
partment of State, Washington, D. C, not later
than October 21. Informational material and
application forms may be obtained at college or
university placement offices or by writing to the
Department of State. Eligibility requirements
for candidates are :
1. The applicant must be at least 20 and under
31 years of age.
2. Must have been a citizen of the United States
for at least 10 years.
October 10, J 955
575
3. If married, must be married to an American
citizen.
Those successful in the 1-day written examina-
tion will be given a subsequent oral examination
before a traveling panel which will meet in re-
gional centers. Oral examinations will also be
given in Washington. Beginning salaries for
Foreign Service officers range from $4,400 to $5,-
500, depending on age and experience. Addi-
tional benefits include insurance, annual and sick
leave, and a generous retirement plan.
It is expected that approximately 300 officers
will be appointed during the coming year as a re-
sult of the vastly increased need for Foreign
Service officers. These appointments will be
made to fill positions both in the Department in
Washington and at over 250 posts in 77 countries
throughout the world.
Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee
on Trade and Economic Affairs
TEXT OF JOINT COMMUNIQUE i
1. The joint United States-Canadian Commit-
tee on Trade and Economic Affairs, which met in
Wasliington in March 1954," held its second meet-
ing in Ottawa today.
The United States was represented by :
Hon. John Foster Dulles.
Secretary of State
Hon. George M. Humplirey,
Secretary of the Treasury
Hon. Ezra Taft Benson,
Secretary of Agriculture
Hon. Sinclair Weeks,
Secretary of Commerce
Canada was represented by :
Rt. Hon. C. D. Howe, M.P.,
Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Defence Pro-
duction
Rt. Hon. J. G. Gardiner, M.P.,
Minister of Agriculture
Hon. L. B. Pearson, M.P.,
Secretary of State for External Affairs
Hon. W. E. Harris, M.P.,
Minister of Finance
' Issued at Ottawa on Sept. 26.
^ Bulletin of Apr. 5, 1954, p. 511.
2. In addition to the members of the Joint Com-
mittee, His Excellency Douglas Stuart, United
States Ambassador to Canada, and His Excel-
lency A. D. P. Heeney, Canadian Ambassador
to the United States, participated in the discus-
sions.
3. This Committee was established by the United
States and Canadian Governments to provide an
opportunity for Cabinet members of both coun-
tries concerned with economic and trade matters
to meet together periodically and review develop-
ments of common interest. Its existence sym-
bolizes the close and friendly relations existing
between the two countries and is evidence of the
interest which each country has in a great num-
ber and variety of economic questions affecting
the other. Its meetings supplement and rein-
force the daily exchanges which take place be-
tween official representatives and between private
citizens of the two countries.
4. At today's meeting the exchanges of views
dealt mainly with general commercial policies
and prospects, with progress being achieved in
dealing with broad international trade and pay-
ments problems, and with policies relating to trade
in agricultural products.
5. The Committee emphasized the importance of
encouraging a large and growing volume of mu-
tually beneficial trade between the United States
and Canada. They discussed the difficulties
which were experienced from time to time in this
connection. They shared the view that this trade
would develop most satisfactorily as part of a
wide-spread system of freer trade and payments.
Such a multilateral pattern of trade would also
best serve to sustain relations between the United
States and Canada, and between each of them and
the many countries with which they are associated
throughout the world, on a wholesome and dura-
ble basis. The Committee recognized that poli-
cies and practices which promoted these purposes
were important to the national well-being and
security of the two countries.
6. The Committee noted that, with the high
rates of employment and economic activity which
had prevailed in most parts of the world, the
level of international trade had generally been
well maintained during the past year. Wliile
some progress had been made in removing restric-
tions and reducing discrimination in many coun-
tries, there remained, however, a need for further
advances in this field.
576
Department of State Bulletin
7. It was realized that difficult, although, it is
hoped, temporary problems existed as a result of
the accumulation of large quantities of some agri-
cultural products in several countries. These
problems, if not handled carefully, could adversely
affect the trade in such products and might also
have damaging consequences for international
trade generally. The members of the Commit-
tee were able to acquaint one another with their
views on these matters. It was agreed that, in
dealing with these problems, there should be closer
consvdtation in an effort to avoid interference
with normal commercial marketings.
8. It was recalled that the initiative for the crea-
tion of this Committee had come from conversa-
tions between President Eisenhower and Prime
Minister St. Laurent in 1953,^ reflecting the keen
desire which both have always shown to improve
understanding and strengthen relations between
the two countries. At the meeting today the
Canadian members expressed their deep sym-
pathy with President Eisenhower in his illness
and their hopes that he would soon be restored to
full health.
Negotiations Concluded for Sale of
Agricultural Commodities to Japan
Press release 578 dated September 30
Representatives of the Government of Japan
and the United States concluded negotiation of
an agreement in Washington, D. C, on September
30, 1955, for the sale for yen to Japan of agricul-
tural commodities having a total value, including
certain transportation costs to be financed by the
United States, of $65,800,000. Under the agree-
ment Japan will purchase wheat, barley, cotton,
tobacco, corn, and other feedgrains. These com-
modities will be made available pursuant to title
I of the Agi'icultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act (Public Law 480, 83d Congress).
A major portion of the sales proceeds will be
used by the Japanese Government on a loan basis
for economic development purposes. The balance
of the proceeds will be used by the United States
for various purposes, including the purchase of
goods in Japan for other friendly countries, edu-
' Ihid., May 2.5, 1953, p. 752. For text of the agreement
establishing the Joint Committee, see ibid., Nov. 30, 1953,
p. 7.39.
cational exchange, agricultural market develop-
ment, and exi^enditures of the U.S. forces in
Japan.
The agreement was initialed on September 30 by
Thorsten Kalijarvi, Acting Deputy Under Secre-
tary of State for Economic Affairs, and Sadao
Iguchi, Ambassador of Japan. The agreement
will be formally signed in Tokyo within a few
weeks and will be submitted to the Japanese Diet
this fall for approval.
Trade Agreement With Guatemala
To Be Terminated
Press release 581 dated September 30
The U.S. Government notified the Guatemalan
Government on September 28, 1955, of its accept-
ance of the latter's proposal of August 2, 1955,
that the reciprocal trade agreement signed by both
countries in 1936 be terminated by mutual consent
on October 15, 1955.
This notification by the U.S. Government is the
product of discussions extending over a year be-
tween representatives of both Governments re-
garding Guatemala's difficulty in giving full effect
to the terms of the trade agreement. In making
its proposal, the Guatemalan Government stated
that its difficulty in applying the provisions of
the trade agreement was due to the antiquated
nature of its customs laws and tariffs. The
Guatemalan Government also stated that it
was considering the possibility of adhering to the
General Agreement on Tariff's and Trade and to
this end was making a detailed study which it
hoped to complete at an early date.
The action to terminate the trade agreement has
been taken in a spirit of full understanding and
good will between the two countries. By mutual
agreement the reciprocal trade agreement will
cease to have effect beginning with October 15,
1955. A proclamation terminating the proclama-
tion of May 16, 1936, which originally put the
trade agreement into force will be issued at a later
date by the U.S. Government.
Termination of tlie trade agreement will not
result in a change of duty on any product im-
ported into the United States from Guatemala.
All the items on which tariff concessions were given
to Guatemala in 1936 under the trade agreement
are either on the free list or, if dutiable, are now
bound in other trade agreements entered into by
Ocfober JO, 1955
577
the United States. The Guatemalan Government
has informed the U.S. Government that after ter-
mination of the trade agreement it intends to in-
crease duties on only a few products covered by
the trade agreement and only after thorough study
by the Guatemalan Tariff Commission.
Along with the acceptance of the Guatemalan
Government's proposal to terminate the trade
agreement, the U.S. Government expressed the
hope that the Guatemalan Government would find
it possible to negotiate for accession to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Following are the texts of the notes exchanged
between Domingo Goicolea Villacorta, Guate-
malan Minister of Foreign Affairs, and U.S. Am-
bassador Edward J. SjDarks.
Guatemala's Note to the United States
August 2, 1955
I have the honor to refer to the conversations between
representatives of the Government of Guatemala and of
the Government of the United States regarding termina-
tion, by mutual agreement, of the Trade Agreement of
April 24, 1936.
The Government of Guatemala has clearly made known
that its antiquated customs laws and tariffs and the con-
sequent need of revising them has rendered the applica-
tion of the provisions of the above-mentioned Trade
Agreement increasingly difficult. In view of this situation,
and in accordance with the above-mentioned conversa-
tions, I have the honor to propose to the Illustrious
Government of the United States that the Trade Agree-
ment between the Republic of Guatemala and the United
States of America, signed in this city the 24th of April
of 1936, cease to have effect beginning the 15th day of
October of 1955.
If the Government of the United States of America
agrees with the foregoing, this note and Your Excellency's
answer will constitute an arrangement between our two
Governments which will terminate the above-mentioned
Trade Agreement, and will become effective on the date
of Tour Excellency's note.
The Government of Guatemala is analyzing the possi-
bility of adhering to the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade and, to this end, is making a detailed study
of this matter which it hopes to complete at an early date.
I take this opportunity to renew to Your Excellency
the testimony of my most high and distinguished con-
sideration.
Domingo Goicolea Villacorta
United States Reply to Guatemala's Note
September 28, 1955
I have the honor to refer to your Excellency's note
dated August 2, 1955 relating to the termination by
mutual consent of the trade agreement signed April 24,
1936.
I have the honor to inform you that your proposal to
terminate the trade agreement by mutual consent effec-
tive October 15, 1955 is acceptable to the United States
Government and that your note and this reply shall con-
stitute an agreement between our two governments which
shall enter into force today.
I am pleased to note that the Government of Guate-
mala is considering the possibility of adhering to the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and to this end is
making a detailed study which it hopes to complete at
an early date. The United States Government hopes
that upon completion of this study the Government of
Guatemala will find it possible to undertake negotiations
with a view to its accession to the General Agreement.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my
highest consideration.
Edward J. Sparks
Renegotiation off Tariff Concessions
With Four Nations
The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 29 (press release 571) that, in accordance
with provisions of the General Agreement on
Tariff's and Trade and under procedures estab-
lished by the Contracting Parties, negotiations for
the modification of concessions previously made
under the agreement have been concluded between
the United States and Italy, Peru, Turkey, and
the Union of South Africa, respectively.^ The
four renegotiations have resulted in no changes in
U.S. duties.
"NMien the Contracting Parties to the general
agreement took action early this year to extend
the firm life of the tariff concessions in the agree-
ment from July 2, 1955, to December 31, 1957,
they agreed that prior to such extension a country
could renegotiate individual tariff concessions with
a view to their modification or withdrawal. Pro-
cedures for renegotiations were developed at the
eighth and ninth sessions of the Contracting Par-
ties. Under article XXVIII of the agreement a
country wishing to withdraw or modify a conces-
sion first must try to reach agreement with other
interested countries. The usual basis for agree-
ment is the granting of new concessions as com-
pensation for the withdrawn concession.
Italy negotiated with the United States for the
increase of the Italian concession rate on typeset-
^ For details of the negotiations, see General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade: Analysis of Renegotiation of Cer-
tain Tariff Concessions (Italy, Pern, Union of South Afri-
ca, and Turkey), Department of State publication 6001,
for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov-
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C, 15 cents.
578
Departmenf of State Bulletin
ting and typefounding machines and parts. As
compensation to the United States for this in-
crease, Italy agreed to reduce its tariff rates on
punchcard machines for accounting and statistics
and on parts for these machines. In 1954, U.S.
exports of the items on which the rate was re-
duced are estimated to have been about $900,000,
while exports of the products on which the rate
was increased amounted to $554,000.
The Peruvian negotiations were more exten-
sive, resulting in the withdrawal of 59 concessions
and the modification upward of 2 others. As com-
pensation for these actions, Peru granted 90 new
concessions to the United States and other coun-
tries. These compensatory concessions cover im-
ports from the United States in 1954 of more
than $1-3 million. Imports from the U.S. of the
products affected by the modifications and with-
drawals were valued at about $7.6 million in 1954.
In 1954 the Contracting Parties to the general
agreement authorized Turkey to enter into nego-
tiations with interested countries with a view to
reaching agreement so that Turkey could make
effective its new tariff law which, among other
things, changed the basis of the tariff generally
from specific to ad valorem duties. As one of the
interested parties, the United States consulted
with representatives of Turkey. The United
States concluded that by and large the Turkish
proposals were reasonable in view of the generally
low level of the new tariff' and since, in the process
of converting from specific to ad valorem duties,
the apparent increases in the bound rates on some
items were largely offset by reductions on others.
In the course of the consultations, Turkey agreed,
at the request of the United States, to lower the ad
valorem rates on certain items of particular inter-
est to the United States.
The Union of South Africa has withdrawn gen-
eral agreement concessions on 15 tariff items and
increased the rate on 2 others. As compensation
for the withdrawals and modifications of rates,
South Africa has granted concessions on 17 items.
Of these compensatory concessions, 14 involved
removal or reduction of the duty, 2 involved bind-
ings at the current duty-free rate, and 1 a binding
of a ceiling rate. Only one of these compensatory
concessions was made directly to the United
States. The value of the U.S. trade benefited by
this direct concession — on transmission chains in
uncut lengths — is substantially greater than that
adversely affected by the withdrawal of the three
concessions negotiated directly with the United
States. In addition, U.S. trade in items on which
concessions were granted directly to other coun-
tries has been considerably greater than its trade
in items on which concessions were withdrawn or
modified.
Corrections to Published List
of Articles imported into U.S.
Press release 568 dated September 29
Notice was given on September 29 of several
corrections to the list of products to be considered
in the tariff negotiations announced in Depart-
ment of State publication 5993 of September 21,
1955. These are in addition to those noted in the
errata list which was contained in the booklet. A
notice of the changes required to correct the list
has been issued. The corrections which should
be made in the original list are shown below.
The original notice of the Committee for Eeci-
procity Information ^ also omitted reference to
the possibility of filing briefs in the event the per-
sons filing do not wish to be heard. As in the past,
however, the Committee stands ready to receive
such briefs, and they, like briefs of persons desir-
ing to be heard, should be submitted not later than
12 : 00 noon, October 17, 1955. An amended notice
to this effect has been issued.
Corrections To Be Made in the September 21 List
Par. 35: Delete the word "drugs".
Par. 217: Change the period at the end of the descrip-
tive language to a comma and add "and if holding less
than 1/4 pint".
Par. 218(e) (h) : After the word "filled" insert "with
toilet preparations,".
Par. 230(d): Delete the language "building blocks or
bricks, crystal color, and pressed and polished but un-
decorated".
Par. 339: Change the word "household" the second
time it appears to "hospital".
Par. 106: For the word "Offal", substitute "Edible
animal livers, kidneys, tongues, hearts, sweetbreads,
tripe, and brains, fresh, chilled, or frozen".
Par. 1003: Delete "20-pound but not finer in size than".
Par. 1021: Insert at the end of the descriptive language
"(except grass or rice straw floor coverings)".
Par. 1529(a) [27]; Delete the underscoring under the
last word "Other".
Par. 1531: Insert "straps and strops;" before "wearing
apparel, wholly or in chief value of reptile leather ;".
' Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 510.
Ocfober 70, 7955
579
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings '
Adjourned during September 1955
9th Edinburgh Film Festival Edinburgh Aug. 21-Sept. 11
1st U. N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Geneva Aug. 22-Sept. 3
International Wool Textile Research Conference Sydney (Australia) Aug. 22-Sept. 9
16th International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art Venice Aug. 25-Sept. 10
International Astronomical Union: 9th General Assembly .... Dublin Aug. 29-Sept. 5
14th International Horticultural Congress Scheveningen (Netherlands) . . Aug. 29-Sept. 6
U. N. Economic Commission for Latin America: 6th Session . . . Bogotd Aug. 29-Sept. 17
IcAO 2d Air Navigation Conference Montreal Aug. 30-Sept. 27
International Association for Hydraulic Research: 6th Congress . . The Hague Aug. 31-Sept. 6
9th International Congress of Refrigeration Paris Aug. 31-Sept. 8
IcAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Chartering and Hiring of The Hague Sept. 1-6
Baltic and North Sea Radiotelephone Conference Goteborg (Sweden) Sept. 1-21
Damascus International Fair Damascus Sept. 2-30
20th Salonika International Trade Fair Salonika Sept. 4-25
International Commission for Criminal Police: 24th General Istanbul Sept. 5-9
Assembly.
International" Scientific Tobacco Congress Pans Sept. 6-10
IcAO Diplomatic Conference for the Purpose of Finalizing the The Hague Sept. 6-30
Protocol of Amendment of the Warsaw Convention.
U. N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri- New York Sept. 8-9
tories: Reconvened 6th Session.
Unicep Executive Board and Program Committee New York Sept. 8-17
International Rubber Studv Group: Management Committee . . London Sept. 9 (1 day)
Paso Directing Council: 8th Meeting; and Who Regional Com- Washington Sept. 9-21
mittee: 7th meeting.
19th Levant Fair Bari (Italy) Sept. 9-27
International Union of Public Transportation: 31st Congress. . . Naples Sept. 11-17
U. N. Refugee Fund: 1st Meeting of Standing Program Subcom- Geneva Sept. 12-16
mittee.
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and Inter- Istanbul Sept. 12-17
national Monetary Fund: 10th Annual Meeting of Boards of
Governors.
U. N. EcAFE Working Party of Experts on Hydrologic Termi- Bangkok Sept. 12-24
U. N. EcE Timber Committee: 13th Session Geneva Sept. 13-17
Who Regional Committee for Western Pacific: 6th Session .... Singapore Sept. 13-19
Gatt Working Party on Tariff Reductions Geneva Sept. 15-21
Fag International Chestnut Commission Rome Sept. 19-24
Joint Fao/Who Conference on Food Additives Geneva Sept. 19-24
Pan American Highway Congress: Technical Committee on High- Lima Sept. 19-24
way Organization and Planning.
9th Pan American Congress of Architects Caracas Sept. 19-28
International Sugar Council: 5th Session London Sept. 20-21
U. N. EcE Coal Committee Geneva Sept. 21-22
Anzus Council: 3d Meeting Washington Sept. 24 (1 day)
Fag Near East Forestry Commission: 1st Session Teheran Sept. 24-29
In Session as of September 30, 1955
U. N. Disarmament Commission: Subcommittee of Five New York Aug. 29-
Negotiation of a South Pacific Fisheries Conservation Convention . . Santiago Sept. 1 4-
U. N. General Assembly: 10th Session New York Sept. 20-
Gatt Intersessional Committee Geneva Sept. 22-
Ilo Textiles Committee: 5th Session Geneva Sept. 26-
' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 30, 1955. Asterisks Indicate tentative dates. Following is
a list of abbreviations : U.N.. United Nations ; Icao, International Civil Aviation Organization : Unicef, United Nations
Children's Fund ; Paso, Pan American Sanitary Organization ; Who, World Health Organization ; Ec.vfe, Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East; Ece, Economic Commission for Europe; Gatt, General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade ; Fao, Food and Agriculture Organization ; Anztjs, Australia-New Zealand-United States; Ilo, International
Labor Organization ; Icem, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration ; Inr, International Telecommunica-
tion Union; Unesco, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; Ecosoc, Economic and Social
Council ; Nato, North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
580 Department of %tate Bulletin
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
In Session as of September 30, 1955 — Continued
U. N. EcE Conference of European Statisticians: 3d Session . . . Geneva Sept. 26-
U. N. EcE Committee for the Development of Trade and East- West Geneva Sept. 26-
Trade Consultations.
International Conference on Regional Planning and Development . . London Sept. 28-
Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Singapore Sept. 2&-
Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : Officials Meeting.
Fag Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council: 6th Meeting Tokyo Sept. 30-
Fao Meeting To Consider Report on Stabilization of the Interna- Bangkok Sept. 30-
tional Trade in Rice.
Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1955
U. N. Conference on Olive Oil Geneva Oct. 3-
Fao Latin American Forestry Commission: 5th Session Caracas Oct. 4-
IcEM Executive Committee: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 6-
IcAO Facilitation Division: 4th Session Manila Oct. 10-
Fao European Forestry Commission: 8th Session Rome Oct. 10-
Fao European Forestry Commission: Working Party on Afforesta- Rome Oct. 12-
tion and Reforestation
Postal Union of the Americas and Spain: 7th Congress Bogotd Oct. 12-
Fao Technical Meeting on Poultry Production in Asia and the Poona (India) Oct. 17-
Far East
Consultative Committee for Economic Development in South and Singapore Oct. 17-
Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan) : Ministerial Meeting
Ilo Committee on Work on Plantations: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17-
IcEM Council: 3d Session Geneva Oct. 17-
International Rubber Study Group: 12th Meeting Monrovia (Liberia) Oct. 17-
Itu International Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ccit): Study Geneva Oct. 17-
Group IX
UNESCO Conference on the Dissemination of Science Madrid Oct. 19-
Unesco International Advisory Committee on Marine Sciences and Tokyo Oct. 19-
Regional Symposium on Physical Oceanography
Fag Committee on Commodity Problems: 26th Session Rome Oct. 20-
Annual World Modern Pentathlon Championships Macolin (Switzerland) .... Oct. 21-
South Pacific Commission: 14th Session Noumea (New Caledonia) . . . Oct. 22-
Gatt Intersessional Committee Geneva Oct. 24-
International Council for the Exploration of the Sea: 43d Annual Copenhagen Oct. 24-
Meeting
U. N. EcAPE Inland Waterway Subcommittee: 3d Session .... Dacca (Pakistan) Oct. 24-
International Wheat Council: 18th Session Geneva Oct. 25*-
International Wheat Conference Geneva Oct. 26-
Itu International Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ccit): Study Geneva Oct. 26-
Group VIII
IcAO Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting Manila Oct. 27-
Meeting of Foreign Ministers of France, United Kingdom, Union of Geneva Oct. 27-
Soviet Socialist Republics, and United States
Gatt Contracting Parties: 10th Session Geneva Oct. 27-
Fao Council: 22d Session Rome Oct. 28-
International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 3d Meeting . . Tokyo Oct. 31-
U. N. EcAFE Working Party on Economic Development and Plan- Bangkok Oct. 31-
ning: 1st Meeting.
International Exposition on "The Child in the World" Rome Nov. 1-
Fag Conference: 8th Session Rome Nov. 4-
Silver Jubilee Fair in Celebration of the 25th Anniversary of the Addis Ababa Nov. 5-
Coronation of the Emperor.
International Wool Study Group: 6th Meeting London Nov. 8-
Unesco Executive Board: 42d Meeting Paris Nov. 9-
U. N. Ecafe Working Party on Small-Scale Industries and Handi- Bangkok Nov. 14-
craft Marketing: 4th Meeting.
Ilo Governing Body: 130th Session Geneva Nov. 15-
U. N. Ecape Highway Subcommittee: 3d Session Bangkok or Manila Nov. 21-
1st International Congress on Documentation of Applied Chemistry . London Nov. 22-
2d International Fair and Exposition of Colombia Bogota Nov. 25-
Fao Council: 23d Session Rome Nov. 26-
North Pacific Fur Seal Conference Washington Nov. 28-
U. N. EcGsoc Commission on International Commodity Trade: Geneva Nov. 28-
Resumed 2d Session.
Ilo Asian Technical Conference on Vocational Training for Indus- Rangoon Nov. 28-
try.
1st European Civil Aviation Conference Strasbourg Nov. 29-
U. N. EcE Electric Power Committee Geneva Nov. 30-
U. N. Trusteeship Council: Special Session New York November
Unescg Conference on Cultural Relations and International Cooper- Paris Dec. 1-
ation.
Ocfober JO, 1955 581
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
Scheduled October 1-December 31, 1955 — Continued
UNESCO Conference of Experts on the Cultural Integration of
Immigrants.
Caribbean Commission: 21st Meeting
Fag International Rice Commission: 5th Meeting of Working Party
on Fertilizers and 6th Meeting of Working Party on Rice
Breeding.
U.N. Seminar on Population Problems in Latin America
U.N. EcAFE Railway Subcommittee: 4th Session
U.N. EcE Steel Committee
Ilo Inter-American Regional Technical Meeting on Cooperatives. .
Ciudad Trujillo International Fair
International Institute for the Protection of Childhood: Biannual
Meeting of Directing Council.
Conference of Geologists in British West Indian Territory
Nato: Ministerial Meeting of the Council
U.N. Economic and Social Council: Resumed 20th Session
Caracas Dec. 2-
Aruba (Netherlands Antilles) . . Dec. 5*-
Penang (Malaya) Dec. 5-
Rio de Janeiro Dec. 5-
New Delhi or Bombay Dec. 5-
Geneva Dec. 5-
Mexico, D.F Dec. 7-
Ciudad Trujillo Dec. 20-
Montevideo December*
Antigua (Leeward Islands) . . December
Paris December*
New York December
Danger to Future off U.N. Inherent
in Discussion of Algeria
Statement by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Bepresentative to the General Assembly ^
Mr. President, we believe the Assembly should
bear in mind certain relevant factors as it decides
whether to inscribe in its agenda the item entitled
"The Question of Algeria."
Remembering that a vote on the inscription of
an item is without prejudice to the ultimate ques-
tion of the Assembly's competence, we must never-
theless in this particular case take into account the
following :
Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, which are Fi-ench
protectorates, Algeria under French law is ad-
ministratively an integral part of the French
Republic.
We have noted in the explanatory memorandum
(Document A/2924) which has been submitted
by the members that have proposed the item re-
^Made in plenary session on Sept. 30 (U.S. delegation
press release 2213). At the same meeting the Assembly
rejected the General Committee's recommendation against
Inscription of the Algerian question (Bulletin of Oct. 3,
1955, p. 54G). The vote on the recommendation was 27
(Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia,
Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, France,
Haiti, Honduras, Israel, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New
Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Peru, Sweden, Tur-
key, Union of South Africa, U.K., U.S., Venezuela ) —28
(Afghanistan, Argentina, Bolivia, Burma, Byelorussia,
Costa Rica, Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Greece, Guatemala,
India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Liberia, Mexico,
Pakistan, Philippines, Poland, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Thai-
land, Ukraine, U.S.S.R., Uruguay, Yemen, Yugoslavia).
There were 5 abstentions (China, El Salvador, Ethiopia,
Iceland, Paraguay).
specting Algeria that it is stated that "there is an
imperative need for negotiations between the Gov-
ernment of France and the true representatives
of the Algerian people" and that consideration of
the Algerian question by the General Assembly
would facilitate a solution by making the need for
negotiation evident. We have noted further that
reference is made to the right of the people of Al-
geria to independence as well as to the concern of
the international community in a prompt solution
of the Algerian problem, a concern to which the
French Goverimient is claimed to have failed to
respond. Now, Mr. President, this memorandum
indicates clearly that what is sought by the spon-
sors of the item is the sanction of the General
Assembly to a course of action intended to bring
about fundamental changes in the composition of
one of the General Assembly's own members, that
is, the French Republic. If it doesn't mean that,
it doesn't mean anything.
The United States believes that the proposed
item, viewed in the context of this action proposed
to be sought in the General Assembly, falls within
the provisions of article 2, paragraph 7, of the
United Nations Charter.
Let me say this final word. There is grave
danger to the future of the United Nations in
taking up questions whose consideration would
conflict with the provisions of article 2, paragraph
7. We definitely think that this danger is inherent
in the pending question. Now, of course, this As-
sembly can vote as it wishes, but we should be com-
pletely clear in our own minds as to just exactly
what it is that we are doing.
For these reasons, the United States will vote to
support the recommendation of the General Com-
mittee that this item not be included in the agenda.
582
Department of S/afe Rulleiln
Question of Inscribing Soviet Item
on Relaxing International Tension
Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr}
Mr. President, the United States will vote to
inscribe the pending item on the agenda of the
Tenth Session of the General Assembly.
The draft resolution submitted under this item
makes reference to the recent Geneva meeting of
the four Heads of Government, to the Bandung
conference, and to the desirability of Governments
continuing their efforts to consolidate world peace
and improve international relations. These senti-
ments are, of course, unexceptionable. We hope
they portend early progress toward the just settle-
ment of international differences.
There are several questions which arise with re-
spect to the draft resolution, but today I refer only
to that portion of the resolution which says that
the General Assembly :
. . . attaches particular importance to the considera-
tion of proposals by States designed to put an end to the
armaments race and to settle outstanding International
problems through negotiations ; to consideration of the
proposals of the Soviet Government of 10 May and 21
July 1955 on the reduction of armaments, the prohibition
of atomic weapons and the removal of the threat of a
new war, the proposal of the United States of America
on a general plan lor the implementation of the disarma-
ment proposals made by the President of the United
States on 21 July 1955 at Geneva, and the proposals in-
troduced at Geneva by the United Kingdom and by France,
and of pertinent proposals by other States.
Mr. President, the United States had hoped that
by this time the Soviet Union would have re-
sponded affirmatively to President Eisenhower's
proposal for aerial inspection and the exchange of
information on military establishments. We re-
'Made before the General Committee on Sept. 29 (U.S.
delegation press release 2212) on the question of inscrib-
ing the Soviet resolution entitled "Measures for the Fur-
ther Relaxation of International Tension and Development
of International Cooperation" (U.N. doc. A/2981). The
General Committee decided without objection to recom-
mend inclusion of the item and its allocation to the First
Committee.
gret that this has not yet happened because the
United States continues to regard this proposal
as the most promising first step toward far-reach-
ing disarmament. This is the step we think which
could lead to real progress soon. We think, ac-
cordingly, that the Soviet language in this re-
spect is rather weak — I might say rather dilatory —
as far as substance is concerned. We shall none-
theless, as I have said, vote to inscribe this item.
We shall deal with the substance when the matter
comes up in committee.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
General Assembly
Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the Tenth
Kegidar Session of the General Assembly : Items Pro-
posed by India, (a) Reports of the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission in Korea ; (b) Problem of Ex-
Prisoners of the Korean War. Letter dated 21 August
1955 addressed to the Secretary-General by the Perma-
nent Representative of India to the United Nations.
A/2941, August 22, 1955. 1 p. mimeo.
Information from Non-Self-Governiug Territories Trans-
mitted Under Article 73e of the Charter : Report of the
Secretary-General and of the Committee on Information
from Non-Self-Governing Territories. Offers of Study
and Training Facilities Under Resolution 845 (IX) of
22 November 1954. Report of the Secretary-General.
A/2937, August 26, 1955. 29 pp. mimeo.
Headquarters of the United Nations. Report of the Sec-
retary-General. A/2948, August 30, 1955. 3 pp. mimeo.
Request for the Inclusion of an Additional Item in the
Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session : Item Proposed
by India. Dissemination of Information on the Effects
of Atomic Radiation and on the Effects of Experimental
Explosions of Thermo-Nuclear Bombs. Letter dated 30
August 1955 addressed to the Secretary-General by the
Permanent Representative of India to the United Na-
tions. A/2949, August 31, 1955. 1 p. mimeo.
Economic and Social Council
Economic Commission for Latin America. Progress Re-
port on the Study on Social Conditions of Economic
Development. E/CN.12/374, July 15, 1955. 36 pp.
mimeo.
Economic Commission for Latin America. Analysis and
Prospects of Inter-Central-Americau Trade. E/CN.12/
367, July 20, 1955. 46 pp. mimeo.
Economic Commission for Latin America. Pulp and
Paper Prospects in Latin America. E/CN.12/370, July
20, 1955. 65 pp. mimeo.
World Social Situation. Report of the Social Committee.
E/2780, July 21, 1955. 13 pp. mimeo.
Ocfober ?0, 1955
583
Economic and Social Progress by Women of the Americas
TENTH ASSEMBLY OF THE INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION OF WOMEN, MAY 29-JUNE 16
by Mrs. Frances M. Lee
The Tenth Assembly of the Inter- American
Commission of Women, which met from May 29
to June 16, 1955, is of unusual interest because it
was held at San Juan, Puerto Rico, at the invita-
tion of the United States Govenunent, and also
because it considered major economic and edu-
cational problems facing women in this hemi-
sphere.
The Inter- American Commission of Women is
composed of delegates from each of the 21 Ameri-
can Republics, appointed by their respective gov-
ernments. It works for the extension of women's
rights and has headquarters in the Pan American
Union. Its assemblies have been held in a num-
ber of Latin American capitals. The Govern-
ment of Haiti had originally invited the Com-
mission to hold its Tenth Assembly at Port-au-
Prince in November 1954 but was forced to cancel
plans because of damage caused by the hurricane
which struck Haiti only a few weeks before the
Oldening date.
The United States invitation for the Tenth As-
sembly was extended at the instance of Governor
Luis Mufioz IMarin of Puerto Rico, and the Puerto
Rican Government provided all local facilities,
including the services of a secretariat. President
Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles sent greetings
which were read at the oj^ening session in the
Legislative Palace.^ As customary at meetings of
the Commission, Mrs. Eisenhower, as the wife of
the President of the host Government, was elected
honorary chairman of the assembly, and in recog-
nition of the hospitality accorded by the Gov-
ernment of Puerto Rico, Mrs. Muiioz Marin was
elected honorary vice chairman. Mrs. Muiioz
Marin was invited to address a plenary session
and expressed her profound interest, and that of
the people of the Commonwealth, in the meeting
and in the progress of American women.
Delegates were present from 15 of the Ameri-
can Republics — Argentina, Brazil, Colombia,
Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Ecua-
dor, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nic-
aragua, Panama, Paraguay, and the United States.
Official representatives came from the United
Nations to explain the work of the Commission
on the Status of Women, and from the Interna-
tional Labor Organization [IloJ. The United
States delegation included two alternate delegates :
Mrs. Gladys Dorris Barber, who has had wide
experience in women's and civic organizations in
this country and now resides at Bogota, where
her husband is Counselor of Embassy ; and Mrs.
Felisa Rincon de Gautier, the Mayor of San Juan,
who has served in official posts in Puerto Rico for
many years. The United States delegation also
had the assistance of two advisers from the Puerto
Rican Department of Education, Mrs. Margarita
Pont Marchand and Miss Maria Socorro Lacot.
Thirty-eight nongovernmental observers from the
United States were accredited, rejiresenting Gov-
ernment agencies, the faculty of the University
• Mrs. Lee., author of the above article., is U.S.
Representative on the Inter-American Commis-
sion of Women and served as U.S. delegate at its
Tenth Assemhly .
' Texts of the greetings are included in Mrs. Lee's open-
ing address, which, together with the speech of welcome
by Mrs. Rincon de Gautier, Mayor of San Juan, is an-
nexed to this report.
584
Department of State Bulletin
of Puerto Rico, and some 20 women's organiza-
tions, including the General Federation of "Wom-
en's Clubs, the Girl Scouts, the National Council
of Catholic Women, the Hadassah, the Y^VCA,
the Voluntary Services of the Red Cross, the
American Legion Auxiliary, and others with in-
ternational affiliations.
Progress since the Ninth Assemblj' of the Com-
mission in 1953 was reported by many delegates.
In this period, Colombia and Honduras had
achieved woman suffrage, and the women in Haiti
had exercised the franchise for the first time, in
local elections last January. Paraguay adopted
legislation last year provieling equality for women
in the general field of civil rights. The number of
women holding elective and appointive office in the
American Republics is increasing rapidly. The
chairman of the Commission, Mi-s. Maria Concep-
cion de Chaves of Paraguay, reported women in
the i^arliaments of ten of the twenty-one Republics,
two women as cabinet ministers, and three serving
as ambassadors or ministers to foreign countries.
In 1928, when the Inter- American Commission of
Women was first organized, the only member coun-
try in which women had suffrage rights was the
United States ; at this Assembly the record showed
women voting in all but two of the American Re-
publics, usually on equal terms with men.
In accordance with a plan adopted by the Com-
mission in 1953, the Assembly this year concen-
trated its attention in the social and economic field,
leaving consideration of civil and political ques-
tions until its next meeting. This alternation per-
mitted better use of documentation prepared in
advance by the Commission secretariat and more
thorough discussion of proposals.
EconomiG Matters Discussed
On the economic side, the Commission reaffirmed
its support of equal pay for equal work for women,
noting the standards already approved by the Ilo
and urging governments to implement the prin-
ciple in domestic legislation. One of the resolu-
tions adopted was based on a United States pro-
posal and provides for informational materials
which the delegates can use in their own countries
in the press, in regular publications of women's
organizations, and in other ways. Since the con-
stitutions of many of the Latin American Repub-
lics incorporate the principle of equal pay for
equal work, the problem is primarily one of prac-
tical implementation and enforcement of legal
provisions. The United States delegation contrib-
uted a brief analysis based on experience in this
country in the 16 States having equal-pay laws.
The United States has stressed the necessity of
equal opportunity to attain this goal.
The Commission made further plans for three
projects initiated in earlier assemblies. The first
of these is a study of the situation and economic
responsibilities of women workers in the Americas,
requested by the Ninth International Conference
of American States at Bogota in 1948. A technical
survey which might be the basis for this study was
completed late in 1953 and has since been reviewed
by the delegates and interested international agen-
cies. Because of the length of the report, the Com-
mission decided further referrals to governments
and official bodies should be in sunamary form. A
full report, to be submitted to the next Inter- Amer-
ican Conference in 1958, will include current in-
formation. While certain statements in the survey
were criticized by some of the delegates, there was
general agreement that the burdens for family sup-
port carried by working women were far greater
than is usually realized and that much needs to be
done, particularly to prepare girls and women to
earn adequately in relation to their responsibilities.
Among other measures advocated by the Com-
mission to improve economic opportunities for
women is a "continental campaign" of visits to
selected countries to stimulate local action, and a
conference of leaders in government agencies deal-
ing with women woi'kers. Since the Ilo conducted
a Conference on Women's Work at Lima, Peru,
last December, the Conmiission invited its assist-
ance in further projects.
Because of wide interest in the work of the
Women's Bureau in our Department of Labor, the
U.S. delegation provided an exliibit illustrating
its program and many of its publications. An
explanation of the exhibit, circulated in Spanish,
proved highly popular.
Need for Adequate Education
The field of education attracted major interest
in the Assembly because of an increasing realiza-
tion that, until more women are equipped through
schooling in their early years, they caiuiot make a
full contribution to the economic or to the political
life of their countries. Among the delegates wei-e
several who are currently professors or adminis-
OcfoJjer 70, 7955
585
trators in educational institutions and others who
are engaged in jsrofessions requiring long prep-
aration. Although few, if any, legal restrictions
on education for women exist in the American
Republics, in many areas it has not been customary
for girls to remain in school long enough to obtain
adequate training. The Commission had adopted
i-ecommendations on education in previous assem-
blies, but it had not accumulated statistics on the
comparative situation of boys and girls in the vari-
ous countries nor specific information which
might help to promote an appreciation of educa-
tional needs. The Assembly therefore concen-
trated on further work in tlie primary and elemen-
tary field. It also urged increased budgets for
education, and attention to the particular problems
of vocational education and adult illiteracy.
A proposal advanced by the United States and
adopted unanimously recognized that equal work
opportunities for women and equal pay are objec-
tives which require equal educational opportuni-
ties, and that such opportunities are likewise essen-
tial to equip women for their responsibilities in the
family and in community life. A resolution pro-
posed by the Haitian delegation pointed out that,
in these days of rapid conununication, mechaniza-
tion, and industrial development, the woman who
cannot read is not able to be a good worker and is
also seriously handicapped in utilizing technical
agriculture advice offered by the governments and
other sources. It adds, "Home life requires capac-
ity on the part of a mother to read and write."
The Commission also urged the creation of local
committees which might encourage parents to edu-
cate their daughters and help girls trying to
continue through high school or college.
The assemblies of the Inter-American Commis-
sion of Women provide an opportunity to inter-
est governments in the problems and capacities of
women in relation to national life. However, the
analysis and exchange of experience during the
assemblies go far beyond the agenda of the par-
ticular meeting, for many countries lack the abun-
dance of information we take for granted in the
United States, and the personal observations of
the delegates are an important part of their re-
ports. "V^liile there are great variations among
the American Republics, there are also great simi-
larities ; the deserts, the farms, and the cities of the
United States offer situations as diverse and as
full of human need as areas south of our border,
and this is true also of every other country. The
assemblies open the way for recognition of com-
mon problems and of mutual interest in their
solution.
I am greatly encouraged that so many of our
■women's organizations sent observers to the As-
sembly at San Juan, for I believe that the Inter-
American Commission of Women is one of the
instrmnents through which the people of the
Americas can gain greater confidence in each other
and in the constructive processes of government.
The Dominican Republic has invited the Commis-
sion to hold its next Assembly at Ciudad Trujillo.
This meeting will probably take place late in 1956,
and I hope that organizations in this counti-y will
begin now to formulate plans to send observers,
including the provision of necessary expenses. I
hope also that women throughout the Americas
will take full advantage of opportunities for ex-
change visits and study offered by governments
and private sources, so that we can increase our
knowledge of and acquaintance with each other.
ANNEX I— OPENING ADDRESS BY MRS. LEE
It is my privilege to welcome this Tenth As-
sembly of the Inter-American Commission of
Women on behalf of the Government of the
United States. It is a double privilege to welcome
this Assembly to San Juan, which is at once a
North American and a Latin American city. I
have here a message from the President of the
United States, which I shall read first in English
and then in Spanish translation. The President
says:
In welcoming this Tenth Assembly of the Inter-Ameri-
can Commission of Women to the United States, I feel
great satisfaction that our common purpose can be further
strensthened by the cooperation of the Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico. Here, the rich cultui'es of the Americas
are joined in mutual understanding.
Since this Commission was first organized, in 1928, the
capacity of women for public service and leadership has
been increasingly recognized. Today, American women
are Members of Congresses and Cabinets ; they are Dele-
gates to our great International Conferences, and they
are serving with great ability as Ambassadors of Govern-
ments. This progress is a tribute to the influence of the
Inter-American Commission of Women.
I have also a message from the Secretary of State,
John Foster Dulles. He says:
I am aslving Mrs. Lee to bring you my personal greeting
at the opening of the Tenth Assembly of the Inter-Ameri-
can Commission of Women in San Juan, where you are
meeting on an invitation extended by the United States
586
Department of State Bulletin
Goyernment at the cordial instance of the Governor of
the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.
I am sure that the United States, along with all other
Members of the Commission, will continue to gain by its
work on behalf of the women of America. Will you
please express to each of the Delegates my confidence in
the success of the Assembly.
We are all aware, I am sure, of the preparations
made by the Government of the Commonwealth
of Puerto Kico for this meeting. The women of
Puerto Eico have participated in previous meet-
ings of our Commission in various ways. The ex-
perience of the Government of Puerto Rico has
often had direct bearing on our work because the
legal system in this area goes back to the same
Spanish colonists who settled in Central and South
America.
Women throughout the United States have been
proud of the record women have made here in
Puerto Eico through their organizations and in
public office. As you know, San Juan has had a
lady mayor for the past 9 years, and other cities
here in Puerto Eico have also elected women
mayors. The first woman was elected to the
Puerto Eican legislature more than 20 years ago,
in 1932. This was in advance of many legislatures
in the continental United States and helped set a
standard for them. The present vice president of
the Puerto Eican House of Eepresentatives is a
woman who, besides long and distinguished service
in that body, has been successful also as a coffee
grower and a teacher.
I do not need to tell you, perhaps, that this early
recognition of women in Puerto Eico stems from
,in old tradition, the same Hispanic tradition that
holds a woman's name equal with that of her
husband in marriage. After all, it was from this
island of Puerto Eico that some of the first Carib-
bean leadership for women came, in the fields of
education and the arts as well as in the long and
ultimately successful campaign for full iJolitical
recognition of women citizens here. It is interest-
ing to recall that Puerto Eican men have been
actively interested in this jjrogress as well as
Puerto Eican women. In this connection we need
only remember the honored name of Eugenio
Maria de Hostos, who helped establish the splen-
did school system of the Eepublic of Chile and was
largely responsible for the admission of women to
the National University of that country — a privi-
lege granted in Chile sooner than in any other
country of the hemisphere.
Most of the laws which actually determine the
status of women itt the United States are within
the jurisdiction of our local governments, so that
the work of this Commission has its effect in the
United States chiefly when it is taken into account
by local governing bodies. Education, marriage,
guardianship, for example, are considered local
matters to be determined within the States. From
a practical point of view, there is great merit,
therefore, in our meeting here in San Juan where
local leaders can become familiar with our work.
We are meeting in the Western Hemisphere, the
largest area in the world in which people have the
right to determine their countries' development
under a system of cooperation which has been an
example to the world in its functioning and accom-
plishment. In this hemisphere governments and
peoples gather without fear of each other. No-
where else is there so great a hope. We can no
longer limit our task to the elimination of specific
discrimination against women and of legal barriers
to their education and employment. These dis-
criminations and barriers have to a great extent
disappeared, due in considerable degree to the
work of this Commission, which for 27 years has
been active in seeking equality for women.
Now that both civil and ijolitical rights liave
been given to women in practically all of the Amer-
ican Eepublics, we are entering on the much wider
and perliaps more difficult task of making full use
of these rights. Pointing out opportunities to
governments through which women may develop
their talent? and contribute fully to the life of the
family, the community, and the nation is a basic
responsibility of this Commission. Today, doors
are open to women, but it will depend largely on
our generation whether these opportunities are
used to the greatest advantage.
It is true that women who have had the chance to
learn and to imderstand their new responsibilities
have confidence in their ability and can change the
patterns of whole areas by working together. We
must be sure that all the women in our countries
are equipped by education to help their families
and their communities.
The delegates to the Inter-American Commis-
sion of Women are charged with a great responsi-
bility to advance the purpose of the Commission to
bring about a real change in the lives of millions
of women iit the countries they represent and to
insure the strength and continuity of freedom in
the Western Hemisphere.
In closing, let me say again that it is a great
Ocfofaer 10, 1955
587
privileji;e to welcome you on behalf of the Govern-
ment of the United States. Let us, as delegates of
our countries, build firm the foundation on which
women will stand in the service of their countries
and of the world.
ANNEX II— ADDRESS BY MRS. RINCON
DE GAUTIER
[Translation]
I am devoutly grateful for the realization today
of a dream which I have cherished for many yeare :
that of seeing in my own homeland a meeting such
as we have here of representatives of the most
distinguished women's organizations of the entire
American world. It is with the greatest pleasure
that I welcome you to the capital of the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico.
The city which rejoices to welcome you today is
one of the oldest in the history of America, and
also one of the most modern in spirit and social
development. Puerto Eico is proud of its past
history, its traditions, its music, dances, and lan-
guage. Puerto Rico, while profoundly aware of
its Spanish American roots, welcomes the progi-es-
sive spirit of the people of the United States with
whom the Puerto Rican people have established an
exemplary and fraternal political association.
Here in San Juan, my friends, there are no strang-
ers. We all feel the basic unity of the hemisphere
and recognize the magnificent opportunities af-
forded by the creative co-existence of the great
cultures of the New World.
As a Puerto Rican woman, I am all the happier
today to be able to state proudly that in this land
women have achieved their rights and have done a
magnificent job, without sacrificing their tradi-
tions, their devotion to their homes, nor their
femininity. Wherever j'ou may go in this Island,
you will find capable women holding responsible
positions in both public life and private enterprise,
helping to build a better Puerto Rico. In that
respect, I am bound to make public acknowledg-
ment of the extreme generosity toward women and
their aspirations on the part of Puerto Rican men,
who not only have never opposed our aspirations
to public service but indeed have helped us in
that direction, treating us always as equals yet
respecting us as women. In every aspect of our
public life there is today ample opportunity for
women. Everywhere women are needed and
everywhere are accepted as an indispensable ele-
ment in the day's work : in schools, factories, and
hospitals ; in the professions; in commerce ; in law
and in political fields.
I believe that all this has been possible in Puerto
Rico because of the devotion which the people of
the Commonwealth feel for the democratic way
of life. The tolerance of Puerto Ricans with re-
gard to the free expression of ideas, their faith
in the will of the people as expressed fully and
without coercion at the polls, the absence of racial
prejudice and caste economy; all these have been
made possible in great measure, I believe, by the
increasing participation by women in every field
of our social progress.
Puerto Rican women do not feel that it is enough
to render service to the people of Puerto Rico only.
We wish to serve all the peoples of America in
ever increasing degi-ee. In behalf of our people,
modest in temporal resources but generously en-
dowed by Heaven with strength, and most espe-
cially in behalf of the women of Puerto Rico, I
extend our most cordial greetings, desiring for
each and every one of you the happiest and most
fruitful visit possible to this capital city whose
Government at this time I represent ; and I pray
for guidance so that in our deliberations we may
be able to serve all peoples of the world.
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
ICAO Facilitation Division
The Department of State announced on Sep-
tember 28 (press release 567) that Thomas B. Wil-
son, Deputy Under Secretary of Commerce for
Transportation, will head the U.S. delegation to
the fourth session of the Facilitation Division of
the International Civil Aviation Organization
(IcAo), which is scheduled to be held at Manila,
October 10-25, 1955. Mr. Wilson will be assisted
by Harry G. Tarrington, Planning Officer, Office
of Assistant Administrator, Civil Aeronautics Ad-
ministration, Department of Commerce, who will
serve as delegate and vice chairman, and by the
following advisers:
Ellis K. Allison, Aviation Division, Department of State
Horace S. Dean, Assistant Chief, Plant Quarantine
Branch, Agricultural Kesearch Service, Department
of Agriculture
Robert L. Fromaii, Assistant Director, Bureau of Safety
Regulation, Civil Aeronautics Board
588
Department of State Bulletin
Paul Iteiber, Assistant to General Connsel, Air Trans-
port Association
Knud Stownian, M. L>., International Health Representa-
tive, Division of P^oreign Quarantine, Public Health
Service, Department of Health, Eilucation, and Wel-
fare
Robert L. Suddath, Chief Special Projects Officer, Immi-
gration and Naturalization Service, Department of
Justice
Edward F. Thompson, Air Coordinator, Bureau of Customs,
Department of the Treasury
Orion J. Libert, Office of International Con-
ferences, Department of State, will serve as sec-
retary of the delegation.
Under the Chicago Convention of December 7,
194-i, the International Civil Aviation Organiza-
tion is charged with the responsibility of adopting
and amending standards and recommended prac-
tices dealing with entry and clearance require-
ments and procedures. At the Chicago meeting,
contracting states agreed to adopt special regula-
tions and practices to facilitate tlie movement of
aircraft, crews, passengers, and cargo, especially
in the administration of laws relating to immi-
gration, customs, public health, and agricultural
quarantine. To this end, on November 23, 1945,
a Division on Facilitation of International Air
Transport was set up under the Air Transport
Committee of the Provisional Civil Aviation Or-
ganization (PiCAo) in order to develop a set of
standards and recommended practices on facilita-
tion of international air transport.
The fourth session will review the activities of
the organization in the field of facilitation since
the third session of the Facilitation Division held
at Buenos Aires, November 21-December 7, 1951.
Consideration will be given to proposals relating
to documentation requirements for entry and de-
parture of aircraft, persons, and air cargo; tech-
niques and procedures for handling increased air
traffic resulting from nonconventional (helicopter)
and jet operations; and the question of improving
sanitation, public health, and agricultural quaran-
tine requirements.
TREATY INFORMATION
THE DEPARTMENT
Recess Appointments
Robert S. Folsom, Deputy Director of the Office of
Regional American Affairs, to be Alternate U.S. Repre-
sentative on the Council of the Organization of American
States, September 24.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Agriculture
International plant protection convention. Done at Rome
December 6, 19.51. Entered into force April 3, 1952.'
Ratification deposited: Italy, August 3, 1955.
Death, Causes of
World Health Organization Regulations No. 1 regarding
nomenclature with respect to diseases and causes of
death. Done at Geneva July 24, 1948. Entered into
force January 1, 1950.
Notiflcution by the Netherlands of extension to: Surinam
and the Netherlands Antilles, October 14, 1954.
Labor
Convention (No. 53) concerning the minimum require-
ment of professional capacity for Masters and Officers
on board merchant ships. Done at Geneva October 24,
1936. Entered into force March 29, 1939. 54 Stat. 1683.
'Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,
Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,
1955.
Convention (No. 54) concerning annual holidays with pay
for seamen. Done at Geneva October 24, 1936.^
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,
Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,
1955.
Convention (No. 55) concerning shipowners' liability in
case of sickness, injury, or death of seamen. Done
at Geneva October 24. 1936. Entered into force October
29, 1939. 54 Stat. 1693.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,
Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,
1955.
Convention (No. 58) fixing the minimum age for the ad-
mission of children to employment at sea. Done at
Geneva October 24, 1936. Entered into force April 11,
1939. 54 Stat. 1705.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,
Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,
1955.
Ratification deposited: Denmark, June 4, 1955.
Convention (No. 73) concerning the medical examination
of seafarers. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,
Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,
1955.
Entered into force: August 17, 1955.'
Convention (No. 74) concerning the certification of able
seamen. Done at Seattle June 29, 1946. Entered into
force July 14, 1951. TIAS 2949.
Notification by France of application to: Guadeloupe,
Martinique, French Guiana, and Reunion, April 27,
1955.
Organization of American States
Charter of the Organization of American States. Signed
at Bogota April 30, 1948. Entered into force December
13, 1951. TIAS 2361.
Ratification deposited: Uruguay, September 1, 1955.
' Not in force for the United States.
^ Not in force.
Ocfober 10, 1955
589
Slave Trade
Protocol amending slavery convention signed at Geneva
September 25, 1926 (46 Stat. 2183), and annex. Done
at New York December 7, 1953. Protocol entered into
force December 7, 1953 ; ' annex entered into force July
7, 1955.'
Acceptance deposited: Israel, September 12, 1955.
War, Prevention of
American treaty on pacific settlement (Pact of Bogotd).
Signed at Bogota April 30, 1948. Entered into force
May 6, 1949.'
Ratification deposited: Uruguay, September 1, 1955.
' Not in force for the United States.
BILATERAL
Australia
Agreement concerning reciprocal changes in immigration
regulations relating to nonimmigrant visas. EfEected
by exchanges of notes at Canberra July 29, August 9, 17,
and 20, 1955. Entered into force August 20, 1955 ; op-
erative September 1, 1955.
China
Agreement amending section B of the annex to the air
transport agreement of 1946, as amended (TIAS 1609,
2184), by providing an additional route from China to
Okinawa and points beyond. EfEected by exchange of
notes at Washington February 7 and April 15, 1955.
Entered into force April 15, 1955.
Cuba
Agreement providing for performance by members of
Army, Navy, and Air Force Missions of duties of Mili-
tary Assistance Advisory Group specified in article V
of military assistance agreement of March 7, 1952 (TIAS
2467). Effected by exchange of notes at Habana
June 24 and August 3, 1955. Entered into force August
10, 1955.
Thailand
Agreement for the sale and purchase of tin concentrates.
Signed at Bangkok September
force September 9, 1955.
9, 1955. Entered into
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernment Printing Offlce, Washington 25, D. C. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free publications, lohich may be obtained
from the Department of State.
TIAS 3022. Pub. 5608. 4 pp.
Air Transport Services.
54.
Agreement between the United States and Spain — amend-
ing agreement of December 2, 1944, as amended. Exchange
of note.? — Signed at Washington July 21, 1954. Entered
into force July 21, 1954.
Technical Cooperation, Special Technical Services. TIAS
3023. Pub. 5617. 5 pp. 54.
Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Addis Ababa April 21, 1954.
Entered into force April 21, 1954.
Technical Cooperation, Water Resources Development
Program. TIAS 3025. Pub. 5619. 5 pp. 54.
Agreement between the United States and Ethiopia. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Addis Ababa April 27 and May
11, 1954. Entered into force May 11, 1954.
United States Educational Foundation in Greece.
3037. Pub. 5645. 2 pp. 54.
TIAS
Agreement between the United States and Greece — amend-
ing agreement of April 23, 1948. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Athens June 28, 1954. Entered into force June
28, 1954.
Technical Cooperation, Housing Program. TIAS 3041.
Pub. 5649. 20 pp. 15^.
Agreement between the United States and Chile — Signed
at Santiago June 28, 1954. Entered into force June 28,
1954.
Mexican Agricultural Workers. TIAS 3043. Pub. 5654.
8 pp. 10^.
Agreement between the United States and Mexico —
amending agreement of August 11, 1951, as amended.
Exchange of notes — Signed at Mexico July 16, 1954. En-
tered into force July 16, 1954.
' Not in force for the United States.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: September 26-October 2
Relea.ses may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press release issued prior to September 26 which
appears in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 564 of
September 23.
No. Date Subject
567 9/28 Delegation to Icao meeting
568 9/29 Corrections to tariff negotiations list
569 9/29 Foreign Service examinations
*570 9/29 Ambassador Thayer sworn in
571 9/29 Renegotiations under Gatt
572 9/29 Hoover's departure for Far East
573 9/29 Foreign Ministers' statement on Ger-
many
574 9/29 Foreign Ministers* communique
575 9/29 Dulles : President's illness
576 9/30 Change in Colombo Plan delegation
*577 9/30 Holland: U.S. foreign poUcy in Latin
America
578 9/30 Sale of agricultural commodities to
Japan
579 9/30 Dulles-Von Brentano discussions
580 9/30 Revised itinerary for Hoover-HoUister
trip
581 9/30 Termination of trade agreement with
Guatemala
''Not printed.
590
Department of State Bulletin
October 10, 1955
Agriculture. Nesotiations Concluded for Sale of
Agricultural Commodities to Japan ....
Algeria. Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in
Discu.s.sion of Algeria (Lodge)
American Republics. Economic and Social Prog-
ress by Women of the Americas (Lee) . . .
Argentina. Recognition of New Government of
Argentina
Asia. Mr. Hoover and Mr. Hollister Leave for
Far East
Atomic Energy. International Conference on
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Strauss) .
Canada. Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee on
Trade and Economic Affairs (text of com-
munique)
Economic Affairs
Corrections to Published List of Articles Imported
into U.S
Meeting of U.S.-Canadian Committee on Trade and
Economic Affairs (text of communique) . . .
Negotiations Concluded for Sale of Agricultural
Commodities to Japan
Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With Four
Nations
Trade Agreement With Guatemala To Be Termi-
nated (texts of notes)
Educational Exchange. Board of Foreign Scholar-
ships
Foreign Service. Written Tests for Foreign Serv-
vice To Be Held in December
France
Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in Discussion
of Algeria (Lodge)
Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference
U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany
Germany
Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference
Talks Between Secretary Dulles and German For-
eign Minister
U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany
Index
Vol. XXXIII, No. 850
Greece. U.S. Friendship for Greece (Eisen-
hower)
Guatemala. Trade Agreement With Guatemala To
Be Terminated (texts of notes)
International Organizations and Meetings
Calendar of Meetings
Change iu U.S. Delegation to Colombo Plan meet-
ing
Economic and Social Progress by Women of the
Americas (Lee)
U.S. Delegation to ICAO Facilitation Division
Sessi<in
International Conference on Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy (Strauss)
577
582
584
560
566
555
576
579
576
577
578
577
575
575
582
559
559
559
560
559
560
577
580
567
584
588
555
Military Affairs. Policy on Supplying Arms to
Countries of Middle East (joint statement) .
Near East. Policy on Supplying Arms to Countries
of Middle East (joint statement) ....
Peru. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With
Four Nations
Presidential Documents. U.S. Friendship for
Greece
Publications
Current U.N. Documents
Recent Releases
U.S. Program
Refugees and Displaced Persons.
for Refugee Relief (Morton)
State, Department of
American Political Democracy and the Problem of
Personnel Security (McLeod)
Board of Foreign Scholarships
Recess Apixiintments (Folsom)
Written Tests for Foreign Service To Be Held in
December
Treaty Information. Current Actions ....
Turkey. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With
Four Nations
Union of South Africa. Renegotiation of Tariff
Concessions With Four Nations
U.S.S.R.
Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference
Question of Inscribing Soviet Item on Relaxing
International Tension
United Kingdom
Foreign Ministers Discuss Coming Geneva Con-
ference
Policy on Supplying Arms to Countries of Middle
E.-ist (joint statement)
U.S.-U.K.-French Views on Germany
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents
Danger to Future of U.N. Inherent in Discussion
of Algeria (Lodge)
Question of Inscribing Soviet Item on Relaxing
International Tension (Lodge)
Yugoslavia. U.S.-Tugoslav Talks Concluded (joint
communique)
560
560
578
560
583
590
561
568
575
589
575
589
578
578
559
583
559
560
559
583
582
583
566
Italy. Renegotiation of Tariff Concessions With
Four Nations 578
Japan. Negotiations Concluded for Sale of Agri-
cultural Commodities to Japan 577
Name Index
Brownell, Samuel M 575
Cronkhite, Bernice B 575
Dulles, Secretary 566
Eisenhower, President 560, 566
FoLsoni, Robert S 589
Giocolea Villacorta, Domingo 578
Hollister, John B 566
Hoover, Herbert, Jr 566
Lee, Frances M 584
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 582, 5S3
McLeod, R. W. Scott 568
Moore, Roger Allan 575
Morton, Thruston B 501
Nuesse, Celestine Joseph 575
Prochnow, Herbert V 566
Rineou de Gautier, Felisa 588
Sparks, Edward J 578
Strauss, Lewis L 555
Willkie, Philip H 575
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE] 1958
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS
Recent releases in the popular Background series . . .
The Union of Burma
This 16-page illustrated pamphlet describes the land and the
people of Burma. Touching briefly on the past, this Background
also describes the government and the Pydiwatha program of
the new Burma. Concerning the position of Burma in world
affairs, the pamphlet states that . . . "the people of Burma
have long preferred to be left alone to develop their own re-
sources. Today Burma's leaders realize the impossibility of
such a position. As they view it the country is being forced
into greater involvement in world affairs, and they are seeking
ways in which Burma can strengthen the ties with its neighbors
and make its leadership felt regionally."
Publication 5913 10 cents
Jordan
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Western Asia is one
of the nine sovereign Arab States with which the United States
has direct relations. Geographically it occupies a central posi-
tion in that vast area from the Mediterranean to the Arabian
Sea known as the Middle East — the security of which is im-
portant to the interests of the free world and the United States.
West of the Jordan River, the Kingdom encompasses a signifi-
cant portion of the Holy Land. Here in this Background is a
brief survey of this land with its rich traditions which has for
centuries provided an important link in the trade between the
East and the West.
Publication 5907
10 cents
Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World
Although it sprawls across a vast area more than 3,000 miles
from east to west and more than 2,000 from north to south.
Southeast Asia has less than half the actual land mass of the
United States. Its population is about 10 million greater. The
land form is varied, the population more so; and the configu-
ration of the land has created bamers not only between coun-
tries but also between communities. This illustrated pamphlet
discusses briefly the individual countries of this regrion — Burma,
Thailand, Viet-Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Malaya, Indonesia, and
the Philippines — and the beginnings of a pattern of collective
security for the entire Pacific area.
Publication 5841 15 cents
These Background pamphlets may be purchased from the
Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington 25, D.C.
Please send me
copies
till The Union of Burma
□ Jordan
n Southeast Asia: Critical Area in a Divided World
Name:
Street Address:
City, Zone, and State:
ORY
OUR GOVERNMENT'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE ECO-
NOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN AMERICA p
hy Assistant Secretary Holland 595
FREE WORLD DEFENSE AGAINST COMMUNIST
SUBVERSION • by Allen W. Dulles 600
THE DEFENSE OF EUROPE— A PROGRESS REPORT •
fry Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther 609
IMPORTANCE OF INTERNATIONAL TRAVEL TO THE
FOREIGN ^TRADE OF THE UNITED STATES •
by Somerset R. Waters 620
U.N. CONGRESS ON PREVENTION OF CRIME AND
TREATMENT OF OFFENDERS • by miUam P. Rogers . 62^t
U.S. VIEWS ON INTERNATIONAL BANK'S ANNUAL
REPORT • Statement by Samuel C. Waugh 626
REPORT OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REF-
UGEES • Statements by Jacob Blaustein 628
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
Superin*'>n-»"nt of Documents
NOV 4- 1955
^ne ^€^vci'yl^me7i{^ o^ ^^le
bulletin
Vol. XXXIII, No. 851 • Publication 6037
Oaoher 17, 1955
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Oovemment Printing Office
Washington 26, D.C.
Price:
62 Issues, domestic t7.60, foreign $10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).
Note; Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contahied herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State BtniEiiN as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various pfuises of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Our Government's Contribution to the
Economic Development of Latin America
hy Henry F. Holland
Assistant Secretary for Inter-A'rnencan Affairs ■
One of the fundamental facts of United States-
Latin American relations today is the determina-
tion of the governments and people of Latin
America to make even more rapid economic prog-
ress tlian they are now making and to improve
their standard of living. I want to talk to you
today about the opportunities that we as a govern-
ment have for helping them to realize this objective
and what we are doing to fulfill them.
Before proceeding to a discussion of the indi-
vidual opportunities which our Government has
for facilitating the economic development ob-
jectives of our sister Eepublics, there are two
points I wish to make by way of background, since
everything that our Government does in this field
must be considered in their context.
First, the measures which our Government can
take will not be the decisive factor in the economic
development of Latin America. There is nothing
that this Government can do to create a stable
economy or raise living standards in another
country unless the necessary factors are already
there. But if the internal conditions necessary
for economic development are there, then our Gov-
ernment can hurry the process somewhat by pur-
suing constructive policies.
Second, we have neither the right nor the desire
to prescribe to any other American Republic the
kind of economic system which it should adopt
or the programs it should follow to achieve its
economic aspirations. That is the exclusive do-
mestic responsibility of every sovereign state. On
the other hand, whatever help we give will be, as
it should, consistent with our own national philos-
ophy as to the role which a government should
' Address made before the World Affairs Council of
Seattle, Wash., on Oct. (press release 582 dated Oct. 4).
play in the economic field and with the wishes of
the majority of our people. Likewise, it will be
given in support of those programs and policies
which our experience has led us to believe are best
designed to achieve real economic progress.
These are reasonable views. They do raise a
question, of course. What are our convictions as to
the role of government in the economic field?
What kinds of programs and policies do we believe
will produce strong economies? The answers are
probably apparent. The people of the United
States believe in the private enterprise system.
We are convinced that we ourselves can do more
than any goveriunent can to make business enter-
prises grow, to create new ones, to create more em-
ployment at acceptable wages, and to raise the
standards of living of our people. We believe that
our Goverimaent helps the national economy most
when it creates those conditions which give us, the
working men and women, the farmers, the busi-
nessmen of the country, the greatest opportunity
to carry on all those processes of private enter-
prise which have brought us to the point where we
now are.
This means that there ai'e certain things that
we expect our Government to do and some that we
expect it not to do. We rely on our Government
leaders to follow sound fiscal and taxing policies,
policies that will maintain a stable currency, poli-
cies that will combat the evil disease of inflation,
policies that will assure to investors a fair chance
to make a reasonable profit if they risk their
capital in industry or commerce. We expect our
Government to supply those public facilities and
services which are needed in a free enterprise
system but which are not in themselves attractive
to private investors. These include such things as
Ocfofaer 7 7, J 955
595
roads, schools, hospitals for the poor, irrigation
systems, port works, and things of that nature.
Of equal importance are the things that we ex
pect our Government not to do. We strongly be-
lieve that except in special situations our Govern-
ment should stay out of the field of business.
When govermnent enters a particular industry or
commercial activity, private enterprise generally
withdraws. This is because onerous regulations
are usually imposed on the private enterprise in
order to insure the survival of the less well organ-
ized and operated government enterprises which
cannot compete without special advantages. Our
experience has convinced us that as a nile govern-
ment-run enterprises are not as strong and do not
make as great a contribution to the national econ-
omy as do their counterparts operated by private
citizens. Therefore, we feel that government
should invade the field of industiy and commerce
only where essential and then, if jjossible, only on
a temporary basis.
Our Govermnent's chief emphasis will be on
those kinds of economic cooperation that contrib-
ute to the creative efforts of private individuals,
particularly nationals of the other countries. We
believe they are the greatest hope for progress in
the other American Republics. The most effective
contribution that our country could make to the
economic development of Latin America would be
to help private enterprise throughout the hemi-
sphere. It is responsible for our inter- American
trade which each year provides our neighbors with
about $3^ billion in cash and ci'edits. Our own
private investors have supplied some $6^ billion
of capital for the economic development of the
area. In addition, they are also providing tech-
nical knowledge, equipment, and marketing op-
portunities for Latin America's growing in-
dustries.
Contribution Through Trade
Our most important economic relation with the
other American Republics is our trade, which
amounts each year to almost $7 billion, divided
about equally between imports and exports. Latin
America relies on its exports to us for most of the
dollar exchange needed to purchase essential con-
sumer goods and the capital goods industrial estab-
lislmient requires. A relatively small number of
commodities such as coffee, sugar, copper, lead,
zinc, and petroleum provide most of the dollars
which these countries earn through trade. The
economic, and even political, stability of a num-
ber of Latin American States is greatly influenced
by the extent to which the United States continues
to keep its market open to these products.
It is our policy to continue negotiating with the
Latin American and other countries for the or-
derly, reciprocal reduction of tariffs and other
barriers to trade. This is done within the frame-
work of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade under authority granted by the Congress.
In this way our Government can make, and is
making, an important contribution to economic
development in Latin America.
Our Government can contribute helpfully to
the efforts of the Latin American countries to ob-
tain developmental capital. Investment oppor-
tunities in the area call for exceedingly large
amounts of investment. The quantities of private
U.S. capital available for this purpose are incom-
parably larger than any that our Government
could provide. Whether foreign private capital
should be admitted into a Latin American country
is a decision which lies exclusively within the ju-
risdiction of the government of the country. Cer-
tainly foreign investors will not enter unless condi-
tions in the country are attractive. The best
measure of the local investment climate is to
observe the activities of domestic investors. If
they are actively risking their capital in the estab-
lishment of new enteri>rises and the expansion of
old ones, then it is reasonable to hope that foreign
investors will be interested in the area, for private
investors usually apply the same standards the
world over. Our Government has often pointed
out it does not seek to create opportunities abroad
for United States investors. The demand for
capital here at home is strong, and our investors
will as a rule go abroad only where conditions are
attractive. Some governments are eager to attract
foreign investors who can help pi'ovide the devel-
opment capital their countries need. To cooperate
with those governments, our own has adopted a
number of measures which we hope will encourage
our investors to go to those foreign areas where
their participation in local development is wel-
come. We are prepared, for example, to enter into
arrangements witli foreign governments whereby
this Government will insure our investors against
certain nonbusiness risks, such as their inability
to convert their local currency earnings into dol-
lars and the failure to receive adequate compensa-
596
Department of Stafe Bulletin
tion in case of nationalization. Seven Latin
American countries have entered into such ar-
rangements to date.
Proposed Tax Reduction for Investors
The President has asked the Congress to re-
duce taxes on business income from foreign sub-
sidiaries or branches and to defer the tax on branch
income until it is withdrawn from the country
wherein earned.^ This measure would encourage
more of our investors to go abroad and, further-
more, would encourage them to reinvest their prof-
its there rather than returning them to the United
States. It is estimated that today United States
companies abroad are reinvesting about 60 percent
of their profits.
As an additional inducement to foreign invest-
ment the United States is now prepared — subject
to appropriate safeguards — to negotiate tax trea-
ties under which income taxes waived for an ini-
tial limited period by a foreign government as an
incentive to new business can be credited against
United States income tax just as though they had
actually been paid abroad. These are measures
designed, as the President has put it, to encourage
"investment by individuals rather than by govern-
ments."
The United States and most Latin American
countries are members of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development. Foreign
governments which are members and private bor-
rowers with their government's guarantee have
access to this bank as a primarj' instrument for
economic development financing. The Ibrd has
facilitated the investment of large amounts of cap-
ital in Latin America for productive purposes,
thereby promoting long-range growth of inter-
national trade and improvement in the standard
of living both by the use of its own capital and
by participation in loans and investments made by
private investors. Since making its firet loan in
May of 1947, the Ibrd has authorized credits
of more than $620 million in Latin America.
More than 30 percent of the loans made by the
Ibrd during the last fiscal year, some $123 mil-
lion, were made in that area. Along with this
financial assistance, the Ibrd has made available
to member countries in Latin America expert en-
gineering aid, economic counseling, and other pro-
fessional services.
' For a memorandum on this subject by the Secretary
of the Treasury, see Bxtlletin of Sept. 12, 1955, p. 433.
Our Government has also taken effective meas-
ures to give to foreign private enterprise and gov-
ernments alike greater access to official loans in
this country. There are many projects essential
to the development of a foreign country for which
it is very difficult to obtain private capital. Gov-
ernments and private interests engaged in such
ventures have access to several sources of official
credit in the United States. For projects, public
and private, which lie outside the normal scope of
the International Bank lending, borrowers have
access to the Export-Import Bank, an agency of
the United States Government.
Eximbank's Liberalized Policy
In the summer of last year, responding to the
increasing Latin American interest, we announced
the bank's new and liberalized credit policy to-
ward that area. We have told the other Ameri-
can Republics that the bank will do its utmost to
satisfy every application for a sound economic
development loan for which funds are not availa-
ble from private sources on reasonable terms or
from the International Bank. This offer is ex-
tended to private and official borrowers alike. It
means that the level of operations of the Export-
Import Bank will be largely determined by bor-
rowers in the other American Republics. It is
they who will control the nimiber and quality of
loan applications which the bank receives. The
uncommitted funds now on hand in the bank and
available for loans substantially exceed the aggi-e-
gate of applications which have been submitted.
Since this new policy was announced, it has been
vigorously applied by the bank. Its new Presi-
dent, Mr. Samuel C. Waugh, then Assistant Sec-
retary of State for Economic Affairs, participated
in the formulation of the policy and its presenta-
tion at the Rio economic conference last year. I
know that he can be counted upon to continue
pursuing this policy energetically.
Since its establishment in 1934, the Export-
Import Bank has authorized loans of more than
$2.5 billion in Latin America. During its last
fiscal year before the new policy was adopted, the
Export-Import Bank authorized loans in Latin
America amounting to $52.2 million, or 21 percent
of its total operations for the year. The fiscal year
just closed was the first in which the new policy
was applied. During that year the bank author-
ized loans in Latin America amounting to a total
October 17, 1955
597
of $284 million, or 58 percent of all its authoriza-
tions. The bank also inaugurated a new program
about a year ago under whicli exporter credits in
the amount of $169 million have been authorized.
Most of these will be used in Latin America. It
is noteworthy that the lai-gest single loan author-
ized in Latin America during the last fiscal year
was to a private enterprise group without any
governmental guaranty.
Another source of development capital will soon
be available when the International Finance Cor-
l^oration comes into operation. The Ire, an affili-
ate of the International Bank, will be capitalized
at $100 million, and its primary objective will be
to encourage the growth of private enterprise in
its member countries through financing without
goverimient guaranties and to help in bringing
together investment opportunities, private capital,
and experienced management. The U.S. Con-
gress, on request of the President, autliorized U.S.
membership in the Ifc, and its operation should
commence as soon as the requisite number of coun-
tries have subscribed to the capital stock and rati-
fied its charter.
Our Government has not undertaken a general
Ijrogram to supply developmental capital on a
grant basis in Latin America. The governments
of our sister Rej^ublics have stated affirmatively
that they oppose programs of grant aid. Consist-
ent with their proud tradition, they prefer to meet
their problems without this kind of assistance
from us or anyone else.
There are, however, situations in which we are
furnishing grant aid to meet temporary emer-
gency conditions. Bolivia, Guatemala, and Haiti,
as you know, have requested grant assistance from
us to help tliem through crises that they cannot
meet with other resources available to them. Con-
gress has authorized a total of $38 million for these
programs in the current fiscal year.
Inter-American Highway
We are participating in another program fall-
ing in the general category of grant assistance
which I believe we can all applaud. The Congress
adopted the President's proposal that we agree to
contribute two-thirds of the cost of completing the
Inter- American Highway within 3 years. Each
of the countries through which the highway runs
will supply the remaining third of the cost in its
territory. Mexico has already fuiished that half
of the highway which lies in her territory and has
done so without any financial assistance from us.
"Wlien completed, a modern paved highway will
run 3,200 miles from our border with Mexico to
the Panama Canal. The road will bring with it
social, economic, political, and strategic benefits to
people of the seven countries it links. Not only
will tourists and goods pass more readily from one
to anotlier, but whole new areas hitherto unacces-
sible will be opened up for development.^* I
Economic development is just as dependent on
technical knowledge and experience as it is on
capital. Our Government is keenly interested in
the technical assistance progi'ams in which we are
participating in the hemisphere. Our policy is to
intensify and diversify our cooperation with other
governments in this field. We have been active in
this field in Latin America since 1942, long before
the mutual security program was conceived. Each
local program is jointly plamied, financed, and
operated by the host government and ourselves.
Their objectives include such things as improve-
ment of agricultural and industrial production,
education, better housing, and the reduction of
disease. These programs constitute a vast attack
throughout the hemisphere on human misery and
poverty. In each successive year the host govern-
ments have contributed a larger share of the op-
erating budgets. Today they provide nearly 21/2
times the amount of our own contribution.
Time may demonstrate that no form of U. S. aid
is more important than that we are beginning to
extend under President Eisenhower's "atoms for
peace" plan. The United States has offered to
enter into agi-eements for cooperation in the field
of research in the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
Agreements have been signed with seven Latin
American countries — Argentina, Brazil, Chile,
Colombia, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela. LTnder
them these countries are given access to informa-
tion on the design, construction, and operation of
research reactors. They also are able to lease from
the Atomic Energy Commission a quantity of fis-
sionable material. We hope that the result will be
that citizens of the other countries will acquire
valuable training and experience in nuclear science
and engineering.
Several Republics have been provided with gift
libraries on the industrial and scientific uses of
° For a map of the highwa.y, see Bulletin of Apr. 11,
195.5, p. 596.
598
Department of State Bulletin
atomic energy. These libraries contain some
15,000 nonclassified technical reports which have
been published in the United States.
Further, the Atomic Energy Commission is eon-
ducting a series of 7-month courses in reactor
theory and technology for foreign scientists and
engineers. The courses are held at the Argonne
National Laboratory in Illinois. So far scientists
from Argentina, Brazil, Guatemala, and Mexico
have participated. Specialists from these and
other Latin American countries have also attended
a course at Oak Kidge on radioactive isotopes and
techniques for their use.
Atomic Energy as Power Source
Our oft'er to share experience and technical
knowledge in this vast new field has been wel-
comed in Latin America. The economic develop-
ment of several parts of the area has been seri-
ously retarded by the inadequacy of existing
energy facilities. Atomic energy may hasten the
solution of this problem. In this connection, it is
quite noteworthy that United States private enter-
prise is at this time actively engaged in a program
looking to the construction of a number of power
reactor installations in Latin America.
One of the most gratifying contributions which
our Government is making to the development of
our sister Republics is one of which we hear very
little. That is the earnest, day-by-day effort of our
people in the various U.S. embassies abroad and in
our Government agencies in Washington. Work-
ing with our friends in the other governments, we
try to apply to problems throughout the hemi-
sphere the experience and judgment not only of the
officials of the govermnent directly afl'ected but
also of men in the other governments who have
wrestled with the same or similar problems in their
own work. Our purpose is not just to devise means
whereby the United States Government can help
those of Latin America. It is instead to determine
how every American state can, without neglecting
its domestic responsibilities, find some way to be
helpful to the others. Examples of this partner-
ship in operation are numerous. Bolivia and Peru
are cooperating in the construction of highways.
Brazil has extended assistance to its neighbors in
the construction of railways and highways. We
ourselves have just worked out with the Govern-
ment of Bolivia a comprehensive program which
will coordinate our efforts to combat inflation in
that countiy, to strengthen its industries and com-
merce, and to improve food supplies. The treaty
just executed between ourselves and Panama * re-
flects more than a year of the same kind of close
study of the problems of Panama. Not only does
tliat treaty dissipate a number of problems which
had existed between the two countries; it will, I
believe, contribute notably to strengthening and
stabilizing Panama's economy.
This sharing of problems, this willingness on
the part of every government to lend a hand wher-
ever in the hemisphere help is requested, is one of
the finest elements of our partnership relation —
a relationship which is a source of pride and satis-
faction to every citizen of our country.
Visit of Guatemalan President
The White House Office at Denver amiounced
on October 1 that President Carlos Castillo Armas
of Guatemala will arrive in Washington on a state
visit on October 31 as planned when he accepted
President Eisenhower's invitation earlier this
year. Because of the illness of the President, Vice
President Nixon will act as host to the visiting
Chief of State.
President Castillo Armas will be accompanied
by Mrs. Castillo Armas and a party of seven.
The President of Guatemala and his party will
leave Washington for New York on November 3
and remain there on an official visit to that city
until November 7. From New York, the visiting
President will go to Detroit and St. Louis for 1
day in each city, and on November 9 will arrive
in Houston. The party will proceed to New Or-
leans on November 11, departing from there for
Guatemala on November 13.
The members of the official party include, be-
sides President and Mrs. Castillo Armas, Domingo
Goicolea, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; Jorge Are-
nales. Minister of Economy and Labor ; Francisco
Linares, Chief of Protocol, and Mrs. Linares;
Jorge Skinner-Klee, First Secretary of the Con-
stituent Assembly ; Col. Miguel Mendoza, Deputy
Chief of the Presidential staff; and Dr. Graciela
Quan, secretary to Mrs. Castillo Armas.
The Ambassador of Guatemala to the United
States, Col. Jose Luis Cruz-Salazar, and Mi-s.
Cruz-Salazar will also accompany President Cas-
tillo Ai'mas throughout his visit.
' Ibid., Feb. 7, 1955, p. 237.
Ocfober 17, 7955
599
Free World Defense Against Communist Subversion
hy Allen W. Dulles
Director, Central Intelligence Agency *
If I were asked to point out the most obvious
difference between the free world and the Com-
munist-dominated areas, it would be this. The
free world provides for law enforcement that pro-
tects the right and liberties of the individual.
Here the police authority represents the very
essence of democracy in action. Law enforce-
ment in the Commvmist world looks first and fore-
most to safeguarding the ruling regime without
regard for individual rights. Here the police au-
thority becomes the sliield of entrenched auto-
cratic authority.
It is fortmiate that over the years steady prog-
ress has been made in improving our techniques
of law enforcement and in building up coopera-
tion between the various jurisdictions of police
authorities on both a national and international
scale. For since 1917, and increasingly during
the past decade, the problem of maintaining
domestic law and order has had to face a new and
unprecedented danger — worldwide Communist
activity.
What we often refer to as organized crime on
the domestic front certainly presents you with
plenty of problems. But there is a sharp differ-
ence between the resources and capabilities of the
private criminal, whether acting singly or in or-
ganized groups, and the international conspiracy
of conununism, with its headquarters in Moscow,
an affiliated organization in Peiping, and branch
offices in Warsaw, Prague, and many other centers.
Such a worldwide conspiracy as this fosters no
ordinary breed of criminal. It is engaged in no
ordinary type of law breaking. Its members are
carefully trained, operate with great skill and
with the backing of a farflung and efficient organ-
ization. Its work is often hard to detect, partly
' Address made before the International Association of
Chiefs of Police at Philadelphia, Pa., on Oct. 3.
because the motives which influence the ordinary
criminal are lacking. Here the real motive is
the weakening of the fabric of non-Communist
states in time of peace in order that it may be vul-
nerable to the long-range designs of the Commu-
nist movement. The success so far achieved, here
and in many other countries, in controlling this
conspiracy is a fine tribute to the efficiency of the
police organizations of the free world.
The Soviets keep as a closely guarded secret the
number of their own citizens and of foreign in-
digenous agents who are trained in the U. S. S. R.,
in China, and in the satellites for subversion and
espionage. Certainly there are many tens of
thousands. As the students graduate, they flow
into the Communist apparatus throughout the
world. You have undoubtedly met some of these
alumni and, if not, you cei'tainly will.
Some high members of the MVD have revolted
against the methods they have been taught to
practice and have come over voluntarily — "de-
fected" — to the free world. They have told us
much. Some of this has been published to the
world. The Petrov case in Australia is a good ex-
ample of this. In other cases, for security reasons,
it has seemed to be wiser to hold back on publicity
to help us to delve more deeply into the Commu-
nist organization and practices.
Soviet Expenditures on Subversion
We estimate that the Soviet expenditures in
training, support, and operation of its overall
subversive mechanism may approach 10 percent of
its expenditure on its overall armament program.
(3n a comparable basis, that is, assuming that we
spent a compax'able percentage of our defense
budget for defense against these activities, we
would be allocating to this work some 3 to 4 billion
600
Department of State Bulletin
dollars annually. I need hardly tell you that such
is not the case !
The importance of police and other internal
security forces in this work has become more and
more evident in many parts of the world. Our
conventional military forces are normally de-
signed to cope with open, external aggression.
■\Miere countries are subject to Communist sub-
versive tactics, the internal security forces must
generally be the first line of defense. It is up
to them to ferret out the agents of subversion,
stop the damage before it gets out of hand, and
thus maintain internal domestic peace and quiet
without the necessity for calling on the militar}'
forces to deal with open revolt. In some in-
stances — take Czechoslovakia in 1948 for exam-
ple — where the police force is infiltrated or comes
under ineffective leadership, the damage may be
done before the armed forces have an opportunity
to strike a single blow.
The need for effective police and internal se-
curity forces is particularly felt in those countries
which are on or near the borders of the Commu-
nist bloc. Here there is a vit-al need for pro-
tection against what has been called "internal
invasion." As Communist agents and trouble-
makers infiltrate into such countries and cause
disorders, the governments must have security
forces which can spot and arrest the leaders and
break up Communist-inspired riots and demon-
strations. This does not call for tanks and jet
aircraft; it calls for a trained and loyal police.
The various American programs for military
and technical assistance to critical and underde-
veloped areas can only bear fruit in a secure
environment. It is for this reason that a numbei'
of countries where such aid is extended have re-
quested that our programs should include help
in building up the technical competence of local
security forces to help to keep the peace internally
and root out and suppress subversion. The trained
police of this and other free countries where the
art of maintaining order is well develojjed will
no doubt be more and more called on to contribute
their skills and manpower to help in this im-
portant phase of anti-Communist activity.
Kremlin's New Trojan Horse
Wliile I am on the subject of Communist
techniques, I might mention a somewhat recent
development in their program of sowing inter-
national discord — the Kremlin's new Trojan
Horse — but one that will look quite attractive to
many countries which are under pressure to build
up their military establishments.
As is well known, the Soviet emerged from
"World War II with a substantial stockpile of
obsolescent and now fairly obsolete military
equipment. This included, in addition to small
arms, a good many thousands of medium and
heavy tanks. Immediately following the war's
end, the Soviet developed a whole new series of
types of tanks and aircraft including, in aircraft,
for example, the MIG-15 fighter plane, the TU-4
(B-29 type) long-range piston bomber, and more
recently the IL-28 light jet bomber.
It is now estimated that the Soviet has many
thousands of these types of war equipment, some
becoming obsolete, some surplus. All are likely to
be replaced over the next few years. New tanks
are in mass production, and new long- and
medium-range bombers are coming off the as-
sembly line. For example, the replacement of
obsolescent MIG-15*s with newer models has
created a reserve of some foiu' to six thousand
MIG-15's, of which a very substantial number
could be off-loaded as an adjunct to a general pro-
gram of causing trouble throughout the world.
Of course a good share of this equipment has
already gone to Communist China and to Indo-
china with results which are now clearly seen.
There remains ample for other parts of the world,
and we now hear of advanced negotiations with
several countries of the Middle East. I should
not be at all surprised if we soon heard that coun-
tries in this hemisphere were being approached.
A premature stai-t with this program was made
over a year ago. You will remember that it was
a shipload of obsolete arms, sent by Czechoslo-
vakia to Guatemala in the ill-famed freighter
AJfhem,^ which aroused the Guatemalan people to
a realization of the Communist plans for a take-
over of that country. Once again Czechoslovakia
looms up as the front for the delivery of Com-
nmnist arms — this time in the Middle East.
AVhile this type of activity may not enter di-
rectly into your day-by-day work, it bears closely
upon the overall international security problem.
We should keep a careful watch against the possi-
bility that some of these surplus arms, particularly
small arms, may find their way into the hands of
selected unscrupulous private vendors and be used
' IUlletin of June 7, 1954, p. 874.
Ocfober 17, 1955
601
indiscriminately to foment trouble. Further-
more, in certain areas of Southeast Asia there is
an unholy alliance between tlie traffickers in arms
and the opium smugglers. In such ways this
sui-plus arms problem may eventually create police
problems in the domestic areas of many countries.
Thus you in your task of law enforcement and
we who are working in tlie intelligence field may
find ourselves dealing with separate but related
phases of a common security problem.
You, as chiefs of police, have to deal with the
domestic consequences and the outcroppings of
many phases of an international movement which
we, as intelligence officers, must make a high
priority intelligence target.
World "War I shook our confidence in our in-
vulnerability to other people's wars. It took
World War II and the aftermath of December
7, 1941, to persuade us that we could not safely
disregard, or remain in ignorance of, hostile de-
velopments in any part of the world.
On that fateful day it was not just the garrison
at Pearl Harbor but all of us who were asleep.
We were then awakened to a new sort of world
in which we henceforth have to live. There could
be no thought of return to the prewar compla-
cency. In this situation it became increasingly
important to know what was going on in the
world outside of our boundaries. That required
a sound intelligence system.
Congress established the Central Intelligence
Agency under the National Security Act of 1947
which unified the Armed Services. There is, I
believe, some misunderstanding of the nature and
scope of the functions assigned to Cia, and I
should like veiy briefly to clarify this point, par-
ticularly as it relates to your own work.
Nature and Scope of CIA Functions
First of all, Congi-ess made a clear and wise dis-
tinction between the function of intelligence and
that of the law-enforcing agencies. It specifically
provided that the Central Intelligence Agency
should have no "police, subpoena, law enforcement
powers, or internal security functions." Hence
when I need help in these fields, I turn to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, and on the local
scene, to many of you for help and assistance,
largely in the field of protecting the security of
my own personnel and the base here in this
country from which our intelligence work is
conducted.
Of course, intelligence has long been a function
of our Government even though, prior t-o World
War II, on a scale far smaller than was customary
in the case of most of the major powers of the
world.
The Central Intelligence Agency was not de-
vised by Congress primarily as a means of setting
new intelligence activities into motion, although
it did contemplate that the collection of intelli-
gence should be stepped up. Rather, the new
Agency was conceived as an appropriate means
of coordinating the intelligence activities of the
Government and to make them function more
harmoniously and effectively toward the single
end of national seciirity. It did not supplant any
existing intelligence agencies, but it was given
certain duties in the intelligence field not then
being carried out by others.
The United States Government receives today
a vast amount of information from all parts of
the world. Some of it comes as a b3'product of
our nonnal work in the field of foreign relations,
^luch of it comes from overt sources — the press,
radio, and foreign publications. Some of it comes
through new scientific techniques. For science
today plays an increasing role in the gathering of
intelligence just as it does in law enforcement.
All of this information has to be studied, ana-
lyzed, and put into form for use by the policy-
makers. Intelligence of a counter-intelligence
nature or of direct interest to the law enforcement
agencies of our Government is passed to these
agencies and in particular to the Federal Bureau
of Investigation.
TMiile, as I mentioned, there is a clear division
of functions between the intelligence agencies and
the law-enforcing agencies in that the line be-
tween us is largely drawn at oiir frontiers, it is
impossible to divide the overall security problems
at our borders. Over the past years there have
been important instances where the traces of
espionage against vis were first picked up in dis-
tant capitals, although the operation was planned
to be carried out in the continental United States.
Agents trained for work here have in many cases
been first spotted abroad. The followup here
requires the closest coordination between our in-
telligence work abroad and the Federal Bureau
of Investigation.
In this and in other fields I can assure you that
the cooperation with the FBI is smooth and effec-
tive. It was a great pleasure for me to be present
602
Department of State Bulletin
the other day when our President conferred on
J. Edgar Hoover the National Security Medal,
the highest award the President could accord for
work in this field of national security.
In further developing the coordination of our
intelligence work there is held once a week, under
my chairmanship, a meeting of the heads of the
various intelligence agencies. This includes, in
addition to Cia, a representative of Army, Navy,
and the Air Force intelligence, of the State Depart-
ment intelligence, of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and
repi-esentatives of the Federal Bureau of Inves-
tigation and the Atomic Energy Commission.
Here we prepare together coordinated estimates
embodying all available intelligence on critical
foreign situations. We discuss current intelligence
problems ; we apjDortion as among the appropriate
agencies various tasks for the collection of
intelligence.
In this way and through appropriate standing
committees which have been set up, we have done
everything possible to insure that vital items of
intelligence available to the Government are
promptly placed before the appropriate policy-
making officers of the Government — the President,
the Secretaries of State and Defense, and other
members of the Cabinet or of the National Security
Council, as appropriate.
In developing our intelligence mechanism we
have constantly in mind the lessons of the past.
We propose to do all we can in our field to see that
we do not experience another Pearl Harbor.
Then there was adequate intelligence to have put
us on warning of the nature and location of the
danger. There was then no adequate machinery
for analyzing and disseminating that intelligence
in an efficient and timely manner. Now we have
corrected the mechanics. Only time can tell
whether we will have the wisdom to draw the
right conclusions from the intelligence we may
have.
Estimating Enemy Intentions
Here there are two major problems. Some-
times it is not too difficult to estimate, within cer-
tain margins of error, the strength of a potential
enemy. If the intelligence community only does
that, however, it has not really fulfilled its task.
It has a duty also to estimate, on the basis of
available intelligence, the probable or the possible
intentions of any foe, or at least to indicate the
alternative courses of action he may take. If one
looks back to intelligence failures of the past,
Pearl Harbor for example, we find that the error
has generally come not in a miscalculation of
enemy sti'ength but in a miscalculation of enemy
intentions. Of course the policymaker often has
to take a calculated risk where hostile intentions
are not clear, and this applies both in the military
and the political fields.
Today, of course, not only intelligence officers
but millions of men and women throughout the
world are trying to form their own intelligence
estimate of the real intentions of the Soviet in the
light of the recent Geneva conference. Together
with them, the intelligence agencies are scanning
the reports and analyzing the signs and trends as
well as the statements and actions of the Soviet
leaders themselves.
A few days ago at a banquet for the East Ger-
man Communists, Nikita Khrushchev, the head of
the Soviet Communist Party, made some interest-
ing statements. It was one of his informal and
likewise revealing speeches. He remarked, as re-
ported by the radio and press services, that if any-
one believes that our smiles involved abandon-
ment of the teaching of Marx, Engels, and Lenin
(the name of Stalin was added according to the
official East German broadcasts but does not ap-
pear in the Moscow reports), he deceives himself
poorly. Those who wait for that, he said, must
wait until a shrimp learns to whistle.
There is some debate among the experts
whether the word should be shrimp or crayfish,
for there is an old Russian proverb that says, "I
will do it when the crayfish whistles on the moun-
tain top." This, I understand, is a Russian way
of saying "Never" — although I learn on good au-
thority that in the deep reaches of the sea, as de-
tected by modern science, the crayfish or the
shrimp do make some gurgling noises.
There is no hard evidence as yet which we as
intelligence or law-enforcing officers can accept
that the dangers we face from the secret under-
ground subversive activities of communism have
ceased. Let us hope they do. I^t us hope that
Khrushchev hears the shrill call of the shrimp.
Meanwhile in all free countries we camiot relax
our vigilance in meeting the dual problem of pro-
tecting our national security from the lawless ele-
ments within and the lawless elements directed and
controlled from without. In these tasks we shall
October 17, 7 955
603
need sound intelligence as to the external and in-
ternal dangers to insure effective enforcement of
law witliin a framework which safeguards the
lights of the individual.
Transcript of Secretary Dulles'
News Conference
Press release 589 dated October 4
Dangers of Middle East Arms Race
Secretary Dulles : I think we might as well start
off with questions.
Q. Mr. Secretary. ca7\ you ffive us any informa-
tion you might have about Mr. AUen''s progress in
talks with Nasser in Cairo?
A. He has had a very good talk, indeed two
rather full talks, from which I think he has gained
an insight as to the Egyptian motives in this mat-
ter, and I think that Colonel Nasser has gained
an insight as to our attitude toward the matter.
There is better understanding than there was be-
fore. I think in substance that is the result of his
trip and that was the purpose of his trip.
Q. Mr. Secretary., can you fell us whether it is
your understanding that the Egyptians intend to
carry through with their arrangements to huy
arms from Czechoslovakia?
A. We have no reason to believe that thej* will
not carry the arrangement through, although when
you talk about the "arrangement" you are talking
about something that is a bit vague because we do
not have any details about the arrangement. We
do not know what is involved in this proposed
transaction.
Q. Mr. Secretary, further in that connection,
could you tell v^ whether our attitude toward the
proposed contract arrangement has changed any
since Mr. Allen completed his talks with Colonel
Nasser?
A. I had prepared a little statement which per-
haps I will read to you, because I anticipated ques-
tions on this topic'
At my press conference the last of August (Au-
gust 30) I was asked about possible Soviet-bloc
shipments of arms to Arab countries. I made two
observations. The first was that the Arab coun-
tries were independent governments and free to
do whatever they wished in the matter. My sec-
ond observation was that, from the standpoint of
U.S. relations with the Soviet Union, such deliv-
ery of arms would not contribute to relaxing
tensions.
Those two observations stand today. I might
add this :
It is difficult to be critical of coimtries which,
feeling themselves endangered, seek the arms
which they sincerely believe they need for defense.
On the other hand, I doubt very much that, under
the conditions which prevail in the area, it is pos-
sible for any country to get security through an
arms race. Also it is not easy or pleasant to
speculate on the probable motives of the Soviet-
bloc leaders.
In my talk about this matter of August 26,^ I
spolve of the fear which dominated the area and
said that I felt that it could be dissipated only by
collective measures designed t« deter aggression
by anyone. I proposed a security guaranty spon-
sored by the United Nations. That, I said, would
relieve the acute fears which both sides now
profess.
It is still my hope that such a solution may be
fomid.
Q. Mr. Secretary, if I may ask one other ques-
tion, there have been reports that the United States
inight provide arms to Israel to balance any arms
shipments from the Soviet bloc to Egypt. Can
you tell us whether this is a likely prospect or not?
A. No, I could not say whether it would be a
likely prospect or not. As I say, in the first place
we do not know what amount or character of arms
may be involved in the Egyptian-Soviet bloc deal
and to what extent, if any, it may seriously upset
the balance of power in the area. It has in the
main been the policy of the United States, as was
set out in the joint statement which the British
Foreign Secretary and I issued in New York last
week,^ to avoid participating in what might be-
come an arms race, and we still hope it will be
possible to avoid getting into that situation.
Q. Mr. Secretary, is it clear as to whether the
deal has been between Czechoslovakia and Egypt
or between the Soviet Union and Egypt, or both?
' The following five paragraphs were also released sepa-
rately as press release 58S dated Oct. 4.
' Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.
'/6id., Oct. 10, 1955, p. .560.
604
Department of State Bulletin
A. Well, it is announced as a deal between E^pt
and Czechoslovakia, but I think that for this pur-
pose it is hard to draw much distinction between
the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia.
Q. Mr. Secretary, it our concern oiily loith armn
shipments from the Commu7ust countries or is it
a question here of the importing of technicians —
Soviet technicians?
A. That again is a matter as to which we have
no knowledge, as to whether or not this will in-
volve bringing in technicians.
Q. Mr. Secretaiy, the points on which you say
we have no information suggest that Mr. Allen
either has not inquired or has not succeeded in
obtaining factual information about this situation.
A. Well, we have not gotten information about
all these details, and the impression of Mr. Allen is
that some of them, in fact most of them you have
alluded to, have not yet been finally settled be-
tween the direct parties.
Q. Mr. Secretary, when you were in New York
and met, I believe at dinner, with Mr. Molotov, you
had occasion to talk about the Middle Eastern sit-
uation, the Egyptian problem, and so on. Co^ild
you tell us whether in fact you did discuss this
matter with Mr. Molotov, and what his attitude
appeared to be?
A. I can answer half your question. I can say
we did talk to Mr. Molotov. In fact, I talked to
him twice about it — when I first arrived in New
York, which was, I think, 2 weeks ago today, and
then again a week ago today when he and the
British and French Foreign Ministers had dinner
with me.
Q. Would you like to — would you feel free to
tell us what line you took with him, sir?
A. I took about the same line that is expressed
in this statement which I read in so far as it re-
lates to the Soviet Union. You will recall that I
said that ". . . from the standpoint of U.S. re-
lations with the Soviet Union, such delivery of
arms would not contribute to relaxing tensions."
Argentine-U.S. Relations
Q. Mr. Secretary, would you comment on recent
developments in Argentina and include something
about the actions and declarations of that Govern-
ment as they might affect Argentine-V .8. rela-
tions.^
A. Well, the United St-ates has recognized the
new Government of Argentina, and the head of
that Government and the Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs have both indicated a desire to have close
and friendly relations with the United Stat«s.
We believe that that is sincerely their desire, and
that is a desire which the United States recipro-
cates.
Trend in Indonesian Elections
Q. Mr. Secretai-y, I wonder if you would corn-
inent on the trends that seem, to be showing up in
the Indonesian elections?
A. No, I think I had better not comment on that,
because the elections are not over yet. While I
think the balloting has been finished in Java, the
balloting has not even begun yet in other parts of
Indonesia, and while an election is in process I
think it would probably be inappropriate for me
to comment on it.
Frencli Withdrawal From General Assembly
Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been som,e more or
less public debate about whether it was a good idea
for the French delegation to walk out of the U.N.
General Asse7nbly. Would you say how you feel
about it?
A. I would not want to attempt to characterize
or comment on the wisdom of French action be-
cause this was a matter primarily of concern to
them. I do feel that the action will probably not
have either the effect of doing a damaging thing
in the long run to the United Nations or that it
will mean that France will not continue to play its
historic role as a leading nation in matters of for-
eign a flairs.
Q. Mr. Secretary, would you care to comment
then about the vote in the U.N. about the Algerian
question? Have you any cojnment to make about
it?
A. Well, the position of the United States on
that is well known. We voted against the in-
scription, and we spoke against the inscription,
and in speaking against the inscription the state-
ment made by Ambassador Lodge * made quite
' Ibid., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582.
Ocfober 17, 1955
605
clear, I think, the reasons why we were against. I
have I'eally nothing to add to what Ambassador
Lodge said.
U.S. -Red China Geneva Talks
Q. Mr. Secretary, could you say lohether any
progress is heing wade in the Geneva talhs with
Communist China on the second item on the
agenda? I notice they are claiming a slowdoion
on that.
A. There is no slowdown that I am aware of.
The whole operation is slow. It took ns, as you
know, 6 weeks to get agi-eement in relation to the
first item on the agenda, although that was a mat-
ter which Mr. Chou En-lai said would be easily
settled, and yet it took 6 weeks. Progress in these
matters is always slow and is seldom spectacular.
Q. Mr. Secretary, does there appear to he any
chance that Red China might now renege on its
agreement under item one?
A. Well, we are still holding to the belief that
the Chinese Communists will carry out their
agreement that all the Americans that are there are
entitled to return and will be allowed expeditiously
to exercise that right. You ask whether there is
a chance that they may renege on it ?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. I suppose that there is always such a chance,
but we sincerely hope that they will not, and I
would not say that there is any clear evidence
which leads us today to believe that they will
Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting
Q. Mr. Secretary, could you comment on Mr.
von. Brentano'' s remarks in which he implied that
the Geneva spirit could not contribute to the soft-
ening or removing of tensions until the true causes
of these tensions had been actually removed?
A. Well, I think that is a very sound observa-
tion, and that was pretty much the understanding
of the Geneva "summit" conference. You will re-
call that the invitation to that conference said
that we would approach these problems in two
stages. The first stage would be when the Heads
of Government would get together and try to de-
velop some new impulses for the solution of the
practical problems, and the second stage would
be when the Foreign Ministers would then meet
and actually tackle these problems. So, the Ge-
neva conference as the first stage was never in-
tended or expected itself to be decisive. Wliether
or not there would be a success would be dependent
upon whether in fact the spirit generated at
Geneva would bring about the solution of some of
these practical matters, such as the division of
Germany.
Q. Mr. Secretary , did you get any indication
from Mr. Molotov in New York of proposals
which he might make at Geneva or of the Soviefs
attitude?
A. No, we had no discussion with Mr. Molotov
about substantive matters that would come up at
Geneva. We discussed primarily the agenda for
Geneva, how we would go abovit it, and those prac-
tical problems which always come up in these
meetings as to when we start and who presides,
where we sit and how we translate, and such mat-
ters. We did not go into matters of substance.
Q. Mr. Secretary, how do you assess now the
prospects of some measure of success at the coming
Geneva conference?
A. I believe that we will make positive progress
toward the reunification of Germany. Now I
don't mean to say that we will conclude the matter
at the Geneva conference because it involves very
complicated matters, but I shall be greatly dis-
appointed if we do not make substantial progress
in that direction.
Q. Well, isn't that — just following that up if I
7nay, sir — isnH the fact of intervening complica-
tions since the ^^suinmif'' conference among the
Western powers — just to mention a couple, Cy-
prus v)ith the British and the Turks, and the
North African-French situation — isnH that going
to complicate our position even though those sub-
jects are not directly itvvolved in the conference?
A. No, I don't think so at all. We had meet-
ings in New York last week with the Foreign
Ministers of the United Kingdom, France, Ger-
many, and myself. We discussed all aspects of
this matter in great detail, and I have, I think,
never participated in a meeting of the Western
Foreign Ministers where there was such harmony
and a common viewpoint about matters which are
extremely complicated and which could very easily
606
Department of State Bulletin
give rise, to differences of opinion. It was an ex-
tremely satisfactory meeting, and I think we go
to Geneva with a greater unity not only of purpose
but of program than we have gone to any of these
conferences of Foreign Ministers in the past.
U.N. Membership Question
Q. Mr. Secretary, wouJd you care to explain the
American approval of the Spanish application for
membership in the United Nations in view of the
Assembly''s decision in the past on that?
A. I think that our position on all United Na-
tions memberships is substantially the same as it
has been in the past. We have never believed that
the Security Council should operate as an agency
for the vetoing of members. That is on the as-
sumption that we would all take the same position.
That, you may recall, was the provision in the
Vandenberg resolution which was overwhelmingly
adopted by the Senate in 1948.
"We believe that candidates should be considered
on their merits; they should not be arbitrarily
vetoed in the Security Council. We believe that
in that way we can carry out the spirit and intent
of the provision of the charter which says that
there should be eligible for membership all na-
tions which are peace-loving and which are judged
able and willing to carry out their obligations
under the charter.
There are some nations which, it seems to me,
have made clear that they are not either peace-
loving, or able or willing to carry out their obli-
gations under the charter, and we doubt that they
should be allowed to come into the United Nations
in violation of the charter, or merely in order to
get other eligible nations in. Indeed, that was
the interpretation of the charter which was placed
upon it by a decision of the International Court
of Justice. And we are trying to comply with
that, being ready, as I said, and as our past record
has indicated, not to exercise veto power but to
allow the voting to operate free of veto on these
matters, always, as I say, assuming that others
would do the same.
Q. I wnderstand that approaches have teen
made hy Russia regarding the sim,ulta'neous sub-
tnission of 16 or 17 members now. What do you
think the Spanish application might do on that?
A. It seems to me that the answer I have given
answers sufficiently, doesn't it?
Q. What I'm trying to get at is will the United
States take the view that each application must be
treated on its ments?
A. I think I have indicated that it is our belief
that each nation should be considered on its merits
and should be tested by the charter test of being
peace-loving and willing and able to carry out
such obligations as those that are contained in the
charter. We don't insist that we alone have an
arbitrary right to make that decision; that's the
reason why we are willing to abide by the view of
the majority, a qualified majority, and not insist
upon exercising veto power. But we are not dis-
posed to vote for countries that we think are quite
clearly not qualified for membership and, indeed,
where they have been denounced by the United
Nations General Assembly itself for failing, in
effect, to carry out charter provisions.
Q. Mr. Secretary, hoto would yoti, evaluate the
possibilities of new members coining into the
United Nations this year?
A. Well, that's about as good a guess as to
whether the Dodgers or the Yankees are going
to win.
Effect of President's Illness on Foreign Policy
Q. Mr. Secretary, the day after the Presidents
illness you made an evalimtion as to what possible
effect it might have? I believe you were going
to Canada at the time. Would you tell us now
tohat effect it has had on foreign operations or any
other operations of Government so far as you can
tell?
A. As I said at that time, the President's illness
is a cause for sadness but it is not a cause of alarm.
I think that estimate of the situation has been
borne out.
I think it worth recalling in this connection the
immense amount of forward work which has been
done under the President's direction and with his
participation in this field of foreign relations
through the operation of the National Security
Council. That is a body which, as you know,
represents the agencies of government that are
particularly interested in foreign policy, and
through their Policy Planning Board they study
various situations. They think ahead; they try
to imagine what might happen. And these papers
'■Ibid., Oct. 10, 1955, p. 566.
Ocfober 77, 1955
607
then of the Policy Planning Board are all dis-
cussed in detail with the President, and certain
policy guidelines are laid down. Therefore, we
have a very large amount of basic policy which
has already been established with the knowl-
edge, participation, and explicit approval of the
President.
Now that doesn't mean that we have a sort of
"pushbutton" foreign policy because, obviously,
all of these matters have to be restudied, recon-
sidered in the light of the actual circumstances
which create problems. But the broad lines are
laid out, and we already know very fully the
President's thinking on these matters.
Also, there is every reason to anticipate that it
will before long be possible to talk to the President
about any of these matters that become urgent.
But, so far, there has not been any emergency of
that character, and I am absolutely satisfied that
our foreign policy at the present time is being
conducted precisely along the lines that the Presi-
dent himself desires it to be conducted.
Q. Sir, when do you flan to go to Denver, (M
things being equal? If his health
A. Wlien would I go ?
Q. Yes.
A. Well, that depends upon two factors that I
can't anticipate : One is the factor of his improv-
ing health; the other is the factor of the impor-
tance or urgency of going. At the moment I have
no matter of urgency wliich I feel ought to be dis-
cussed with the President.
Q. Mr. Secretary, going hack to the question of
the conduct of foreign policy while the President
is ill, h/no do yoii, interpret your potoers in dealing
with such things as sending Mr. Allen to the Mid-
dle East or answering the letter from Mr. Bul-
ganin to the President about disarmament?
A. Well, on such matters as sending Mr. Allen
to the Middle East, I have always dealt with
things of that sort without any particular con-
sultation with the President. Perhaps, if we had
been together, I would have mentioned it to the
President. But the movement of my Assistant
Secretaries has always been something which has
been under my direction, and there has never been
any question raised about that. The President
has wanted me to assume that responsibility.
On a question such as the reply to Bulganin,
you have got two phases of the matter : The one
is what you might call an initial acknowledgment,
and the other would be a reply of substance which
would deal with the many difficult problems that
are raised. Without saying that that full reply
would necessarily have to await the President's at-
tention, I think it can be said that it probably will
await the President's personal attention. That
is because, on the one hand, it will take quite a lit-
tle time to prepare such a reply, and, on the other
hand, it does involve questions of high national
policy where it is certainly preferable to have the
President's personal scrutiny of it. However, if
lie was unable to give that and the matter came to
require urgent treatment, I think that both the
Secretary of Defense and myself, Governor Stas-
sen, and others involved find in the National Se-
curity Council papers sufficient guidance so we
could deal with it if it had to be dealt with. But
I do not feel it will have to be dealt with before
the President can give it personal attention.
Q. Is it fair to infer from, what you have just
said, then, that you believe such poivers fall back
upon the Cabinet, or, for example, are yow rela-
tions in any way different with the Vice President
since the Presidenfs illness?
A. No. The Vice President has, in effect,
continued the same relationship to the Cabinet
and the National Security Council as he has at
various times in the past. At times in the past, _,
when the President has been away, the Vice Presi- I
dent has presided, or oftentimes indeed while the
President was here he would be interrupted dur-
ing a meeting and at that point the Vice President
would take over for him and carry on. There is
no change that I am aware of in that relationshii).
608
Department of State Bulletin
The Defense of Europe^A Progress Report
hy Gen. Alfred M. Gruenther
Supreme Commander, Allied Powers Europe '
At the age of 15, in my village of Platte Center,
Nebr., population 374, 1 started to work for a bank.
I was not a great success because I was always
mixed up by the dili'erence between collateral and
money. My contention was that all you needed
was more collateral because every time my boss ran
into the question of a loan, he said, "Well, we have
got plenty of money, but you don't have any
collateral." And on this subject my boss and I
did a good deal of splitting.
I might say that a few years later the bank
failed, and there has been some suggestion in my
village that my association with it didn't help the
bank any.
I still feel in spite of that, though, that my
I^revious condition of servitude should enable me
to address you as fellow bankers.
I did not, however, come all the way from Paris,
some 4,500 miles, to talk to you about banking. I
came to tell you that if the project that I am con-
nected with does not succeed, your membership —
which has now, I understand, dropped from 30,000
in the 20's to 14,000 now — is going to go down a
lot further — and not because of mergers, either.
In other words, the basic issue is whether our
system of life, which you gentlemen exemplify
and which is anathema to the Soviet system, is
going to survive. That is the reason why the
North Atlantic Treaty was signed in 1949, and
that is the reason why General Eisenhower went to
Europe to organize the defense of Europe in the
early part of 1951.
When he arrived there, the state of the defenses
of the free world was in a very precarious con-
dition. The first day that he landed in Paris, the
' Address made before the American Bankers Associa-
tion at Chicago, 111., on Sept. 28.
Ocfober 17, 1955
362927—55 3
7th of January, 1951, we had extremely bad news
from Korea, and the estimates were that the
United Nations forces there would be ejected from
that peninsula in a matter of weeks. In Europe
itself, we had had evidence that Soviet imperial-
ism was again on the march in the form of such
incidents as the Czechoslovakia coup and the
Berlin blockade.
As General Eisenhower took stock of what he
had, he found out that his resources were ex-
tremely low, but that was not the worst of it. He
could not use the resources that he did have.
There was no common concept, and if there had
been a common concept there was not even a way
to implement it.
I had occasion on about the 24th of January,
1951, as his Chief of Staff, to put through a tele-
phone call from Paris to Oslo, Norway, which
was going to be one of our subordinate head-
quarters. I was told by the telephone operator
that it would take about 8 hours to complete the
call and to bear in mind that it would go through
the Soviet Zone of Germany, and we would there-
fore have Communist assistance in completing the
call.
At my office last Saturday I put another call
in to Oslo and I got tlirough in 3 minutes, and
as far as we know we had no Communist help in
implementing it.
I mention that because it is indicative of the
progress which has been made. Our resources
now are from four to five times what they were
in those dark days of 1951, and from a standpoint
of effectiveness our ratio of increase has been even
greater still. We now have a functioning organi-
zation. Our headquarters are complete. Each one
of them knows exactly what plans would be im-
plemented in the event of emergency.
609
Rate of Progress
That is all to the good. That is progress much
greater than we ever thought possible in the dark
days of 1951. However, what you are interested
in knowing is: "Are we strong enough now to
resist successfully an all-out act of Soviet aggres-
sion if one should take place? " The answer to
that question is, "No, not yet."
Our progress has been great, but it has not been
that great; and just for fear that that may cause
in your mind a feeling of depression, let me say
that it would be nothing short of a miracle if we
had developed to that extent. Considering the low
level from which we started, and considering the
fact that the Soviet forces had midergone prac-
tically no demobilization after the war, it is not
strange that I have to give this kind of report to
you.
Our progress, however, has been such that with
the advent of the German forces, which should be
effective in from 3 to 4 years if everything goes
well, we tliink that at that time we shall be able
to say that, if an act of aggression should come, we
shall be able to defeat it. It is toward that goal
that all of our planning is devoted and pointed.
By the same line of reasoning, the Soviets have
set their objectives. The Soviet Government did
everything possible to prevent the West German
Government from joining Nato. That matter
ended when the Germans joined Nato on the 9th
of May this year, making the 15th country in our
alliance. And now they are doing everything pos-
sible to prevent the German foi'ces from coniing
into being.
At our headquarters, we who have the responsi-
bility of the defense of Europe over a perimeter
of some 4,000 miles, deal — or try to deal — in
realities. We are considering what would happen
if the Soviets engaged in military action. That
does not mean that they are going to engage in
that action, but our planning must be based on the
assiunption as to where we would be if they did.
Our first job, therefore, is always to assess what
we refer to as their "military capability." A\^iat
kind of forces do they have? How are those
forces disposed ? How effective are they ?
They have a land army now of 175 divisions,
the largest land army in the world, and the most
effective one. Not all of the 175 divisions are per-
fect, but by and large they are well trained.
They have an air force of some 20,000 opera-
tional planes. Wlien General Eisenhower came
to Europe, they also had 20,000 planes, but at that
time most of them were piston driven. Now the
vast majority of them are jet planes, with new and
improved versions of jet planes coming off the line
all the time.
On the naval side, they are concentrating large-
ly in the submarine field, and they now have about
350 submarines. To give you a measuring stick
as to what 350 submarines mean, you should know
that when the Germans started World War II
they had only 75 submarines; so 350 represents a
very extensive capability — not five times as great
as the Germans had, for the Soviets still do not
have the same know-how that the Germans did,
but they are improving as time goes on.
Those forces that I have just mentioned are the
Soviet forces. In addition they have the satellite
forces. There are between 75 and 80 satellite divi-
sions totaling between a million and a million one
hundred thousand men. There are something like
2,500 planes in the satellite air forces.
All of that represents a very substantial capa-
bility. Our job, since we have the mission of de-
fending Europe, has to be based on that capa-
bility. Even if there is going to be no war — and
I personally think there will be no war — as you
balance this power equation, if our side suffers by
comparison on a ratio of whatever it may turn
out to be — 3 to 1, or 4 to 1 against us — and we are
unable to equalize it, we will be gradually pushed ■
back into a corner when it comes to this very stern
job of negotiating with the Soviets.
Our task, then, is one not of advocating war,
not saying that war is likely, but basing our plans
on again what we refer to as enemy capability.
To sum up : "VVlien the German forces are effec-
tive, and assuming that we can have the use of
new weapons, we shall be able to solve this prob-
lem ; that will be roughly in 3 or 4 years.
Difficulties in Maintaining Unity
Having said that, I want to tell you that I think
that the hardest period is coming now. We had
great difficulties in the first 4i/2 years of Nato,
but we had one big advantage, and that was that
the free world was united by fear, a cement that
held us together but which is gradually disap-
pearing now, because under the "smiling cam-
paign," under the tendency which is developing to
relax, we are up against very tough opposition.
610
Department of State Bulletin
In the period that we are going to face in the
next few years it is going to be much more difficult
to get that unity and to continue the sacrifices
necessary in this type of competition.
We consider that military security — or national
security, if you will — consists of three elements:
the economic side, very well known to you and
earlier discussed by Mr. [Robert] Cutler yester-
day; the military side, which I have been refer-
ring to briefly here ; and thirdly, the psychological
side.
This psychological side is the one where the
Soviets are carrying on a veiy masterly campaign
now. I do not want to be cynical about the
outlook for the future, or about anything that
has happened in connection with Geneva, but I
simply want to bring us back to the realities that
as of now they have an overwhelming power,
and — especially in the conventional field — they
still have a very big edge against us.
I have here a quotation from a talk that Mr.
Khrushchev gave on the 19th of September, and
here is what he said on that day :
We always tell the truth to our friends as well as to
our eueiuies. We are in favor of a relaxation of tension,
but if anybody thinks that for this reason we shall forget
about Mars, Engels, and Lenin, he is mistalien. This
will happen when shrimp learn to whistle. And I might
say that shrimp do not whistle very often. We are for
coexistence because there is in the world a capitalist and
socialist system, but we shall always adhere to the build-
ing of socialism.
He was referring to three very famous men and
referring to the principle of coexistence in con-
nection with them. Incidentally, he said this with
a smile, and in a very relaxed way of speaking, at
the time he made this speech.
But let us go back now to one of these disciples,
Lenin, and see what Lenin said on this same sub-
ject. This was in 1920, and here was Lenin's view
at that time :
We are living not merely in a state but in a system of
states and the existence of the Soviet Republic side by side
with imperialist states for a long time is unthinkable.
One or the other must triumph in the end. And before
that end supervenes, a series of frightful collisions be-
tween the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states will be
inevitable.
iUso, recall this — on the 19th I\Ir. Khrushchev
is saying, "Anybody who thinks we have forgotten
T^enin is badly mistaken."
Marx, to whom he also referred, wrote the bible
for the Communist doctrine, and he has said some
poignant things of interest. One is :
Ocfober 17, 1955
The democratic concept of man is false, because it is
Christian. The democratic concept holds that each man
has a value as a sovereign being. This is an illusion
and a dream.
That is what Mr. Marx said.
On the 22d of September Mr. Khrushchev, in
talking to a group of French parliamentarians on
the subject of religion, had this to say. He had
been talking to them and saying, "Now, we allow
religious services to take place in the Soviet
LTnion." And then he went on with this: "But
you must not draw," said he to his French visitors,
"the conclusion from this fact that communism
has changed its point of view toward religion. AVe
remain atheists and we do everything we can to
liberate a certain part of the people from the
opium attraction of religion which still exists.
Antireligious work is carried out by literatiu'e
and lectures, but care is taken never to annoy the
priests."
I am bringing up these points simj^ly to sound
a word of caution that, while the smile campaign
is certainly very advantageous and I am delighted
it has taken place, the democracies, who have great
difficulty in retaining their unity amidst this sort
of atmosphere, must bear in mind that so far as
we can tell now there has been no significant de-
parture from any Soviet position which has here-
tofore been considered as important.
Strong Force for Peace
Two weeks ago yesterday, Mr. Bulganin and
Mr. Khrushchev were entertaining Chancellor
Adenauer and toasting to peace, perpetual peace.
But at the very moment that was happening, in
the satellite states the steam shovels were continu-
ing their work in building additional airfields,
and we have the situation that the Soviet poten-
tial continues to grow. 'WHiether they will use
those airfields or not, I cannot say, but our job —
and our job from the question of creating an en-
during and lasting peace — is that we nmst be able
to maintain a balance of power, and that is the
object of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Our thesis — and it is the thesis of all of the 15
governments — is that if we can develop sufficient
power to make an attack by an aggressor ex-
tremely costly, then it will never take place. In
other words, we consider that we are a peaceful
organization, and, in case there might be in any of
your minds a lingering doubt as to whether or not
we have aggressive tendencies, let me assure you
611
that in onr headquarters, which does a major part
of the planning, there has never been as much as
a single sentence written which envisages that we
take the initiative in an attack. In fact, our big
worry is how we can absorb, and how we can sur-
vive, under an attack in which the other side has
the advantage of surprise.
We can therefore approach the world and the
Soviets with a clean heart, that actually the object
of our organization is to prevent war from taking
place. We consider it a strong force for peace.
Most people agree to that, and I am sure there is
no difference of opinion among the people in this
audience on that score, but here is where the prob-
lem comes : An alliance is a very difficult thing to
make function. None has ever functioned suc-
cessfully in all of history in time of peace. Ours
has functioned reasonably well in these 41/4 years
since General Eisenhower went to Europe, but
how it is going to function in the future depends
more and more on the participation of the people,
their confidence that it is an instrument for
peace, and their belief in it to the extent that they
will continue making the necessary sacrifices.
Exercising World Leadership
We do have this matter to consider and that
is that it is of tremendous importance for America
to keep this alliance going, because of our posi-
tion in the world now, and certainly in the indus-
trial field of production and productivity achieve-
ments. This mantle of world leadership has fallen
on our shoulders, but that same mantle does not
give us necessarily the wisdom to lead the world in
this kind of competition.
I will take my own case : I went to school in our
little village of Platte Center, taking up geog-
raphy and history and trying to cheat our teacher
out of a gi-ade, but I did not give one continental
damn about geography and history.
I went to college and I cared less, so that the
preparation that I have for a job like this I have
been learning at the rate of 14 hours a day since
I have been on it. We have two sons in our
family, and they have resisted education even
better than I did.
Your sons and daughters may be exceptions,
but as we see them come over to our place, I have
my doubts, and I have this feeling, that we have
got to learn a great deal more of the world, what
makes it tick, and why the other fellow's point
of view is one that has to be considered. We have
a tremendous amount of progress that is needed
in that field, and the Soviets are masters at it.
We also need to approach this task with humility,
for we have a lot to learn.
The Soviets, from the standpoint of propa-
ganda, and especially from the standpoint of de-
vising propaganda, do a very effective job, and at
stake are 450 million people that belong to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, of which
165 million people are ours.
Probably the impact on our people, we say, is
not so great, but it makes a difference to be 30
minutes away from Soviet bombers, as many of
the people of Europe are, where devastating at-
tacks can be launched on them, and the tendency
for wishful thinking is one that is inherent in all
human beings. Certainly you see tendencies of it
even in this country. To be able to keep an
alliance in this kind of atmosphere is going to
require a very widespread exercise of leadership,
and that is the reason why I bring this matter to
your attention.
You are all very important executives. You are
leaders in your own community. I turn the prob-
lem over to you because in this psychological field
you can make a great contribution even if you
do no more than to spread confidence in the organi-
zation. Over and over again you should say the
security of the free world depends upon our abil-
ity to maintain this alliance.
This alliance is certainly the most important
one now in being from the standpoint of its ex-
tent. I have confidence that we are going to be
able to solve this. I have been in the military
service — in another month — 37 years. Our head-
quarters is the happiest one I have ever been asso-
ciated with. That is due to the fact that General ■
Eisenhower was the first commander and was
there for a year and a half. As he started it out,
he assembled the officers and he said to them this:
"I feel that the key characteristic of an Allied staff
officer is the ability to have a ready smile." That
was his way of saying that friends could work well
together.
That has been the secret of our success, and we
have an extremely dedicated group of officers. If
we can spread that same attitude to the rest of the
450 million people of Nato, there is no question
that we are going to be able to stop this war from
ever taking place, or that we will be able to handle
ourselves well in the cold war.
You will be interested in another thing that
General Eisenhower did at our headquarters. He
612
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
felt that with tliis problem of 12 nationalities —
which there were then, 15 now — you would make a
great contribution if you could have those people
live together. He worked it out with the French
Government to have an apartment settlement
which became known as Shape Village. It has
paid tremendous dividends. Thej' have their own
club there. Three hundred families live in one
area. They also have their own school.
You will be interested in this school. In one
class that I visited just before the vacation started,
there were 32 people from various nationalities,
and in that class the English prize was won by a
Turkish girl 14 years old. (There were six Ameri-
cans in that class, five Britishers, two or three
French, and various other nationalities.) I talked
to her mother just last Wednesday. The mother —
if she lives to be 150 years old, there is nothing in
her life that will ever please her as much as the
fact that her daughter, who came to that school
only 2 years ago, was able to win first prize in
English. The father and mother knew no English
when thej' came there.
It is the development of that type of under-
standing which is going to make this thing work.
I am certain that it can work. You may say
that I am an optimist. I plead guilty to that
charge. I like to think, liowever, that I am more
than an optimist. I like to think that I have
faith — faith in our civilization and its dedication
to the dignity of the human individual and all
that that implies, with our dedication and devo-
tion to religion and all the advantages that stem
from that.
It has been a great honor for me to come here
today. I understand that, when I finish, the pro-
gram will be over.
There was a friend of mine who belonged to a
political party in one of the Southern states, and
in their campaigning it was their custom to have
seven or eight or nine people travel around in a
caravan and deliver political speeches. On one
such occasion they were in a grove of trees and
there was going to be a barbecue following. As
the speakers went on, the barbecue people went to
their task and the aroma of the barbecue began
coming over the crowd, and one by one the crowd
departed.
My particular friend sitting in the front row
noticed this, and when he got up to speak, lo and
behold, there was only one fellow left. He had
to make a decision what to do, and he decided
Ocfober 17, 1955
362927—55 4
that he would go through with his speech anyway,
which he did with all of his gestures and delivered
a very fine talk. He finished and be turned to
this one fellow who was there. He said, "I want
to thank you, my friend, for staying. Certainly
that was a very fine act of courtesy. Just as a
matter of interest, tell me — "Wliy did you stay?"
"The answer is simple : I am the last speaker."
I am very much flattered that the entertainment
characteristics of the hotel have not attracted you
people away, and I am very delighted to have had
this chance to appear before you.
I gather from listening to Mr. [Clarence] Ran-
dall's talk that all bankers are rich ! When I was
a banker, we were not, but I understand that has
changed now and sooner or later you will be com-
ing to Europe. I am not going to get into the
subject that Mr. Randall has given you instruc-
tions about, but I would like to extend to you an
invitation ; instead of going to the night clubs in
Paris — although we can arrange that for you if
you like — to come and visit Shape, our head-
quarters on the outskirts of Paris, where you can
see what we are trying to do. We do not claim we
have the answer. We don't resent criticism. We
feel that the one item which could destroy our
organization is indifference. If we can get your
interest any time you are over, please know that
you will be really welcome at that headquarters.
In conclusion I want to say that I feel that we
have made such tremendous progress that, if we
were to weary and falter now, it would be nothing
short of a catastrophe. We have a fateful period
coming up. A month from today you will be read-
ing the first report of the second Geneva confer-
ence, which starts a month from yesterday. I
hope that, whatever our leaders decide in regard
to a position, you are going to give them your
support. It is important, of coui-se, that we get
an agreement with the Russians, but what is more
important still is that we be right and that we get
out of this an enduring and stable peace. The
two things aie not the same necessarily. For the
people to understand that is very complicated and
is going to require a high degree of application
on the part of leaders such as you.
I wish you all possible success in your work.
Again I thank you. I express my complete con-
fidence that we are going to be able to solve this
problem and, if we can only preserve our unity, I
am positive that no power, however menacing, wiU
be able to prevail against us.
613
UNITED NATIONSDAY October 24, 1955
". . . WHEREAS the United Nations has entered on
its tenth year of unremitting labor toward realizing
the hopes of mankind for an ordered world based on
the supremacy of reason and justice . . ."
FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S
U. N.DAY PROCLAMATION
Need for Expanding Use off
U.S. Books Overseas
Following is the text of a letter dated September
26 from Nelsan A. Rockefeller, Special Assistant
to the President, to Arthur A. Houghton, Jr.,
chairman of the Conference on Boohs Abroad.
The letter was read at the conference, held at
Princeton, N. J., Septemher 29-30.
It was a very pleasant surprise for me to see
the extensive preparation which has been made for
the Conference on Books Abroad at Princeton.
As you commence your discussions, I want to as-
sure you of your government's deep interest in the
vakie of books in the field of international rela-
tions.
Books are one of the windows to a nation's soul
and spirit. Wi\n\ more American books and pub-
lications are read overseas, we shall have many
more friends abroad who are understanding sup-
porters of American foreign policy. I realize that
books make their influence effective only over the
course of years. Because we have so long delayed
a really major effort in this field of books, a major
program is now absolutely necessary. The U.S.
Information Agency has been making substantial
and successful use of books, but a government
agency cannot fully meet the challenge in this field.
Regular publishing channels must be the main
instrument for insuring adequate commercial dis-
tribution of significant American books. Let me
assure you and your Conference that your efforts
to increase book distribution are of major im-
poitance to United States objectives.
The current passion for education throughout
the world opens great opportunities for books to
reach and influence present leaders and the stu-
dents who will be the future leaders. Opportuni-
ties will vary from country to country, but a stable,
long-range program by skilled personnel would
accomplish major results. American world lead-
ership, the quality of American achievements in
scientific, professional, technical and cultural
fields, and the pressing need to reflect this leader-
ship and quality of achievement throughout the
world, warrant the greatest possible effort to ex-
pand the use of American books throughout the
world in the present half-century. Your govern-
ment stands ready to cooperate with you in lessen-
ing the major obstacles which stand in the way of
this expansion.
616
With sincerest wishes for the success of your
Conference and the publishers' subsequent efforts
to increase American book distribution, I remain,
Sincerely,
Nelson A. Rockefeller
Special Assistant to the President
United States Position on
U.S.S.R.-East German Agreements
Press release 584 dated October 4
The following is the text of a note delivered by
the American Embassy at Moscoic to the Soviet
Foreign Ministry on October 3. Similar notes
loere delivered on the saine day to the Soviet
Foreign Ministry at Moscow by the Embassies of
France and the United Kingdom,.
The Government of the United States of
America, in agreement with the Governments of
the United Kingdom and France, wishes to make
known its position with regard to the agreements
concluded at Moscow on the 20th of September
1955 between Marshal Bulganin and Mr. Grote-
wohl, as published in the press.
The three Governments declare that these
agreements cannot affect in any respect or in
any way the obligations or responsibilities of
the U.S.S.R. under agreements and arrangements
on the subject of Germany, including Berlin, pre-
viously concluded between France, the United
States, the United Kingdom and the U.S.S.R.
The three Governments consider that the
U.S.S.R. remains bound by the engagements which
it has assumed vis-a-vis the Three Powers concern-
ing Germany, and that, in particular, the letters
exchanged between Mr. Zorin and Mr. Bolz on the
20th of September 1955 cannot have the effect of
discharging the U.S.S.R. from the responsibilities
which it has assumed in matters concerning trans-
portation and communications between the differ-
ent parts of Germany, including Berlin.
Effective Date for Concessions
to Italy
Press release 590 dated October 5
As stated by the Department on August 22,
1955,' in accordance with the provisions of the
1 Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 397.
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
Protocol for the Accession of Japan to the Gen-
eral Agi-eement on Tariffs and Trade, U.S. con-
cessions to countries other than Japan in connec-
tion M-ith the negotiations for Japan's accession
will be made effective 30 days after such countries
notify the Executive Secretary of the general
agreement that their concessions to Japan are be-
ing placed in effect.
On September 5, 1955, the Italian Government
gave notification of intention to apply the con-
cessions contained in its schedule to the Pi-otocol.
Accordingly the United States will on October 5,
1955, apply the concessions initially negotiated
with Italy. The items affected are :
Item Designation
1531 [first]
1531 [second]
Description
Coin purses, change purses, bill-
folds, bill cases, bill rolls, bill
purses, banknote eases, currency
cases, money cases, card cases, li-
cense cases, pass cases, passport
cases, letter cases, and similar
flat leather goods ; all the fore-
going wholly or in chief value of
leather other than reptile leather
Articles provided for in para-
graph, 1531, Tariff Act of 1930, if
wholly or in chief value of reptile
leather and permanently fitted
and furnished with traveling, bot-
tle, drinking, dining or luncheon,
sewing, manicure, or similar sets
The President has notified the Secretary of the
Treasury of the effective date for the concessions
to Italy.
Memorandum for the Secretary of the Treasury'
October 3, 1955
Reference is made to my proclamation of July
22, 1955 ^ carrying out the Protocol of Terms of
Accession by Japan to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade.
On September 5, 1955 Italy gave to the Execu-
tive Secretary to the Contracting Parties to the
General Agreement the notification referred to in
paragraph 3 of the Protocol for the accession of
Japan, of intention to apply on October 5, 1955
concessions which it had negotiated initially with
Japan. Accordingly, pursuant to the procedure
described in Part 1(b) (1) of the above-mentioned
proclamation, I hereby notify you that both items
1531 in Part I of Schedule XX to the said Proto-
'20 fed. Reg. 7S01.
' BtT.LETiN of Aug. 8, 1955, p. 226.
col shall not be withheld pursuant to paragraph
4 of the said Protocol on or after October 5, 1955.
Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of
Aviation Facilities
Press release 583 dated October 3
The Department of State welcomes the decision
of the Export-Import Bank to establish a credit
of $24 million in Ethiopia's favor for the develop-
ment of commercial airfields and aviation facilities
throughout the country. The loan indicates the
bank's confidence in Ethiopia's capacity for eco-
nomic expansion and is in line with the desire of
the United States to strengthen further the already
close cooperation between Ethiopia and the United
States. Ethiopian Air Lines, whose expansion the
loan will support, is already an outstanding
achievement of Ethiopian enterprise assisted by
private American technical knowledge. The air-
line is wholly Ethiopian owned but managed un-
der contract by an American air carrier, Trans-
World Airlines.
The bank's action is viewed by the Department
as further tangible evidence of the interest which
the U.S. Government expressed in the sound de-
velopment of Ethiopia's economy at the time of
Emperor Haile Selassie's visit to this country in
the spring of 1954.
Emergency Assistance to India
Press release 585 dated October 4
The Governments of the United States and
India announced on October 4 the exchange of
notes covering the extension of emergency assist-
ance to help relieve the recent flood disaster in
northeast India. This assistance includes 10,000
tons of wheat and 10,000 tons of rice. The food
grains will come from Government stocks held by
the Commodity Credit Corporation, and the U.S.
Government also will bear the cost of transporta-
tion to Indian ports. Additional assistance may
be made available by the United States if condi-
tions warrant.
It is estimated that the continuing floods,
among the worst disasters in the history of Asia,
have destroyed and damaged many thousands of
villages and the homes of some 16 million people
Ocfober 77, J 955
617
in the states of West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Assam,
and Uttar Predesh.
Immediate relief in the form of medicines and
other emergency supplies, donated by Red Cross
societies and other voluntary agencies in many
countries including the United States, has been
flown to New Delhi on U.S. Government planes.
Supplies were also made available from League
of Red Cross Society stocks in Geneva.
The offer of U.S. assistance, made in a note from
U.S. Ambassador John Sherman Cooper to Min-
ister of Agriculture P. S. Deshmukli for Prime
Minister Nehru, is being given under provisions
of title II, Public Law 480, which authorizes the
use of surplus American agricultural products for
relief purposes. The shipment of wheat to devas-
tated areas in India will begin shortly.
Korean Tax Problem
Press release 586 dated October 3
The taxation of American businessmen in Ko-
rea has recently been the subject of discussions be-
tween our Embassy in Seoul and the Government
of the Republic of Korea. There has been so much
confusion about the problem that the Department
of State considers it desirable to clarify the issues.
The Korean Minister of Finance has repeatedly
assured officers of the American Embassy in Seoul
that American businessmen are paying and have
in the past paid personal income taxes, taxes on
agents' commissions, and certain other taxes, their
liability for which is clearly established. The
current controversy does not involve personal tax
obligations.
The tax in question is the "Business Tax" levied
under Korean law No. 48 of August 13, 1949. In
American terminology, this tax as applied to the
businessmen involved is known as a sales tax. Ex-
planations of the law made public by the Tax
Bureau of the Finance Ministry of the Republic
of Korea as recently as June 1955 indicate clearly
that it was up to that time regarded as a tax to be
levied on goods and services in Korean domestic
trade only, and this is verified by the way in
which the law was implemented. No effort was
made by the Tax Bureau before July 1955 to col-
lect this sales tax on transactions in international
trade in which the sales were made outside Korea
and title to the goods was transferred outside
Korea.
In July and Augixst 1955 the Korean Tax Bu-
reau sent bills to representatives of certain Ameri-
can firms in Korea for amounts that were declared
to be due the Republic of Korea by those firms as
taxes under law No. 48. They were taxes on goods
that had been brought into Korea, but the sales
transactions had in the gi"eat majority of cases
been completed outside Korea and the title to the
goods involved had also been transferred outside
Korea. The bills were in varying amounts, but
in the case of one firm amounted to $214,000 at the
current rate of exhange. In discussing tliis sub-
ject with the Korean Government, the American
Embassy at Seoul has not disputed the right of the
Korean Government to levy a sales tax on goods
in international trade under the provisions of law
No. 48. However, it has, on instructions from the
Department of State, discussed the advisability
of taxing sales transactions which are largely in-
ternational in character, contrary to the practice
of most countries, and has raised questions with
res^ject to the fairness of applying a new interpre-
tation of the law retroactively to past trans-
actions.
The sovereignty of the Korean Government in
taxation matters is therefore not the issue in the
present discussions, nor is it a question of dis-
crimination. The issue is rather the equity of the
application of a new interpretation of law No. 48
to transactions that took place before the inter-
pretation was made public when there had been
good reason to expect that the law would not be so
construed.
Most of the American businessmen in Korea are
neither importers nor exporters of goods. In the
vast majority of cases they are on a salary basis
and are engaged in promoting sales rather than
making them. At no time do they hold title to the
goods whose sales they promote nor do they handle
the money which is involved. In these circum-
stances a sales tax levied on goods whose purchase
they promote cannot be considered a personal tax
obligation of the businessman. The tax, if pay-
able at all, is an obligation of the company whicli
the businessman represents and not of the busi-
nessman personally. Nevertheless, the Korean
Ministry of Foreign Affairs has informed the Em-
bassy at Seoul that it will not issue an exit permit
to the principal representative of a firm from
which this sales tax is considered due until the tax
has been paid.
In representing the interests of American busi-
618
Department of State Bulletin
nessmen on this score, the American Embassy has
held that it is contrary to the principles of equity
to limit the freedom of movement of an individual
on account of sums that may be due from his
employers.
Export- Import Bank Reports on
Lending Activities
Eximbank press release dated September 29
The Export -Import Bank of Washington on
September -Jd transmitted to the President and the
Congress its semiannual report for the half year
wliich ended June 30, 1955.^ The bank is the for-
eign lending agency of the U.S. Govermnent.
The first half of the calendar year 1955 wit-
nessed a continuing uptrend in the lending ac-
tivities of the Export-Import Bank. During this
IJeriod it authorized 115 new credits totaling $336.7
million. Included in the new credits were 81 indi-
vidual exporter credit lines totaling $123.1 million.
The bank allocated $21.5 million to specific proj-
ects under credits previously authorized and ap-
proved 6 transactions totaling $1.3 million under
exporter credit lines. For the fiscal year 1955, the
bank's new credit commitments amounted to $628.3
million.
In the same 6-month period, the bank disbursed
$137.8 million under existing loan authorizations
and received repayments of principal amounting
to $167.4 million plus interest payments of $42.6
million. Disbursements for the fiscal year 1955
totaled $273.5 million, and principal repayments
on all loans amounted to $298.1 million.
The credits authorized during the 6 months
ended June 30, 1955, increased the total credits au-
thorized by the bank from the time of its establish-
ment in February 1934 to $7.2 billion. As of June
30, 1955, the total amount disbursed under such
authorizations was $4.9 billion, of which $2.2 bil-
lion has been repaid.
On June 30, 1955, 438 loans were outstanding in
50 countries. The total of the loans outstanding
was $2.7 billion, and the portion of credits au-
thorized but not yet disbursed was $753 million.
Deducting these amounts from the bank's lending
' For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. ; price,
40 cents.
authority of $5 billion left an uncommitted bal-
ance of $1.5 billion at the fiscal year end.
For the fiscal year the total revenue of the bank
from interest on loans amounted to $85.7 million,
out of which $25.5 million was paid as interest on
funds borrowed from the U.S. Treasury and $1.1
million was expended for operating expenses. De-
duction of all expenses from gross revenue left net
earnings for the fiscal year of $59.1 million, of
which $29.5 million was earned during the final
6 months.
In June a payment of another $22.5 million an-
nual dividend to the Treasury of the United States
was approved, representing 21/4 percent on the $1
billion of capital stock of the bank. This dividend
was paid out of profits made during the fiscal year
ended June 30, 1955. Accumulated earned reserves
now total $367.1 million.
New applications are being received at a rate
over three times the previous 3-year average, and
the number of credits authorized during the first
6 months of 1955 was larger than for any previous
6-month period since the bank was established.
The bank has continued its practice of assisting
exporters in fuiancing specific transactions on a
case-by-case basis. In addition, the bank has un-
dertaken, in appropriate cases, to establish credit
lines for exporters under the terms of which they
ai'e apprised in advance in fairly specific terms
how far the bank may be willing to go in financing
their exjDorts to si^ecific countries.
Although most requests for assistance in the past
year have originated with U.S. suppliers, the bank
has continued to receive and, in appropriate cases,
to approve requests of foreign entities and govern-
ments for credits to finance the acquisition of U.S.
materials, equipment, and services for develop-
mental projects to be undertaken abroad.
The bank conducts other lending operations at
the request and for the account of other agencies
of the U.S. Government which are recorded in-
dependently of operations under the Export-Im-
port Bank Act of 1945, as amended. For instance,
as agent for the Foreign Operations Administra-
tion, the bank paid $36.2 million to the U.S. Treas-
ury during the fiscal year 1955 from collections
made on approximately $1.7 billion in loans to 26
countries made under the Mutual Security Act of
1954 and prior legislation.
Ocfofaer 17, 1955
619
Importance of International Travel to the Foreign Trade
of the United States
hy Somerset R. Waters ^
Let us first raise the question suggested by the
topic to be discussed. Is international travel of
major importance to foreign trade ? One way to
answer this is to point to the number of high-level
governmental bodies which have considered the
economic aspects of travel during the past few
years. I believe I am safe in stating that no
other administration has given such active consid-
eration to the problems of international travel.
The President's Commission on Foreign Eco-
nomic Policy under the leadership of Clarence
Randall included a study of this subject and made
recommendations pointing toward Government
action to encourage and expand international
travel.^ The President in his foreign economic
messages to Congress in the past 2 years empha-
sized the importance of tourist travel.^ The Rio
economic conference in November 1954 included
this subject on its agenda. The recent meeting of
the Economic and Social Coimcil of the United
Nations considered tourism and supported resolu-
tions on this subject at the recommendation of the
U.S. delegation.^ Two weeks ago, when the For-
eign Minister of Japan, Mr. Shigemitsu, visited
our country, a delegation from his mission visited
the Department of Commerce to discuss the sub-
ject of expanded travel to Japan. This list is in-
complete but gives some idea of the top-level con-
sideration being given to this subject which is of
interest to all of us.
In our writings and speeches we constantly refer
to the close relationship between international
' Address made before the Travel Writers Association
of New York at New Yorlc, N. Y., on Sept. 12. Mr. Waters
is Special Consultant on International Travel to the As-
sistant Secretary of Commerce for International Affairs.
' Bulletin of Feb. S, 1954, p. 1S7.
'Ihid., Apr. 19, 1954, p. 602, and Jan. 24, 1955, p. 119.
'lUd., May 2, 1955, p. 741.
travel and the establishment of more peaceful con-
ditions throughout the world. At the recent
"summit" meeting in Geneva we had dramatic
proof of this close relationship. When I read
President Eisenhower's report of the Geneva con-
ference, I thought of that old slogan of the Euro-
pean Travel Commission: "Understanding
through travel is the passport to peace." The
President's remarks were as follows : ^
. . . The subject that took most of our attention in this
regard was the possibility of increased visits by the citi-
zens of one country into the territory of another, doing
this in such a way as to give each the fullest possible op-
portunity to learn about the people of the other nation.
In this particular subject there was the greatest possible
degree of agreement. As a matter of fact, it was agree-
ment often repeated and enthusiastically supported by
the words of the members of each side.
Of course, as the President also stated, the acid
test will begin in October, when the Foreign Min-
isters meet to take the conclusions of this confer-
ence and translate these generalities into actual,
specific agreements.
Increase in International Travel
In discussing the importance of travel to for-
eign trade, it becomes necessary to cite a few sta-
tistical facts. To begin with, international travel
is increasing at such a rate that we expect that in
1955 U.S. residents will spend about $1.5 billion
on travel abroad. This includes spending within
the foreign countries as well as fares on interna-
tional carriers. Of the money spent within these
countries in 1954, a rough division was like this:
out of each dollar spent for foreign travel, 37
cents went to Europe, 30 cents to Canada, 20 cents
to Mexico, and 13 cents was divided through the
' Ibid., Aug. 8, 1955, p. 217.
620
Department of State Bulletin
rest of the world. Our citizens are spending
enough in foreign countries to pay for about 10
percent of our mercliandise exports. This means
that international travel is providing the dollars to
pay for approximately one-tenth of the purchases
by foreign countries of the products of our farms
and factories. There can be no question of the
great significance of travel to foreign trade. Your
own work, when you write on foreign travel,
directly affects an important segment of our
economy.
Another method for demonstrating the increas-
ing importance of tourist travel to foreign trade
is to compare our merchandise imports w'ith our
expenditures for foreign travel. These imports,
like travel, provide dollars to bolster the economies
of foreign countries. In 1951, the ratio of travel
earnings to imports was 7.6 percent. Five years
later, in 1955, it appears that this ratio will ap-
proach 12 percent. Not only is travel important
to foreign trade, but its relative importance is
growing at a rapid rate.
Changes in Division of Tourist Dollar
If you can bear with me for a few more statis-
tics, you may be interested in some changes taking
place in the division of our tourist dollars. Back
in 1948, Canada received 45 percent of the dollars
spent by tourists outside the United States. By
1954, Canada's percentage of these tourist dollar
expenditures had dropped to 30 percent. Wliile
Canada is now receiving a smaller portion of the
total expenditures, Europe has jumped from 21
percent of the total in 1948 to 37 percent in 1954.
Mexico, on the other hand, continues to get about
the same percentage. It received 19 percent of
the tourist dollars back in 1948 and 20 percent in
1954. Of course, Mexico is receiving more dollars
today because the total dollars expendetl have
greatly increased. The point is that Mexico's share
of the total has remained stationary. The same
is true for Bermuda, the West Indies, and Central
America, when considered together. This group
received 9 percent of the tourist dollars in 1948
and 9 percent in 1954. South America has shown
a slight decrease, receiving 3.G percent in 1948 and
2.3 percent in 1954. This all adds up to evidence
of a dramatic job being done by Europe, backed
with substantial help from all of you in this room,
plus strong advertising and public relations pro-
grams from some of the European countries. It
presents a challenge to the other parts of the world
to find ways to increase their sales efforts in this
big competitive race for a share of the customer's
dollar.
Now that the big summer season is behind us and
we begin to consider 1956, it is interesting to not«
that we have reached a period 11 years after the
close of World War II. It was in 1929, 11 years
after the close of AVorld War I, that international
travel reached its peak prior to the depression of
the 30's. The obvious question that comes to mind
is: Are U.S. citizens today spending as large a
percentage of their income for foreign travel as
they did in 1929 ?
When we examine the facts, we find that tourist
travel, like other segments of the leisure and recre-
ational market, is not keeping pace with the large
increase in consumer disposable income. Fortmis
magazine in its article, "30 Billion for Fun", in the
June 1954 issue, suggests that the leisure market is
a lazy market. It is big, but it should be a lot
bigger. Fortune points to the current vigorous
upward trend and suggests that one day soon this
market may "simply take off."
Back in 1929, we spent eight-tenths of one per-
cent of our disposable income for foreign travel.
Today we are spending only five-tenths of one per-
cent. If we devoted the same percentage of our
disposable income to foreign travel in 1955 as we
did in 1929, we should be spending more than $2
billion.
When we examine the record, we find that the
percentage of travelers to Europe today, as com-
pared to total U.S. adult population, is just about
the same as in the late 1920's. When we consider
the great increase in disposable income, plus the
introduction of air travel, plus increased leisure
time and increased education of our people, we
can see that we have no great grounds for self-
satisfaction in contemplating the present traffic to
Europe.
Apparently, if we make comparisons in dollars
of constant purchasing power for travel to Eu-
rope, we find that there has been quite a decrease
in the spending per person. Thus, in obtaining
increased growth in travel, the question arises:
Do we try to encourage travelers to spend more
per person or should the industry concentrate on
increasing the total traffic ? I believe most of you
would agree that the proper target should be one
of bringing about a considerable increase in the
number of travelers.
October 17, 1955
621
"While we are considering the various changes
in the travel market, as compared to prewar years,
it might also be interesting to point out that, in the
1930's, 6 percent of American travel expenditures
were made in Eastern European countries. In the
coming years, if more peaceful conditions permit
removal of barriers to travel in these countries,
this would have an important effect on the Eu-
rojDean travel market.
Another important development which is stimu-
lating travel to Europe is the development of the
"pay later" plan. The Department of Commerce
made a survey of the use of the "pay later" plan
for U.S. residents traveling by air to Europe
between October 1954 and March 1955. It dis-
covered that in this period approximately 4 per-
cent of these travelers to Europe made use of this
plan as compared with 1.5 percent for the entire
world. The airlines have indicated that most of
these customers represented new business which
would not have been obtained otherwise. The
most interesting discovery in this survey was the
strong use of the "pay later" plan among foreign-
born travelers to Europe. In this special cate-
gory, over 6 percent financed their travels through
use of this plan.
Foreign Travelers in U. S.
So far we have discussed travel by Americans to
foreign countries. It should be noted that the
United States is not only the biggest exporter of
tourism but we also obtain more income fi-om
visitors than do other countries. We are the lead-
ing host nation.
In 1954, the United States obtained a total of
more than $600 million from foreign travelers
visiting our country. This included $70 million
in payments for fares to U.S. carriers and $538
million from foreign visitors traveling within the
United States. Of the amount spent within the
United States, Canadians spent $311 million;
Western Europeans $48 million; Mexicans $53
million ; Cubans $23 million ; other Latin Ameri-
cans $68 million ; and all others $35 million.
On the subject of travel to the United States,
may I make a suggestion for serious consideration
by all of you experts in the field? This is the
question of whether the U.S. Government should
maintain travel promotional offices abroad for the
purpose of attracting tourists to the United States.
As you know, Canada, Mexico, England, France,
Italy, and other major powers have government
offices charged with the responsibility of increas-
ing travel to their respective countries. Now that
the economy of the world is much improved, it
may be wise to consider whether or not a similar
organization should be created by our Government.
I am in no way advocating that our Government
should establish such an organization, but I do
strongly suggest that the pros and cons be given
full consideration. Such a discussion should be
based not only on economic advantages but also
on the value of having more of the peoples of the
world see the United States with their own eyes in-
stead of dei^ending on sometimes confusing im-
I^ressions derived from descriptions appearing in
the foreign press.
Seasonal Problem in Trans-Atlantic Travel
Another major problem which still requires the
use of all of the ingenuity of the travel industry
is that of finding a solution to the seasonal struc-
ture of trans-Atlantic travel. We have seen how
resort areas such as Miami, Hawaii, Nassau, and
the southern coast of France, as well as many
others, have been able to make great strides in
putting tourism on a year-round basis. I, for one,
believe that ways can be found to bring about a
similar year-round travel pattern for Europe.
Lower transportation and hotel rates, increased
promotion, removal of currency restrictions to in-
crease traffic from Europe, relaxation of tensions
between East and West, increased travel to the
Middle East, and round-the-world travel are all
subjects to be discussed from the point of view
of their effect on the seasonal problem in trans-
Atlantic travel.
On another subject, much remains to be accom-
plished in easing governmental barriers to travel
to the United States. This subject is receiving
greatly inci'eased attention in Washington at the
present time, and we are making some lieadway.
I expect you will witness some substantial im-
provements in the coming year.
Not only do we still impose a number of re-
strictions, but many foreign goveriunents con-
tinue to impose currency restrictions as well as
other restrictions which prevent their nationals
from paying us a visit. Of course, thei-e are still
many countries where such restrictions may be
necessary, but, in view of the improved economic
622
Department of State Bulletin
situation in many parts of tlie world, it is sug-
gested that the time has now arrived for the re-
moval of these currency restrictions in a number
of countries.
The question of removal of the travel tax on
foreign travel to certain areas will undoubtedly
receive consideration when Congress meets again
in January. As you know, a bill eliminating this
tax has passed the House of Eepresentatives and
is now awaiting action by the Senate.
In looking ahead a few years, we hope to see
many more countries in the world showing an
interest in the development of tourism. The coun-
tries of South America as well as many of the
countries in the Pacific and Southeast Asia have
yet to initiate programs to attract U.S. tourists.
There are great sections in the world where only
limited hotel facilities are now available. I be-
lieve it is fair to say that, among the great areas
of international trade, tourism may still be con-
sidei-ed in a period of early development. In view
of the present state of our economy, the possibili-
ties for expansion seem to be tremendous.
To summarize these rather rambling remarks,
we see here an industry which by comjaarison with
the depression years of the 30's and the war years
of the 40's seems to be booming. However, when
we look at the picture objectively, we see in reality
that international travel has not kept pace with
many other competitors for the consumer dollar
nor with the growth of available income. Fur-
thermore, despite the big growth in travel to Eu-
rope, the percent of U.S. residents now engaged
in European travel, as compared to our total pop-
ulation, is approximately the same as existed in
the late 1920's. This presents a challenge to all
of us who serve this industry, whether in Gov-
ernment, in private enterprise, or in the writing
professions. The means by which other industries
have accomplished their sales objectives are well
known. Let us hojDe that they may be increasingly
applied to international travel in the coming years.
Signed at Geneva May 20, 1952. Entered into force
May 20, 1052. TIAS 2692.
Acceptance deposited {with reservations) : United King-
dom, August 11, 1955.
Narcotic Drugs
Protocol amending the agreements, conventions, and pro-
tocols on narcotic drugs concluded at The Hague Janu-
ary 23, 1912, at Geneva l<>bruary 11 and 19, 1925, and
July 13, 1931, at Bangkok Noveml)er 27, 1931, and at
Geneva June 20, 1936, by transferring certain duties
and functions from the League of Nations to the United
Nations and World Health Organization. Done at Lake
Success December 11, 1946. I'jntered into force Decem-
ber 11, 1916. TIAS 1671, 18.59.
Signature: Spain, September 26, 1955.
Protocol bringing under international control drugs out-
side the scope of the convention of July 13, 1931, for lim-
iting the manufacture and regulating the distribution
of narcotic drugs, as amended by the protocol signed
at Lake Success December 11, 1946. Done at Paris No-
vember 19, 1948. Entered into force December 1, 1949.
TIAS 2.308.
Signature: Spain, September 26, 1955.
North Atlantic Treaty
Agreement between the jiarties to the North Atlantic
Treaty for cooperation regarding atomic information.
Signed at Paris June 22, 1955.'
Notification of being bound by terms of the agreement :
Italy, September 23, 19.55.
Canada
BILATERAL
Agreement relating to construction of a petroleum prod-
ucts pipeline between the United States Air Force dock
at St. John's and Pepperrell Air Force Base, New-
foundland, with annex. Effected by exchange of notes
at Ottawa September 22, 1955. Entered into force Sep-
tember 22, 1955.
Guatemala
Agreement terminating by mutual con.sent on October 15,
1955, the reciprocal trade agreement of April 24, 1936
( 49 Stat. 3989 ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Guate-
mala August 2 and September 28, 19.55. Entered into
force September 28, 1955.
Peru
Second amendment to agreement for sale of certain sur-
plus agricultural commodities to Peru of February 7,
19.55 (TIAS 3190), to include sale of edible oils and
fats. Signed at Lima September 20, 1955. Entered into
force September 20, 1955.
Current Treaty Actions
MULTILATERAL
Drugs
Protocol for termination of the Brussels agreements for
unification of pharmacopoeial formulas for potent drugs.
United Kingdom
Agreement regarding tobacco and military dependents'
housing, and related notes. Effected by exchange of
notes at London June 3 and 7, 1955. Entered into force
June 7, 1955.
' Not in force.
Ocfofaer 17, 1955
623
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
U. N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders
hy William^ P. Rogers
Deputy Attorney General of the United States ^
Our Geneva conference on crime hardly ap-
proached in significance the many other confer-
ences held there which have so profoundly affected
the peace of the world. It was nevertheless tre-
mendously important because it dealt primarily
with the baffling problems of maintaining an or-
derly and law-abiding society and with the vastly
complicated subject of hmnan behavior as well.
Under the auspices of the United Nations, up-
wards of 400 delegates were brought from some 44
different countries. There were Ministers and
Deputy Ministers of Justice, judges, lawyers,
prison administrators, experts in juvenile delin-
quency, psychiatrists, doctors, and religious lead-
ers. It was truly an assemblage of serious and
thoughtful people anxious to interchange ideas
and get inspiration and drive from the conference.
The American delegation, of which your presi-
dent and general secretary were important and
able membei-s, was one of which I believe the
United States can be proud. The members made
important contributions to each of the sections
into which the Congress was divided. Also, your
former president, Mr. Sanford Bates, made an
inspiring speech — or lecture, as they called it
there — on modern trends in correctional methods
in the United States.
Following the opening session, when the officers
of the Congress were selected and appropriate
' Excerpt from an address made before the American
Congress of Correction at Des Moines. Iowa, on Sept. 29.
Mr. Rogers was chairman of the U.S. delegation to the
U.N. Congress, which met at Geneva, Switzerland, Aug.
22-Sept. 3, 1955. For a list of U.S. delegates, see Bulle-
tin of Aug. 8, 1955, p. 243.
greetings exchanged, the Congress was divided
into five sections: standard minimum rules for the
treatment of prisoners, open institutions, prison
labor, pereonnel, and juvenile delinquency. Each
section discussed in detail the written proposals
of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
For instance, in the section on standard minimum
rules, a draft of the rules was available to each
participant. As a matter of fact, they had been
initially drafted, I understand, by the old Inter-
national Penal and Penitentiary Commission,
which was the forerunner of the United Nations
conference. These rules set up certain guiding
principles for the administration of prisons along
lines which are generally familiar to you. One
of the rules, for example, prohibited corporal
punishment ; another provided that every prisoner
was entitled as a matter of right to visits fi"om
his lawyer and family; still another stipulated
that the prisoner must be given access to a rep-
resentative of his religious faith. There were
others dealing with evei"y phase of prison admin-
istration. In due course they will, I think, be
transmitted to the administrator of every penal
and correctional institution in the United States
with the request that he comment on them and
indicate the extent to which he will be able to
comply with them. Mr. Bennett ^ was chairman
of this section and can tell you more of the details.
I imderstand from him that, if they can ever
be made effective throughout the world, it will
be a tremendous triumph for humanizing prison
and correctional methods.
- James V. Bennett, Director, Bureau of Prisons, De-
partment of Justice.
624
Department of Stale Bulletin
Prison Labor
The section on prison labor devoted its attention
to drafting a statement on the importance of pro-
viding for constructive employment for prison-
ers, reiterated the basic right of every prisoner to
full employment, and outlined the methods which
sliould be followed in the development of the work
program. Your secretary, Mr. CasSj^* was largely
responsible for reversing the recommendation of
the section that the Congress go on record as ap-
proving what we would call the contract labor
system as the preferred method of prison employ-
ment. He succeeded by a narrow margin in get-
ting the Congress to express its preference for the
state-use system and to support the view that only
when sound reasons exist should private employ-
ers be pennitted to engage the service of prison-
ers, and then only under such conditions that the
prisoner could not be exploited or the interests of
private industry and free labor be adversely af-
fected.
Juvenile Delinquency
The section that was most largely attended and
took up most of the work of the conference was
the one on juvenile delinquency. This section ran
into a sort of roadblock at the very outset because
of the difficulty of agi-eeing on what constitutes
juvenile delinquency. Most of the countries
abroad consider a child to be a juvenile delinquent
onl}^ when he violates some portion of the penal
code, whereas, as you know, in our country and
some othei"S a. juvenile delinquent can be one who
is merely a truant, or incorrigible, or beyond the
control of his parents. After that problem was
compromised, there was a lively and interesting
debate on the causes of juvenile delinquency and
the measures that should be taken to cope with it.
The final report of the section I think you will
find very interesting, and it will be available from
the Social Defense Section of the United Nations
as soon as the proceedings are printed.
All of these discussions were important and in-
teresting, and I am sure that the conclusions of the
meeting will be most helpful to all of you. But
the thing that was most impressive was the almost
universal atmosphere of good will, eagerness to
learn, and the spirit of cooperation which per-
vaded the entire conference. This attitude of un-
" Edward R. Cass, Commissioner, N. Y. State Com-
mission of Correction.
derstanding was a revelation to the American
delegation, some of whom had apparently gone to
the conference anticipating some manifestations
of jealousy or of animosity between one group and
another. We could see no evidence of this at all.
As a inatter of fact, the situation was quite the
opposite. There were a number of social occa-
sions when the utmost cordiality and friendliness
was shown by all in attendance.
European Institutional Methods
■\^'e had an opportunity to enjoy the justly
famous Swiss hospitality on an all-day trip visit-
ing Swiss institutions. Here we could see at first
hand the wide difi'erences in institutiojial methods
between the Western European countries and our
own. England, France, Belgium, Holland, Ger-
many, and the Scandinavian countries continue to
adhere to the system of separate confinement for
most of their more serious otfenders. Each pris-
oner has a room of his own in which he sleeps, eats,
and frequently works. There are no congregate
dining facilities abroad, and most of the institu-
tions are quite small in comparison with those in
the United States. Only in the open institutions,
the Borstals of the United Kingdom, and similar
specialized institutions do the prisoners associate
together to the same extent they do over here.
That's one of the important reasons why there is
seldom a prison riot abroad. The prisoners just
can"t get together in large enough groups.
Incidentally, it was interesting to note the dif-
ferent attitudes with respect to the various types
of offenses. For instance, while the abuse of di-ugs
is a ci-ime or forbidden in most of the countries
of the world, it does not seem to be much of a
problem in Western Europe or in a number of
other parts of the world. You all know how
difficult it is to cope with this crime in the United
States. On the other hand, we do not in the
United States put men in prison for their political
views or recognize the concept of political j)ris-
oners. But in several countries abroad men are
still committed to prison because of their politi-
cal beliefs and activities.
I was surprised also to note the wide differ-
ence in sentencing methods. Usually sentences
are much longer in the United States than in
most of the other countries represented at the
United Nations conference. And I should say
here that there was no delegation from Russia
or from any of the countries within its political
Ocfober 17, 7955
625
oi-bit. They do not believe that the United Na-
tions sliould discuss purely internal problems of
this kind.
Sentences abroad average considerably less than
in this country for the same types of offenses.
Few men are sent to prison for more than 5 years
in any Western European country. Only in cases
of murder or extreme violence do the courts pro-
nounce a sentence of more than 5 years. But, on
the other hand, parole is not iised much abroad.
It is true that in England they have the ticket-
of-leave system, which is really a connnutation of
sentence rather than release under supervision.
In one or two other countries they have methods
of remitting the prisoners' sentences, but for the
most part the definite sentencing method prevails,
with opportunity to earn remission through good
behavior.
Probation, however, is being used in an increas-
ing number of cases. Before the war this was an
unknown method of treatment in Germany, but
now I understand almost every Gennan court
has a probation officer — and, incidentally, his case
load is kept clown to a very reasonable figure.
Cooperative Spirit in U.N.
I have outlined a few of these differences to
indicate the difficulties which the United Nations
faces in dealing with social questions. Not only
are there language barriers which at times seem
almost insuperable, but there are traditions of a
legal and religious and cultural nature so deeply
rooted in the thinking of the delegates that it is
most difficult to work together toward a commonly
accepted goal. But at least we have, through the
United Nations, a forum where these problems
can be discussed frankly and pleasantly and ob-
jectively. And this cooperative spirit will, I feel
sure, have an important influence on our ability
to work together toward the goal of world peace
and understanding for which we all so devoutly
yeai'n. The faith of our President in the United
Nations is certainly well founded. And so it was
that I came away from Geneva convinced that all
of us can support him in his belief in the United
Nations and in his method of bringing world
peace in our time.
Challenge to U.S. Leadership
"We cannot, however, overlook the fact that many
of the nations of the world are looking to us for
leadership and help. They want our men, our
ideas, and our equipment — not only in technical
fields, such as the building of dams or the devel-
opment of new health measures or increasing food
supplies, but also in the vastly complicated sub-
ject of human behavior. They seem to reason
that, if we liave done so well in harnessing the
atom and conquering polio, we ought to find ways
and means of preventing crime and rehabilitating
the offender. They seem to be sensitive, inci-
dentally, to our weaknesses and inquire whether
we ought not to do more than merely put down
prison riots when they occur. If, therefore, we
want to continue to be world leaders, we must
find a more constructive approach to our prison
problems.
U.S. Views on International Bank's
Annual Report
Statement by Samuel C. Waugh ^
The steady, upward climb in the volume of In-
ternational Bank financing is most encouraging.
Many fellow Governors have already expressed
their satisfaction at the rate of commitment of the
bank's resoiu'ces. We are also pleased that the
bank's operations have been placed in higher gear,
with thoughtful consideration being given in the
gathering of credit information and tlie establish-
ment of the Economic Development Institute.
Notwithstanding this higher rate of commitment,
we know that a solid grovmdwork was laid before
each project was approved. It is all the more
heartening, therefore, that with each passing year
the volume of loan commitments has risen and has
this year reached the record rate of $410 million.
The bank can reasonably expect the volume of
lending to continue its upward climb. In part,
this is so because of the greater understanding be-
tween the bank and its members. Members have
learned from their increasingly intimate contact
with the bank staff and management what is re-
quired of them to qualify for assistance. The
' Made at the 10th annual meeting of the Boards of Gov-
ernors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development and the International Monetary Fund at
Istanbul, Turkey, on Sept. 13 (Ibrd press release). Mr.
Waugh was, at that time. Deputy Under Secretary of State
for Economic Affairs and U.S. Alternate Governor for the
Bank and Fund. On Oct. 4 he was sworn in as President
of the Export-Import Bank.
626
Department of State Bulletin
bank, in turn, has learned from its more intimate
contact in the field what the needs and capacities
of its members are. More importantly, the mo-
mentum that has been gained in the past decade
will return big dividends to members in the form
of sound, steady, and sizeable development in the
future. The process of development is slow in
the initial stages — in the preparatory period when
skills must be developed, resources must be as-
sessed, governmental machinery must be organ-
ized, and planning begun. This is the period
when social factors impose the principal limita-
tion on growth and technical assistance is most
important. The capacity to use external capital
is very low, but the small amounts absorbed are
indispensable for further growth. When the
preparatory work has been done and momentum
has been established, development gathers speed
until a stage is reached where growth sustains it-
self. The coming j^ears should see a significant
rise in the capacity to absorb external capital ef-
fectively and wisely. The bank may expect in-
creasing calls to be made on its resources with in-
creasing success.
This prospect of success — this increased rate
of sound investment — can be improved if member
countries will review their ability to release the
paid-in portion of subscribed capital. Many of
the industrial countries are now in a position to
extend credits to othere and indeed are actually
doing so on a substantial scale. "We sincerely be-
lieve that members' obligations to the Interna-
tiona] Bank on capital account should be met at
the earliest opportunity. The bank's operations,
already of a truly international character, as noted
from President Black's report, would be further
enhanced to the benefit of all.
A significant rise in the volume of private fi-
nancing can also be expected. The bank's annual
report gives testimony to the increasing interest
of private groups in international investment. In
the past year, private participation in bank loans
and sales to private investors from the bank's port-
folio has nearly equaled the volume of private
participation in all the preceding years of the
bank's history. The recent sale of European
bonds in the U.S. market and the interest of in-
surance companies in foreign loans of long ma-
turity are added evidence of re-emerging con-
fidence. The total volume of private financing is
still small when measured against the need, but
the trend is strong and encouraging and offers
evidence that private capital is available in the
capital-exporting countries for those who will at-
tract it.
International Finance Corporation
As President Black mentioned, we can look
forward to the early establishment of the Inter-
national Finance Corporation.- We join with our
fellow Governors in congratulating the bank on
its expeditious work in preparing the Articles of
Agreement. As Secretai-y Humphrey mentioned
yesterday, our Government has taken all the neces-
sary legislative steps to assure U.S. participation.
We are all hopeful that the Corporation will
stimulate the flow of foreign capital and encour-
age the growth of indigenous private investment.
Our economies are all in some degree mixed
economies. There is a measure of govermnent par-
ticipation even in societies like ours in the United
States that are essentially free-enterprise econ-
omies; but whether the private sector is small or
large, it plays a critical role. The energy and
enterprise, the imagination and flexibility of in-
numerable individuals experimenting, organizing,
seeking new and varied forms of investment and
production, together form a creative force indis-
pensable for economic growth. In a society where
the power to make decisions is widely dispersed,
there is opportunity for experimentation, and,
while it is possible to make errors, they will not
produce disastrous results. We look to the Inter-
national Finance Corporation as an instrinnent
for stimulating the growth of the private sector.
With the growth of indigenous investment, there
will be a corresponding increase in foreign
investment.
Effects of Foreign Investment
The climate of opinion is slowly changing.
Many misconceptions about private foreign in-
vestment are giving way to a more realistic
appraisal. I should like to comment on one mis-
conception that, it seems to me, continues to persist.
^ For a message of President Eisenhower to the Congress
recoiumeutllng U.S. participation In the proposed Inter-
national Finance Corporation and an Ibrd announcement
summarizing the principal features of the Corporation,
see Bulletin of May 23, 1955, p. 844.
October 17, 1955
627
This is the notion that the contribution of foreign
capital to economic growth can be measured by
comparing the inflow of new investment with the
outflow of earnings and capital remittances. This
is the narrow balance-of-payments approach to
appraising foreign investment. It is not even a
complete balance-of-payments analysis. Earn-
ings and capital remittances are only oiie of the
direct effects that can be attributed to foreign
investment. There are other direct effects — on
imports and exports, for example — and there are
indirect effects on the balance of payments as
well. Foreign investment stimulates local enter-
prises to greater and more productive efforts; it
brings about changes in local purchasing power
and in its distribution ; it widens economic oppor-
tunities. All these effects, direct and indirect,
influence the balance of payments. One must go
much further than this, however. "\^niile it is
important to know how foreign investment affects
the international financial transactions of a coun-
try, it is also important to know how foreign
investment affects the income of a country. How
much employment does the investment of foreign
capital provide? T^Hiat new domestic resources
does it bring into play ? "\^Tiat contribution does
it make to the economy by paying taxes, provid-
ing training facilities and new technology, and
offering markets to domestic producei-s? The
national income effect of any particular foreign
enterprise may be much larger than the amount
of output that can be attributed directly to it. In
less developed countries that have resources and
labor employed with a very low factor of pro-
ductivity, additional capital may play a major
role by providing the missing pieces in the puzzle
of greater production. The narrow balance-of-
payments approach to appraising foreign invest-
ment has surface plausibility. It is convenient
because data on income and outflow are readily
available. The results are misleading, however.
They do not begin to tell us the full story of the
economic effects of foreign investment. Further
study given to this subject might be considered
by the bank and the Ifc in an effort to develop
the full story. The bank has done pioneer work
in other fields ; I should like to see it pioneer in
this field.
The Board of Directors and management of
the bank are again entitled to pats on the back
for their accomplishment of the j)ast year.
Report of the High Commissioner
for Refugees
Statements by Jacob Blaustein
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly'^
PERMANENT SOLUTIONS PROGRAM
U.S. delegation press release 2215 dated October 4
The problem of European refugees within the
mandate of the High Commissioner for Refugees
has demanded the prior attention of this commit-
tee for several years. Indeed, no other issue could
so appropriately initiate our discussions. For the
impact of our deliberations and decisions on this
issue is direct and often crucial in the lives of the
persons with whom we are concerned. Especially
is this true of the 77,000 still in refugee camps and
the 220,000 others who come within the scope of the
program of permanent solutions and emergency
aid we adopted last year. It is with human prob-
lems, human aspirations, and human rights that
this committee is engaged, and it is well to remind
ourselves at the outset of the immediacy of these
concerns.
It is a tragic reflection of the tensions of our
times that 10 years after the end of the Second
World War we should still have found it neces-
sary to undertake another international program
for the aid of European refugees. I hardly need
describe the severe situations in which many of
these people find themselves. This has been
brought out by the High Commissioner both last
year and this. These refugees are people who had
to leave their own countries of residence through
no fault of their own, but because of war, revolu-
tion, and oppression— conditions beyond their con-
trol. Yet at this late date, they continue un-
settled, uncertain as to care of body, anxious of
mind, without a place they can really call home.
Many, amazingly, are still healthy and able.
They are useful residents in whatever country they
reside. Some are weary of body and mind, are
sick and old ; and certainly in the twilight of their
lives, which may not be long, they are entitled to
some peace of mind.
A large number, as previously stated, remain in
refugee camps. On some of my missions to
Europe, I have visited these camps and met the
refugees. And I still recall vividly, as I am sure
'Made in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian, and
Cultural) on Oct. 4 and Oct. 7.
628
DepartmenI of State Bulletin
many of you do, how these people by the hundreds
would crowd around us, talk with us, inquire what
was going to happen to thera, urge they be moved
out of the camps, implore for some definite assur-
ance as to their future, some opportunity for the
dignity of person that can come only when one
feels he is permanently settled. I am sure all of
us want to do a great deal more, and promptly, to
bring that about, so that these tragic victims of
war, revolution, aiid oppression may find security
and an opportunity to build normal lives.
The establishment of the pennanent solutions
program is it-self a reflection of the severity of the
problem, recognizing as it does that neither repa-
triation nor resettlement are feasible solutions for
most of these refugees.
The P>onomic and Social Council has recom-
mended that countries of immigration continue to
include a reasonable number of refugees under the
mandate of the High Commissioner in their im-
migration plans. The United States delegation
supported this recommendation. The High Com-
missioner has estimated that in the period 1955 to
1958 from 60,000 to 80,000 such refugees will emi-
grate or be resettled, either on their own initiative
or through various governmental and voluntary
efforts. This movement would, of course, be of
considerable help in reducing the number of refu-
gees who require further assistance.
The Key Problem
The key problem of the High Commissioner,
however, is to find permanent solutions for those
many thousands who wish to remain in their pres-
ent countries of residence or who will not be able
to emigrate. This is a difficult task, and the U.S.
Government is pleased that, along with other
phases of the program, it is under the competent
direction of Dr. van Heuven Goedhart, who has
handled his job with devotion and determination
and for whom we have great esteem. In this con-
nection the United States delegation is pleased to
note the close cooperation which the High Com-
missioner has maintained with various other gov-
ernmental and voluntary organizations concerned
with refugees. We hope that this cooperation will
be continued.
The first year's experience under this permanent
solutions program has necessarily been one, as
both the report of the High Commissioner and of
the Executive Committee indicate, in which finan-
cial and administrative measures were of particu-
lar importance. Nevertheless, the High Commis-
sioner was able to prepare, and the Executive Com-
mittee approve, projects for 1955 totaling about
$3 million.
An examination of paragraph 66 of the report
of the Executive CommitteB^ indicates the types
of projects through which permanent solutions are
to be found. Housing, vocational training, the
extension of credit, employment counseling and
job placement, and assistance in establishing the
refugees in small businesses, agriculture, and other
fields constitute the methods. These will be sup-
plemented by various types of assistance for the so-
called "difficult" cases, of which I understand there
are about 15,000; and by medical, supplementary
feeding, and support assistance on an emergency
basis for many others. Priority has been given to
those 77,000 in camps, whom the High Commis-
sioner has termed the "forgotten people" ; and the
projects, insofar as possible, are to be of a "self-
help" nature requiring the active participation of
the refugees. AVith this type of assistance we can
feel confident that the refugees will become con-
structive members of their new environment.
As Maimonides stated as far back as the 12th
century :
Anticipate charity by preventing poverty ; assist the
reduced fellowman, eitlier by a considerable gift, or a
sum of money, or by teaching him a trade, or by putting
him iu the way of business, so that he may earn an honest
livelihood, and not be forced to the dreadful alternative
of holding out his hand for charity. This is the highest
step and tlie summit of charity's golden ladder.
The heaviest part of the refugee burden falls
upon the peoples of Austria, the Federal Republic
of Germany, Greece, and Italy, where most of
these refugees now reside, and it is for permanent
solutions for the refugees in those countries that
most of the 1955 money has been allocated. These
countries will themselves also be contributing
funds and providing other assistance for the
projects, and it is their own efforts and sacrifices
which will provide an essential aspect of the
solutions.
Dr. Goedhart discussed, in his opening remarks,
some of the projects which are already well under
way. The United States is satisfied with the prog-
ress which has thus far been made in the develop-
ment of the program. But it is unfortunate that
' Annexed to the High Commissioner's report (U.N. doc.
A/2902 and Add. 1).
Ocfober 17, 1955
629
because of financial stringencies even more proj-
ects could not have been initiated earlier this year.
The present 4-year program for permanent solu-
tions is intended by the General Assembly to be
a final international effort on behalf of the ref-
ugees within the scope of the program. Under
terms of the General Assembly resolution^ the
governments concerned have been asked by the
High Commissioner to give assurances that they
■would assume full financial responsibility for any
refugees in their countries still requiring aid at
the end of tlie 4-year period, and it is the under-
standing of the United States that the replies of
those govermnents constitute an acceptance of the
conditions laid down in the resolution.
Strenuous efforts will have to be maintained by
the High Commissioner to assure that the prob-
lem is substantially liquidated before the progi-am
terminates, that is, by the end of 1958. The 1955
target budget for governmental contributions is
$4,200,000. But on the basis of the contribu-
tions and pledges from all sources, including ap-
proximately $1 million from nongoverimiental
sources, the Executive Committee has only been
able to authorize projects costing about $3 million.
And because some of the contributions have come
in only lately, many of the projects will not be
completed during this calendar year. The insuffi-
ciency of funds to date, and the consequent delay
in implementation, will increase the burden on
the High Commissioner during the remaining 3
years of the program. It will require the full
financial support of member and nonmember
states to assure that the goal is accomplished.
A large part of the progress made this year was
made possible by contributions from one country,
the Netherlands. The United States delegation
would like to pay tribute to the generosity of both
the Government and the people of that country.
A governmental contribution of $200,000 for the
placement of difficult cases, and a contribution
from the people of the Netherlands of $933,700,
constituted virtually all the money available for
immediate allocation by the Executive Committee
at its first session. We cannot expect the 1956
program to be benefited by a similar campaign
of such generous proportions in the Netherlands,
and I would hope that governments would take
this factor into consideration in determining the
level of their contributions for next j-ear.
" 832 (IX) ; for text, see Bulletin of Nov. 8, 1954, p. 705.
630
Wlien the United States delegation in the last
Assembly cosponsored the resolution for the pro-
gram of permanent solutions, it stated that a
recommendation would be made to our Congress
to contribute substantially to the program. I am
pleased to be in a position formally to report that
the U.S. Congress has appropriated $1,200,000 to
this refugee fund for 1955, to be contributed at
a ratio of one-third of total governmental con-
tributions. The first payment from that appro-
priation is to be made to the High Commissioner
very shortly. My delegation hopes that further
contributions for 1955 from other governments
will be sufficient to enable the United States to
contribute its entire appropriated amount as soon
as possible.
I am also authorized to make the following
statement: Assuming that other governments
give evidence of their continued interest in and
support of the United Nations Refugee Fund, the
executive branch of the U.S. Government intends
to ask funds of the Congress for a further sub-
stantial contribution to the program for 1956.
Legal and Administrative Protection
I have spoken at some length about the refugee
fund, perhaps to the neglect of the High Com-
missioner's activities in improving the legal and
administrative position of refugees. This is per-
haps understandable since the High Commission-
er's excellent report on the permanent solutions
program has provided the General Assembly with
its first opportunity to review that important new
humanitarian effort. I would not like to close,
however, without expressing the satisfaction of
the United States with the jirogress which has
been made in the area of legal and administrative
l^rotection, the jirimary area of responsibility of
the High Commissioner. The High Commission-
er's report reflects progressive steps which have
been taken by various governments in the deter-
mination of eligibility of refugees, legal assist-
ance to individuals, the assimilation to nationals
with regard to the right to work, to housing, to
education, to public assistance and to other mat-
ters, all of which contribute in a vital way to the
eventual solution of this very complicated prob-
lem.
I should also like to express our appreciation to
two members of this Committee, Madame Tsal-
daris of Greece and Mr. Friis of Denmark, for
the assistance they have given to the development
Department of State Bulletin
of the permanent solutions program throiigli their
participation in the Executive Committee.
Mr. Chairman, tlie historic traditions of the
United States as a phice of asyhun and refuge are
well known. Tliese traditions are very close to all
Americans. For it is, indeed, but a few genera-
tions back that any of ns or our forefathers have
been here. 500,000 Americans are post-World
War II refugees. And A\e think it is noteworthy
that of the $6 billion which the United States has
contributed to the solution of refugee problems
since World War II, almost $2 billion has been
contributed voluntarily through the personal and
individual generosity of our people themselves.
It has been a pleasure for me, in my first inter-
vention in this Assembly of the United Nations, to
express the support and the confidence of the U.S.
Government and of the people of this country for
this outstanding humanitarian task in which the
United Nations is engaged.
RESOLUTIONS CONCERNING REPORT
U.S. delegation press release 2219 dated October 7
We have before us two resolutions ■* for our con-
sideration. I think it might be helpful if we
were to examine the issues carefully to analyze ex-
actly what is involved.
The responsibilities of the High Commissioner
for Refugees are laid down fully and adequately
in his statute, adopted by the General Assembly in
1950. The High Commissioner was appointed to
provide international protection for refugees.
Subject to that protection, he was also to assist
in voluntary repatriation, resettlement, and inte-
gration. It is noteworthy that voluntary repatri-
ation of refugees is only a part of one section of
the main substantive paragraph of the statute and
that the main emphasis of the statute and of the
High Commissioner's activities has been on legal
and administrative protection of refugees and on
their integration. There is an important reason
for this, to which I shall shortly return.
The distinguished representative of the
U.S.S.R. [Y. Y. Matulis], in bis remarks and in his
resolution, referred to part of the General Assem-
bly resolution of 1946 concerning refugees and
displaced persons. That resolution must be under-
* U.N. doc. A/C.3/L. 463. sponsored by the U.S.S.R.,
and L. 464/Rev. 1. spon.iored by Australia, Belgium, Costa
Rica, Denmark, Xetlierlands, Norway, Sweden, U.K., and
U.S.
stood in its proper historical setting and in its
entirety.
First, as to the whole resolution there were three
parts. The first stated that the problem of refu-
gees and displaced persons was international in
scope. The second stated that no refugees or dis-
placed persons who had expressed valid objec-
tions to returning to their countries of origin
should be compelled to return. The third was the
one cited in the Soviet resolution, that concerning
displaced persons the main task was to assist in
their return. The third part on repatriation, it
should be noted, applied to "displaced pereons"
only, not to ''I'efugees'', while the first two parts
referred to both. This is a real difference, inas-
much as refugees, under the mandate, are by defi-
nition — and the statute of the High Commis-
sioner is entirely forthright on this point — persons
who fear to return to their countries of origin.
Second, as to the historical setting, let us keep
in mind that the resolution of 1946 was passed at
a time when in Western Europe there were mil-
lions of displaced persons who had been driven or
taken from their homeland by the forces of Nazi
Germany, many of whom wanted to return to their
own countries as rapidly as possible. Millions of
others — those whom we call refugees — refused to
return to their own countries because they feared
political persecution if they did.
In the circumstances of 1946 it was natural for
the General Assembly to stress that the United
Nations should lend its primary effort toward the
return of the displaced persons to their own coun-
tries. And many of them did return.
The fact is that the persons who wished to re-
turn home did so in the first few years and that
since that time very few have indicated any desire
to return. Indeed, as a consequence of the exten-
sion of Communist control over Eastern Europe,
the voluntary flow of refugees and escapees across
the frontier from Eastern Europe into the free
countries continued after the war at such a rate
that it taxed the ability of the countries of asylum
to take care of them.
By the time the Office of the High Commis-
sioner was established, the world had known for
several years that those who wanted to return —
the real displaced persons — had returned and that
the problem facing the international community
was to find solutions for those in the category of
refugees — that is, those who did not wish to re-
turn. These facts were reflected in the statute of
Ocfober J 7, 7955
631
the High Commissioner, wliich implicitly i-ecog-
nized that by then very few refugees were likely
to change their minds and request voluntaiy re-
patriation. The statute consequently, as I pointed
out above, while providing clearly for "voluntary
repatriation," did not stress it, thus recognizing
that voluntary repatriation was unlikely for the
great majority of refugees. The statute does not
deal with displaced persons at all.
Resettlement of refugees has been undertaken
primarily by organizations other than the High
Commissioner, and large numbers of persons under
the mandate have been given asylum in European,
American, and Asian countries. By last year,
however, it became obvious to the General Assem-
bly that not only would voluntary repatriation be
unable materially to reduce the number of refu-
gees but that resettlement for most of the remain-
ing refugees, particularly those in the camps, was
no longer feasible either. The program for per-
manent solutions, and the money raised for it,
therefore, was intended for the most realizable so-
lution, namely the promotion of various schemes
of integration, for necessary emergency relief, and
for assistance to the "difficult cases." We should
not lose sight of the fact that this is the task that
the General Assembly called upon the High Com-
missioner to perform, and wliicli we should con-
tinue to support.
Analysis of Soviet Draft
The resolution introduced by the representative
of the U.S.S.R. can be seen more adequately in
light of what I have just stated.
In the first place, it is completely silent with
respect to permanent solutions by integration and
indeed to any phase of the problem excepting re-
patriation.
Further, there is no necessity for the General
Assembly to pass a separate resolution on volun-
tary repatriation. This is already amply and ade-
quately covered in existing resolutions. The refu-
gees have always had that right ; they have always
been able to exercise it ; and they have never been
interfered with nor hampered in any way for so
doing. The High Commissioner pointed this out
in his opening remarks.
If there has been any block in the way of volun-
tary repatriation, it has not been one imposed by
the High Commissioner nor by the governments
of residence or asylum.
The blocks to voluntary repatriation have in
reality been imposed by the countries of origin.
These are cases where the governments of these
countries have not even replied to letters from
the High Commissioner in which he informed
them of the names of those few persons who had
expressed a wish to be repatriated. The High
Commissioner has on past occasions referred to
some of these cases. Furthermore, their policies
have not been such as to attract the return of
these people; as a matter of fact, there has been
a continuous flow of new refugees from these
countries for whom the West must make room
and oifer asylum.
Considerable stress has been laid on the new
amnesty laws. If these laws are bringing about
real changes in the policies of those countries,
this will in time become apparent to all of us and,
even more important, to the refugees themselves.
It is only actual experience, however, which will
reveal the extent, if any, of genuine change. It
would hardly be fitting for the General Assembly,
after 10 years of international responsibilities with
refugees, to imply to them, through authorizing
the High Commissioner to distribute these laws
and other information and materials, that the
United Nations in any way endorses or approves
of them or regards them as lasting. The High
Commissioner cannot Be a propaganda agent, nor
a postmaster, for any government, and he has
never been one.
I do not wish to go into the details of the Soviet
resolution, inasmuch as it is to its primary neces-
sity and propriety that I direct myself. I must
say, however, that most of the specific content of
what the U.S.S.R. would have us approve is in-
appropriate.
As far as finding work goes, most of the refu-
gees are employed to the same extent other people
are. And a primary function of the permanent
solutions program is to assist those who are un-
employed — found mainly among refugees still in
camps — to find employment. It is significant that
the U.S.S.R. voted against the establishment of
this program.
The most important reason why my delegation
is unable to accept the Soviet proposal, however,
and one which we should all ponder carefully, is
the fact that the adoption of this resolution would
be likely to cause consternation among the refu-
gees themselves. Indeed, shortly after the reso-
lution was introduced I was approached by a
refugee who has settled in this country and who
632
Department of State Bulletin
was worried th<at the General Assembly might
adopt the resolution and that it would result in
pressure on refugees even here.
The Soviet delegation has stated tliat it is pre-
pared to accept the principle of "voluntary"' re-
patriation. We are glad to note this statement
Text of Nine-Power Draft Resolution
U.N. doc. A/C.3/L.4«4/U..v. 1
The Oeneral Assembly,
Havmg tak< n note of Uie Report of the High Com-
missioner for Refugees with the Annexed Reiwrt of
the United Nations Refugee Fund Executive Com-
mittee (A/2902 and Add. 1) and the progress which
has been made in the implementation of resolution
832 (IX),
Bearing in mind resolution 589 (XX) of the Eco-
nomic and Social Council,
Considering that under his Statute the High Com-
missioner for Refugees is charged with the duty of
seeking solutions for the problems of refugees
through voluntary repatriation, resettlement and
integration, and
Noting with concern that the approved target for
governmental contributions to the Fund for 1955
has not yet been reached,
(1) Requests the High Commissioner for Refu-
gees to continue his efforts to effect solutions by
the above-mentioned means, under due safeguards
to be applied by him in accordance with his respon-
sibility under the Statute to provide international
protection to refugees within his mandate,
(2) Notes with satisfaction that the Unref Ex-
ecutive Committee, in laying down the principles
which are to govern the implementation of the pro-
gramme for permanent solutions under resolution
832 (IX) has directed that the main empha.sis of
the programme should be on the reduction of the
number of refugees in camps, and
(3) Urges States Members and non-Members of
the United Nations to give early and serious consid-
eration to making contributions to the United Na-
tions Refugee Fund in order that the targets for
19.55 and 1956 may be attained and the High Com-
mi.ssioner enabled fully to implement the jjro-
grammes planned for those years.
that it now adheres to a principle which has long
been held by the United States and by other West-
ern countries. We hope that by the word "volun-
tary" they mean the free and unfettered choice
of the individual. But we have experienced trans-
mutations of other onc« familiar words such as
"peac«" and "democracy" and we have concern on
this question, for example, that the procedures
suggested in the resolution itself would require
the High Commissioner to direct his activities to-
ward pressuring refugees into repatriation.
The experience of the past 10 years cannot be
wiped out with the stroke of a pen, and it should
be the responsibility of the United Nations to
assure to the refugees that they receive every pro-
tection from the High Commissioner to which
they are entitled. These refugees, most of whom
have endured the hardships of refugee camps for
many years in preference to repatriation, could
hardly be expected to understand a General As-
sembly resolution which required such extensive
efforts on the part of the High Commissioner to
persuade them to return, a resolution which would
undoubtedly be regarded as opening the door to
innumerable kinds of pressure upon them.
The conclusions are simple. No resolution con-
cerning voluntary I'epatriation is required. The
statute is adequate and the role of the High Com-
missioner has been entirely proper. Voluntary
repatriation is not, in practical terms, an impor-
tant aspect of the solution, whatever one may
think of the theoretical desirability of this solu-
tion. And a resolution singling out this aspect
would cause uneasiness among the refugees.
Purposes of Nine-Power Proposal
The General Assembly, however, is called upon
to do certain definite things at this session. These
have been embodied in the draft resolution of
which the United States is a cosponsor.
The Executive Committee of the U.N. Refugee
Fund has determined that the program of high-
est priority should be to reduce the nuinber of
refugees in camps. The lot of these refugees is
particularly severe, and the General Assembly
should endorse that deteimination.
The guiding principle of the work of the High
Commissioner is that the wishes of the refugees
should be respected. The wishes of a refugee can
comijrise integration, resettlement, or voluntary
repatriation, and a reiteration of these functions
is appropriate. A clause to this effect has there-
fore been introduced in the resolution. This re-
flects the attitude, which we share, that refugees
should have the right of genuinely voluntary re-
patriation and places it in the most appropriate
context for the work of the High Commissioner.
This is as far as the General Assembly should
go on this subject.
In addition, this Assembly must assure itself
October 17, 1955
633
that proper safeguards for the refugee are being
provided. This is particularly important in any
area in which there is a possibility of direct or
indirect pressure — a problem which has primarily
been experienced in the area of repatriation.
Consequently, the resolution is also addressed to
assuring the continued vigorous application by
the High Commissioner of his responsibility to
provide international protection for the refugees
under his mandate. The United States will not,
of course, agree to anything even resembling
forced repatriation. The position of the U.S.
Government is well known. The United States is
firmly opposed to forced repatriation in any form
whether by direct steps or indirect steps which
might tend to accomplish this.
Finally, and this is the most constructive move
we can take at this time, we must lend the prestige
of this General Assembly to the High Commission-
er's urgent appeal for funds for the program of
permanent solutions. It is this program, not vol-
untary repatriation nor even resettlement, which
offers hope for a ready humanitarian solution of
this serious problem. And it is upon the hard
bedrock of finances that the program will falter
unless we give it our strong support. If there is
anything we should single out at this time for
special attention it is the appeal for early and
serious consideration to the contribution of funds,
and this ajjpeal is a key part of our resolution.
Mr. Chairman, this concludes my intervention.
My delegation would hope that the representative
of the U.S.S.E. would not press his resolution.
If he does so, we will have to vote against it, for
we believe our resolutions are mutually exclusive.
I am convinced that the true interests of the refu-
gees and the most hopeful approach to the solu-
tion of their problems lie along the lines pointed
out in the resolution we have cosponsoi'ed.^
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration
The Department of State announced on October
7 (press release 595) the U.S. delegation for the
^In the voting on Oct. 10, the Soviet proposal was re-
jected, 14-29-10 ; the nine-power draft was approved,
42-0-15.
Third Session of the Executive Committee and
Council of the Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration (Icem), which has convened
in Geneva, Switzerland. The Committee of nine
members meets the first week (October 6-13), fol-
lowed by a Council session of several days, start-
ing October 17.
Scott McLeod, Administrator of the Bureau of
Security and Consular Affairs, is again the U.S.
representative at the conference, heading a delega-
tion comprising five Members of Congress, seven
public members, and six advisers. Mr. McLeod,
Administrator of the Kef ugee Relief Act of 1953,
by congressional authority, has headed the delega-
tion at the two previous conferences.
Since February 1952, when it launched opera-
tions, Icem has transported over 350,000 persons
to various parts of the world. On the initiative
of the United States, the organization was estab-
lished at Brussels, Belgium, in 1951 to facilitate
the movement to new homes of migrants and refu-
gees who would not otherwise be moved from over-
populated areas of Europe. There are now 26
member governments.
The U.S. delegation is as follows :
U. S. representative
Scott McLeod, Administrator, Bureau of Security and
Consular Affairs, Department of State
Alternate U.S. representatives
Frank Chelf, House of Representatives
Dewitt S. H.vde, House of Representatives
James M. Quigley, House of Representatives
Ruth Thompson, House of Representatives
Francis E. Walter, House of Representatives
Principal adviser
George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced
Persons, Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, De-
partment of State
Adiuscrs
Walter H. Besterman, House Judiciary Committee
Richard H. Brown, U.S. Escapee Program, International
Cooperation Administration, Frankfort, Germany
Bess E. Dick, House Judiciary Committee
Pierce J. Gerety, Deputy Administrator, Refugee Relief
Program, Department of State
Francis Rosenberger, Senate Judiciary Committee
Public tnembcrs
George M. Fuller, Washington, D. C.
Henry Glovsky, Beverly, Mass.
Hubert Horan, Philadelphia, Pa.
Dorothy D. Houghton, Red Oak, Iowa
Robert S. McCoUum, Denver, Colo.
David Shillinglaw, Chicago, 111.
Nick T. Stepanovich, East Chicago, Ind.
634
Department of State Bulletin
October 17, 1955
Ind
ex
Vol. XXXIII, No. 851
Africa. French Withdrawal From General Assem-
bly (Dulles) 605
American Republics. Our Government's Contribu-
tion to the Economic Development of Latin
America (Holland) 595
Argentina. Argentine-U.S. Relations (Dulles) . . 605
China. U.S.-Red China Geneva Talks (Dulles) . . 606
Communism. Free World Defense Against Com-
munist Subversion (Allen W. Dulles) .... 600
Economic Affairs
Effective Date for Concessions to Italy (text of
memorandum) 616
Emergency Assistance to India 617
Export-Import Bank Reports on Lending Activities . 619
Importance of International Travel to the Foreign
Trade of the United States (Waters) . ... 620
Korean Tax Problem 618
Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of Aviation Facili-
ties 617
Our (Jovernment's C(mtribution to the Economic
Development <if Latin America (Holland) . . 595
U.S. Views on International Bank's Annual Report
(Waugh) 626
Ethiopia. Loan to Ethiopia for Expansion of Avia-
ti(jn Facilities 617
Europe
The Defense of Europe — A Progress Report
(Gruenther) 609
Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting (Dulles) . . . 606
France. French Withdrawal From General Assem-
bly (Dulles) 605
Germany
United States Position on U.S.S.R.East German
Agreements (text of note) 616
Guatemala. Visit of Guatemalan President . . . 599
Health, Education, and Welfare. U.N. Congress
on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Of-
fenders (Rogers) 624
India. Emergency Assistance to India 617
International Information. Need for Expanding
Use of U.S. Books Overseas (Rockefeller) . . 616
International Organizations and Meetings
U.S. Delegation to lutergdvernmental Committee
for European Migration 634
U.S. Views on International Bank's Annual Report
(Waugh) 626
Italy. Effective Date for Concessions to Italy (text
of memorandum) 616
Korea. Korean Tax Problem 618
Military Affairs. The Defense of Europe — A Prog-
ress Report (Gruenther) 609
Near East. Dangers of Middle East Arms Race
(Dulles) 604
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Defense
of Europe — A Progress Report (Gruenther) . 609
Presidential Documents. Effective Date for Con-
cessions to Italy 616
Refugees and Displaced Persons
Report of the High Commissioner for Refugees
(Blaustein) ( statements and text of draft reso-
lution) 628
U.S. Delegation to Intergovernmental Committee
for European Migration 634
Treaty Information. Current Actions 023
U.S.S.R. United States Position on U.S.S.R.-East
German Agreements (text of note) .... 616
United Nations
French Withdrawal From General Assembly
(Dulles) 605
Report of the High Commissioner for Refugees
(Blaustein) (statements and text of draft
resolution) 628
U.N. Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treat-
ment of Offenders (Rogers) 624
U.N. Membership Question (Dulles) 607
Name Index
Blaustein, Jacob 628
Dulle.s, Allen W 600
Dulles, Secretary 604
Castillo Armas, Carlos .599
Eisenhower, President 617
Gruenther, Alfred M 609
Holland, Henry F 595
Rockefeller, Nelson A 616
Rogers. William P 624
Waters, Somerset R 620
Waugh, Samuel C 626
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 3-9
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Subject
Holland : economic development in
Latin America.
Eximbank loan to Ethiopia.
U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Soviet-
East German agreements.
Emergency aid to India.
Korean tax problem.
Holland : private enterprise in
Latin America.
Dulles: dangers of Middle East
arms race.
Dulles : transcript of news con-
ference.
Italian concessions to Japan under
GATT.
O'Connor designation (rewrite).
Death of Greek Prime Minister.
Holland : trade in Inter- American
relations.
Surplus commodity agreement
with Ecuador.
ICEM delegation (rewrite).
Phleger : Philadeli)hia Bar Asso-
ciation.
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
582
10/4
5.S3
584
10/3
10/4
585
586
*587
10/4
10/3
10/5
588
10/4
589
10/4
590
10/5
t591
*592
t593
10/5
10/5
10/6
t594
10/7
595
t596
10/7
10/8
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Wol. XXXIII, No. 852
Oaober 24, 1955
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER AND PREMIER BUL-
GANIN EXCHANGE VIEWS ON INSPECTION
Texts of Letters 643
"CONFIDENT OF OUR FUTURE" • Address by Secretary
Dulles 639
PROGRESS IN THE RULE OF LAW • by Herman
Phleger, Legal Adviser 647
THE IIVIPORTANCE OF TRADE IN INTER-AMERICAN
RELATIONS • by Assistant Secretary Holland 654
WASHINGTON OLD HALL, SYMBOL OF BRITISH-
AMERICAN KINSHIP • by Ambassador Winthrop W.
Aldrich 651
PEACEFUL USES OF ATOMIC ENERGY
Statement by Senator Paatore 660
Text of Draft Resolution 665
Text of Draft Statute of Internalionnl AiiPiiry 666
For index see inside back cover
.^c-^'^.
•--r„ o. ■■
^Ae zi^efia/yi^ent x:^ i/uzle JL-/ LA 1 1 \J L 11 1
Vol. XXX III, No. 852 • Pdbucation 6044
Oaoher 24, 1955
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
NOV 9-1955
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing OJace
Washington 25, D.C.
Peice:
62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this pubhcation has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a treekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by tlie White House and the
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
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special articles on various phases of
international aff^airs and the func-
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and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
tvell as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
"Confident of Our Future
»»
Address by Secretary Dulles ^
It is an honor and a privilege to speak at this
opening of your convention. You are those who
in time of national peril were ready to sacrifice life
itself that our country and its principles might
survive. And in time of peace, through your con-
ventions and manifold committee and educational
activities, you cultivate the spirit of patriotism.
Love of country is a great virtue. It is one on
which free societies particularly depend. For,
while despotisms can coimrwnd sacrifices, free
societies can only ask for sacrifice. And the re-
sponse is measured by patriotism.
Of course, patriotism can be perverted into a
fanatical and evil force. But in this country pa-
triotism has, in the main, been enlightened and has
seen that our own welfare was identified with that
of others. Perhaps that is because our people
have been G'od-fearing people who have respected
the Biblical injunction that ""Wliatsoever ye would
that men would do to you, do even so to them."
From our earliest days patriotism and religion
have been li:iked. George Washingtoiii, in his
Farewell Address, said, "In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism" who did not ac-
cept religion and morality as the supporting
pillars of our free society.
Patriotism of that kind caiinot be a purely
selfish force. It seeks liberty for nations and dig-
nity for man. It welcomes international coopera-
tion toward these ends, and it has nothing to fear
from such cooperation.
There should be no thought in any quarter that
recent international events, such as the "summit"
conference at Geneva, have lessened the need for
patriotism and the discipline and sacrifice it en-
joins.
After the end of World "War II the institutions
' Made before the American Legion at Miami, Fla., on
Oct. 10 (press release 597).
of freedom were still subjected to heavy assaults.
They not only stood up under these assaults, they
grew under them. The latest fierce attack came
last spring, when the Communists tried desper-
ately to prevent the establishment of Western
European unity.
After that effort failed, the Soviet rulers radi-
cally changed their demeanor. For 10 years in-
tolerance had been the dominant tlieme. They
treated as enemies all who would not follow the
Communist line and accept Communist discipline
as administered from Moscow.
Now all of that seems changed. Today it is
Soviet policy to appear friendly and to mingle
with all the world. Perhaps the Russians have a
proverb like ours which says, "If you can't lick
'em, join 'em."
However, the Russians, as "joiners," create new
problems — for us and also for them.
Within the Soviet bloc, people increasingly
show that they expect for themselves some of the
tolerance which they see so lavishly bestowed on
others. Such pressures could gradually trans-
form the Soviet area into a respected segment of
the society of nations.
Outside the Soviet bloc, some doors which used
to be closed are now open, or at least ajar. And
this occurs before anyone can surely know the real
purpose of the Soviet "new look."
Soviet Communist doctrine has persistently
taught retreat and zigzag as a tactic of conquest.
So we cannot tell whether what is now going on
marks a genuine change of purpose or whether it
is merely a maneuver. We have to have plans that
fit either contingency. We must not rebuff a
change which might be that for which the whole
world longs. On the otlier hand, we must not
expose ourselves to what could be mortal danger.
Never, jjerhaps, lias national policy faced so dif-
Ocfofaer 24, J 955
639
ficult and delicate a task. Mere cleverness will
not suffice. Our dependence must be on funda-
mentals. Fortunately we have basic assets, ma-
terial and moral. These assets have no aggres-
sive aspect, yet they exert a profound influence
upon world affairs.
Let us briefly consider what these assets are.
Productivity
We have productivity. Our rate of productiv-
ity is the greatest in history, now estimated at
nearly $400 billion a year. The magnitude of that
can be appreciated when it is noted that it is three
times that of the Soviet Union with its much
larger population.
More significant than quantity are the hmnan
satisfactions that accompany our production. It
is the result of free choice. No governmental de-
crees force men and women into work that is
repugnant to them. And because people do work
that they like, they strive to excel and so become
competitive and more productive.
It is also significant that what our people freely
produce is not only huge in quantity, but it is
widely distributed to bring rising standards of
living.
Forced labor can, of course, be made to produce
some conspicuous results. The world is dotted
with the monuments of past despotisms, and some
new ones are being built today. But admiration
of such feats should not submerge pity for the
human misery which tliey cost.
Our duty and opportunity is to offer the world
the example of an economy which, as a matter
of free choice, produces vastly and distributes
fairly. That we do, and must continue to do,
with constant striving for betterment.
Power
We have power. Out of productivity, a part
is set aside to make sure that the treasure house
of freedom will not be pillaged.
We do not like to divert human effort to non-
productive purposes, and it requires a strong sense
of duty to apply, as we are doing, more than a
tenth of all we produce to national defense. Your
Government is striving to bring about interna-
tional conditions which might safely enable us to
reduce this nonproductive diversion.
We do not, however, intend to be reckless in this
respect.
We had to build hastily the military establish-
ment we needed in World War I; and then we
scrapped it.
Then, with the coming of World War II, we
built up what became the world's greatest military
establishment; and again we scrapped it.
Then, when the Korean war came, we had to
build the third time.
This time we do not propose to disarm our-
selves unless we can be sure that others are doing
the same.
That is not because the American people have
gone miJitaristic. The instinct of the American
people is as strong as ever against maintaining mil-
itary establishments. It is because we have
learned the hard way. The Soviet Union itself,
in Korea, helped to teach us that disarmament, if
it may prove to be one-sided, does not produce
peace.
We are eager to reduce military expenditure.
But we remember George Wasliington's advice in
his Farewell Address that, while public credit
must be cherished, nevertheless "timely disburse-
ments to prepare for danger frequently prevent
much greater disbursements to repel it."
Terrorism has always been a tool of despotism.
A preponderance of weapons in the hands of those
without moral scruples is dangerous.
That is why, for our own sake and for the sake
of all free men, we must retain the relative power
needed to deter aggression.
Principles
We liave principles. Our productivity and our
power do not rattle haphazardly about the world.
They are harnessed to basic moral principles.
There is a school of thought which claims that
morality and foreign policy do not mix. That
never has been, is not, and I pray never will be
the American ideal.
Diplomacy which is divorced from morality also
divorces the govenmient from the people. Our
people can imderstand, and will support, policies
which can be explained and understood in moral
terms. But policies merely based on carefully cal-
culated exj^ediency could never be explained and
would never be understood.
Furthermore, a nation with our worldwide con-
cerns needs to follow a course which other comi-
tries can feel is stable and predictable. This wiU
be the case if our policies are based upon principle.
640
Department of State Bulletin
It will not be the case if our policies are based upon
the shifting sands of expediency.
As an example of the principles to which we
adhere, I cite the principle that military force
should not be used aggressively to achieve national
goals.
Power, particularly great power, is always
dangerous unless it is subject to self-imposed
restraints.
Recently we were gravely provoked by the
Chinese Communists, who retained and im-
prisoned 15 of our fliers in violation of the Korean
Armistice Agreement. We had the power to take
prompt and overwhelming reprisals. We did not
do so ; neither did we bargain or pay ransom. We
relied upon the United Nations to bring moral
pressures into play. Now all 15 of our brave com-
rades are free and home.
We hope that the Chinese Communists will
accept for themselves this "renunciation of force"
principle. Until now they have largely lived by
the sword. Tliey came into power through violent
revolution. They moved into Korea to fight the
United Nations Command. They took Tibet by
force. They allied themselves with force in Indo-
china. But perhaps they are now beginning to
see that persistence in the use of force will surely
bring disaster.
Another of the principles we apply is that pro-
ductivity is not for purely selfish use. We do not
seek to be an oasis of material prosperity in a
desert of human misery.
During the last 10 yeai's the Government has
granted or loaned abroad approximately $40
billion for economic purposes. The recipients
have in the main been those allies which gi-eatly
suffered from the war or which with us face a
common danger and build with us a common
defense.
In the same period approximately $12.5 billion
of private fimds have flowed abroad to develop
countries which welcome and provide opportunity
for foreign capital.
Thus we seek to use both our great economic
productivity and our great military power in ac-
cordance with good principles.
Some other nations would, at times, prefer it if
the United States would deviate from basic prin-
ciples to help them meet their immediate prob-
lems. If we do not do so, they may temporarily
turn away. But beneath such surface dissatisfac-
tions lies, I feel, a sense of respect for the United
States because we at least try to live by principle.
Certainly that is essential to our own sense of
self-respect.
Partnership
We have partnership. Modern developments
in the field of communications have drawn na-
tions physically together so that, as never before,
wliat concerns one concerns many. It was always
wrong to ojjerate on the basis of "each for liimself
and the devil take the hindmost." Now it is also
stupid.
Within our nations people seek security on a col-
lective basis. We have our community police
force, our fire department, and other civic aids.
Tlius, by working together we get more security at
less cost.
The time has come when the nations also need to
get together on a community basis.
The ideal, of course, would be to have collective
security on a univei-sal basis. That is the design
of the United Nations. But trust and confidence
do not yet exist on a univei-sal basis. So, many
nations have created collective security organiza-
tions of their own, as permitted by the United
Nations Charter.
The United States now has partnership associa-
tion for security with 44 nations. The result is
to create a measure of security wliich no one, not
even the strongest, could achieve on a purely na-
tional basis.
Tlie Soviet rulers profess to regard these devel-
opments as dangerous. They advocate — for
others — what they call "neutrality." By this they
mean that each nation should have the weakness
whicli is inevitable when each depends on itself
alone.
But the Soviet rulers practice, for themselves,
something very different from what they thus
preach to others. They have forged a vast do-
main. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
is itself a multinational state consisting of 16 so-
called republics, several of which were once inde-
pendent nations.
Several other countries, in whole or part, are
tied into the Soviet bloc by the hold of the Soviet
Communist Party or the Red Army.
Also, there is close identity with Communist
China, which in turn dominates all or part of sev-
eral other nations.
Thus, the Soviet bloc represents an amalgama-
Ocfober 24, 1955
641
tion of about 900 million people, nonnally consti-
tuting more than 20 distinct national groups.
The United States does not believe in practicing
neutrality. Barring exceptional cases, neutrality
today is an obsolete conception. It is like asking
each community to forego a police force and to
leave it to each citizen to defend his own home with
his own gun.
Equally, we do not believe that nations and peo-
ples who want to be independent should be forced
into unwelcome dominance by others merely to
produce monolithic power. We do not believe
that such artificial unity will last or produce genu-
ine security.
We do believe that peoples who trust each other
should freely draw together for their mutual se-
curity.
The United States is helping to bring into being
that modern and forward-looking practice.
Through it all who love liberty can more surely
have liberty.
Peace
We have peace. Peace is the goal which we de-
voutly seek. But let us never forget that the
peace we now have, and the peace which we would
preserve, is not peace at any price. It is peace
with freedom, purchased by those who were will-
ing to fight and die.
Last winter, when aggression threatened in the
Formosa area, the Congi-ess unitedly authorized
the President to use the armed forces of the United
States for the defense of our vital interests and of
our ally in that area.
I believe that this action contributed indispensa-
bly to the preservation of peace at that juncture.
Two years ago I addressed your convention in
St. Louis.- Speaking of the "art of peace," I said :
"If events are likely which will in fact lead us
to fight, let us make clear our intention in ad-
vance ; then we shall probably not have to fight."
The bipartisan action of the Congress was a no-
table application of that doctrine.
Peace, at least the only kind of peace that is
worth having, requires an intrepid spirit in de-
fense of freedom and justice. Without that spirit,
aggressors run rife until finally in desperation
there is resistance and war.
But lest what I say should be misimderstood or
misrepresented in any quarter, in any way, for
any reason, let me say what you all know : There is
no nation in the world which is more utterly ded-
icated to peace than is our Nation.
One of the great gains of the "summit" confer-
ence at Geneva was that it gave President Eisen-
hower an opportunity to demonstrate, so that none
could doubt, our Nation's devotion to peace. I
refer particularly to his spontaneous offer to ex-
change military blueprints with the Soviet Union
and allow them to overfly the United States on a
basis of reciprocity. That was an offer which
could only have come from the serenity of the
peace-loving spirit of our beloved President. And
the Nation wholly supported that proposal.
We hope that the Soviet rulers will accept it.
If they do, in good spirit, then we can confidently
move on to international measures to reduce and
control the instruments of death.
President Eisenhower's latest offer is a sequel
to other dramatic proposals made in pursuit of
peace. In 1946 President Truman offered to in-
ternationalize our then monopoly of atomic en-
ergy. In December 1953 President Eisenhower
made his "atoms for peace"' proposal that fission-
able material, then designed for war, should be
put into a world bank and made to work for peace.
So the United States makes mtuiifest its peace-
ful purposes.
But as President Eisenhower recently said,'
"We must not think of peace as a static condition
in world affairs. . . . Unless there is peaceful
change, there is bound to be violent change." And
he cited as situations which needed to be changed
the division of Germany and the subjection of the
once-free nations of Eastern Europe.
There are some skeptics who doubt that change
can be brought about peacefully. History does not
justify this conclusion. The recent liberation of
Austria came about primarily because world opin-
ion insistently demajided it as a step which repre-
sented elemental justice. In the same way world
opinion will act as a compulsion on the Soviet
Union to relax its grip upon East Germany and
to permit the unification of Germany.
Also, I believe that world opinion will compel
the restoration of national independence to the
captive states of Eastern Europe.
Independence must also come to those dependent
" Bulletin of Sept. 14, 1953, p. 339.
642
'Ihid., Sept. 5, 1955, p. 376.
Department of State Bulletin
countries — those colonies — whose people desire in-
dependence and are capable of sustaining it.
And the le^s developed areas should be helped
to provide a better livelihood for their peoples.
These changes will surely come to pass. The
only question is when, and by whom.
We can, and indeed we must, look forward to
an era of peaceful change. We do not seek other
than peace, but also we do not seek a peace other
than one which will be curative and creative.
which the U.S. Government attaches to the
European Coal and Steel Community.
W. Walton Butterworth has been appointed as
head of tliis mission to serve as U.S. Representa-
tive to the Ecsc and will have the personal rank
of Ambassador. His most recent assignment has
been as Minister and Deputy Cliief of Mission at
tlie American Embassy, London.
Our Task Today
The United States has no desire and no mandate
to run the world. Many things will go right with-
out our help and many things will go wrong that
we cannot help. We shall not always be able to
save others from what we believe to be their mis-
takes, and we know that we shall at times commit
what others believe to be our mistakes.
But one thing we can do. That is, be a nation
which stands for what all men aspire.
That indeed has been the mission of our Nation
since its foundation. Our founders said {Feder-
alist Paper No. 1 ) , "It seems to be reserved to the
people of this country to show, by their conduct
and example" that it is possible for men freely to
establish good government; and that "failure on
their part" would be "the general misfortune of
mankind." Throughout the intervening years,
our Nation has patriotically lived up to that ideal.
That same mission is our task today.
If in freedom we produce bounteously; if we
have defensive power to deter aggi'ession; if we
use our military and economic power in accord-
ance with high moral principles; if we extend the
hand of fellowship to all who in sincerity would
grasp it; and if we seek a peace which will eradi-
cate injustice, then we can be confident of our
future. In that way, the patriotism of the living
can pay tribute to the patriotism of the dead.
U.S. Establishes Mission to
Coal and Steel Community
The Department of State announced on Octo-
ber 10 (press release 599) that, pursuant to direc-
tion of the President on September 23, 1955, a
U.S. mission to the European Coal and Steel Com-
munity (Schuman Plan) in Luxembourg will be
established. This action reflects the importance
President and Soviet Premier
Exchange Views on Inspection
Following are texts of letters exchanged iy
President Eisenhower and Nikolai A. Bulganin,
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, on the subject of the
President's July 21 proposal concerning exchange
of military information and aerial inspection.
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER TO MR. BULGANIN
White House press release dated October 12
Denver, Colorado
October 11,1965
Dear Mr. Chairman : I wish to thank you for
your letter of September 19, 1955 about my Geneva
proposal of July 21 that we exchange information
about military establishments and permit recipro-
cal aerial inspection over our two countries.
You raise a good many questions, and I shall
not be able to reply to them imtil the doctors let
me do more than at present. In any event, a full
reply calls for preliminary work by my advisers
and this is actively under way.
Let me now say, however, that I am encouraged
that you are giving such full consideration to my
Geneva proposal. I hope that we can agree on it,
not as a cure-all, but, as I said at Geneva, to show
a si)irit of non-aggressiveness on both sides and so
to create a fresh atmosphere which would dispel
much of the present fear and suspicion. This, of
itself, would be worthwhile. It would, I believe,
make it more possible to make progress in terms
of comprehensive plans for inspection, controls
and reductions of armament, which will satisfy
the high hopes of our peoples, and indeed of all
the world.
Ocfofaer 24, 7955
643
I have not forgotten your proposal having to
do with stationing inspection teams at key points
in our countries, and if you feel this would help to
create the better spirit I refer to, we could accept
that too.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
MR. BULGANIN TO PRESIDENT EISENHOWER
September 19, 1955
Dear Mr. President: I feel I must sincerely
and frankly exchange opinions with you on a sub-
ject which at the present time has acquired par-
ticular importance. I have in mind the question
which is being discussed now by our representa-
tives in the subcommittee of the U.N. Disarma-
ment Commission.
In the course of our memorable meetings in
Geneva we agreed to work jointly for elaboration
of an acceptable system of disarmament. "Wlien
we approved directives to our Ministers of For-
eign Affairs on this score, I thought a great deal
liad been accomplished. Now the representatives
of our countries, guided by these directives and
taking into account in their work the opinions and
proposals put forth by the heads of the four gov-
ernments in Geneva, can and must achieve definite
progress.
I and my colleagues thought that even at the
very beginning of their work our representatives
would be able to reach general agreement on those
basic questions on which our viewpoints either co-
incided or had already appreciably approached
each other. I have in mind first of all the question
of the levels of armed forces of the five great pow-
ers, the question of dates for introducing into force
the prohibition of atomic weapons, and the ques-
tion of international control. In this manner
there would be created a solid foundation for fur-
ther work during which it would be possible to
make more precise all the details of the necessary
agreements concerning the working out of an ac-
ceptable system of disarmament.
However, the first weeks of the work of the sub-
committee so far have not yet produced tliose re-
sults for which you and I were fully entitled to
hope, and I must frankly say that the delay is oc-
casioned to a considerable degree by the fact that
the members of the subcommittee so far do not
know the position of the representative of the
United States with regard to those provisions
vvhicli we had all the grounds to consider as agreed.
As is known, the representative of the United
States completely put aside the questions of reduc-
tion of the armed forces, of armaments, and
lirohibition of atomic weapons, having expressed
the desire to discuss first of all and mainly your
proposal concerning the exchange of military in-
formation between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. as
well as of the mutual exchange of aerial photog-
raphy of the territories of both countries.^ In this
manner the impression is left that the entire prob-
lem of disarmament is being confined by him to
these proposals.
I think to put the question in this manner would
not satisfy tlie aspiration of peoples, even though
I fully recognize the importance of the proposals
introduced by you in Geneva.
However, since I and my colleagues have re-
ceived the above-mentioned impression, I consider
it my duty once more to share with you, esteemed
Mr. President, certain primary considerations.
We feel that the main problem for us is to use
further efforts to look for ways which would per-
mit us to move the problem of disarmament away
from dead center, which problem has vital im-
portance for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. and the
U.S.A. as well as peoples of the entire world.
In connection with this allow me to touch upon
the profwsals put forward by you at Geneva. We
regard these proposals as testimony of your sin-
cere desire to find a way to settle the important
problem of the international control and inspec-
tion and to contribute personally to general efforts
for the normalization of international relations.
Upon our return from Geneva we with all care-
fulness have studied your proposal of July 21 ^
which was introduced on August 30 by Mr. Stassen
into the disarmament subcommittee. In the
course of this study several questions have arisen
about which I would like to express to you my
thoughts.
First of all, about the mutual exchange by the
United States of America and the Soviet Union
of information concerning their armed forces and
armaments.
In principle, we have no objections to this pro-
' For text of the opening statement made by Ambassador
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., in the subcommittee on Aug. 29,
see Bi-LLETiN of Sept. 12, 1955, p. 438.
' Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 173.
644
Department of State Bulletin
posal. I think that at a definite stage the exchange
of such information between states is necessary.
It would be better, however, if such information
concerning armaments were submitted by all
states, and not only by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.,
to the international organ of control and inspec-
tion, concerning the creation of which we should
reach an agreement. In order to avoid misunder-
standings, it is self-evident that information on
all kinds of annaments, conventional as well as
nuclear, must be submitted in order to avoid mis-
understanding. If these considerations are valid,
we should carefully discuss exactly when this full
information on armaments of states should be
presented and first of all information concerning
the armaments of great powers.
It is self-evident that the submission of the
above-mentioned information to an international
control organ would become significant only if
agreement is achieved on the reduction of arma-
ments and on taking measures for the proliibition
of atomic weapons.
It seems to me that the problem of the creation
of an international control organ which would
satisfy the requirements of the problems of dis-
armament should be considered in indissoluble
unity with decisions for putting into effect a plan
for gradual disarmament. At the same time it
is necessary to keep sight of the fact that achieve-
ment of a really valuable exchange of military in-
formation will become really effective to the de-
gree that mutual trust among states is
strengthened.
Now I would also like to express my opinion
about the problem of aerial photography.
I do not doubt that when you introduced your
proposal for photographing from the air the ter-
ritories of our two countries, you were guided by a
legitimate desire to create confidence that neither
of our two countries would be subjected to attack
by the other.
However, let us be frank to the end. Under pres-
ent international conditions both our countries are
not acting singly. The United States of America,
as is known, heads all military groupings which
exist in the West and in the East, and what is
more their armed forces are stationed not only on
American territory; they are also stationed in
England, West Germany, Italy, France, Spain,
North Africa, Greece, Turkey, in several countries
of the Near and Middle East, in Japan, on Taiwan,
in the Philippines, etc.
To this should be added the fact that the armed
forces of several states are organically connected
with the military forces of the United States
through inclusion under a single command.
Under these conditions, the Soviet Union on its
side has united militarily with several allied states.
It is impossible not to see that the proposal in-
troduced by you completely omits from considera-
tion armed forces and military installations which
are outside the area of the United States and the
Soviet Union.
And yet it is perfectly self-evident that aerial
photographing should also be extended to all
armed forces and military installations located on
the territories of those other states.
This presents an entirely new problem : Would
the governments of such states permit their sov-
ereign territory to be photographed from the air
by foreign aircraft?
All this shows that the problem of aerial pho-
tography is not a question which, under present
conditions, would lead to effective progress to-
ward insuring security of states and successful
accomplishment of disarmament.
This conclusion is suggested by the fact that
your proposal, unfortunately, does not mention
the necessity for reduction of armaments and pro-
hibition of atomic weapons.
It is therefore natural that people should ask
more and more often what the proposal for aerial
photography and the collecting of such informa-
tion would really do to end the arms race. If
such a proposal does not promote the ending of
the arms race, then it means that it does not re-
move the threat of a new war. It does not lighten
the burden which the peoples are bearing in con-
nection with this arms race. Would such a pro-
posal satisfy the expectations of the people of our
states and those of all countries?
Finally, it is impossible not to stop and think
about what would happen if we occupy ourselves
with the questions of aerial photography and the
exchange of military information without taking
effective measures for reduction of armaments and
prohibition of atomic weapons.
I have apprehensions which I cannot help but
share with you. Would not such a situation lead
to the weakening of vigilance toward the still
existing threat of violation of the peace generated
by the arms race ?
My remarks do not at all mean that we cannot
achieve an agreement on important aspects of the
October 24, 1955
645
disarmament problem. I would like to call your
attention to the fact that on very substantial as-
pects of this problem our positions have become so
close that we would be able to reach a definite
agreement.
Let us take such a question as the establishment
of levels of armed forces for the great powers.
It is generally recognized that this is a question
of great importance. Originally, the idea of es-
tablishing levels to which armed forces of the Big
Five should be reduced, as is known, was put forth
by your Government together with the Govern-
ments of Great Britain and France in 1952.^ In
the interest of achieving general agreement on
this matter, which is so important for the problem
of disarmament, we decided to adopt this joint
proposal of the U.S., England, and France as a
basis for discussion. Consequently we have a
common point of view on this question. It is very
important for us to arrive at agreement on this
point.
On the question of atomic weapons, we must re-
member that at the present, when the greatest
armies of the world have at their disposal such
means of mass destruction as atomic and hydrogen
weapons, it is impossible, of course, to talk about
disarmament without touching on this important
subject. Therefore, we have always attached
paramount importance to the problem of prohibi-
tion of atomic weapons. In the discussion of this
problem, one of the substantial subjects of dis-
agreement was the question of dates when the
prohibition against the use of atomic weapons
would go into force. In our desire to bring the
opposition positions closer and to thereby facilitate
and expedite the achievement of agreement on this
subject, we agreed to accept the dates for putting
into forc« the prohibition on the use of atomic
weapons which were proposed by the representa-
tives of England and France in the subcommittee
of tlie U.N. Commission on Disarmament in
London in April 1955.*
I tliink you will agree that tlie proposal con-
cerning the stage at which prohibition against the
use of atomic weapons would come into force, as
proposed by England and France, and accepted
by the Soviet Union, satisfies our common in-
terests.
It would be desirable — and I think completely
' /&(•(/., June 9, 19.52, p. 910.
* Ibid., May 30, 1955, p. 897.
feasible — to reach an agreement also on this
question.
It also seems expedient for us to reach agree-
ment at this time on putting into effect several
measures designed to prevent sudden attack by
one state or another. We feel that this measure
would be in accord with the interests of maintain-
ing peace and security of nations and in this re-
spect it would be possible to reach agreement also
concerning the form of control suitable to the
above-mentioned problem.
You, ]\Ir. President, as a military man, know
from your own experience that modern war
I'equires drawing into military action armies of
many millions and an enormous quantity of tech-
nical combat equipment. In this connection
great importance has now been acquired by the
definite locations where concentrations of large
military groups can take place and whose arma-
ments would include all this technical combat
equipment. The system of control proposed by us,
namely the creation of control posts in large ports,
at railroad junctions, on automobile highways, and
at airfields, is designed to prevent dangerous con-
centrations of troops and combat equipment on
large scale and thereby remove the possibility of
sudden attack by one country against another.
Establishment of such posts would be an impor-
tant step toward relaxation of international ten-
sion and the establishment of trust among states.
In my opinion our proposal concerning control
posts has the advantage that it provides a definite
guaranty against a sudden attack by one state
against another.
I think you will agre-e that the proposals intro-
duced by us concerning levels of armed forces,
the dates for coming into effect of the prohibi-
tion of nuclear weapons and for the establish-
ment of control posts can promote the
reduction of tension in international relations
and strengthening of peace. I do not see, there-
fore, any reasons why we could not arrange to
reach agreement on these questions. Such joint de-
cisions of the Four Powers would have tremen-
dous importance because they would put into the
hearts of millions of people the assurance that
disarmament is fully realizable and that real steps
are being taken in this direction. An agi'eement
on these questions would open the way toward
solution of other questions which concern the
problem of disarmament. It would encourage
the strengthening of tliat atmosphere of coopera-
646
Department of State Bulletin
tion and mutual understanding which we initiated
at Geneva, and it would create favorable condi-
tions to put into practice a broader program of
disarmament and control over this disarmament.
In presenting ideas to you, Mr. President, I am
inspired by the sincere desire to achieve through a
frank exchange of opinions on the problem of dis-
armament better mutual understanding which
may facilitate reaching agreed decisions on this
most important problem.
Inasmuch as the solution of these questions de-
pends mainly on the four great powers who par-
ticipated in the Geneva Conference, I have taken
the liberty of sending copies of this letter to Mr.
Eden and Mr. Faure and hope that you will not
misunderstand this action.
I hope soon to receive your ideas on the ques-
tions touched upon in this letter.
With sincere respect,
N. BULGANIN
Progress in the Rule of Law
hy Herman Phleger
Legal Adviser ^
Being lawyers, I thought it might be of interest
to review with you today the developments of this
century that might loosely be called progress in
the rule of law in the international field.
One of the paradoxes of our time is that, while
the overwhelming majority of mankind abhors
war, it has not been possible as yet to achieve a
just and lasting peace. The prospect, in this
atomic age, that the next war might result in an-
nihilating mankind jwints to the urgency of find-
ing a solution for this problem.
^^Hiile undue optimism is to be avoided, and
the failures are fresh in our memory, it is worthy
of note that significant progress has been made
in the j^ast 60 years in the concept of collective
security and the renunciation of aggressive war.
We should not permit the failures to obscure the
successes, for, if we are to build a system of collec-
tive security that will be effective in the future, it
must be upon the foundations that have been laid
since the beginning of this century.
Indeed, if we compare the situation today with
that of a scant 50 years ago, the progress has been
significant.
Fifty years ago war was accepted as a perfectly
legitimate instrument of national policy. Learned
writers in the field of international law asserted
'Address made hefore the Philadelphia Bar Association
on Oct. 10 (press relea.se .596 dated Oct. 8).
its legality. Collective efforts were largely con-
fined to ameliorating the harsh conditions of war —
agreeing on the rules of the game, so to speak.
The Hague Conventions on land and naval war-
fare, the Red Cross Convention, and the later
Geneva Conventions regulating the treatment of
prisoners of war represented efforts of the world
community to make war endurable, since its
abolition seemed impossible.
The great Hague Peace Conference of 1899,
called to consider means of preserving the peace,
drafted a Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
Disputes iH'oviding for a Permanent Court of Ar-
bitration. But it also had as one of its principal
accomplishments the formulation of the Laws and
Customs of Land Warfare.
The Second Hague Conference of 1907 formu-
lated conventions on naval warfare and the rights
and duties of neutrals. A precarious peace, based
on a constant shifting of the balance of power,
was maintained on a razor-edge equilibrium.
Conciliation and Arbitration Treaties
Voluntary arbitration, conciliation, and media-
tion were looked to to supplement traditional di-
plomacy in the solution of international disputes.
The United States was most active in this field.
In 1908-9 Secretary Root concluded arbitration
treaties with six coimtries. In 1913 and 1914, 19
October 24, 1955
647
treaties, known as the Bryan Peace Treaties, were
entered into by the United States. These bound
the parties to mediation and conciliation before
resorting to hostilities to settle differences.
The League of Nations
The First World War, drawing into its vortex
most of the world powers, demonstrated the in-
effectiveness of these measures and pointed to the
imperative need for some system of collective se-
curity if peace was to be maintained. The Cove-
nant of the League of Nations, joined in by 63
nations, represented a collective attempt to meet
this need.
As we all know, the Covenant did not secure the
approval of the United States Senate, and the
United States did not become a party. Wliether
or liow much this decision contributed to the fail-
ure of the League has been the subject of many a
lively debate.
Further Efforts To Insure Peace
But though the United States did not join the
League, it was not idle in its efforts to further
world peace. In 1922 it called the Washington
Conference, where the five principal naval powers
agreed to a limitation of their naval forces. At
the same conference the Nine Power Treaty, de-
signed to assure the integrity of China, was entered
into.
During the years 1926 tlirough 1931, no fewer
than 26 arbitration and 18 conciliation treaties,
conmionly called the Kellogg Treaties, were en-
tered into by the United States.
In 1925 Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy,
and Belgium signed the Locarno Treaty, designed
to prevent a repetition of World War I. In it,
the parties agreed to refrain from war and bound
themselves to come to the aid of any party attacked
by any other party.
Then in 1928 came the Kellogg-Briand Pact.
In this treaty the signatories solemnly bound them-
selves to renounce war as an instrimient of na-
tional policy. Sixty-three nations became parties
to this pact. One of the first was the Soviet
Union. It is interesting to note that this treaty,
despite the intervention of World War II, remains
in force today as to all its signatories, there having
been no denunciation or withdrawal by any party.
From the standpoint of international law, this
treaty was a revolutionary development. Taken
at face value, it was an agreement between the
members of the world community that it would be
a breach of solemn treaty obligations to engage in
aggressive war.
Yet 10 years later Germany invaded Poland
and World War II was under way.
In connection with the Kellogg-Briand Pact, I
cannot refrain from quoting from Senator
[George Wliarton] Pepper's admirable auto-
biograjjhy. He wrote, speaking of the spring of
1928,
During our brief sojourn in Paris, the Kellogg-Briand
Pact was signed at the French Foreign Office in an at-
mosphere of optimism. Mrs. Pepper and I were guests at
the Embassy at a brilliant dinner given by Ambassador
Herrick to Secretary Kellogg. My Incurable lack of faith
in international promises made me less enthusiastic than
the rest of the company. They felt, or pretended to feel,
that war had at last received its death warrant.
The United Nations
A hope that sustained those who bore the bur-
dens of World War II was that out of it would
come a world order that would make its repetition
impossible. A system of collective security was
envisaged that would rule out aggressive warfare
for all time.
The United Nations Charter, signed in 1945,
was in fulfillment of this hope. Sixty states are
now members. The charter requires its members
to "settle their international disputes by peaceful
means" and to "refrain . . . from the threat or
use of force against the territorial integrity or
political independence of any state."
Action to implement these undertakings is en-
trusted to the Security Council, where, as you
know, it is subject to veto by any one of the five
permanent members. Vetoes by Soviet Russia
have been frequent.
The only collective military action taken by
members to stop an outright breach of interna-
tional peace was that taken pursuant to the resolu-
tion of the Security Council in 1950, calling upon
the members to repel the aggression of North
Korea against South Korea. That action was pos-
sible because the Soviet representative, Gromyko,
had "taken a walk" and was not present when the
vote was taken, it being held that a voluntary
abstention by a permanent member did not have
the effect of a veto.
Sixteen member nations responded to this call —
the first instance of joint military action in dis-
648
Department of State Bulletin
charge of a prior commitment to act collectively
to maintain world peace. Later, when the Chinese
Communists swarmed across the Yalu, the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations branded this
as an aggression and called upon its members to
embargo strategic materials.
Uniting for Peace
As a result of the Korean experience, the Gen-
eral Assembly decided to improve its procedures
so as to take account of any future situation where
the Security Comicil might be paralyzed by the
veto. This was done by passage of the Uniting
for Peace Resolution in the fall of 1950. This
resolution permits United Nations action which
would otherwise be impossible because of the veto
in the Security Council.
The basis for this resolution was explained by
Secretary Dulles in the course of debate over its
adoption, as follows :-
. . . The same instniment which placed on the
Security Council the "primary" responsibility for the
maintenance of international peace and security . . .
gave the General Assembly power to recommend even as
to matters that might be vetoed. . . .
... At San Francisco, the so-called "Little 45" had
stoutly opposed the "veto power" demanded by the so-
called "Big Five." Finally, in the closing days of the Con-
ference, they agreed to accept the veto in the Security
Council if Assembly powers were such that, if the Security
Council were prevented from discharging its primary re-
sponsibility, the General Assembly could step in and dis-
cuss and recommend regarding such subjects as pacific
settlement of disputes, breaches of the peace, the estab-
lishment of military contingents, etc. To insure that, they
proposed to amend what is now article 10 by broadening
the Assembly's right to recommend so that it could recom-
mend as to "any matters within the scope of the present
Charter."
The Soviet delegation at first declined to accept a
broadening of article 10 which would prevent a veto in
the Security Council from having finality. There was a
resultant deadlock, while the day officially set for signing
drew near. Finally, on June 19, 1945, the United States
Ambassador at Moscow advised the Soviet Foreign Office
that the United States felt it could not wait longer and
Would proceed with other nations. The next day the
chairman of the Soviet delegation informed our Secretary
of State that his Government, too, accepted the proposed
broadening of article 10. With that last obstacle cleared
away, the Charter was signed June 26.
The powers of the General Assembly we now invoke
were won that day in San Francisco. There is no occa-
sion now to put them in question. Rather, now is the
time to use the rights then so hard won. That is the pro-
posal before you.
BiLLETiN of Oct. 23, 1950, p. 651.
As you know, the Assembly adopted the Uniting
for Peace Resolution, and shortly thereafter it
met the challenge of a Soviet veto in the Korean
situation by exercising its powers of recommenda-
tion. Thus the existence of the veto in the
Security Council has not prevented the United
Nations from acting as an instrument of collective
security.
Riglit of Seif-Defense
Another crucial development at San Francisco
made it clear that the charter does not have the
effect of impairing the sovereign right of self-
defense. I refer to the foresight of Senator
Vandenberg, strongly backed by the American
States, in securing the insertion in the charter of
article 51. This provides that
Nothing in the . . . Charter shall impair the inherent
right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed
attack occurs. . . .
U.S. Mutual Defense Treaties
This recognition that a commitment to refrain
from the use of force is subject to the reservation
that force may be used in self-defense is an essen-
tial basis for the security treaties which the United
States has made since World War II and the sign-
ing of the charter. The other essential basis is
continuing recognition of the responsibility of the
United Nations for the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security.
These treaties have not only the object of pro-
tecting United States security by combining the
strength of free nations to resist armed aggression,
but to make that aggression less likely by giving
advance notice of the interests of the United States
and its determination to protect those interests.
Miscalculations as to the intentions of the United
States no doubt contributed to the launching of
both World Wars. No longer will a prospective
aggressor be likely to make a similar miscalcula-
tion. The Monroe Doctrine is the outstanding
example of a successful United States policy based
on a clear declaration of United States interests
and intentions.
These treaties are made within the framework
of the United Nations Charter and serve to
strengthen it. They bind the parties to them to
settle international disputes by peaceful means
and to refrain in their international relations from
the threat or use of force in any way inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations. All
Ocfofaer 24, 7955
649
measures taken under the treaties are to be re-
ported at once to the Security Council and are to
be terminated when the Security Council has
taken the necessary action.
I do not believe it is generally recognized how
extensive, both as to parties and territories, these
treaties are.
First, in 1947 there was the Inter-American
Treaty of Eeciprocal Assistance between the 21
American States. This treaty for the self-defense
of the Western Hemisphere made the Monroe
Doctrine mutual, where before it had been a uni-
lateral policy of the United States. In tliis treaty
it was agreed that an armed attack against an
American State "shall be considered as an attack
against all the American States," and each one
agreed to assist in meeting the attack.
Two years later, in 1949, the North Atlantic
Treaty was signed, designed to secure the North
Atlantic community against the Communist
threat. Its 15 parties agree that an armed attack
against one or more in Europe or North America
shall be considered an attack against them all.
Earlier this year the Federal Republic of Ger-
many, on regaining its sovereignty, acceded to
this treaty.
Then came tlie series of treaties in the Pacific
designed to provide mutual security for the free
nations in that area.
First was the treaty with the Pliilippines in
August 1951, followed soon after by the Anzus
Treaty with Australia and New Zealand. In
these, each of the parties recognizes that an anned
attack against a treaty member would be dangerous
to its own peace and safety and declares that it
will act to meet the common danger in accordance
with its constitutional processes.
Wlien the Japanese Peace Treaty was signed in
1951, the United States and Japan agi-eed by
treaty on measures for the security of that area of
the Pacific.
In October 1953, following the Korean Armi-
stice, the United States and Korea entei'ed into a
mutual defense treaty.
In 1954, following the Geneva conference on
Korean unification and Indochina, and after the
aggressive intentions of the Communist movement
in Southeast Asia were recognized as a menace to
all the free nations having interests in that area,
the Manila Pact was signed. In it, eight nations,
including the Asian nations of Pakistan, Thailand,
and the Philippines, recognized that armed attack
against any of the parties would endanger the
peace and safety of all the others. In the case of
the United States, the armed attack was identified
in the treaty as Communist aggression.
In December of 1954 the United States signed a
mutual defense treaty with the Republic of China.
These treaties constitute a system for the mutual
defense of the free world against armed aggression
and particularly Communist aggression, without
precedent in history. The beneficial effect of the
North Atlantic Treaty has already been demon-
strated. The stabilizing effect of the others is al-
ready evident. They constitute a solid backing of
the United Nations Charter.'
Peace by Agreement
Wlien asked what I would talk about today, I
suggested "Peace by Agreement." That is the
description I would apply to the entire complex of
bilateral and multilateral treaties by wliich the
world community has tried to move forward by
agreeing that aggressive warfare is no longer legal
under international law. It is a lawyer's approach.
We have seen how the Covenant of the League
and the solemn assm-ances of the Kellogg-Briand
Pact were disregarded in World War II. We
have witnessed the action of the United Nations in
applying sanctions against aggi'ession in Korea.
We have witnessed the attempts of like-minded
nations to insure the peace by mutual security
treaties within the framework of the United Na-
tions Charter.
The charter of the United Nations f urnislies the
broadest and most comprehensive juridical basis
for maintaining the peace and for collective secu-
rity that the world has ever seen. The system of
mutual security treaties to which the United
States is a party reaffirms the principles of the
charter and reinforces its provisions outlawing
The Sanction of World Opinion
We would be naive to tliink that peace can be
assured by words of agi'eement. Behind those
words there must be good faith, and resolution,
and dedication to the cause of peace. It behooves
us all to add our moral and matei-ial supjwrt to
these efforts to preserve the peace.
International law has been described as law
' For a map illustrating these security arrangements, see
ibid., Mar. 21, 1955, p. 478.
650
Department of State Bulletin
without a constitution. In the absence of effective
juridical sanctions, world opinion — aptly de-
scribed in the Declaration of Independence as "a
decent respect to the opinions of mankind" —
remains the most effective means of preventing ag-
gressive war. In the formation of this opinion,
we as lawyers, dedicated to the rule of law, bear a
heavy responsibility.
Washington Old Hall, Symbol of British-American Kinship
hy Winthrop W. Aldrich
Ambassador to Great Britain^
The ground on which we stand today has a
unique jilace in the history of the English-speak-
ing peoples. It marks the origin of the family
name of Washington — a name which George
Washington, the first President of the United
States, centuries later was to make so illustrious.
As you know, William de Hertburne around the
year 1180 acquired this village and in accordance
with the custom of the day obtained the right to
the place-name as a family name. Either he or
his son — the records are not clear on this point —
therefore adopted the title William de Wessing-
ton, and his spelling in time became "Washington."
George Washington's earliest traceable ances-
tors were lords of this manor and lived in this vei-y
house for 2 centuries during the Middle Ages;
other branches of the family lived here for 450
years. Wlien we consider that part of the original
house built by William is here before our eyes
today, we must conclude that, if the Washingtons
were remarkable for nothing else, they would be
remarkable for their ability to confer an apparent
immortality on their homes. They did not con-
fine this gift of building for the ages just to their
homes. Another distinguished member of the
family, John Washington, who was Prior of the
Cathedral Church of Durham from 1416 to 1446,
is recorded as having be«n the most prodigious
builder, repairer, and restorer the Cathedral ever
had. The cloisters which he built are still there
and, since they have the Washington touch, I do
not doubt that they will stand forever. We have
'Address made at ceremonies marking the restoration
of Washington Old Hall at Washington, Coimty of Dur-
ham, on Sept. 28.
only to think of Sulgrave Manor, Mount Vernon,
and many other ancestral homes of the Washing-
tons to be reminded again of the permanence of
their mark.
The mark of the Washingtons survives in
another striking way which is little known even
in America. The family coat of arms is impressed
on a leaden seal attached to a deed of sale dated
1376 which may be seen today in the library of
Durham Cathedral. The Washington arms were
carved on nearby Hylton Castle as early as 1250,
when a member of the family married a Hylton.
The carving is still there, showing a shield with
three stars and two stripes, surmounted by an
eagle with lifted wings. Who can resist the con-
jecture that here at Washington Old Hall is the
true origin of the Stars and Stripes and the
Great Seal of the United States Government?
Perhaps it is only coincidence that the family
home of Martha Washington in Virginia was
known as the "White House" — the identical name
which was subsequently chosen for the official
residence of our Presidents — but it is surely more
than coincidence that the Washington arms com-
bined the stars and stripes and the eagle, 21/^ cen-
turies before America was even discovered and
5 centuries before it became a nation.
As a patriotic monument, this first house of
the first Washington has unrivaled significance
and importance for present and future genera-
tions of Americans. It is surely fitting that the
flag which was seen by the dawn's early light
should now float proudly over this historic build-
ing. Indeed, the people of this ancient village
of Washington have already established a prece-
dent. For years they have appropriately dis-
Ocfober 24, J 955
651
played the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack
side by side in the local school.
I say that this is fitting because the people of
this country and the people of America have never
parted company in certain fundamental respects,
and there appears to be no likelihood that we
ever will. Despite our political separation, we are
still a community of like-minded peoples. We
have the same love of liberty, respect for human
rights, and belief in a law of common justice.
Both for ourselves and others, we believe in a
government deriving its power fi'om the consent
of the governed and free of unwarranted external
interference. In the principles inspiring the con-
duct of our domestic and foreign affairs, we are
deeply akin, and in seeking the peace, freedom,
and prosperity of the world, we are closely allied.
It is natural that British and Americans should
have joined hands in preserving Washington Old
Hall from destruction and in giving it a new lease
on life. Both England and colonial America
played a part in shaping the character and
achievements of George Washington, and the
people of both our countries are his heirs. In him
we see clearly this blending that makes us kin.
George Washington was a fourth-generation
American (counting his great-gi-andfather John,
who arrived in 1657) and the third generation
to be born in America. Though George's gi-and-
f ather and his father came to England for school-
ing, George himself did not. His formal schooling
ended when he was 16, and his real education was
obtained chiefly outdoors from practical men,
learning how to grow tobacco, raise stock, and
run plantations. He taught himself a good deal
of mathematics and at 14 was already an able
surveyor. He became a surveyor for a number
of his youthful years, and the work took him
far and wide into still undeveloped regions. He
gained from this travel a knowledge of the rich-
ness of that new continent and the desire, which
never diminished, to see it opened up, populated,
and made fruitful. In working as a surveyor for
Lord Fairfax, who came to America to benefit
from his vast landholdings in Virginia, George
Washington profited from the contact with that
cultivated man of fine maimers and taste. But
George himself was not just a transplanted Eng-
lishman, though his English heritage ran strongly
in him. He was something new — a blend — a new
combination. He was a colonial American re-
sponding to the vital influence of a vast new land
which inevitably shaped the people who struggled
to master it.
In common with most of the leading men of
colonial America, George Washington identified
himself and his country with the English Crown
and had argument only against what he consid-
ered the harsh and unjust actions of the King and
his ministers. He was reluctant to accept the step
of political separation, and only did so when con-
vinced that the destiny of America and its people
required separation. His greatness then ap-
peared. His character, poise, courage, and solid
judgment pulled together all dissident elements
and formed the rallying point for the shaping of
a new nation.
He saw clearly the imperative need of a strong
union of the Thirteen Colonies and by the sheer
force of his convictions carried witli him the con-
vention that was framing the Constitution of the
United States. In reply to those who advocated a
weak instrument, he said, "Let us raise a standard
to which the wise and honest can repair ; the event
is in tlie hands of God." The standard was raised,
and he was unanimously elected the first Presi-
dent to hold it aloft. He held it high and
strengthened its position, never ceasing to advo-
cate a more perfect union and himself helping to
give it lasting substance.
I said a moment ago that we are all the heirs of
George Washington. We are, in too many ways to
describe, but we are particularly his heirs as peo-
ple who cherish freedom. In the North Atlantic
community, we too have raised a standard to
which the wise and honest can repair for the
presei-vation of the peace and freedom of the
entire world.
Washington Old Hall, therefore, will be more
than a community center for the people of this
village and a memorial to the gi-eat man whose
lifeline traces back to this English soil. It will be
a living symbol of the continuing unity of char-
acter and purpose of the English-speaking
peoples.
We owe a debt of gratitude to those who have
preserved this historic building.
In the year 1613, just 44 years before John
Washington and his brother Augustine emigrated
to America, Washington Old Hall passed back
into the possession of the Bishop of Durham.
The Bishop pulled down part of the house to build
a new one of the original materials but left much
of the original structure intact. After passing
652
Department of Slate Bulletin
subsequently through many hands, the house was
converted in 1896 into tenement dwellings. By
1934 it had deteriorated so badly that it was con-
demned and ordered to be demolished. But
though the honored association of this ancient
house with the Washington family had been for-
gotten by everyone else, it had not been forgotten
by the people of this village.
The village schoolmaster, Fred Hill, led a move-
ment to preserve this historic building, and Wash-
ingtonians of Durham County gave enough money
to buy the house, though the cost of restoring it
was beyond local resources. In 1936, the Viscount
Gort, Deputy Lieutenant of the County, organized
a restoration committee and got some of the resto-
ration accomplished. I can only marvel at the
Viscount Gort's determination. World War II
halted the project for many years but left the en-
thusiasm of Lord Gort and his committee un-
diminished. Several years ago, on a trip to Ameri-
ca, Lord Gort enlisted the interest and support of
the American and British Commonwealth Associ-
ation, whose chairman, Charles Smnner Bird, is
with us today. Additional contributing patrons
were then obtained on both sides of the Atlantic,
with the result that we see here now.
It has not yet been determined whether Wash-
ington Old Hall should be put into the hands of
the National Trust or under the Sulgrave Manor
Trustees, but with either arrangement the future
of the building will be assured.
What that future holds is symbolized by the
fact that we have in our midst at this very moment
Colonel Webster, representing the Governor of
New York State, with a contingent of the Wash-
ington Greys — ^the original bodyguard of General
George Washington — who made the trip over
from America for this occasion.
Their presence here occasions no alarm. On the
contrary, it reminds us — as does that of the Ameri-
can troops stationed in Britain — that this nation
and mine are joined indissolubly together with
other free nations in the determination to preserve
our way of life, a purpose which derives its
greatest strength from the friendship and alliance
of the British and American peoples.
We could find no more perfect meeting place to
rededicate ourselves to a future of freedom and
friendship than this first home of the first Wash-
ington.
Visit of Foreign Minister
of Portugal
Press release 598 dated October 10
The Foreign Minister of Portugal, Dr. Paulo
Cunha, has accepted the invitation of the Secre-
tary of State to make an official visit to Washing-
ton from November 30 through December 2.
During these 3 days the Foreign Minister will
exchange views with the Secretary of State and
other United States officials on current aspects of
American-Poi-tuguese i-elations and matters of
mutual interest to both countries.
U.S. Welcomes Iran's Adherence
to ''Northern Tier" Pact
Press release 605 dated October 12
The United States welcomes the decision of Iran
to adhere to the Pact of Mutual Cooperation
signed at Baghdad by Iraq and Turkey on Feb-
ruary 24, 1955, and subsequently adhered to by
Pakistan and also by the United Kingdom.
Iran's decision to adliere to the Baghdad Pact
is further evidence of the desire and ability of
nations of the Middle East to develop regional
arrangements for collective self-defense within
the framework of the charter of the United
Nations.
The drawing together of the "northern tier" na-
tions of the Middle East is a normal development
which should promote peace, stability, and well-
being in the area. In no respect can this natural
association be deemed hostile or threatening or
directed against any other nation.
The United States has had a longstanding in-
terest in the territorial integrity and sovereign
independence of Iran. That has been amply
demonstrated in the past. That interest remains
a cardinal feature of U.S. policy and assures that
the United States will not waver in its demon-
strated purpose to assist Iran and other free na-
tions which are making their own determined
efforts to achieve defensive strength and economic
and social progress.
Ocfober 24, 7955
363756 — 55 3
653
The'lmportance of Trade in Inter-American Relations
iy Henry F. Holland
Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs^
In the world today there are a number of broad
basic developments wliich command our attention
and which will affect the future of mankind.
In Europe millions of people have largely re-
paired the destruction of the last war. In Asia
and Africa coimtless millions of people are com-
mitted to the arduous work of laying the foun-
dations for stable governments and national
economies.
Those nations in the bondage of international
communism are demonstrating the futility of an
economic and political system which after more
than 35 years of testing still cannot function with-
out slave labor and a disregard for the freedom
and lives of millions of people.
In many ways the brightest and most hoj^eful
area of the world today is Latin America. The
strength and resources of its nations have not
been wasted by war. The progress they have
achieved in the past is largely intact to support
further advancement. They are free to devote
their national energies overwhelmingly to build-
ing the future. Our joint defense system rests
largely on the forces of the United States and
relieves the other American Republics of the bur-
den of maintaining large independent military
establishments. The early disheartening stages
through which much of Asia and Africa is passing
and where each measure of progress requires vast
effort lie far behind Latin America. Millions of
their men and women have acquired advanced
tecluiical, scientific, and professional skills. In-
numerable industrial establishments exist. No
country is without means of communication, and,
in some, extensively developed systems exist. Do-
' Address made before the National Coffee Association
at San Francisco, Calif., on Oct. 10 (press release 593
dated Oct. 6).
mestic and international trade reflect generations
of experience.
But the most notable feature of this vast area,
and perhaps one of the most exciting develop-
ments of our time, is the fact that its 174 millions
of people are seized with a burning determination
to surpass their previous achievements. They are
eager to progress with giant strides toward the
modern and stable economies they know can be
achieved with the human and natural resources
available to them. Our relations with this area
will be profoundly affected by the extent to which
its governments and peoples are convinced that
the attainment of this objective can be facilitated
by close cooperation with the United States.
They recognize, of course, as we do, that the
overwhelming burden of performance in achiev-
ing their objectives, just as the credit for achieve-
ment, lies with the governments and peoples of
Latin America. There are many ways, however,
in wliich we can complement what they are doing
and at the same time advance our own proper
interests.
Our Government can give its greatest help to
Latin American economic development by sup-
porting policies which are directed toward the
expansion of inter-American trade. Fortunately,
that benefits us as well. Wliether we like it or
not, we must recognize tliat the economic and
political stability of a munber of our sister repub-
lics depends upon their continued access to United
States markets for the goods they traditionally
export to us. The industries that produce these
products are usually among the strongest in the
country. They represent the livelihood of tens
of thousands of people. They produce a substan-
tial part, at times the majority, of the govern-
ment's tax income.
654
Department of State Bulletin
Latin America depends on the United States
to supply the capital equipment and many man-
ufactured and agricultural products necessary for
economic stability and progress. These must be
paid for in dollars, dollars that must be earned by
exporting to the United States market. The
coffee-producing countries earn a large part of
their dollar exchange through the sale of coffee
to the United States. Venezuela earns 95 per-
cent of its foreign exchange through the sale of
petroleum products, about 40 percent of which
are sold to us. We could extend these figures to
include the importance of sugar to the Cuban
economy, copper to that of Chile, tin to Bolivia,
and other similar examples.
The power to cripple the economy of another
country by a tariff increase or the imposition of a
quota reduction places a grave responsibility on
the United States Government. On the one hand
we must face the fact that, if it is important to
the United States that there be economic and
political stability in Latin America, we must pro-
tect her existing access to our markets. Our Gov-
ernment, on the other hand, is under constant
pressure from our domestic producers to place
competitive foreign products at a disadvantage.
This is understandable.
I fully realize that oirr first responsibility is to
our own citizens and our primary objective must
be to keep our own economy strong. I realize,
too, that a policy of expanding inter-American
trade may affect adversely the sales of our pro-
ducers of competitive products. Nevertheless, I
am convinced that such a policy is clearly in the
greater national interest. In the first place, these
Latin American imports do not hurt our national
economy. They help it. It is true that, when we
let Cuba sell a ton of sugar in the United States
market, it means that our own sugar producers
may sell one ton less than if we had excluded that
Cuban ton. But the money the Cuban exporter
earns through the sale of his ton comes back to
the United States and represents that much more
that some United States manufacturer or farmer
producing for export will sell in the Cuban mar-
ket. The decrease in one United States producer's
domestic sales is offset by an increase in the value
of some other producer's sales for export.
The benefits of a policy of expanding inter-
American trade are important to every one of us.
First, that trade is worth about $31^ billion a
year to our exportere. It means a great many
thousands of jobs to our workmen. We export
more to Latin America than we do to Canada or
to Europe, more than to Asia and Oceania com-
bined. Second, as I have said, it marks the dif-
ference between chaos and stability to many of
our sister republics. It lends the strongest pos-
sible support to private enterprise in those coim-
tries, and it is upon private enterprise that the
future of Latin America depends. Let us not for-
get, either, that 30 percent of those products that
we buy from the other American Republics are
produced by our own investors in the area.
President Eisenliower has affirmed again and
again that it is the policy of this Government to
encourage international trade. I believe that we
can point with considerable satisfaction not only
to past actions wliich we have taken to fulfill that
policy but to actions now contemplated which
would advance it even further. As you may recall,
the President requested and was given authority
by the past session of the Congi-ess to negotiate
with other countries for a further reciprocal re-
duction of tariffs and other barriers to trade.
We are now making preparation within the exec-
utive branch to use that authority in negotiations
that are expected to be held in Geneva begiiming
next January.^ In accordance with our custom-
ary practice, the negotiations will be conducted
within the framework of the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade in which many of the Latin
American countries, as well as other countries,
will participate. The President has also asked
that Congress at its next session approve United
States membership in the Organization for Trade
Cooperation,^ which is needed to assure more or-
derly consideration of trade problems arising be-
tween nations. Membership in such an organi-
zation would be of special importance to the
United States as one of the great trading nations
of the world.
Maintaining a policy of encouraging interna-
tional trade is, however, far from easy. You are
familiar with the strong efforts which have been
made at one time or another during recent years
to reduce the imports of petrolemn products,
whose sale in our markets is vital to the economy
of Venezuela. You recall the efforts to restrict
sugar imports, which are so important to Cuba,
to the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Peru. A
determined effort was made to raise the tariff on
" Bui-LETiN of Sept. 26, 1955, p. 507.
' Ibid., Apr. 4, 1955, p. 579, and Apr. 25, 1955, p. 678.
Ocfober 24, 1955
655
lead and zinc, which are of basic importance to
the economies of Mexico and Peru, and to impose
quotas on imports of tung oil, an important ex-
port of Argentina and Paraguay. There have
been a number of similar cases. Since the Presi-
dent's policy was annomiced, the executive branch
and the Congress have declined to reduce the
existing access that each of these vital Latin
American exports has in our markets. No one
can foresee what will happen in the future. One
thing is certain, however. Further efforts will be
made to restrict existing levels of imports from
Latin America. Some may succeed. The out-
come in each case will be largely controlled, as it
has been in the past, by the interest that the voters
of the United States show in preserving our inter-
American trade.
Problems Concerning Coffee
I should like now to discuss, in the context of
our trade relations with the other American Re-
publics, some problems which may be emerging in
coffee. Coffee occupies a unique position in inter-
American trade. It is by far the most important
commodity in our trade relations with the other
American Republics. It therefore has a signifi-
cance in our relations with the coffee-producing
countries and in economic, social, and political
conditions within those countries which is much
greater than that of any other commodity.
I am alwaj's thankful when the issues can be
classified as "problems" rather than "crises" and
we can take time to view them objectively. There
is no coffee crisis at the moment, so far as I am
aware. Prices have held within the 50-60 cent
price range for a number of months now. Con-
sumption appears to be rising. The recent Bra-
zilian frost, unfortunate as it was, has made the
threat of a heavy surplus, which troubled the
producing countries this sj^ring, less serious for
the current year. Consumers suspect that prices
are higher than they should be, but they are buy-
ing. Producers are hoping that prices will im-
prove, but they are selling. There are no head-
lines — no boycotts — no bankruptcies — and we can
discuss the situation in general terms.
I want you to know that we who work in the
Government realize that the coffee industry is
important in the domestic economy and that the
livelihood of many people depends upon it. We
know that 17 million bags were imported last year
and that imports totaled almost $1.5 billion in
value. We know that roasting that quantity of
coffee is big business, too — that it requires many
workers and a heavy investment of capital and
involves the possibility of heavy losses. We are
aware of the vast distributing network of whole-
salers and chainstores and small retail merchants,
all of whom depend, in some degree, on coffee for
their net profit. We are interested in seeing the
coffee industry grow, on a sound basis, and we
try to keep abreast of developments which affect it.
We are also very much aware of the importance
of coffee in the economies of the producing coun-
tries. Last year 84 percent of Colombia's total
exchange receipts came from coffee ; 88 percent of
the value of El Salvador's exports, 77 percent of
Guatemala's, and 61 percent of Brazil's were ac-
counted for by coffee alone. In such countries
coffee is the barometer for the whole economy —
it affects retail sales, credit, wages, and it is also
the most important single factor in our foreign
relations.
The State Department, like Janus in Roman
mythology, must face in both directions and try
to see each problem in full perspective, from the
standpoint of each of the domestic interests in-
volved and also from the standpoint of the for-
eign countries with which we trade.
Divergence of Domestic Interests
Often there is a divergence of interest even
within the domestic industry. For example, the
question of embargoing imports of soluble coffee
has been under discussion recently. Some domes-
tic mterests favor it, some do not. Firms which
have made a substantial investment in equipment
to produce soluble coffee here at home fear that
the coffee-producing countries have a natural ad-
vantage and will in time displace them unless re-
strictions are placed on imports of soluble coffee.
They urge that such steps be taken quickly in
order to forestall construction of plants abroad
and minimize complaints fi'om the producing
countries that we are damaging their trade.
There are other domestic firms, however, which
have an interest in developing soluble plants
abroad and which are providing capital or know-
how or both, and these firms would probably op-
pose any restrictions on imports.
Consumers also have an interest in the problem,
although it is not yet fully apparent where their
656
Department of State Bulletin
interest may lie. They want to buy at the lowest
price possible, assuming equivalence of quality.
But until competition materializes it is difficult to
know where the product can be produced most eco-
nomically. This, of course, is not a problem which
the Department could consider in the abstract; it
has no authority to restrict imports and would be
asked to take a position only if restrictive legis-
lation should be introduced into Congress. But
if that should be done, and the Department's views
should be asked, it would have to consider the in-
terests of groups outside, as well as within, the
coffee industry — the interests of our export trade,
for example, and the effect which such restric-
tions might have on our relations with the govern-
ments of the coffee-producing countries. The alle-
gation is often made in the less developed coun-
tries that the United States is interested in them
only as a source of raw materials and as a market
for our finished products. Action on our part
which gives support to this view has a very direct
bearing on the extent to which this Government
can expect those other governments to continue
their cooperation with us.
Because of such broad considerations of national
interest, it has been the policy of this Government,
in general, to keep trade restrictions to a mini-
mum, in the belief that an expanding foreign trade
is in the best interests of the country as a whole.
Our export trade is constantly threatened with
the erection of tariff barriers or the imposition of
quantitative restrictions by foreign countries.
This is especially true in those areas of the world
that are industrializing. This includes the cofl'ee-
producing countries of Latin America. To the
extent that the United States follows a similar
course of action, it undermines its own position in
protecting its export trade.
The United States has consistently opposed the
use of quantitative restrictions by other countries
as a protective device against United States prod-
ucts and has itself, in general, followed a policy
of avoiding import quotas and prohibitions for
protective purposes. Provisions limiting the use
of quantitative restrictions have been included in
trade agreements to which the United States is a
party. For example, the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade, to which the United States and
34 other countries are parties, contains in article
XI a general prohibition against the use of quan-
titative restrictions on imports or exports.
A similar problem is that relating to the con-
signment of coffee by agencies of foreign govern-
ments for sale in the United States. Some of our
coffee importers are opposed to this practice. An
increase in sales on government consignment
would result in a parallel decline in the business
of private importers. However, the importers' in-
terest is not necessarily the same as that of the
roaster, in this instance, or of the consumer. On
a falling market the importer tends to hold off
buying, fearing that prices may decline further
and that if he maintains normal inventories he
may be faced with a loss. Inventories may even
fall to levels which are dangerously low from the
standpoint of maintaining a normal flow of coffee
through distribution channels. Foreign govern-
ments which enter coffee on consignment may
he]p to keep inventories in the consuming country
at a level which will maximize the flow of coffee
into consumption.
This divergence of interest within the coffee in-
dustry was highlighted during the recent dock
strike, when the Colombian Coffee Federation was
able to release a considerable quantity of coffee
held on consignment in New York and thus re-
lieve a tight spot-market situation which could
have caused serious inconvenience to roasters and
consumers if the strike had been prolonged.
Quite aside from the possible conflict of inter-
ests within the domestic trade on this question of
coffee consignments, there is a more general ques-
tion which the State Department has to consider.
That is the implication for our overall trade pol-
icy of undertaking to limit consignments by gov-
ernment entities. If individuals may ship on
consignment, there would be no basis, under pres-
ent international agreements, for denying state
trading enterprises access to our markets on the
same conditions. It would be very difficult to
justify restrictive measures to the goveriunents of
coffee-producing countries on the grounds that
consignment sales are detrimental to the interests
of certain dealers in the United States unless it
could be demonstrated that the practice affects the
consiuner's interest adversely, as well.
Proposed Coffee Agreement
Another chronic problem of the coffee industry
is price instability. During the depression of the
1930's and throughout the last war, prices were
very low and producing interests suffered. The
abrupt price increases in 1950 and 1954 were re-
Ocfober 24, 1955
657
sented by consitmers and cut into the business of
dealers and distributors. We can agree, I believe,
that no branch of the industry benefits from vio-
lent fluctuations in price. But when we consider
how to moderate price changes, there is, again, a
divergence of interests. One method which has
been proposed is an international commodity
agreement.
Our Government is now a party to two such
agreements. However, as you know, we do not
feel that our participation in them is always the
best solution to the problem of price instability.
Such agreements tend to introduce rigidities and
restraints that impair the elasticity of economic
adjustment and the freedom of individual initia-
tive which are fimdamental to economic progress.
This does not mean that we minimize the impor-
tance of the problem. On the contrary, we are
actively participating in a study group, under the
auspices of the Organization of American States,
which is making a study of the world coffee situa-
tion and of the possibilities of adopting measures
of international cooperation which might reduce
the range of coffee price fluctuation. As you
know, some of the Latin American producing
comitries have been trying independently to reach
accord on the framework of an international
agreement among producers which would have
the effect of stabilizing prices.
Most of the i^ressure for a coffee agreement
comes, naturally enough, from the producers. A
stable price is more important to them than to
trader or consumer groups because of the long-
term capital investment involved. If a stable price
is important to the wheat farmer, who can decide
each year what he will plant for the following sea-
son, it is obviously even more important to the
coffee producer, who does not harvest his first crop
until 4 years after he has made his initial invest-
ment in new trees and who expects to amortize that
investment over a period of 25 years or more.
We undertake, on a national basis, to assure a
minimum price to our producers of a number of
annual crops. Of course, we cannot control the
actions of other governments, but in any event,
in view of our own price stabilization programs,
we could not disagree in principle if the coffee-
producing countries try to accomplish the same
objective, as long as the actions they contemplate
would not hurt consumers in this country.
Most coffee producers recognize, I believe, after
the experience of the past few years, that if they
attempt to hold prices at too high a level they may
lose, through a reduction in volume of sales, all
that they might have gained through a higher
price. They are aware, too, of the impetus which
a high price is likely to give to new production, |
and that maintenance of such a price would ac- "
cordingly be self-defeating in the long run. The
United States will wish to study with great care
any proposals which may be put forward on this
subject and also to study carefully any alternative
measures which might be taken for improving the
coffee situation by such means as more effective
facilities to forecast supply and demand and by
a vigorous promotional program to increase con-
sumption.
This question of a coffee agreement is typical
of the problems which come up to the Government
for policy decisions. I have gone into some detail
in discussing the ramifications of the problems in
order to emphasize the wide divergence of inter-
ests involved and the many factoi-s which have
to be considered. I know it seems to the business-
man that the Washington bureaucrat takes an in-
ordinate amount of time in coming to a decision
on anything. However, as you may see, it is not
always easy to determine what is in the public
interest. And if at any time you men in the coffee
trade have views on the subject, I can assure you
that we are glad to receive them and that they will
be given most careful consideration.
May I, in closing, thank you for the opportvmity
to appear on your program. Your invitation is
another example of the continuing effort on the
part of officers of your association to facilitate a
reciprocal flow of information and views between
the association and the government departments
and agencies interested in coffee with a view to
fostering an increased understanding and appre-
ciation of mutual problems on the part of all par-
ties concerned.
"Dual Citizens" Warned of
Possible Loss of Citizenship
Press release 603 dated October 12
The State Department on October 12 warned
American citizens who hold dual citizenship in
another country and who have voluntarily claimed
citizenship benefits of any foreign country that
they are in danger of losing their American
658
Department of State Bulletin
citizenship unless they meet the requirements of
the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act before
December 24, 1955.
A "dual citizen" is a person who was born in
the United States of foreigii parents or born
abroad of American parents and who thus holds
citizenship in the United States and another
country at the same time.
The danger of loss of citizenship comes through
failure of such a "dual citizen" living abroad in
the country of which he is a dual to appear before
a U.S. diplomatic or consular ofScial to take an
oath of allegiance to the United States before De-
cember 24, 1955, and to show that his reasons for
such foreign residence for three years continu-
ously after age 22 was for one of the reasons
provided in the law which will exempt him from
the loss of his U.S. citizenship.
These reasons are :
Is an employee of the U.S. Government.
Is receiving compensation from the U.S. Government
on account of disability incurred in its service.
Is representing an American educational, scientific,
philanthropic, commercial, financial, or business organi-
zation having its principal oflBce in the United States, or
a religious organization having an ofBce and representa-
tive iu the United States, or an international agency of
official character in vi'hich the United States participates
and from which the dual citizen receives compensation.
Is prevented from returning to the United States by 111
health of himself, a parent, his spouse, or child, or by the
death of a parent, spouse, or child.
Is pursuing a full course of study of a specialized
character or attending full time a school above the grade
of preparatory. (This exception must be limited to 5
years foreign residence.)
Is witi his spouse or parent who is a U. S. citizen and
who is residing abroad for one of the above reasons.
Is the spouse or child of an American citizen by birth
who had his residence in the United States for at least
10 years while under the age of 21, if the citizen con-
cerned lives abroad in order to be with such spouse or
parent.
Certain categories of veterans of the Spanish-American
War or of World Wars I and II, together with their
spouses, children, or dependent parents.
Those carrying on a commercial enterprise which will
benefit American commerce directly or substantially in
the view of the Secretary of State.
Those carrying on scientific research on behalf of an
institution accredited by the Secretary of State and which
is beneficial directly and substantially to the interests of
the United States.
Those engaged in work under such unique circumstances
as may be determined by the Secretary of State to be
directly and substantially beneficial to the United States.
A dual citizen who has resided in the United
States for 25 years after age 18 and who began
his residence outside the United States after age
60 is not affected.
A dual national who claims a benefit of a for-
eign state after December 24, 1952, is given 3
years to take an oath of allegiance to the United
States. Thus a person who obtained a passport,
identity card, or other official document from the
foreign country on January 10, 1954, would have
until January 9, 1957, to take the steps necessary
to preserve his American citizensliip.
If a person has been coerced into seeking or
claiming a benefit of the nationality of a foreign
state — when forced, for example, to obtain an
identity card by governmental decree having the
force of law — such action is not considered volun-
tary. A benefit sought or claimed xmder the mis-
taken belief that the law required it, however, is
not considered an involuntary act.
Most of the principal nations of the world ob-
serve the "rule of the blood," which means, for
example, that a child born of a French couple in
the United States is considered by France to be a
French citizen. Since the United States observes
both the "rule of the blood" and the "rule of the
soil," this child is considered by the United States
to be a citizen of the United States — in this case
a dual citizen of both France and the United
States.
October 24, 1955
659
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
Following is the text of a statement made hy
Senator John O. Pastore, U.S. representative to
the General Assemhly, on October 7 in Committee
I {Political and Security) , together with texts of a
draft resolution cosponsored hy the United States
and of the draft statute of the proposed Inter-
national Atomic Energy Agency.
STATEMENT BY SENATOR PASTORE
U.S. delegation press release 2218 dated October 7
Before beginning my formal remarks I want
to say how deliglited I am to be in this environ-
ment and to serve in the presence of so many dis-
tinguished representatives of the family of na-
tions. Tliis is a new experience for me, yet I
am no stranger to the atmosphere and the ob-
jectives of the United Nations. As a United
States Senator, as a member of the Joint Com-
mittee on Atomic Energy of tlie United States
Congress, and before then as the chief executive
of my own State of Rhode Island, I have always
believed that, with all of the inadequacies and
deficiencies that might be attendant on an agency
trusted with the solution of so many vexing and
troublesome world problems, the United Nations,
in this atomic age, is the one remaining hope where
men of good will can meet in open forum, honestly
and frankly discuss their problems, and make in
good conscience the compromises which will lead
to common understanding and bring peace to
ourselves and to our children.
Three dates have assumed great significance for
the United Nations and for mankind.
On December 8, 1953, the President of the
United States, in an address before the General
Assembly, pledged the United States "to help
solve the fearful atomic dilemma — to devote its
entire heart and mind to find the way by which
the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be
dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life."
In an effort to lead the world "out of fear and
into peace," he proposed international cooperation
in developing peaceful applications of the atom,
particularly the establishment of an International
Atomic Energy Agency.
On December 4, 1954, this Assembly imani-
mously adopted a resolution endorsing efforts to
establish an International Atomic Energy Agency
and decided to convene the international teclinical
conference.
On August 8, 1955, this international conference
was convened in Geneva.
During the period covered by these three dates,
we have seen the dawn of a new era. We have
hastened the day when fear of the atom will dis-
appear and be replaced by confidence in our mas-
tery of its immense potential for improving con-
ditions of life for all mankind.
Already we have charted a new channel of
peaceful discussion. We have embarked on a new
approach to one of the most difficult problems that
must be solved if, as President Eisenhower said,
"the world is to shake off' the inertia imposed by
fear, and is to make positive progress toward
peace."
Here is a great opportunity for the great pow-
ers to cooperate in a project dedicated to human
aspirations.
International Conference on Peaceful Uses
The international conference, concluded so suc-
cessfully at Geneva, was an important milestone
in this new era. The conference was unique in
several respects. It was, as noted by its President,
Dr. [Homi J.] Bhabha, the eminent scientist of
India, the largest conference "ever organized by
the U.N." Indeed, it was i:>robably the largest
scientific conference ever held anywhere in the
world.
But this was more than a scientific conference;
it was an experiment in re-creating an open world.
660
Department of Stale Bulletin
Men of genius of many nations were bi'ought to-
gether to exchange the fruits of more than 10
years of relatively isolated efforts. It was held
in a spirit of cooperation which we hope will be
as lasting in its influence as the actual exchange
of scientific information that took place.
The Secretary-General, in his report,^ has noted
that there was an absence of "politics." It is some-
what unusual that an absence of politics should be
significant in a scientific conference. But in the
difficult era from which we are now emerging, it
is significant as proof of the possibility of coopera-
tion among all powers, great and small.
Everyone associated with the conference, from
the hardworking United Nations Secretariat to
the distinguished scientists of the 73 participating
nations, deserves credit for its tremendous success.
Although it dealt largely with the promise of
the future, the conference brought to light a num-
ber of important developments which are realities
of the present. One of these is atomic-power gen-
eration. The participants had an opportunity to
hear and read surveys on the world's estimated
future energy requirements. They stressed the
need for new sources of energy and explored the
contribution that nuclear energy might make to
satisfy all of these future needs. The conference
put into better perspective the actual prospects for
nuclear power and showed what remains to be done
to realize these pi'ospects. It made clear that,
while atomic power will not cure all of the world's
problems, it will become a major source of energy,
particularly in areas of the world where the costs
of conventional fuels are still high. In some areas
of the world conventional power will continue to
be more economical for many years to come, and
this, of course, is especially true in my own
country.
The practical utilization of atomic energy for
the large-scale production of electric power re-
quires the expenditure of large sums of money for
research and development and later on for capital
investment. As was made clear at the conference,
the United States hopes that the initial costs can
be reduced by countries sharing with one another
what they have learned and developed. The
United States has decided as a matter of national
' U.N. doc. A/2967 dated Sept. 14. For a report on the
conference by Lewis L. Strauss, Chairman of the U.S.
Atomic Energy Commission, see Bulletin of Oct. 10,
1955, p. 555.
policy to make the benefits of teclinological find-
ings resulting from our large expenditures on nu-
clear energy available to the rest of the world.
Thus we would help to reduce the outlays neces-
sary on the part of other countries.
From the comments made at the conference it
seems reasonable to expect that ultimately the
world's supply of uranium ore will be sufficient to
permit worldwide development of this tremendous
force for the production of adequate power. The
important role of thorium in connection with
breeder reactors was also emphasized at the con-
ference. These are heartening developments be-
cause they indicate that ultimately many coun-
tries will be in a position to exploit their own re-
sources for the utilization of atomic energy.
Conference participants also made clear that
many problems remain to be solved in connection
with the peaceful applications of atomic energy.
Some of these problems are administrative and
legal in nature. There are also the industrial,
technical, and social problems attendant upon the
development of any new industry. There are
problems in the field of health and safety. Com-
plete solutions to all of these problems were not
forthcoming at the conference. This was, of
course, to be expected. "Wliat was remarkable,
however, was the evidence that so many difficult
problems have been solved during the first decade
of the atomic age.
One of the most inspiring results of the confer-
ence was the proof that the development of the
peaceful atom has been expedited by the scientists
of so many countries. The frequent similar pres-
entations by scientists of several different coun-
tries showed that, working separately on similar
problems, they achieved similar results and, oddly
enough, were vexed by similar difficulties. This,
of course, is the nature of science. The confer-
ence shows that the genius of scientific discovery
knows no national boundaries nor national limi-
tations.
The information released at the conference is
now in the public domain. The free flow of knowl-
edge has been greatly stimulated.
Many reports presented at the conference de-
scribed applications of the atom in medicine, biol-
ogy, agriculture, and industry. The need for in-
creased knowledge of the use of the atom to cure
many of man's ills and to ease his workload was
made apparent. I am confident that our doctors
and scientists will develop additional applications
October 24, 1955
661
in tliese fields for the greater benefit of mankind.
The United States, Soviet, and British repre-
sentatives among others reported what their own
countries are doing to aid others in this field. It
was clear from their presentations that the coun-
tries with the most highly developed atomic energy
programs cannot be satisfied with the present rate
of dissemination of knowledge in this field. The
fruits of their research and labors must be made
available to the rest of the world with greater
speed and effectiveness.
Our next task is to contribute further to estab-
lishing a sound basis for expanding the peaceful
applications of atomic energy and disseminating
the results to all peoples. Further cooperation
in the exchange of information is essential to
additional progress. As Admiral Strauss, Chair-
man of the United States Atomic Energy Commis-
sion, amiounced on August 16 in Geneva,^ the
United States believes that another similar con-
ference should be convened to maintain and to
insure, if possible, the momentum we attained at
the Geneva conference.
That is why, as Secretary Dulles stated in his
opening address on September 22,^ the United
States believes that a second international techni-
cal conference should be held in 3 years, or earlier
if developments in the peaceful use of atomic en-
ergy warrant. We have accordingly, in cooper-
ation with the United Kingdom, submitted a reso-
lution which makes such a recommendation. The
United States also believes that the Secretary-
General, acting upon the advice of the Advisory
Committee established at the last session of the
Assembly, should fix an appropriate time and date
for the conference.
The International Atomic Energy Agency
A major step leading to our goal of establishing
a somid basis for the peaceful utilization of the
atom is the creation of an International Atomic
Energy Agency. President Eisenhower placed
great stress on this step in his statement to the
United Nations on December 8, 1953. Last year
my distinguished colleague Ambassador Lodge re-
ported to you on our early progress toward achiev-
ing this goal.* This year I am happy to say that
enough progress has been made to warrant the
'IMd., Sept. .5, 195.5, p. 381.
'nid., Oct. 3, 1955, p. 523.
* lUd., Nov. 15, 1954, p. 742.
hope that general agreement on the statute for the
agency will be reached early in 1956.
The General Assembly resolution of December
4, 1954, noted that negotiations were in progress
and expressed the hope that the agency could be
established without delay. Following the sugges-
tion of the General Assembly resolution, the eight
States wliich had been conferring on the estab-
lishment of the agency renewed their discussions.
A draft statute was prepared which was generally
satisfactory to all the eight States. A copy was
given to the Soviet Union on July 29 of this year.
We have just received on a confidential basis
Soviet comments on the draft statute of the
agency, and we are giving careful consideration to
these suggestions.
As you all know, on August 22 copies of the
draft statute were distributed by the United
States, acting on behalf of the eight States, to all
States Members either of the United Nations or of
the specialized agencies. We are awaiting their
comments or suggestions.
The statute, as its title states, is only a draft.
We do not regard it as a final document in its
present form. And in the same spirit that this
idea was originally advanced, we welcome con-
structive suggestions!
In our discussions of the agency we have been
motivated by the desire that an international
agency shall come into being as rapidly as possible
in keeping with the intent of the resolution passed
unanimously by the General Assembly last De-
cember. To facilitate tliis objective it was obvi-
ously necessary to postpone a decision on a number
of matters until after the agency had come into
existence. The statute provides a broad consti-
tutional framework wliich would allow for growth
in any direction which might prove desirable.
The one major limitation on the function of the
agency is of course that it must concern itself
solely and strictly with peaceful uses of the atom.
Thus we have not in the agency statute taken
up such possibly controversial problems as the lo-
cation of the headquarters of the proposed agency.
Nor have we attempted to decide in advance the
extent to which it will initially carry out all of the
functions for which it is being established. Those
are the types of questions which can only be de-
cided by the members of the agency and its Board
of Governors after the agency comes into being.
The General Assembly resolution of 1954 like-
wise transmitted "to the States participating in
662
Department of State Bulletin
the creation of the Agency, for their careful con-
sideration," the record of the G'eneral Assembly
discussions last year. The States engaged in these
discussions have carefully considered the various
suggestions which were made and, we believe, have
incorporated the most important suggestions into
the statute. In particular, we have provided in
the draft statute for representation on the Board
of Governors of the agency of States which will
be jirimarily beneficiaries of, rather than contrib-
utors to, the agency. It is my understanding that
this is the suggestion put forward last year by the
representative of Pakistan and endorsed by the
representative of Burma and many others.
Since the agency statute is now available to all
the governments represented here, I do not think
it would be appropriate to go into any further
discussion of the details of the statute. The
statute is of necessity rather long and complicated
and most govermnents have not yet had sufficient
time to study it and to communicate their com-
ments to the United States. We urge every gov-
ernment to communicate its comments as soon as
possible to the United States, which is acting on
behalf of the sponsoring States. This was the
procedure suggested in the notes delivered to your
governments because we believe it will bring
about the most rapid progress. We shall then
seek to reconcile the various suggestions and in-
corporate as many of them as possible in a revised
draft of the statute.
Because of the effort we have made to incor-
porate the suggestions made here last year, we
have reason to hope that basic differences of view-
point will be few and that these can be resolved
by negotiation. If this should be the case, it
should be possible to reach an agreed statute early
in 1956.
The draft statute contains provisions to give
effect to the recommendation of the General As-
sembly that an appropriate form of agreement
with the United Nations be negotiated once the
agency is established. Ambassador Lodge stated
the United States position on this question on
November 5, 1954 :
It is our belief that a relationship should be established
between the agency and the United Nations similar to
that of the specialized agencies. The exact terms of
the relationship must, of course, await creation of the
agency itself.
The resolution which the United States cospon-
sored on that date ° recommended that such a rela-
tionship be established.
The resolution as finally adopted by the Assem-
bly on December 4, 1954,*= suggested that "once
the agency is established, it negotiate an appro-
priate form of agreement with the United Na-
tions." The United States consented to the
omission of the reference to a specialized agency
type of relationship because we agreed that the
resolution should not prejudge the nature of the
relationship between the agency and the United
Nations. However, I should like to make it clear
that this did not indicate any change in our posi-
tion. It is still our belief, as stated by the United
States representative at the recent meeting of the
Economic and Social Council,'' that the most ap-
propriate form of relationsliip between the United
Nations and the agency would be one similar to
those of the specialized agencies.
The creation of the agency will, of course, not
solve all our problems; it is perhaps the most
important step, but only one of many steps toward
our goal. Last November Ambassador Lodge
stated in this connnittee that "there is so much to
be done that it would be inconceivable for the
international agency to carry on all the activities
from the outset." The Geneva conference has
highlighted existing accomplishments, and it re-
vealed how much remains to be done. It is even
clearer than a year ago that the program is so
great that it can be achieved only through a com-
bination of national programs, regional programs,
and international programs.
United States Programs of Assistance
In recognition of this need for a combination
of programs, Secretary Dulles announced last
year, in his opening address to the Assembly, that
the United States was prepared without delay to
assist other countries in acquiring the basic knowl-
edge and experience in this field. Among these
steps was the conclusion of bilateral agreements
which would make it possible for the United
States under our laws to provide assistance and
materials in the field of nuclear technology. In
addition, Secretary Dulles outlined plans for a
program of training in reactor technology, health,
" IhUL, p. 745.
° Ibid., Dec. 13, 1954, p. 919.
' Ibid., Aug. 22, 1955, p. 324.
October 24, 7955
663
safety, and medicine, and the use of isotopes, as
■well as plans to make available unclassified tech-
nical information.
Tlie United States has conducted extensive
negotiations with representatives of foreign gov-
ernments concerning agreements for cooperation
in the I'esearch reactor field. Agreements concern-
ing research reactors have already been negotiated
with 24 nations. More extensive agreements for
cooperation have been reached with those nations
with which we have a prior relationship in the
atomic energy field, namely, Belgium, Canada,
and the United Kingdom.
To speed the advance of atomic knowledge and
man's progress, President Eisenhower on June 11,
1955, proposed two programs which reflect the
spirit and intent of the Atomic Energy Act of
1954 and the desires of the American people.*
I quote :
First: We propose to offer research reactors to the
people of free nations who can use them effectively for
the acquisition of the skills and understanding essential
to peaceful atomic progress. The United States, in the
spirit of partnership that moves us, will contribute half
the cost. We will also furnish the acquiring nation the
nuclear material needed to fuel the reactor.
Second: Within prudent security considerations, we pro-
pose to make available to the peoples of such friendly
nations as are prepared to invest their own funds in
power reactors, access to and training in the technological
processes of construction and operation for peaceful
IJurposes.
Plans to implement these two programs are
going forward rapidly.
The sole purpose of these programs is to spark
man's creative and inventive skills, to pool those
skills, and to put them to work for the benefit of
all. As the contributions to the International
Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic
Energy reveal, research reactors are invaluable
tools for the acquisition of necessary reactor tech-
niques, information, and experience and for medi-
cal research and therapy. They are indispensable
in the training of persomiel and valuable in the
production of useful radioactive isotopes. They
are basic to any long-range program for the
peaceful uses of atomic energy.
Under an "Agreement for Cooperation," the
United States will provide the recipient country
with reactor fuel and reactor materials not readily
available in the commercial market. In August
' ma., June 27, 1955, p. 1028.
664
the United States Atomic Energy Commission an-
nounced a sale price of $28 a pound for heavy
water for use as a moderator and coolant in cer-
tain types of research reactors. We have already
agreed to sell heavy water to Australia, France,
India, and Italy. We shall make available nor-
mal uranium metal at $40 per kilogram.
The August annoimcement also gave the value
established for the lease of enriched uranium —
$25 per gram. The enriched uranium comes from
the 200 kilograms that the United States has so
far dedicated to the program for international
cooperation.
Eecent developments have brought us closer to
the era of commercial atomic power. The brighter
prospect for harnessing nuclear energy to gen-
erate electricity has given great hope to many
nations of the world suffering power shortages.
The realization of this hope throughout the
world will be accelerated by bringing to other
countries the teclinological information required
to construct power reactors for commercial use.
As part of the program announced by President
Eisenhower, the United States proposes, as tlie
power reactor plans of other countries develop, to
disclose classified power reactor data — under ap-
propriate "Agreements for Cooperation" — to
nations whose economies particularly lend them-
selves to the development and acliievement of
atomic power competitive with conventionally
produced power.
The laboratories of the United States are en-
gaged in the difficult basic research required for
the economic harnessing of this great power lib-
erated by the fission of atoms. As has just been
announced by the Atomic Energy Commission,
they are also engaged in the basic research re-
quired to find ways to tame the great energy lib-
erated in the fusion of the atom. Many of our
great scientists are searching for the answer to
this most difficult problem.
Radioisotopes are one of the readily available
realities of the atomic age. Under applicable
United States regulations, 51 countries are eligible
to receive our radioisotojjes. These regulations
are being further liberalized to permit an even
wider use of these isotopes in medicine, agricul-
ture, and industry.
Our training programs are expanding rapidly.
A special course in the use of radioisotopes was
given to 32 foreign students from 21 countries in
May of this year. Foreign students attended these
Department of State Bulletin
courses in increasing numbers in June, July, and
August. In order to meet the requests for addi-
tional training, a second special course open only
to foreign scientists will begin on October 17.
In June a group of 23 distinguished physicians
and surgeons from 11 countries began a 5-week
tour of United States cancer hospitals and labora-
tories. During the tour these doctoi-s became ac-
quainted with the research and chemical uses of
radioisotopes as well as other uses of atomic en-
ergy in the battle against cancer and other dis-
eases. A second such tour will begin this month.
The United States has established the Oak
Eidge Institute of Nuclear Studies for training in
radioisotope teclmiques. It also has established a
School of Nuclear Science and Engineering at the
Argonne National Laboratory to provide advanced
training in reactor technology. Graduates of
these schools are trained to design and operate
research reactors. At present, in addition to the
9 American students, there are 30 foreign stu-
dents from 19 countries participating in the first
course at the Argonne school. A second course
will begin on November 7, when there will be 60
foreign students.
To date the United States Atomic Energy Com-
mission has approved tlie presentation of atomic
energy libraries to 26 countries. One was sent
to Geneva for use by delegates to the Geneva con-
ference and subsequently was presented to the
U.N. librai-y there. In return for a library the
United States asks only that the recipient nation
or institution provide the United States with
copies of its own official unclassified papers in this
field.
In the course of the past year we have negoti-
ated agreements for cooperation with, presented
technical libraries to, or trained students from 40
countries."
These developments, together with those wliich
other representatives here are in a position to de-
scribe, indicate that this has been a year of mo-
mentous achievement. It is, nevertheless, only a
beginning. Most of us can only vaguely under-
° Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Burma,
Canada, Chile, Republic of China, Colombia, Cuba, Den-
mark, Egypt, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Guate-
mala, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Republic of
Korea, Lebanon, Mexico, the Netherlands, Pakistan, Peru,
tiie Philippines, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
Thailand, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United King-
dom, Uruguay, and Venezuela.
stand tlie miraculous achievement of splitting the
atom. But we can easily appreciate the signifi-
cance of this new tool for the eradication of dis-
ease, for making available a plentiful supply of
energy to lighten man's physical burdens, and new
methods for increasing food production ajiid re-
ducing the chronic risks of hunger and famine.
Few developments in history have so stirred tlie
imagination and aspiration of mankind.
It has been the fortunate lot of the American
people and their Government to play a principal
part in leading the way to the atomic era. The
United States will continue to do all within its
power to hasten the day when atomic energy is
utilized exclusively and solely for the benefit of
man.
But we humbly appreciate that this is not the
task of any one nation, or any one group of na-
tions. The task is universal, requiring the com-
bined resources and skills of all nations working
as partners toward common objectives. That is
why President Eisenhower pledged the United
States to cooperate in promoting international
programs for the peaceful applications of atomic
energy. It is in this spirit of partnership that
we shall continue to share with other nations our
advances in the peaceful applications of the atom.
TEXT OF DRAFT RESOLUTION >°
U.N. doc. A/C.l/L. 129 dated October 6
The General Assembly,
Desiring that mankind should be enabled to make the
fullest use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes;
Believing that continuing international co-operation in
developing and expanding the peaceful uses of atomic
energy is essential to achieve this end :
Rccogni::ing that, in accordance with General Assembly
resolution 810 (IX) of 4 December 1954, significant
progress is being made in promoting international co-
operation for the peaceful uses of atomic energy ;
1. Recalls the hope expressed in resolution 810 A (IX)
that the International Atomic Energy Agency v?ill be
established without delay ;
2. Notes with satisfaction that substantial progress
has been made toward negotiation of a draft statute
establishing the agency and that this draft has been
circulated to governments for their consideration and
comment ;
3. Expresses its satisfaction with the proceedings of
the Technical Conference convened in accordance with
resolution 810 B (IX), and commends the participants
therein for the high scientific quality of pajjers and
'"' Cosponsore<l originally by the U.S. and the U.K.;
Australia and Belgium subsequently became sponsors.
October 24, 1955
665
discussions, and for the spirit of co-operation which
prevailed at the Conference;
4. Expresses its appreciation of the worli of the Secre-
tary-General and the Advisory Committee In preparing
and organizing the Conference;
5. Recommends that a second international conference
for the exchange of technical information regarding the
peaceful uses of atomic energy should be held under the
auspices of the United Nations in about three years time;
6. Decides that, in order to provide for adequate ad-
vance planning for such a conference, the Advisory
Committee established by resolution 810 B (IX) be
continued in existence with the same terms of reference ;
7. Requests the Secretary-General, acting upon the ad-
vice of the Advisory Committee to determine an appro-
priate place and date, to issue invitations to the Con-
ference in accordance with paragraphs 3 and 7 of reso-
lution 810 B (IX), to prepare and circulate an agenda,
and to provide the necessary staff and services ;
8. Suggests to the Secretary-General and the Advisory
Committee that they consult with the appropriate spe-
cialized agencies in the course of these preparations.
DRAFT STATUTE OF INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC
ENERGY AGENCY"
ARTICLE I
Estat)lishment of Agency
The Parties hereto establish an International Atomic
Energy Agency (hereinafter referred to as the Agency)
upon the terms and conditions hereinafter set forth.
ARTICLE II
Functions of the Agency
A. The functions of the Agency shall be :
1. To encourage and assist worldvride research on
and development of peaceful uses of atomic energy and
to act as an intermediary for the purpose of securing the
performance of services by one Member of the Agency for
another.
2. To make provision, in accordance with the present
Statute, for nuclear materials to meet the need for re-
search in, and practical application of, atomic energy for
peaceful purposes, including the production of electric
power.
3. To foster the interchange of scientific and tech-
nical information and the development of standards in the
field of peaceful uses of atomic energy.
B. In carrying out its functions, the Agency shall :
1. Conduct its activities in conformity with policies
of the United Nations to further the establishment of
safeguarded, worldwide disarmament and in conformity
with any international agreements entered into pursuant
to such policies.
2. Conduct its activities in such a manner as to assist
in the development and enforcement of high standards
" Text circulated by the U.S. to other members of the
U.N. and specialized agencies on Aug. 22.
and practices of public health and safety in relation to
fissionable and radioactive materials.
3. Allocate the resources made available to carry out
the objectives of the Agency in such a manner as to secure
the greatest possible general benefit in all areas of the
world and be utilized in the most eflBcient manner possible.
ARTICLE III
Purposes
The Agency shall not concern itself with the use of
atomic energy for military purposes and shall ensure, so
far as it is able, that assistance granted by it or at its
request is utilized solely for jwaceful purposes.
ARTICLE IV
Facilities and Equipment
A. The Agency may from time to time acquire such
facilities and equipment as may be necessary to carry out
its authorized functions.
B. In exercising its powers under this Statute, the
Agency is authorized to utilize facilities and equipment
which Members may make available to the Agency within
their territories.
C. When the Agency is carrying out all its authorized
functions, its facilities would include among others those
set forth in Article X.
ARTICLE V
Membership
A. The initial Members of the International Atomic
Energy Agency shall be those States Members of the
United Nations or of any of the specialized agencies which
shall have signed the present Statute within ninety days
after it is opened for signature and shall have deposited
an instrument of ratification.
B. Other Jlembers of the Agency shall be those States,
whether or not Members of the United Nations or of any
of the specialized agencies, which deposit an instrument
of acceptance of the present Statute after their member-
ship has been approved by the Board of Governors upon
the recommendation of the General Conference estab-
lished in Article VI. In approving a State for member-
ship, the Board of Governors and the General Conference
shall determine that the State is able and willing to carry
out the obligations contained in the Charter of the United
Nations and to accept the obligations as well as the privi-
leges of membership in the Agency.
ARTICLE VI
General Conference
A. A General Conference consisting of representatives
of all Members shall meet in regular annual session and
in such special sessions as may be convened at the request
of the Board of Governors or of a majority of Members
by the General Manager provided for in Article VIII.
B. At such sessions, each Member shall be represented
by one delegate who may be accompanied by alternates
and by advisers. The cost of attendance of any delegation
shall be borne by the Member concerned.
666
Department of State Bulletin
C. The General Conference shall elect a President and
such other ofBcers as may be required at the beginning
of each session. They shall hold office for the duration of
the session. The General Conference, subject to the pro-
visions of this Statute, shall adopt its own rules of
procedure. Each Member shall have one vote in the
General Conference and, except as otherwise provided in
the present Statute, decisions shall be adopted by a ma-
jority vote of those present and voting. A majority of
Members shall constitute a quorum.
D. Tlie functions of the General Conference shall be to:
1. Elect Members of the Board of Governors in ac-
cordance with Article VII ;
2. Admit new Members in accordance with Article V ;
3. Suspend a Member from the privileges and rights
of membership in accordance with Article XX ;
4. Consider the annual report of the Board;
5. Approve the budget of the Agency recommended
by the Board in accordance with Article XVI or return
it to the Board with its recommendations ;
G. Approve reports to be submitted to the United
Nations in accordance witli any agi-eement between the
Agency and the United Nations or return them to the
Board with its recommendations ;
7. Approve any agreement or agreements between
the Agency and other organizations as provided in Ar-
ticle XVIII or return such agreements to the Board with
its recommendations.
B. The General Conference shall have the authority
to:
1. Make recommendations to the Board on any mat-
ter relating to the functions of the Agency ; and
2. Make recommendations to the Board on any mat-
ter brought to the attention of the General Confer-
ence by the Board.
F. The regular annual session, and any special session,
shall not exceed thirty days in length.
ARTICLE VII
Board of Governors
A. The Board of Governors (except the Interim Board
provided for in paragraph G of Article XXI and Annex
I) shall consist of sixteen members and shall be com-
posed as follows :
1. Five shall be the Members of the Agency which
are the most important contributors of technical as-
sistance and fissionable materials as defined in para-
graph A of Article X.
2. Five shall be other Members of the Agency selected
from the principal producers and contributors of uranium,
thorium and such other source materials as the Board may
specify.
3. Six shall be other Members of the Agency elected
by the General Conference with due regard to :
a. The desirability of ensuring representation of
Members deriving benefits from the Agency but not mak-
ing contributions referred to in paragraphs A-1, 2 and 3c
of this Article ;
b. Equitable geographic distril)ution of representation
on the entire Board ;
c. Contributions of services, equipment, facilities and
information of a.ssistance in fulfilling the Agency's ob-
jectives and functions.
B. Except as provided in Annex II to the present
Statute, the Board of Governors shall designate:
1. For the purposes of paragraph A-1 of this Ar-
ticle, the five Members which are the most important
contributors of technical assistance and fissionable ma-
terials.
2. For tlie purposes of paragraph A-2 of this Article,
eight other Members which are principal producers and
contributors of uranium, thorium, and such other source
materials as the Board may specify. The eight Members
thus designated and the five most important contributors
of technical assistance and fissionable materials desig-
nated Iiy the Board shall select five Members from the
eight designated principal producers and contributors of
uranium, thorium, and other source materials to serve
as members of the Board.
C. A designation by the Board that a Member is qual-
ified for selection under paragraph A-2 of this Article
shall not preclude its election under paragraph A-3.
D. The designations and selection provided in para-
graphs A and B of this Article shall take place not less
than sixty days before each regular session of the Gen-
eral Conference.
E. Members represented on the Board of Governors in
accordance with paragraphs A-1, 2 and 3 of this Article
shall hold office from the end of the regular annual
session of the conference previous to which or at which
they were elected until the end of tlie following regular
annual session of the General Conference and shall be
eligible for reelection.
F. Each Member represented on the Board of Governors
shall appoint one Governor to represent it together with
alternates and advisers. The cost of attendance of Gov-
ernors, alternates and advisers at the Board or at any
committee of the Board shall Ije borne by the Member
appointing them.
G. Each member of the Board shall have one vote and
decisions shall be made by a majority of those present
and voting. Two-thirds of all members of the Board shall
constitute a quorum.
H. The Board of Governors shall be charged with
complete authority to carry out the functions of and
determine the policies of the Agency in accordance with
the present Statute subject to its responsibilities to the
General Conference as set forth in paragraph D of Article
VI.
I. During the first year of its existence, the Board shall
meet at least once every two weeks. Thereafter, the
Board shall meet at such times as it may determine. The
meetings shall take place at the headquarters of the
Agency imless otherwise approved by the Board.
J. The Board sliall elect a chairman from among its
members and, subject to the provisions of the present
Statute, shall adopt its own rules of procedure.
K. The Board may establish such committees as it
deems advisable and may discontinue any committee
Ocfofaer 24, 1955
667
established by it. The Board may designate individuals
responsible to the Board or provide for the creation of a
committee or committees responsible to the Board for the
purpose of establishing liaison with any other organiza-
tion the work of which is related to that of the Agency.
The Board may nominate persons to represent it in a joint
or mixed committee with such organizations.
L. The Board shall prepare an annual report to the
General Conference concerning the affairs of the Agency
and any projects approved by the Agency. The Board
shall also prepare for submission to the General Confer-
ence any reports which the Agency may make to the
United Nations or to any other organization the work of
which is related to that of the Agency. These reports
along with the annual report shall be submitted to Mem-
bers of the Agency at least one month before the regular
annual session of the General Conference.
ARTICLE VIII
Staff
A. The stafE of the Agency shall be headed by a Gen-
eral Manager, who shall be appointed for a fixed term
by the Board. The General Manager shall be the chief
administrative officer of the Agency.
B. The staff shall include such qualified scientific and
technical and other personnel as may be required to ful-
fill the objectives of the Agency. The Agency shall be
guided by the principle that its permanent staff shall be
kept to a minimum and that wherever possible, the tem-
porary services of persons possessing the requisite quali-
fications who are already employed in the atomic energy
field shall be utilized.
C. The General Manager shall be responsible for the
appointment, organization and functioning of the staff
and shall be under the authority of and subject to the
control of the Board. He shall perform his duties in
accordance with the regulations adopted by the Board.
D. Subject to the provisions of the present Statute, the
terms and conditions on which the staff shall be ap-
pointed, remunerated and dismissed shall be laid down
by the Board.
E. The paramount consideration in the recruitment and
employment of the staff and in the determination of the
conditions of service shall be the necessity of securing
the highest standards of efiiciency, technical competence
and integrity. Subject to this consideration, due regard
shall be paid to the importance of recruiting the staff
on as wide a geographical basis as possible.
F. In the performance of their duties, the General
Manager and the staff shall not seek or receive instruc-
tions from any source external to the Agency. They shall
refrain from any action which might reflect on their
position as ofiicials of the Agency. Each Member under-
takes to respect the international character of the respon-
sibilities of the General Manager and the staff and shall
not seek to influence them in the discharge of their duties.
ARTICLE IX
Interchange of Scientific and Technical Information
A. Each Member shall make available to the Agency all
data developed as a result of assistance extended by the
Agency pursuant to Article XII. It is contemplated that
each Member would make available such further infor-
mation as would, in the judgment of the Member, be
helpful to the Agency.
B. The Agency shall collect and make available in
an accessible form to Members the information within
the scope of the present Statute made available to it
under paragraph A of this Article.
C. The Agency shall take positive steps to encourage
the exchange among its Members of information relating
to tie nature and peaceful uses of atomic energy and
shall serve as an intermediary among its Members for this
purpose.
ARTICLE X
Contributions of Materials to Agency
A. Subject to the provisions of Article XV, the Members
may contribute to the Agency such quantities of fission-
able materials as they deem advisable. Fissionable ma-
terials within the meaning of the present Statute shall
include uranium enriched in Isotope U-235, U-233, plu-
tonium-239 and alloys and compounds of the foregoing
materials and such other materials as the Board shall
from time to time determine.
B. The Board shall determine from time to time such
other materials and equipment and the maximum quan-
tities thereof which the Board will accept under agree-
ments provided in Article XV.
C. Each Member shall notify the Board of the quan-
tities of fissionable and other materials and equipment
which that Member is prepared, in conformity with its
laws, to make available immediately or during a period
specified by the Board.
D. The contribution of materials and equipment by
any Member may be amended at any time by the Member
with the approval of the Board.
E. An initial notification in accordance with paragraph
C of this Article shall be made within three months of
the entry into force of tie present Statute with respect
to the Member concerned. In the absence of a contrary
decision of the Board, the initial contribution shall be
for the period of the calendar year succeeding the year
when the present Statute takes effect with respect to the
Member concerned. Subsequent notifications shall like-
Wise, in the absence of contrary action by the Board,
cover the period of the calendar year following the noti-
fication and shall be made no later than November 1 of
each year.
F. The Agency shall specify the place, method of de-
livery and, when appropriate, the form and composition
of materials it will receive. The Agency shall also verify
the stated quantities of materials received and shall
report to the Members these amounts. The Agency shall
be responsible for storing and protecting materials in its
possession. The Board of Governors shall ensure that
these materials shall be safeguarded against (a) hazards
of the weather; (b) unauthorized removal or diversion;
(c) damage or destruction including sabotage; and (d)
forcible seizure.
G. Pending establishment of facilities by the Agency to
receive the contributed materials, a Member making such
668
Department of State Bulletin
contributions shall earmark the materials which it pro-
posed to contribute and shall keep such materials sepa-
rate from other similar materials in the possession of the
Member.
H. The Agency shall as soon as practicable establish or
secure on the basis of minimum requirement such of the
following as may be necessary :
1. Plant, equipment, and facilities for the receipt,
storage, and issue of nuclear materials ;
2. Physical safeguards ;
3. Adequate health and safety measures ;
4. (Control laboratories for the analysis and verifica-
tion of materials received and stored ;
5. Such housing and other administrative facilities
as may be necessary for any staff required for the pur-
poses of the central pool.
I. The Agency is authorized to establish such other
plant, equipment, and facilities as may be necessary to
carry out in the most effective manner its functions.
J. In considering the amount and kind of materials
and equipment to be made available for the purposes of
the Agency, Members should be guided by the principle
that the objectives of the Agency are to be furthered to
the greatest possible extent.
K. The contributions made pursuant to this Article
shall be utilized as determined by the Board of Governors
in accordance with tlie provisions of this statute. No
Member shall have the right to require that its contribu-
tion be kept separately by the Agency or to designate
the specific project in which its contributions must be
utilized.
ARTICLE XI
Available Services
A. It is contemplated that Members will make avail-
able services and facilities which may be of assistance in
fulfilling the Agency's objectives and functions. The
Agency shall act as an intermediary in making such serv-
ices available to its Members.
B. The services may include all or any of the follow-
ing:
1. Services, Including consultative services, relating to
the establishment and carrying on of any project regard-
ing research into, and peaceful practical uses of atomic
energy, including design of specialized equipment and
nuclear reactors ; and special laboratory services includ-
ing the conduct of experiments and the making of tests.
2. Training and education in relation to research into
or peaceful uses of atomic energy and any necessary pre-
liminary .subject.
ARTICLE XII
Afieney Projects
A. Any Member or Members of the Agency desiring
to set up any project in relation to research or practical
use of atomic energy may request the assistance of the
Agency in securing fissionable and other materials and
services necessary for this purpose.
B. Any such request shall be accompanied by an ex-
planation of the purpose and extent of the project and
shall be considered by the Board of Governors.
0. For the purpose of examination, the Agency shall
be entitled to send into the territory of the Member mak-
ing the request a person or persons qualified to investigate
the projected enterprise. For this purpose the Agency
in consultation with the State making the request may
decide whether to utilize oflBcials of its own staff or
employ suitably qualified nationals of any Member.
D. The provisions of this Article shall also apply where
appropriate to a request for services in connection with
an existing project.
ARTICLE XIII
Approval of Projects
A. Before approving a project under this Article, the
Agency shall take into consideration :
1. The usefulness of a project, including its scientific
and technical feasibility ;
2. The adequacy of plans, funds, and technical person-
nel to assure the effective execution and operation of the
project ;
3. The adequacy of proposed health and safety stand-
ards for handling and storing materials and for operating
facilities ;
4. The capabilities of the State making the request to
secure the necessary materials and services from resources
within its own territory.
'j. An ecpiitaWe distribution of materials and otJier
resources available to the Agency, paying due regard to
all other projects submitted to the Agency.
6. Such other matters as may appear relevant.
B. Upon approving a project, the Agency shall enter
into an agreement with the State submitting the project
which agreement would provide for the following:
1. The allocation to the project of the required fission-
able and other materials and equipment upon such condi-
tions as the Agency shall determine to be equitable ;
2. The transfer of ix)ssession of the fissionable mate-
rials from their usual place of custody, whether tie mate-
rials be in the custody of the Agency or of States ear-
marking the fissionable materials for use in Agency
projects, to the State or States submitting the projects
under conditions which ensure the safety of the shipment
and meet adequate health and safety standards.
3. Continuing authority of tlie Agency to prescribe
conditions designed to ensure and verify compliance by
the State or States submitting the project with the terms
under which the project was approved, as set forth in
paragraph D of this Article.
4. Recommendations for services to be provided either
by the Agency itself or by Members of the Agency in con-
nection with the project, indicating the State or States
best qualified to render such services. Where such serv-
ices are rendered by one Member of the Agency to another,
they shall be on such terms and conditions as may be
arranged between the Member making the request and
the Member willing to provide the service subject to the
approval of the Agency.
5. Charges for materials, equipment or services to be
Ocfober 24, J 955
669
furnished by the Agency to the State submitting the proj-
ect, as determined by the Board of Governors in accord-
ance with Article XVI.
6. An undertaking by the State submitting the proj-
ect that the assistance provided would not be used to
further the development of nuclear weapons or any re-
search directed to that end.
7. Such other provisions as may be suitable and
appropriate.
C. Any agreement between the Agency and a State sub-
mitting a project under paragraph B of this Article and
any agreement between a State submitting a project and
a State furnishing services under paragraph B, subpara-
graph 4 of this Article, shall contain, to the extent rele-
vant, provisions entitling the Agency :
1. To approve of the design and of the standards for
operating conditions;
2. To require the observance of any necessary health
and safety measures ;
3. To require the maintenance and production of
operating records to ensure accountability for fissionable
materials ;
4. To call for and receive progress reports including
all data developed by participating States resulting from
the assistance extended by the Agency, as set forth in
paragraph A of Article IX.
5. To specify disposition of any fissionable materials
produced or recovered, and to approve of means for
chemical processing of spent fuel elements.
D. The Agency shall have authority to verify, either by
on-the-spot inspection or by calling for reports, that the
terms and conditions of the aforesaid agreements under
which fissionable and other materials and equipment
were made available have been complied with by the Mem-
ber receiving them. In case of any insi>ection, the
Agency may utilize an official of its own staff or any
suitably qualified national of any Member. The Agency
in its inspections shall be entitled to make its own
measurements to verify reported data. In the event of
a finding of non-compliance by a State, the Agency may
call upon such State to remedy forthwith the violation or
other infraction. In the event of failure of the violating
State to comply fully within a reasonable time, the Agency
may report the non-compliance to all Members and to the
Security Council and General Assembly of the United
Nations to the extent provided by any arrangement or
agreement between the Agency, and the United Nations.
In the event of such a finding by the Agency, it may also
request the return of any fissionable materials supplied by
the Agency and suspend the supply of any further fission-
able or other materials by the Agency to the oftending
State. The Agency, as appropriate in accordance with
Article XX, may also suspend the offending Member from
the exercise of the privileges and rights of membership.
ARTICLE XIV
Standards
The Agency may propose for acceptance by Members
agreements or regulations concerning the standards re-
ferred to in paragraph of Article XIII.
ARTICLE XV
Reimbursement of Contriiuting Members
Unless otherwise agreed upon between the Board of
Governors and the Member furnishing to the Agency ma-
terials and equipment described In paragraphs A and B
of Article X, the Board of Governors shall enter into an
agreement with such Member providing for reimburse-
ment for such materials and equipment.
ARTICLE XVI
Finance
A. The Board .shall submit to the General Conference
the annual budget estimates for the expenses of the
Agency, including expenses for the provision of any
Agency facilities. To facilitate the work of the Board
in this regard, the General Manager shall initially pre-
pare the budget estimates.
B. The General Conference shall consider and approve
the budget estimates and shall apportion the expenses
among the Members in accordance with a scale to be
fixed by the General Conference. The decisions under
this paragraph shall require a two-thirds majority.
C. The reimbursement to the contributing Members
provided for in Article XV shall be made from funds
received by the Agency pursuant to agreements between
the Agency and the Members submitting projects.
D. The Board of Governors shall establish periodically
a schedule of charges for materials and services to be
furnished by the Agency pursuant to agreements between
the Agency and States submitting projects, including
reasonable uniform storage and handling charges. This
schedule shall be so designed as to produce minimum
revenues adequate to provide for reimbursement to con-
tributing Members in accordance with Article XV.
E. Funds received by the Agency pursuant to agree-
ments between the Agency and States submitting projects
shall be set aside under regulations of the Board to re-
imburse contributing States; any balance over and above
the amounts necessary to reimburse contributing States
shall be placed in the general fund.
F. The Board of Governors with the approval of the
General Conference, acting by a two-thirds majority,
shall have the authority to incur indebtedness on behalf of
the Agency for the purpose of securing such plants, facili-
ties and equipment as the Agency may acquii'e in accord-
ance with the Statute.
ARTICLE XVII
PriviJepcs and Immunities
A. The Agency shall enjoy in the territory of each
Member such legal capacity and such privileges and
immunities as may be necessary for the fulfillment of
its objectives and for the exercise of its functions.
B. Delegates of Members together with their alter-
nates and advisers. Governors api>ointed to the Board
together with their alternates and advisers, and the
General Manager and the staff of the Agency, shall enjoy
such privileges and immunities as are necessary in the
independent exercise of their functions in connection
with the Agency.
C. Without prejudice to the immediate effectiveness of
670
Department of State Bulletin
paragraphs A and B of this Article, the legal capacity,
privileses and immunities referred to in this Article shall
be detined in a separate agreement between the Agency,
represented for this purpose by the General Manager,
acting under instructions of the Board of Governors, and
the Members concerned.
ARTICLE XVIII
Relationship with other Organisations
The Board of Governors with the approval of the
General Conference is authorized to enter into an agree-
ment or agreements establishing an appropriate rela-
tionship between the Agency and the United Nations
and between the Agency and any other organizations, the
work of which is related to that of the Agency.
ARTICLE XIX
Amendments, Withdrawals, Disputes
A. Amendments to the present Statute may be proposed
by any Member or by tie Board of Governors. The text
of any amendment proposed shall lie communicated with-
out delay by the General Manager to all Members.
B. Amendments shall come into force for all Members
when approved by the Board of Governors and accepted
by two-thirds of all the Members in accordance with their
respective constitutional processes.
C. At any time after five years from the date when
the Statute shall initially take effect in accordance with
paragraph E of Article XXI or whenever a Member is
unwilling to accept an amendment to this Statute, it may
withdraw from the Agency by notice in writing to that
effect given to the Board of Governors. Such notice, if
communicated prior to June 30 of any year, shall take
effect on December 31 of that year and, if communicated
on or after July 1, shall take effect on December 31 of
the next year unless the Board of Governors shall author-
ize an earlier date.
D. Withdrawal by a State from the Agency shall not
affect its contractual obligations entered into pursuant
to Article XIII.
E. The Parties to the present Statute accept the jurisdic-
tion of the International Court of Justice with respect
to any dispute concerning the interpretation or applica-
tion of the Statute. Any such dispute may be referred
by any Party concerned to the International Court of
Justice for decision unless the Parties concerned agree
on some other mode of settlement. The Board of Gover-
nors is authorized to request the International Court of
Justice to give an advisory opinion on any legal question
arising within the scope of the Agency's activities.
ARTICLE XX
Suspension of Privileges
A Member of the Agency which is in arrears for more
than two years in its financial contributions to the
Agency may be suspended from the exercise of the privi-
leges and rights of membership by the Board of Gov-
ernors. A Member which has persistently violated the
provisions of this Statute or of the agreements entered
into pursuant to this Statute may be susjiended from
the exercise of the privileges and rights of membership
by the General Conference acting by a two-thirds majority
upon recommendation by the Board of Governors.
ARTICLE XXI
Signature, Acceptance, and Entry into Force
A. The present Statute shall be open for signature
by all States specified in paragraiih A of Article V on
, 1955, and shall remain open for a period of
ninety days.
B. The signatory States shall become Parties to the
present Statute by deposit of an instrument of ratifica-
tion.
C. Instruments of ratification and acceptance under
Article V of the present Statute shall be deposited with
the Government of , hereby designated as
depositary.
D. Ratification or acceptance of the present Statute
shall be effected in accordance with the constitutional
processes of the Parties.
E. The present Statute shall come into force when
eight States have deposited instruments of ratification
in accordance with paragraph B of this Article, provided
that such eight Sfaites shall include at least three of
the following States : Canada, France, United Kingdom,
USSR, and the United States. Instruments of ratifica-
tion deposited thereafter shall take effect on the date of
their receipt.
F. The depositary shall promptly inform all States
signatory to the present Statute of the date of each de-
posit of ratification and the date of entry into force of the
Statute. The depositary shall promptly inform all signa-
tories and Members of the dates on which States subse-
quently become Parties thereto.
G. Upon the entry of tlie Statute into force an Interim
Board of Governors shall be established as provided in
Annex I.
ARTICLE XXII
Registration with the United Nations
A. This Statute shall be registered by the depositary
designated in paragraph C of Article XXI with the United
Nations pursuant to Article 102 of the Charter.
B. Any agreements concluded between the Agency and
any Member or Members, and between Members subject to
approval of the Agency, shall be registered with the
Agency and with the United Nations if the agreement is
of such nature that its registration is required under
Article 102 of the United Nations Charter.
ARTICLE XXIII
Authentic Texts, Certified Copies
The original text of the present Statute executed in
, and languages shall be deposited in
the archives of the depositary Government of .
Duly certified copies thereof shall be transmitted by that
Government to the Governments of the otlier signatories.
October 24, 1955
671
Annex I
Interim Board of Oovernors
Upon tie entry of the Statute into force Members of the
Agency shall each appoint one representative to act on an
Interim Board of Governors until ten States including
three of the following five States — Canada, France,
USSR, United Kingdom, and the United States — have be-
come parties to the Statute and for such time thereafter
not exceeding sixty days as may be required to elect a
Board of Governors pursuant to Article VII. This In-
terim Board shall be responsible for the preliminary
planning of the work of the Agency, the recruitment of a
General Manager and any other necessary staff on a tem-
porary basis, and for compiling preliminary budget
estimates.
Annex II
In accordance with the principles set forth in Article
VII, paragraph A, the First Board of Governors shall be
constituted as follows :
1. The five members of the Board under Article VII,
paragraph A-1, shall be: Canada, France, USSR, United
Kingdom and United States.
2. The five members of the Board under Article VII,
paragraph A-2, shall be: Australia, Belgium, Czechoslo-
vakia, Portugal and Union of South Africa.
3. Six other members of the Board shall be elected
by the General Conference.
Report of Agent General of
U.N. Korean Reconstruction Agency
Statement hy Brooks Hays
U.S. Rejrresentatvve to the Oeneral Assemlly ^
I should first like to thank the Agent General
[Lt. Gen. John B. Coulter] of the United Nations
Korean Reconstruction Agency for the informa-
tive and comprehensive reports which he has sub-
mitted to us on the work of the agency since the
last General Assembly. They paint an encourag-
ing picture of the important and growing con-
tribution which the United Nations has been mak-
ing to the rehabilitation of the Republic of Korea.
The scope of this contribution is indicated by the
fact that projects of every description have been
launched in every province of Korea at 3,833 dif-
ferent locations.
The Agent General notes in his report^ that
Unkra is now at the height of its operations. As
'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct 4 (U.S. delegation press release 2214 dated Oct. 3).
' U.N. doc. A/2936.
he points out, projects which in last year's report
loomed only in the future are now actually under
way. This is most gratifying. The sufferings of
the Korean people are being at least partly alle-
viated by the contributions of this very worth-
while program. Factories, mines, schools, and
hospitals now benefit from Unkra projects. The
agency stands as a symbol, not only in Korea but
throughout the world, of what collective action
among nations can do to make life a little better, a
little less burdensome for men, women, and chil-
dren who have already been called upon to endure
far more than human beings should.
The draft resolution on this subject, which my
delegation has the honor to co-sponsor with the
delegations of Australia, Belgium, Canada, New
Zealand, and United Kingdom, is designed to ex-
press sentiments which, I am sure, are shared by
most of us. It follows closely the lines of the reso-
lution adopted by the General Assembly last year.
The first operative paragraph of the draft reso-
Resolution on UNKRA Report'
U.N. doc. A/C.2/L.260 dated October 3
The General Assembly,
Recalling General Assembly resolutions 410 (V)
of 1 December 1950, 701 (VII) of 11 March 1953,
725 (VIII) of 7 December 1953, and 828 (IX) of
14 December 1954,
Taking note of the report of the Agent General
on the work of the United Nations Korean Recon-
struction Agency for the period 1 September 1954
to 30 June 1955, and of the comments thereon by
the United Nations Commission for the Unification
and Rehabilitation of Korea (A/2982),
Recognizing the particular importance of the
Agency's programme for the relief and rehabilita-
tion of the Republic of Korea,
1. Commends the Agent General of the United
Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency for the ex-
cellent progress made by the Agency in pursuing its
mission of assisting the Korean people to relieve
the sufferings and to repair the devastation caused
by aggression ;
2. Stresses the desire that the approved pro-
grammes of the Agency be expeditiously imple-
mented to the maximum extent possible within
available funds ;
3. Expresses appreciation for the valuable and con-
tinuing assistance given to the Agency by United
Nations specialized agencies and by voluntary non-
governmental organizations.
* Adopted by Committee II on Oct. 5 by a vote of
48-0-9.
672
Department of State Bulletin
lution would commend the Agent General of
Unkra for the excellent progress made by the
agency in the pursuit of its assigiaed task. It
would record the General Assembly's recognition
and appreciation of a task well done.
In this connection, I might say what a pleasure
it was to hear of the honor paid to General Coulter
and membere of his staff last July by the people
of Korea in a ceremony at Seoul in appreciation
of what Unkra has done for them. This was a
direct and well-deserved recognition by those who
are in perhaps the best position to know what the
Agent General and his staff have accomplished.
My Government wishes to record its appreciation
of this tribute from Korea, which was paid to an
important effort of the United Nations.
The second operative paragraph of the pro-
posed resolution would express the desire of the
General Assembly that the approved program of
Unkra be expeditiously completed to the max-
imum extent possible within available funds. We
believe that Unkra should continue as swiftly as
possible to carry forward its work on those proj-
ects for which funds are available. These projects
are needed by the Korean economy, and we look
to Unkra to carry them out as rapidly and effec-
tively as possible.
We must all recognize that financial contribu-
tions to Unkra have very nearly reached their
limit. In referring to the appeals which have
been made by the Negotiating Committee for Ex-
tra Budgetary Funds, the Agent General informs
us that the committee has now advised the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations that there
seems to be little prospect of raising additional
substantial sums on behalf of this program. We
nevertheless can be genuinely gratified that Unkra
has been able to accomplish so much on the basis
of the contributions which it has received. In
this connection, we would hope that outstanding
pledges, which may validly be expected to ma-
terialize into contributions, should be made avail-
able as soon as possible. Unkra should know
definitely what funds it can count upon in order
that it may proceed to final planning of its work.
The third operative paragi-aph of the resolution
would express appreciation for the assistance given
to this program by the specialized agencies of
the United Nations and by voluntary nongovern-
mental organizations. We really need no re-
minder of the importance of this support. The
cooperation among the component parts of the
United Nations system is well known, and today,
more than ever before, the members of the United
Nations system are working together. There is no
part of this system which cannot, when the need
arises, call upon some other part for assistance
and receive a prompt response. The Food and
Agi'iculture Organization, Unesco, and Unicef,
to mention three examples, have cooperated fully
with Unkra in Korea. Through their efforts,
which are described in the report before us, the
UNKRiV program has been more effective than it
otherwise could have been.
The voluntary agencies stand behind the United
Nations in almost every area of its work. Fifty-
three of them are actively participating in assist-
ance to Korean institutions. Long before the
United Nations was established, or for that mat-
ter the League of Nations, voluntary agencies
from many countries were operating throughout
the world, inspired by religious and humanitarian
motives. From these agencies have come experi-
ence, ideas, and personnel which have proved in-
valuable to the later organized efforts of govern-
ments.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, my delegation be-
lieves that support of this resolution will record
the well-deserved approval of one of those efforts
of the United Nations in which we can all take
pride.
Helping Non-Self-Governing Peoples
Toward Genuine independence
Statement hy Laird Bell
U.S. Repi'esentative to the General AsseiribVy '
Underlying the balanced words and phrases of
the Report of the Committee on Information from
Non-Self -Governing Territories- is a vast, grop-
ing, but powerful movement of millions of people
toward an equal station in the community of free
nations. This is one of the great historic move-
ments of our time — the shift from the unequal re-
lationships of colonialism to relationships of
equality between European and non-European.
The shift has, of course, by no means been com-
pleted, but it has advanced a long way in the past
10 or 12 years, and it is continuing at an ever more
rapid pace. I have no doubt that it will continue
'Made in Committee IV (Trusteeship) on Oct. 12 (U.S.
delegation press release 2225).
' U.N. doc. A/2908 and Add. 1.
Ocfofaer 24, 1955
673
until all peoples control their own social, economic,
and political affairs.
The trend toward the disappearance of what is
usually called Western colonialism is unmistaka-
ble and clear to all of us. I would be omittin<j one
of the major facts of modern history, however, if
I were not to mention another movement, a trend
affecting many more millions of people than the
shift away from Western colonialism. I refer to
the vast areas of Europe and Asia where once
free peoples have been deprived of their freedom.
I do not propose to embark on a discussion of that
movement here, but I must again say that my dele-
gation is struck by the fact that the loss of inde-
pendence by hundreds of millions of human beings
receives so much less attention in the United Na-
tions than the rate of progress of the remaining
colonial peoples toward freedom.
Nevertheless, my delegation regards the prog-
ress of dependent peoples toward self-goveriunent
as one of the most important questions to be con-
sidered in the United Nations. The rate of prog-
ress toward self-government of the non-self-gov-
erning peoples to whom chapter 11 of the charter
applies is a key question and one in which the
United Nations has a legitimate concern.
My delegation's position on the question of self-
government and the rate at which it should be
achieved is well known. We fully support the
aspirations of all people to govern themselves, as
our history clearly demonstrates. We do, how-
ever, want peoples to obtain the kind of self-gov-
ernment or independence which will be genuine
and lasting. Consequently, we believe it is im-
portant that the administering powers work
closely with the non-self-governing peoples to
build solid educational, social, economic, and polit-
ical foundations in all the remaining non-self-
governing territories. The need for solid founda-
tions should not unduly delay the process of trans-
ferring greater responsibility to the inhabitants
of these territories. This process should be car-
ried forward as rapidly as possible, but it should
not, in our view, be pressed so rapidly that an
emerging new nation might not be in a position
to preserve its freedom. It might succumb to a
form of domination far more absolute than any
it had ever known before.
In addition to the question of the rate of prog-
ress tow.ird self-government, there is another
question that luiderlies much of the discussion in
this committee. This is the question of the role
of the United Nations in furthering progress
toward self-government. I shall not attempt to
repeat my delegation's interpretation of chapter
11 of the charter. There is, however, one aspect
of U.N. activity in this field to which my delega-
tion attaches great importance.
Spirit of "Good Neighborliness"
My delegation firmly believes that the interests
of the inhabitants of non-self-governing territories
are best ^jromoted by the United Nations when
both the administering and non-achninistering
members work together in a spirit of "good neigh-
borliness," to use the words of article 74, to pro-
mote the objectives of chapter 11. We believe
that, despite differences that arise between these
groups, considerable willingness to work together
has been demonstrated by both groups. We be-
lieve that the Committee on Information from
Non-Self-Governing Territories has, in very con-
siderable measure, provided a concrete example of
this cooperative approach to the problems of de-
pendent peoples. In fact, it is, in our view, one
of the values of this committee tliat it brings to-
gether administering and non-administering mem-
bers of the United Nations and provides an
opportunity for the exchange of information and
viewpoints in this field. The 1955 session of the
committee represented, we believe, another step
forward in the realization of this cooperative ap-
proach. While credit is due to all members of
the committee for their contributions to this ap-
proach, my delegation joins in paying special trib-
ute to the chairman, Mr. Scott of New Zealand,
the vice-chairmen, Mr. Frazao of Brazil and Mr.
Arenales of Guatemala, and the rapporteur, Mr.
Jaipal of India. My delegation feels confident
that the spirit that animated the Committee on
Information will also pervade the work of this
committee.
With regard to the specific matters discussed in
the i-eport of tlie Committee on Information, my
delegation has, of course, already made its views
known in the committee itself. We are pleased
that we, along with all other membei's of the com-
mittee, were able to give our approval to the adop-
tion of this report. The report is, of course, not
100 percent satisfactory to any member, but we
believe that it is a reasonably balanced, useful, and
constructive document, which is a real accomplish-
674
Department of Sfate Bulletin
ment in tliat it reflects tlie willingness of members
with very different viewpoints, strongly held, to
accommodate themselves to the viewpoints of
others. More especially, my delegation fully sup-
ports the draft resolution contained in annex 2
(if the report approving the committee's report on
social conditions. The agencies of my Govern-
ment responsible for tlie administration of non-
self-governing territories have, in accordance with
their usual practice, already transmitted this re-
port to the appropriate officials in the United
States territories for their consideration.
We feel tliat the usefulness of this report was in-
creased because of the presence of specialist ad-
visers on the delegations of several of the adminis-
tering members, and we are glad that the commit-
tee has, in the introduction to its report, taken note
of the valuable assistance that it received from
them. We hope that, as indigenous inhabitants
become qualified specialists in the fields studied by
the committee, the administering members will
increasingly attach indigenous specialist advisei"s
to their delegations. We believe that such ad-
visei-s could not only enrich the work of the com-
mittee but also that their experience would be of
benefit to their territories. The committee also
takes note of the helj? it received from representa-
tives of the non-administering members who pro-
vided information on policy and programs of
which they had had experience in their own coim-
tries and which threw light on comparable prob-
lems in non-self-governing territories. This kind
of real exchange of ideas and infonnation is, we
feel, one of the fields in which the conunittee can
be of greatest value.
Like other delegates who have spoken before
me, we consider the discussion of community de-
velopment in the committee's report particularly
useful. As the report indicates, community de-
velopment programs represent an organized effort
to get away from the concept of government as
operating from the top down. These programs
start from the practical, evei-yday needs of the
local community, things that everyone can under-
stand — wells, school buildings, roads. Govern-
ment comes in only to provide advice, plans,
equipment, and materials. The community de-
cides what it wants and how it will get the work
done. As the report points out, the results of
community development progi-ams go far beyond
the wells, school buildings, i-oads, etc., that are
built. These programs develop civic consciousness
and pride; they help the ordinary citizen to feel
a part of local government and even of territorial
government. It is programs animated by this
spirit that provide the kind of sound foundations
that are so important for successful self-govern-
ment.
Future of Committee on Information
With regard to part I of the committee's re-
port, one question, of course, dominates all others,
that is, the question of whether or not the Com-
mittee on Information should be continued and, if
so, under what conditions. Here, again, I believe
that the position of my delegation is well known.
I have already indicated several ways in which
my delegation considers that the committee per-
forms a useful function. So believing, we would
like to see it continued. I have also made amply
clear that in our view one of the major values of
the committee is in bringing together, in a co-
operative endeavor, the administering and non-
administering members of the United Nations.
If the committee were to be continued under cir-
cumstances where it would lose the cooperation of
important members of either group, its usefulness
would, to a large extent, disappear. We believe
that the system of considering tlie problems of
non-self-governing territories that has developed
under chapter 11 of the charter during these first
10 years of the United Nations' existence, while
not without its faults, has demonstrated that a
cooperative evolutionary process in this field is
possible. It was because of our serious concern
over any step which might jeopardize the contri-
bution being made by the committee toward the
advancement of non-self-governing peoples that
the United States representative in the Committee
on Information opposed modifications in the
terms of reference, tenm'e, and composition of the
committee and that he supported the resolution
contained in annex 2 of the report, which would
continue the committee on the same basis for a
further 3-year jjeriod. My delegation remains
convinced that the adoption of this resolution by
the Assembly would be in the best interests of the
inhabitants of non-self-governing territories and
of the United Nations itself.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, may I say that as
a newcomer to this committee I am impressed by
the interest in the problems of all non-self-gov-
erning peoples that is taken by practically every
October 24, 1955
675
member of the United Nations. It is certainly
a relatively new phenomenon in the history of the
world that the representatives of so many
sovereign states should devote so much thought
and attention to the problems of peoples that have
not yet attained a full measure of self-government.
I feel sui-e that if, despite natural differences in
viewpoint, we can keep our thoughts focused on
the interests of these peoples who look to us with
so much hope, we will not fail to bring closer the
day when they take their full part in the inter-
national conmiunity.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Security Council
Decisions Taken and Resolutions Adopted by the Security
Council During the Year 1954. S/INF/9, September
13, 19.'5.5. 6 pp. mimeo.
General Assembly
Recommendations Concerning International Respect for
the Rlglit of Peoples and Nations to Self-determina-
tion. Note by the Secretary-General. A/2957, Septem-
ber 8, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo.
Budget Estimate.? for the Financial Tear 19.'i6. Revenue
Producing Activities (Report by the ■Secretary-Gen-
eral). A/C.5/623, September 8, 1955. 32 pp. mimeo.
Constitutions, Electoral Laws and Other Legal Instru-
ments Relating to Political Rights of Women. Memo-
randum by the Secretary-General. A/2952, September
12, 1955. 25 pp. mimeo.
Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Obser-
vations bv Governments. The Netherlands. A/2910/
Add.3, September 13, 19.55. 23 pp.
Question of South West Africa. Supplement to the re-
port of the Committee on South West Africa to the
General Assembly. A/2913/ Add.l, September 13, 1955.
8 pp. mimeo.
The International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of
Atomic Energy. Report of the 'Secretary-General.
A/2967, September 14, 1955. 7 pp. mimeo.
Organization of tlie Tenth Regular Session of the Gen-
eral Assembly. Memorandum by the Secretary-General.
A/BUR/140, September 14, 1955. 2 pp. mimeo.
Adoption of the Agenda and Allocation of Items to Com-
mittees. Memorandum by the Secretary-General.
A/BUR/141, September 14, 1955. 14 pp. mimeo.
Draft Convention on the Nationality of Married Women.
Note by the Secretary-General. A/2944, September 15,
1955. 6 pp. mimeo.
Question of Assistance to Libya. Report of the 'Secretary-
General. A/2968, September 19, 1955. 6 pp. mimeo.
Question of Assistance to Libya. Communication dated
1 September 1955 from the Prime Minister of Libya
addressed to the Secretary-General [relating to assist-
ance received by the Government of Libya from the
United Nations]. A/2969, September 19, 1955. 58 pp.
mimeo. i
Registration and Publication of Treaties and International
Agreements. Report of the Secretary-General. A/2971,
September 19, 1955. 19 pp. mimeo.
Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Work-
ing pai)er prepared by the Secretary-General. A/C.3/
L.460, September 20, 1955. 26 pp. mimeo.
Regulation, Limitation and Balanced Reduction of All
Armed Forces and All Armaments. Conclusion of an
International Convention (Treaty) on the Reduction
of Armaments and the Prohibition of Atomic, Hydrogen
and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction. Letter dated
22 September 1955 from the Vice-Chairman of the
delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
addressed to the Secretary-General [transmitting texts
of proposals made in the U.N. disarmament subcom-
mittee on May 10 and at the Geneva Conference ou
July 21]. A/2979, September 22, 19.'"i5. 18 pp. mimeo.
Adoption of the Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session
and Allocation of Items to Committees, and Organiza-
tion of the Session. Report of the General Committee.
A/29S0, September 22, 1955. 15 pp. mimeo.
Request for the Inclusion of an Additional Item in the
Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session : Item Proposed
by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Measures
for the Further Relaxation of International Tension
and Development of Internationl Co-operation.
(1) Letter dated 23 September 1955 addressed to the
President of the General Assembly by the Chairman
of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics. A/2981, September 23, 1955. 2 pp. mimeo.
(2) Letter dated 25 September 1955 addressed to the
President of the General Assembly by the Chairman
of the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics [transmitting an explanatory memorandum
on the above item]. A/2981/Add.l, September 26,
1955. 3 pp. mimeo.
Question of the Continuation of the United Nations
Tribunal in Libya. Report of the Secretary-General.
A/2983, September 27, 19.55. 4 pp. mimeo.
Arbitral Procedure. Comments received from Govern-
ments regarding the draft convention on arbitral pro-
cedure prepared by the International Law Commission
at its fiftli session. Honduras. A/2S99/Add. 2, Sep-
tember 27, 1955. 5 pp. mimeo.
Application of Spain for Admission to Membership in the
United Nations. Letters dated 23 September from the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Spain addressed to the
Secretary-General. A/2984, September 27, 1955. 2 pp.
mimeo.
TREATY INFORMATION
Surplus Commodity Agreement
With Ecuador
Press release 594 dated October 7
Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs Cecil B. Lyon, and the Ambas-
sador of Ecuador, Dr. Jose R. Chiriboga, on Oc-
tober 7 signed an agreement for the sale of sur-
plus agricultural commodities valued at approxi-
mately $4 million. The program for the sale of
these commodities was developed pursuant to title
I of the Agricultural Trade Development and
Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480, 83d Con-
gress).
Payment for the agricultural commodities will
676
Department of State Bulletin
be made in Ecuadoran currency. A portion of the
currency accruing under this program will be used
to meet U.S. Government expenses in Ecuador.
An additional part of the funds will be loaned to
the Ecuadoran Government for development pur-
poses, with eventual repayment to the United
States in dollars or in strategic materials. The
remainder will be used for agricultural marketing
development in Ecuador and the carrying out of
an educational exchange program between Ecua-
dor and the United States.
Great Lakes Fishery Convention
Enters Into Force
Press release 602 dated October 11
The Convention on Great Lakes Fisheries en-
tered into force on October 11 upon the exchange
of ratifications in Ottawa by the United States
and Canada. The convention was signed at Wash-
ington on September 10, 1954.^
The convention brings under a joint U.S.-Can-
ada conservation regime the greatest fresh-water
fisheries in the world. Under it will be estab-
lished the Great Lakes Fishery Commission, com-
posed of six Commissioners, three from each Gov-
ernment. The Commission will seek the preser-
vation and improvement of the Lakes fisheries
through dual activities in the fields of fishery
research and sea lamprey control.
In fishery research, the Commission has the duty
of coordinating the scientific activities of all agen-
cies presently engaged in scientific study of the
Lakes fisheries — the United States and Canadian
Governments and the conservation departments
of the eight Great Lakes States and the Province
of Ontario. The convention thus provides a ma-
chinery for the pooling of the efforts of all fishery
experts in the area and the coordination of their
research.
The Commission will have no power to regulate
fishing operations. It can, however, recommend
conservation measures to the party Governments
on the basis of its scientific findings.
The second major responsibility of the Com-
mission is to destroy the parasitic sea lamprey.
This eel-like creature attaches itself like a leech
to a fish and nourishes itself on the blood and
body juices of its host. It has proved a scourge
to the trout and whitefish of the upper Lakes,
ha\ing already destroyed those species in Lakes
Huron and Michigan. Lake Superior fisheries
are now also under serious attack. It is estimated
that this parasite is costing Great Lakes fishermen
more than $5 million a year in lake trout alone.
The Connnission has wide powers in the field
control of the lamprey. It is expected the Com-
mission will make extensive use of electrical bar-
riers which, placed across spawning streams, pre-
vent the lampreys from going upstream to spawn
and cause their deaths.
Current Actions
MULTILATERAL
Commerce
International convention to facilitate the Importation of
commercial samples and advertising material. Dated
at Geneva November 7, 1952.^
Accession deposited: Egypt, September 29, 1955.
Safety at Sea
Convention on safety of life at sea. Signed at London
June 10, 1948. Entered into force November 19, 1952.
TIAS 2495.
Xotiticdtion bii Xetherlands of extenMon to: Nether-
lands Antilles, January 11, 1955.
Telecommunications
International telecommunication convention. Signed at
Buenos Aires December 22, 1952. Entered into force
January 1, 1954.
Notification by Italy of application to: Somaliland,
September 9, 1955.
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro-
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep-
tember 16, 1955.
Pinal protocol to the international telecommunication
convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22, 1952.
Entered into force Januarv 1, 1954.
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro-
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep-
tember 16, 1955.
Additional protocols to the international telecommunica-
tion convention. Signed at Buenos Aires December 22,
1952. Entered into force December 22, 1952.
Ratification deposited: Spain, the Zone of Spanish Pro-
tectorate in Morocco, and Spanish Possessions, Sep-
tember 16, 1955.
BILATERAL
Austria
Agreement concerning the disposition of certain United
States property in Austria, with appendix. Signed at
Vienna September 26, 1955. Entered into force Sep-
tember 26, 1955.
' Bulletin of Sept. 27, 1954, p. 465.
October 24, J 955
' Not in force.
677
Canada
Convention on Great Lakes fisheries. Signed at Wash-
ington September 10, 1954.
Ratifications exchanged: October 11, 1955.
Entered into force: October 11, 1955.
Colombia
Agreement providing for performance by members of
Army, Navy, and Air Force missions of certain duties
specified in article V of military assistance agreement
of April 17, 1952 (TIAS 2496). Effected by exchange
of notes at Bogota July 13 and September 16, 1955.
Entered into force September 16, 1955.
Ecuador
Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of
1954 ( 68 Stat. 454, 455) . Signed at Washington October
7, 1955. Entered into force October 7, 1955.
Luxembourg
Agreement relating to the off-shore procurement program.
Signed at Luxembourg April 17, 1954.
Entered into force: September 30, 1955 (date of notifi-
cation to the United States of ratification by Luxem-
bourg).
Agreement approving the off-shore procurement contract
with Luxembourg. Effected by exchange of notes, with
contract attached, at Luxembourg April 17, 1954.
Entered in force: September 30, 1955 (date of entry
into force of the off-shore procurement program agree-
ment).
Agreement amending the agreement of April 17, 1954,
relating to the off-shore procurement contract. Effected
by exchange of notes at Luxembourg May 10 and July
16, 1954.
Entered into force: September 30, 1955 (date of entry
into force of the off-shore procurement program
agreement).
Pakistan
Agreement relating to sale of certain surplus agricultural
commodities and providing for use of proceeds for
urgent relief requirements of Pakistan, pursuant to
agreement for additional emergency assistance in agri-
cultural commodities of January 18, 1955 (TIAS 3188).
Signed at Karachi September 29, 1955. Entered into
force September 29, 1955.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Recess Appointments
John D. Hickerson as Ambassador to Finland, October 4.
Thomas C. Mann as Ambassador to El Salvador, Octo-
ber 11 (press release 604 dated October 12).
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Oov-
ernmeyit Printing Office, Washington 25, D.G. Address
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex-
cept in the case of free pubtications, which may he
obtained from the Department of State.
International Rice Commission. TIAS 3046. Pub. 5657.
27 pp. 15«f.
Amended constitution, with rules of procedure, adopted
by the United States and other governments. Approved
by a resolution adopted December 10, 1953, by the Seventh
Session of the Conference of the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, held at Rome Novem-
ber 2.3-December 11, 1953. Entered into force December
10, 1953.
Enlistment of Philippine Citizens in the United States
Navy. TIAS 3047. Pub. 5660. 3 pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States and the Republic
of the Philippines — amending agreement of November 18
and December 13, 1952. Exchanges of notes — Dated at
Manila April 1, June 21, and July 20 and 30, 1954. En-
tered into force June 21, 1954.
THE DEPARTMENT
Recess Appointments
Herbert V. Prochnow as Deputy Under Secretary for
Economic Affairs, October 4.
Designations
Koderic L. O'Connor as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Congressional Relations, effective December 1 (press
release 591 dated October 5).
Special Economic Assistance. TIAS 3051.
6 pp. 50.
Pub. 5664.
Agreement between the United States and Jordan. Ex-
change of notes — Signed at Amman May 4 and 13, 1954.
Entered into force May 13, 19.54.
Enlistment of Philippine Citizens in the United States
Navy. TIAS 3067. Pub. 5690. 3 pp. 5!*.
Agreement between the United States and the Republic
of the Philippines — amending agreement of November 18
and December 13, 1952, as amended. Exchange of notes —
Signed at Manila September 2, 1954. Entered into force
September 2, 1954.
Mexican Agricultural Workers, Non-occupational Insur-
ance. TIAS 3127. Pub. 5783. 5 pp. 5«!.
Agreement between the United States and Mexico. Ex-
change of notes — Dated at Mexico November 19, 1954.
Entered into force November 19, 1954.
678
Deparfment of Slafe Bulletin
October 24, 1955
Index
Vol. XXXIII, No. 852
American Principles. "Confident of Our Future"
(Dulles) 639
American Republics. The Importance of Trade in
Inter-Auieriean Relations (Holland) .... 654
Atomic Energy. Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
(Pastore statement and texts of draft reso-
lution and draft statute of International Atomic
Knergy Agency) 660
Canada. Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters
Into Force 677
Disarmament. President and Soviet Premier Ex-
change Views on Inspection (texts of letters) . 643
Economic Affairs
Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters Into
Force 677
The Importance of Trade in Inter-American Rela-
tions (Holland) 654
Surplus Commodity Agreement With Ecuador . . 676
U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel Com-
munity 643
Ecuador. Surplus Commodity Agreement With
Ecuador 676
Europe. U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel
Community 643
Foreign Service
Recess Appointments (Hickerson, Mann) . . . 678
U.S. Establishes Mission to Coal and Steel Com-
munity 643
Iran. U.S. Welcomes Iran's Adherence to "North-
ern Tier" Pact 653
Korea. Report of Agent General of U.N. Korean
Reconstruction Agency (Hays statement and
text of resolution) 672
Mutual Security. Progress in the Rule of Law
(Phleger) 647
Non-Self-Governing Territories. HeliMng Non-
Self-Governing Peoples Toward Genuine Inde-
pendence (Bell) 673
Portugal. Visit of Foreign Minister of Portugal . 653
Presidential Documents. President and Soviet
Premier Exchange Views on Inspection (texts
of letters) 643
Protection of Nationals and Property. "Dual Citi-
zens" Warned of Possible Loss of Citizenship . 658
Publications
Current U.N. Documents 676
Recent Releases 678
State, Department of
Designations (O'Connor) 678
Recess Appointments (Prochnow) 678
Treaty Information
Current Actions 677
I Great Lakes Fishery Convention Enters Into
I Force 677
I Surplus Commodity Agreement With Ecuador . . 676
I U.S.S.R.
1 "Confident of Our Future" (Dulles) 639
President and Soviet Premier Exchange Views on
Inspection (texts of letters) 643
United Kingdom. Washington Old Hall, Symbol of
British-American Kinship (Aldrich) .... 651
United Nations
Current Documents 676
Helping Non-Self-Governing Peoples Toward Genu-
ine Independence (Bell) 673
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy (Pastore state-
ment and texts of draft resolution and draft
statute of International Atomic Energy
Agency) 660
Report of Agent General of U.N. Korean Recon-
struction Agency (Hays statement and text of
resolution) 672
Name Index
Aldrich, Winthrop W 651
Bell, Laird 673
Bulganin, Nikolai A 644
Butterworth, W. Walton 643
Cunha, Paulo 653
Dulles, Secretary 639
Eisenhower, President 643
Hays, Brooks 672
Hickerson, John D 678
Holland, Henry F 654
ilann, Thomas C 678
O'Connor, Roderic L 678
Pastore, John 660
I'hleger, Hennan 647
Prochnow, Herbert V 678
Check List of Department[of State
Press Releases: October 10-16
Releases may be obtained from the News Division,
Department of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to October 10 which
api)ear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 591 of
October 5, 593 of October 6, 594 of October 7, and
596 of October 8.
Subject
Dulles : "Confident of Our Future."
Visit of Portuguese Foreign Minister.
U.S. mission to Coal and Steel Com-
munity.
Educational exchange.
Holland : aspects of inter-American
system.
Great Lakes fishery convention in
force.
Warning to "dual citizens."
Mann appointment (rewrite).
Iran's adherence to Baghdad pact.
'Xdt printed.
No.
Date
507
598
599
10/10
10/10
10/10
*G00
*601
10/10
10/11
602
10/11
(i03
(■.04
005
10/12
10/12
10/12
the
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United States
Government Printing Office
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OFFICIAL BUSINESS
THE AMERICAN CONSUL
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October 31, 1955
.»»eN-r
UNITED STAl&S PUU11.V IIM THE MIDDLE EAST •'
/Assistant Secretary Allen 683
THE PROBLEM OF PEACE— TEN QUESTIONS ON COM-
MUNIST INTENTIONS IN THE FAR EAST • by As-
sistant Secretary Robertson 690
FREEDOM, RESPONSIBILITY, AND LAW • by Ambas-
sador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 696
THE TASK OF NATO'S NAVAL FORCES • by Admiral
Jerauld Wright 699
ADMINISTRATIVE PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS IN
THE LTNITED.NATIONS AND ITS AGENCIES • State-
inent by Representative Chester E. Merrow 715
MEETING THE CHALLENGE FOR ECONOMIC PROG-
RESS • Statement by Representative Brooks Flays ..... 711
DISARMAMENT AND THE PRESIDENT'S GENEVA
PROPOSAL
Statement by Harold E.' Stassen 703
U.S. Memoratulum 708
For index see inside bade cover
Boston Public Liorary
NOV 2 3 1955
^yne zi^e/ta^l^eTit ci^ t/icite
'•*TB» «'
bulletin
Vol. XXXIII, No. 853 • Publication 6049
Oaoher 31, 1955
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
62 Issues, domestic $7.60, foreign $10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tvith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the tvork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy, issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as tcell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
ichich the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
u>eH as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
United States Policy in tiie Middle East
iy George V. Allen
Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs '
The area I sliall consider tonight is sometimes
referred to as the Near East and sometimes the
Middle East. "Wliat's the difference between
these terms? Brisk discussions are often heard
on the subject. The answer, as far as I personally
am concerned, is that there is no difference. I
often use tliem interchangeably.
You may regard this as a very imprecise way
for a representative of the Department of State
to speak. How can we try to deal with the prob-
lems of an area when we can't even decide what to
call it?
Secretary of State Dulles remarked in a speech
before the American Legion in Miami last week
I hat the United States cannot be expected to solve
all the problems of the world. I would like to
emphasize his statement with the deepest serious-
ness. I have no doubt that some of the problems
that he had in mind are in the very area with which
I am concerned at the present time.
Question of Terminology
Perhaps before long we shall be able to solve
the problem of terminology of the area at least.
I wish I could say to you definitely tonight that
the Near East is Greece and Turkey and the Arab
States and Israel, and that the Middle East means
Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and perhaps India,
but it is not that clear.
The British, who seem to have coined both
phrases. Near East and Middle East, confused
the issues irretrievably during the last war by
opening an office in Cairo which they called the
^liddle East Supply Center. The British mili-
tary headquarters there, under General Sir Hugh
' Address made before the New York Herald Trihune
Forum on Oct. 17.
Maitland Wilson, was also called the Middle East
Command, and all this was in the principal Arab
capital; so, naturally, people began to think of
Cairo and the Arab States, including Palestine,
as the Middle East.
Greece and Turkej- have come to be considered
inore as a part of Europe, particularly since they
became members of Nato. The Atlantic Ocean
seems to have overlapped its borders slightly.
But with Greece and Turkey as parts of Europe,
and the Arab States and Israel as parts of the
Middle East, what's become of the Near East?
Perhaps we should list it as a casualty of the
British War Office.
The American audience might ask me, but why
do we have to go along meekly because London
changes its mind? I don't know; we're easy-
going people.
The present government in London is accused
from time to time of taking its direction from
Washington. Mr. Bevan is pai-ticularly vocal on
this point. I offer the foregoing evidence to either
Mr. Eden or Mr. Attlee the next time they have to
reply to Mr. Bevan on this subject. We quite often
follow London's lead in termmology, if not in
action.
Reaction in Iran
Speaking more seriously of British- American
relations in the Near and Middle East, I had an
interesting experience in Iran during 1947. A
prominent Iranian official, who had been educated
in an American college in Tehran and who'd been
thoroughly pro- American at the early part of his
career, told me that he had become disillusioned
with the United States and had turned toward the
Soviet Union, not because he favored either com-
mmiism or police-state methods.
October 37, 1955
683
In fact, his belief in democratic institutions,
which he had learned at the American college, re-
mained undiminished. He said that, paradoxical
as it might seem, his leaning toward Russia was
solely because liis first loyalty and devotion was to
the sovereignty and independence of his own
beloved country, Iran.
I asked him whether he thought the United
States had any designs on the sovereignty and
independence of his country. He said he had no
thought whatever that the United States wanted
to weaken Iranian sovereignty or independence.
The trouble was, he said, that he'd come to tli^e
conclusion, through sad and bitter experience,
that, when the chips were down, the United States
would do nothing contrary to the views of Great
Britain. "I decided," he said ruefully, "that
Washington is merely a faint echo of London."
I asked liim whether history taught him that
Russia, either Czarist or Communist Russia, had
shown any particular devotion to Iranian sover-
eignty and independence. He said he recognized
perfectly well that Russia would seize Iran with-
out the slightest compunction if it got a chance.
Russian desires for warm-water ports in the
Persian Gulf have been made clear enough since
the days of Peter the Great. He Imew that, as
recently as November 1940, Russia had informed
Nazi Germany, in a solemn proposal handed by
Foreign Minister Molotov to Von Ribbentrop, that
Soviet territorial ambitions lay south of Russian
territory in the direction of the Persian Gulf and
the Indian Ocean.
Nevertheless, in the face of these solemn warn-
ings and the clear lessons of history, he was ad-
mittedly looking toward Russia, at least tempo-
rarily, for support in the Iranian dispute with
Great Britain over oil. He wished he could look
to the United States for this support, but he was
convinced that he couldn't get it.
I commented to liim that his game was not with-
out certain risks. He said he was well aware of the
risks involved, but he saw no alternative and he
was confident that Iran would be able to avoid
leaning either toward Russia or toward the West
so strongly or so long that Iran would endanger its
sovereignty. In fact, he thought that this game
had enabled Iran to survive in the past.
My Iranian friend typified a good deal of think-
ing in the Middle East today. Many of the lead-
ers of that part of the world are tempted, because
of irritation with the West over some particular
issue, to look toward Russia for assistance. This
is not a new game in the Middle East. It was
played long before communism was added as a
further complicating factor.
Wlien Russian pressure is predominant or seen
to be the major threat, Iran looks beseecliingly
toward the West for support. Local quarrels
within the area frequently determine the momen-
tary orientation of country X or country Y.
The Foreign Minister of Greece is reported to
have said a few days ago that the West might lose
Greece in the elections next April. He had refer-
ence, of course, to the Cyprus question, and liis im-
plication was that the Greek people had become
disillusioned with Great Britain, Turkey, and the
United States and might turn toward Russia, or at
least toward neutralism.
Egypt's Purchase of Arms
A few weeks ago the Prime Minister of Egypt,
Colonel Abdul Kamil Nasser, announced his de-
cision to piirchase arms from Czechoslovakia. His
first pronouncement on the subject characterized
the decision as entirely a commercial transaction.
Egypt had cotton that it could not dispose of.
Egypt wanted arms. Czechoslovakia needed cot-
ton and was willing to exchange arms. So the
deal was made.
INIany Americans thought and still think that
he was quite justified in making such a commercial
deal. As a sovereign state he could buy arms
where he pleased. One of the attributes of sover-
eignty is to make your own decisions even at the
risk of making bad ones.
Unfortunately, Egypt has not rested its case
solely on the grounds that its purchase is nothing
more than a commercial transaction. In a speech
before a group of Egyptian army officers on Octo-
ber 2, Colonel Nasser seemed to justify his trans-
action on the grounds that the United States, Great
Britain, and France had engaged in an intrigue
to keep Egypt weak and to build up Israel. The
implication of this is that the Western powers are
bad while the Soviet bloc is "objective."
With this line of reasoning, Egypt goes beyond
the commercial justification and invokes political
argumentation.
Arab-Israel Problems
During my recent conversations with the Egyp-
tian Prime Minister in Cairo, he advanced a line of
684
Department of State Bulletin
reasoning which will come as a surprise, and per-
haps even as a shock, to most Americans. Colonel
Nasser indicated clearly his opinion that the West-
ern powers, including the United States, are guilty
of a particularly vicious form of imperialism in
the Middle East today.
I asked him how he could possibly justify such
an accusation. In the past 10 years Lebanon and
Syria have become completely independent, and
Egypt was at that very moment seeing the last
foreign soldier in the process of departing from
its territory, a territory which had been governed
by foreigners almost continuously since the days
of Greece and Rome. Imperialism, it seemed to
me, was everywhere on the wane, especially in the
Middle East. Moreover, I brought it out that the
United States had done what it could to hasten
this process and I reminded Colonel Nasser that
he himself had expressed his warm appreciation
for the United States assistance in his efforts to
obtain Egyptian military control over the Suez
Canal.
"That's quite true," he said, "and I did welcome
your aid. But you have more than offset that by
your support of Israel."
It took me some time to understand what con-
nection there could possibly be between Israel
and imperialism. Gradually the position, as seen
by the Arabs, began to penetrate. Their argu-
ment is that Israel represents a more difficult type
of colonialism than any they've known before.
It's true, they say, that Britain ruled Egypt for
75 years, with governors and troops sent out from
Britain. Turkey governed Egypt for several cen-
turies before that, with governors and troops sent
from Turkey. But the Egyptian people and the
other Arabs, although not allowed to govern them-
selves, were at least allowed to continue living in
their homes and go about their business more or
less as usual.
But in the creation of Israel, the Arabs say, the
Western powers not only established a European
colony in Arab territory but the world did noth-
ing to prevent the Israelis from chasing Arab
inhabitants away from Palestine. Nine hundred
thousand of them are now refugees, half of them
living in tents and mud huts, and have been doing
so for the last 7 years.
The other half — the Israelis — say that most of
these refugees left Israel under instructions from
their own leaders.
I American policy has been trying, in such ways
as we could, to achieve a relaxation of the ten-
sions which unfortunately beset the Middle East
and, in close collaboration with Great Britain and
France, to avoid an armaments race in that area.
Most Americans, both Christians and Jews, un-
derstand and S3'mpathize fully with the plight of
the Palestine refugees.
We are anxious to do everything we possibly
can to assist them, either through repatriation or
resettlement, to resume lives of fruitful activity
and self-respect.
Arabs generally are inclined to say that Israel
is primarily an American creation through the
support given it by the American Government
and by American Jewi-y. This allegation, like so
many in international affairs, is a half-truth.
Israel, in my own personal opinion, is primarily
the creation of Adolf Hitler and the insane anti-
Semites of the Nazi regime. It was only because
of the unspeakable persecutions and avowed pol-
icy of genocide carried out by the Nazis that many
Americans, both Jewish and Gentile, came to the
reluctant conclusion that the remnant of the Jew-
ish race in Europe needed a state of its own to
be safe from such brutality.
But, say the Arabs, why choose an Arab land
to give them refuge? If you Americans are so
concerned about their fate, why don't you let them
enter the United States? But the ardent Zionists
of Europe didn't want to come to the United
States. With deep religious fervor they wanted
to return to the land from which their ancestors
had been dispersed almost 2,000 years ago. They
were willing, they said, to live there peacefully,
side by side with their Arab cousins. It was the
Arabs, they recall, who started the war of 1947
and tried to run the Zionists into the sea.
U.S. Position
So the argument goes on. We shall hear from
both sides of this bitterly contested dispute to-
night. Your question and mine is, "Wliat should
the United States do about the matter?"
There's one thing most certainly that we shall
not and cannot do — we will not promote hostili-
ties or an armaments race in the area. We shall
endeavor to look the facts in the face as squarely
and as honestly as we can.
It would be easy if the situation were all black
and white, but it's not. Extremists in Israel would
Ocfober 31, 1955
685
like to expand their present boundaries. Arab
extremists would still like to drive the million
and a half Israelis mto the sea.
Keferring again to Mr. Dulles' statement in
Miami, the United States cannot solve all the
problems of the world, but we can do our level
best to help solve them, and our efforts and in-
fluence are not small. It's sometimes felt that we
haven't tried hard enough. Perhaps this is true,
but I'll remind you that throughout the past 2
years the American Government, acting through
Ambassador Eric Johnston, has made every pos-
sible effort to achieve an equitable settlement of
the waters of the Jordan River.
Mr. Dulles made basic suggestions on August
26 for the progress toward an overall settlement of
the Arab-Israeli dispute.- Tranquillity and eco-
nomic progress, not war and bloodshed, are what
we seek in the Middle East.
We shall not be discouraged by setbacks, nor
shall we allow emotions or annoyance to prevent
us from dealing justly and fairly as God gives us
ability to determine justice and fairness.
With courage and determination we shall see
this job through.
Talks With Congressional Leaders
Before Geneva Meeting
Press release 611 dated October 20
Secretary Dulles met with a representative
group of Senators and Representatives on October
20 to discuss the forthcoming Geneva meeting of
the Foreign Ministers of the United States, United
Kingdom, France, and the Union of Soviet Social-
ist Republics.
The Secretary reviewed the three points of the
"Directive of the Heads of Government of the
Four Powers to the Foreign Ministers" issued at
the "summit" meeting last July: European se-
curity and Germany, disarmament, and the
development of contacts between East and West.^
The meeting was held in conformity with the
practice of the Administration to keep Congress
informed of developments in the international
field and to consult with Members of Congress on
matters of foreign policy.
Departure of U.S. Delegation to
Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 613 dated October 21
The Foreign Ministers conference to which I go
is designed, as President Eisenhower said last
July, to translate the generalities of the Geneva
"summit" conference into specific agreements.
That, he said, is when real conciliation and some
giving on each side will be necessary.
The United States delegation will act in that
sjjirit.
We sliall seek the reunification of Germany
within a framework of European security. The
Publication on Summit Conference
The Department of State ou October 20 released
The Geneva Conference of Heads of Oovemment,
July 18-23, 1955 (publication 6046). The pamphlet
contains tests of the Geneva conference papers
which had been published previously, prlncii)al
statements by President Eisenhower and Secretary
Dulles, texts of notes exchanged in preparation for
the conference, addresses made by the President be-
fore and after the conference, and news conference
statements on the subject by Secretary Dulles. Cop-
ies are available from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing-
ton 25, D. C. (35 cents).
= Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 378.
•Ibid., Aug. 1, 1955, p. 176.
Western powers, including the Federal Republic
of Germany, ai'e ready to meet every legitimate
Russian concern for security. Fortunately, secu-
rity for Russians is not inconsistent with justice
for Germans. Indeed, we doubt that in the long
run security is ever gained by perpetuating a
grave injustice like the division of Germany.
We shall seek to advance the cause of disarma-
ment with which the United Nations is dealing,
aiid we are ready to promote contacts between
East and West which will advance understand-
ing and fellowship and the cause of peace.
I go with the backing of the President and of
congressional leaders, and, I believe, of our peo-
ple. I am very grateful for this support. Our
delegation will seek to carry worthily its heavy
responsibilities and to express competently the as-
686
Department of State Bulletin
pirations of our people for peace, justice, and
freedom for all.
I realize that tliis conference has serious impli-
cations. The foundations for it were built by the
Heads of Government themselves. If we cannot
build on that foundation, then many high hopes
will have to be discarded. If, as I believe, we
can build on that foundation, even modestly, then
it will be good for all the world and we can look
to the future with renewed confidence.
MEMBERS OF U.S. DELEGATION
Secretary Dulles, U.S. Representative
Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson
Harold E. Stassen, Special Assistant to the President
Coor(Jinator
Douglas JlacArthur II, Counselor, Department of State
Deputy coordirMtor
Jacob D. Beam, Department of State
Principal advisers
Charles E. Bolilen, Ambassador to the U.S.S.R.
Robert R. Bowie, Assistant Secretary of State for Policy
Planning
Gordon Gray, Assistant Secretary of Defense
William H. Jackson, Special Assistant to the Secretary of
State
Carl W. McCardle, Assistant Secretary of State for Pub-
lic Affairs
Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant SecretaiT of State for
European Affairs
Thruston B. Jlorton, Assistant Secretary of State for
Congressional Relations
Herman Phleger, Legal Adviser, Department of State
Assistants
Eodeiic L. O'Connor, Special Assistant to the Secretary
of State
Col. Carey A. Randall, Military Assistant to the Secre-
tary of Defense
Transcript of Secretary Dulles'
News Conference
Press release 606 dated October 18
Secretary Dulles: I thought that before you put
questions to me I might tell you a little bit about
my plans for the next few days. I am leaving
late this afternoon for Denver, where I expect to
see the President again tomoiTow morning some-
time and go over the filial plans for Geneva. I
shall be back here for the National Security Coun-
cil meeting on Thursday morning and Cabinet
on Friday morning, and on Friday aft«rnoon I
expect to leave for Europe. I shall go first to
Rome and leave Rome in time to get to Paris late
Sunday afternoon or early Sunday evening. Then
we will have our meetings with the Working
Group on Geneva on Monday and Tuesday. On
Wednesday there is a meeting of the Nato Council
at the ministerial level to go over the preparations
for Geneva with them. Then the Geneva meeting
itself starts on Thursday of next week, the 27th.
Now, if you have any questions.
Q. Mr. Secretary., cotdd you tell us why you are
going to Rome?
A. I am going to Rome because of my desire
to have a little more time to talk over common
problems with the Italian Govermnent. They
have invited me to do so, and I am very happy
to respond favorably. They have a particular
interest in many matters that we also are con-
cerned with, and they are of course very much
interested in the possible developments at Geneva.
Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting
Q. Mr. Secretary, Vice President Nixon said
yesterday that the Geneva conference holds more
promise than, any conference in the, last 10 years.
Do you share that optimism?
A. Well, I share the view which I think he had
in his mind, which is that there is, I think, more
chance of some practical steps being taken as a
result of this Geneva conference than has been
the case at other recent conferences. The "sum-
mit" conference at Geneva of the Heads of Gov-
ernment was not designed to be in any sense an
action conference. It was stated in the invitation
that the first conference, the Heads of Govern-
ment, would be the first stage and that the subse-
quent meetings of the Foreign Ministers would be
the second stage at which the spirit of Geneva
would be sought to be translated into actual deeds.
So that, as the President said when he came back
from Geneva, the acid test is going to be what
happens at the Foreign Ministers conference. I
believe that there is a reasonable chance of some
l^rogress of a practical nature being made along
the lines of the three items of our agenda.
Q. How long do you expect to stay in Geneva?
A. Well, it is not possible to fix those things
precisely in advance. I would suppose that the
October 31, 1955
687
conference would last somewhere around 3 weeks,
a little more or a little less.
Q. Mr. Secretary, Jioxo do you reconcile the view
of hope that you have just indicated with the
so-catted deterioration of the Geneva spirit after
the conference in July and your warnings and the
Presidents warnings and others that the Russians
may have not changed so fundamentally as we
m,ight have hoped?
A. I don't think that there is any conflict or
inconsistency of the positions. It is quite true
that hopes were aroused in many quarters from
the meetings of the Heads of Government which
went beyond the practical possibilities. I do not
think that either the President or I ever shared
those extreme hopes. Now, what has happened
since then has been a disillusionment to some.
I would not say that it has been a particular dis-
illusionment to me or to the President. In other
words, I think that the possibilities which are in
this second-stage conference at Geneva are about
as good as we thought they would be when we left
the summit conference in Geneva.
Q. Mr. Secretary, you had a session yesterday,
I believe, with Walter Reuther and George Meany.
Did anything come out of that of significance on
world news on Geneva?
A. No. It is not the purpose of these meetings,
which occur rather periodically — and I hope they
will continue to be periodic — to arrive at any
decisions. "We just talk things over, and I thought
it would be useful to hear their views before going
to Geneva. They have views on some of these
problems and also on some related problems which,
while not actually on the agenda for Geneva, will
perhaps come up for discussion, such as the ques-
tion of relations to dependent territories and
matters of that sort. I was very glad to get their
views.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in your last press conference
you said you expect substantial progress on the
German problem.^ Do you still expect it? And
on what do you base your expectations?
A. Well, I think I said, and I still would repeat,
that I hope and expect that there will be a substan-
tial progress made toward the unification of Ger-
many. I said I did not expect that the unification
of Germany would be accomplished at this meet-
^ BttixeTin of Oct. 17, 19.5.5, p. 606.
ing or that indeed its accomplishment would be
assured at this meeting. But I believe that the
various proposals which will be put forward on
both sides will bring us nearer together and that
they will advance and not retard the unification of
Germany.
Q. Mr. Secretary, have you received any indi-
cation from the Russians that is not publicly
known that they are willing to take a more flex-
ible stand on the German issue?
A. No. My conclusions are based on my analy-
sis of the situation, not based upon any tipoff or
indication from the Soviet authorities.
Middle East Question
Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been reports that,
if the Middle East question is raised in Geneva,
the Soviets might suggest that they join the three-
power declaration of 1950 ^ and possibly even some
organizations in the Middle East. Would you
give us your views on this question?
A. I have not heard that suggested. As you
know, I have previously told you, I discussed this
Middle East situation twice with Mr. Molotov in
New York, and no such suggestion was made by
him at either of those meetings, nor has any such
suggestion been made to us since then.
Q. Do you plan to discuss Middle Eastern ques-
tions in Geneva tvith Mr. Molotov next week?
A. Well, as you know, that is not on the agenda,
and it will not come up, as far as we can now
foresee, as a matter of formal discussion at the
conference itself, although of course it is always
permissible, I suppose, for the Foreign Minis-
ters to put a new item on the agenda if all of them
want to do so. But what I would think is quite
likely is that, in informal talks which take place
as a byi^roduct to these conferences, that subject
would come up.
Q. Would you raise the su-bject if Mr. Molotov
didn't raise the subject? Would tve take the ini-
tiative?
A. Well, I would be disposed to, I think. I
have done it twice, and the third time might have
more luck than the first two.
Q. Mr. Secretary, in regard to that May 1950
tripartite declaration, it was really the Amhassa-
'For text, see ibid., June 15, 1953, p. 834 (footnote).
688
Department of State Bulletin
dor of the Israeli Government who seems to take
the position that it places upon the Western pow-
ers a commitment or an obligation to furnish Israel
arms to match the arms the Communists nfiay he
providing to the Egyptian Government and other
Arabic governments. Do you interpret that decla-
ration of 1950 in that way?
A. I do not think that one can draw very cer-
tain conclusions merely from the terms of the
declaration itself. You have got to apply the
declaration to the facts, and to some extent the
facts are still obscvire, as they were when I last
talked with you. The declaration in general has,
as far as arms are concerned, two broad concepts :
one, that it is desirable to avoid a serious im-
balance of power, the other, that it is desirable
to avoid an armaments race. Both thoughts are,
as I recall, implicit in the declaration, perhaps
explicit. Now, we do not yet know or cannot
yet judge the military significance of the arrange-
ment that has been made between the Government
of Egypt and the authorities in Czechoslovakia
with reference to arms, as do we neither know yet
the full quantity or the kinds or the quality. You
know, this business of secondhand arms is a busi-
ness which is very difficult to appraise accurately.
Of course the countries with large armaments are
constantly discarding the old types and replacing
them with new. Now, the actual value of the dis-
cards is something which is not always easy to
judge, and we are not yet in a position to form
any clear judgment as to whether what is taking
place is going to increase importantly the mili-
tary potential of the Egyptian armed forces.
Exchanges With Soviet Union
Q. Mr. Secretary, VFW National Commander
Murphy quotes you as saying, ^^It might have been
better not to have brought to the United States
the Ru^ssian farm delegation.'''' Can you com-
ment on that?
A. No. I don't even recall having said it,
although if Commander Murphy said I said it, I
would accept his recollection of our talk.
Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that it would
have been better if the Soviet Union farm delega-
tion had not comef
A. I felt that there were certain aspects of that
trip which were undesirable. I refer particularly
to some of the emotionalism that was incident to
the trip and which I thought might not give a
very good impression back in tlie Soviet Union.
But I suppose we will have to get used to those
things and these first manifestations will prob-
ably not go on repeating themselves.
Q. As a general principle, do you disagree that
exchanges of groups, such as the housing group,
are desirable?
A. I think on the whole the exchanges are
probably desirable.
Q. Mr. Meany has said several times that he is
against exchanging labor groups between the two.
Do you agree with him on that?
A. We did not discuss that. He did not tell me
that, and it didn't come up at all; so I do not
know what reasons he has for that.
Status of Geneva Talks With Red China
Q. Mr. Secretary, ivill you tell us something
ahout your talk Saturday [October 15] with Mr.
[ V. K. KrishTuz] Menon and particularly whether
the prospects of a higher level talk between the
United States and Red China was discussed?
A. He brought up the subject and I expressed
to him the view, which I have elsewhere expressed,
that this meeting at Geneva was arranged to dis-
cuss matters of direct concern to our two countries,
and I think that the possibilities of that meeting
ought to be fully explored and exhausted before
there is consideration given to a possible second
meeting. And so far, we have not, I think, nearly
exhausted the possibilities of this present meeting.
Q. Can you tell us something about the status
of those talks, Mr. Secretary?
A. The status is, I think, known. I will try to
recapitulate it. As a result of discussion of the
first item on the agenda, that is, the return of civil-
ians on the two sides who want to come back, an
agreement was reached that they were entitled to
come back and would be allowed expeditiously to
exercise that right. And certain arrangements
were made with the Governments of the United
Kingdom and of India to facilitate the exercise of
that right of return. There have been a certain
number of United States citizens who, in pursu-
ance of that agreement, have been allowed to
return ; certain others so far have not been allowed
to exercise the right which they were supposed
October 3 J, 7955
689
to have expeditiously. And we are now, however,
going on to deal with item two of the agenda, while
reserving the right to reopen item one at any time
if it does not seem that the agreement is being
carried out in good faith. Under item two the
question of renunciation of force has been dis-
cussed and the question of trade embargo is to be
discussed. I think the next meeting is on Thurs-
day this week [October 20].
Q. The discussions are on, the substance — you
are discussing these questions themselves?
A. Yes. I should add that the question of a
further meeting has also been raised by the Chi-
nese at Geneva.
Q. Could you give us their reaction during these
'preliminary stages to the renunciation of the use
of force?
A. No. I'm sorry, I can't do that because the
understanding we have is that the substance of
what is said at these meetings will not be reported
by either side except by mutual agreement.
Q. Mr. Secretary., on this question of a further
meeting at Geneva, is this the high-level meeting
which the, Chinese Communists seem to want?
A. Yes.
Q. Sir, do you expect the China talks to go on
while the Foreign Ministers meeting is also in
progress in Geneva?
A. I would expect so, yes.
Department Employees
Q. Mr. Secretary, there have heen some reports
that two employees of the State Department have
heen disciplined in connection with the early re-
lease of the Yalta papers. Is there anything to
that?
A. I don't know anything about that one way
or another.
The Problem of Peace — Ten Questions on
Communist Intentions in the Far East
hy Walter S. Robertson
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^
The peoples of the world long for peace, for
relief from anxiety and tension, for the assurance
that they shall escape the frightful slaughter,
suffering, and destruction of another world war—
a war which in these days of nuclear weapons
would probably spell the end of civilization as
we know it. There can be no doubt that the prob-
lem of peace is by all odds the problem now
weighing most heavily on the heart of man.
In considering this problem of peace I should
like to take a quick look at the main current of
events as it moves in the world today with special
reference to the Far East, the area with which my
official responsibilities are primarily concerned.
In so doing, I should like to be able to report
to you that we stand on the threshold of a happier
' Address made on Oct. 15 at Davidson College, David-
son, X. C.
era. Lately we have seen flashes of light from a
hitherto darkened shore. Mankind is eager to in-
terpret them as flashes of good will that can be
converted into a steady beam of true communica-
tion and understanding. I know you will agree
that if we are to have real hope we must look at
the facts frankly and fearlessly. Only at our
grave peril could we permit our longing to cloud
our judgment or our reason. All that we are and
value is at stake on our decision as to the meaning
of tliese flashes.
]\Iany of you, I am sure, liave read of the ancient
art of wrecking as practiced in an earlier time by
some of the less scrupulous villagers of the world's
seacoasts. At night these wreckers would tie a
lantern on a horse's head and ride along the beach.
Unwary mariners who sighted the bobbing light,
thinking it another ship sailing a safe channel,
690
Department of State Bulletin
would be lured to their destruction in the shoal
water. Death from iniscalculation was neither
more nor less pleasant a prospect then than now.
It is too soon to know whether the Communist
siirnals of jjood will contain substance or whether
thej' are false signals to lure and to lull. And
until we do know, we nuist not, we cannot, let
down our guard.
The "sunnnit" conference last summer produced
a phrase — the spii'it of Geneva — that means many
things to many men. To some it means appease-
ment; to others, a new era of brighter hope for
true peac« in our time.
To appraise the spirit of Geneva realistically,
however, I think it must be said tluit it means
neither of those choices but something else. The
spirit of Geneva M-as compounded in part from
tlie strength of the free nations of the world and
in part from the imier problems and stresses of
the Communist world. It is no cure-all, neither
is it a sellout. It is an exploratory step designed
to see if it is possible to find solutions for the press-
ing problems that exist between the free world
and tlie Communist world.
"We have had sufficient experience with the
Soviet orbit over the last 38 years to make us pro-
ceed with caution. Within the past decade we
have had the painful experience of seeing our
wartime ally systematically \dolate wartime
agreements almost before the ink on the documents
was dry. We have seen Communists use every
weapon in their arsenal — propaganda, infiltra-
tion, subversion, naked armed aggression — in
eti'orts to gain their ends.
We cannot be other than cautious. You will
remember I^enin's own justification for Commu-
nist zigzag tactics. Lenin pictured the party as
a man ascending a steep, unexplored mountain
who reaches an impossible obstacle to forward
motion. Then, Lenin said, the man "lias to turn
back, descend, seek another path, longer, perhaps,
but one which will enable him to reach the
summit."
Lenin's "summit," as we all know, is the de-
struction of free institutions and domination of
the wreckage by international communism. It is
this philosophy that makes us withhold judgment
on present Soviet intentions. Unless and until we
see something more positive than words, we can-
not be lulled by a dream of peace.
Peace is one of the most stiiring words in the
English language, but it also can be one of the
most deceptive under present circiunstances.
Peace at any price is not peace at all. By adopt-
ing such a principle, we could guarantee a peace-
ful world tomorrow, but what kind of a world
would it be? A police state, a silent world of
subjugation where no free voice is ever heard.
At Philadelpliia in August, President Eisen-
hower warned America against complacency and
the idol of a false peace.- He said :
. . . there can be no true peace wbich involves acceptance
of a status quo in wliieli we find injustice to many nations,
repressions of human beings on a gigantic scale, and with
constructive effort paralyzed in many areas by fear. . . .
The peace we want — the product of understanding and
agreement and law among nations — is an enduring inter-
national environment based on justice and security. It
will reflect enlightened self-interest. It will foster the
concentration of human energy — individual and organ-
ized — for the advancement of human standards in all the
areas of mankind's material, intellectual, and spiritual
life.
Purpose of Summit Conference
The Heads of State who met at Geneva were
under no illusion that they could resolve at a sin-
gle encounter the problems that beset the world.
All that they undertook to do, all that common-
sense and prudence recommended as being witliin
immediate reach, was to explore, in a conciliatory
spirit, various new paths leading toward the pos-
sible solution of these difficulties.
No substantive agreements were arrived at con-
cerning any of the stubborn, brooding issues that
constitute the cold war. There was agreement
only upon how these issues would henceforth be
taken up. The issues still remain. No easy or
early solutions are in sight. So the true summit,
and I do not mean the summit of Lenin's distorted
dream, still lies beyond. The upper slopes, in all
their formidable aspects, wiU be tackled at the
meeting of the Foreign IMinisters late this month.
Nothing could be more dangerous to the future
order and stability of the world than the assump-
tion that the Geneva discussions have in some way
sanctified the present state of things. To believe
that would be to believe that the commmiity of free
nations has accepted as a continuing and mialter-
able fact of life the perpetuation of basic injustices
that disfigure all too grievously the countenance of
mankind. The denial of independence to many
peoples having long, proud histories of national
" Bulletin of Sept. 5, 19.55, p. 375.
Ocfofaer 3h 1955
691
existence and the subjugation of millions to a con-
dition which by civilized standards is indistin-
guishable from slavery camiot be perpetuated.
There was no acquiescence in these abhorrent
situations by the Western powers at Geneva. On
the contrary. The statements of the West made
unmistakably clear to the Soviet leaders their con-
victions that the righting of these wrongs was an
indispensable precondition to a genuine easement
of world tensions.
The United States will never sanction, for the
sake of temporary accommodation, or any other
reason, the fastening of a machine-made system of
government upon others whose desires have not
been consulted and whose consent has not been
freely given.
This is the heart of the matter. The issues that
divide us go far beyond a competition of strategic
geography. The world that we are given to work
and strive in stands apart in its separate concep-
tions of the nature and meaning of life, of the
place of man in relation to the state and, indeed,
of liis relationship to God. It is this conflict of
philosophy and government that everywhere cuts
across the specific problems before us.
Let me address myself now to the Far East.
There, as in Europe and the Middle East, are many
questions which must be answered by the Commu-
nists before we can prudently indulge in relaxa-
tion.
The United States continues to be portrayed to
Asian peoples by Communist propagandists as a
gang of unscrupulous conspirators seeking to
dominate and enslave (this refers, mind you, to
our assistance programs) the millions of Asians
to whose freedom and prosperity we have dedicated
such a substantial portion of om* national
resources.
We continue to hear threats to use force for the
attainment of political objectives. There seems to
be a kinship between the current Communist
tactics and the man who explained to liis friends
that he was hitting himself on the liead with a
hanuner because it felt so good when he stopped.
Are we then to open our arms in unquestioning
gratitude each time there is a lull in the hostile
hammer blows?
As we survey the Far East in a search for signs
that communism has indeed turned a new leaf,
what are some of the questions to which we should
like answers?
Americans Detained in China
Since the Red rulers came to power in Peiping,
many of our citizens in China have been seized on
the flimsiest of pretexts and subjected to physical
and mental tortures in Communist prisons.
Others, during weary months and years of waiting,
have been denied permission to leave the country.
Since August 1, our Ambassador to Czechoslo-
vakia, Alexis Johnson, has been negotiating pa-
tiently and firmly at Geneva with a representative
of the Chinese Communists in an effort, first of
all, to bring about the release of 41 Americans long
desiring to return home and forcibly prevented
from doing so.
Some of these Americans have now been re-
leased. But there remain 19 others, 18 held in
prison and one under house arrest.^ Although
falsely branded as criminals by the Communists,
most of these people are missionaries who went to
China in order to devote their lives to bringing
spiritual and physical comfort to the Chinese peo-
ple. All are reputable, representative Amei-ican
citizens. Their arrest and mistreatment cannot be
condoned imder any civilized standard of conduct.
As a result of the present Geneva negotiations,
the Chinese Conununists announced publicly on
September 10 that these Americans have a right
to return home. They have also pledged to take
measures so that these Americans may "expedi-
tiously" exercise that right. Yet today, more
than a month after that pledge was given, not a
single one of these 19 Americans has been released.
We continue to hope and expect that the Commu-
nists will carry out their promise.
Therefore, our first question must be, When will
the Conununists fiilfill their pledge and release the
remainder of our mistreated countrymen?
' For names of the Americans and a partial list of those
who have been released, see ihid., Sept. 19, 1955, p. 457
(footnote), and Sept. 26, 1955, p. 489 (footnote). Since
publication of the latter list, the following have left Com-
munist China : Emma Angelina Barry, Miss Eva Stella
Du Gay, Robert Howard Parker, and Mrs. Pieter Huizer,
all of whom reached Hong Kong on Sept. 26 : Mr. and Mrs.
Howard Lischke Ricks, who arrived in Japan from Shang-
hai on Oct. 13 ; and Mrs. Nadeshda M. Romanoff, Irene
Romanoff, Harriet Mills, and the Rev. Armand Proulx,
who reached Hong Kong on Oct. 31. Miss Mills and Mr.
Proulx were the first Americans released pursuant to the
agreed announcement of Sept. 10 (for text, see ihid., Sept.
19,1955, p. 456).
692
Department of State Bulletin
Elections in Viet-Nam
Another question relates to Viet-Nam, now un-
happily divided into two parts as a result of the
Geneva conference of July 1954 which brought
an uneasy peace to this land long troubled by
foreign-supported Communist guerrilla warfare.
The northern half of the country is under the iron
control of the Connnimist Viet Minh ; the southern
portion, under the guidance of anti-Communist
nationalist Prime Minister Diem, is steadily pro-
gressing on the difficult road toward full-fledged
modern democratic statehood.
By May 1955, date of the total Red takeover in
North Viet-Nam, more than 600,000 refugees of
all creeds had fled southward to freedom. In
this exodus from Communist slavery the United
States Navy played an enormous role, making
hundreds of trips from Haiphong to the sanctuary
of Free Viet-Nam south of the 17th parallel. Viet
Minh propaganda warned these refugees they
would suffer torture, starvation, and death at the
hands of the Americans. The dream of freedom
triumphed nonetheless, and was attained. Food
and medicine and kindness aboard U.S. Navy
transports washed away fear. The chief wish of
the rescued was then to tell the unfortunates left
behind of the falseness of the Communist predic-
tions and the wondei-s of American treatment.
These refugees, along with the millions of their
counti-ymen in Free Viet-Nam, aspire toward uni-
fication of their country in liberty, as a sovereign
state pursuing its destiny free of all foreign domi-
nation. These millions are passionately opposed
to communism and to any scheme for unification
under communism. They are consequently highly
skeptical of the interzonal elections scheduled
under the Geneva Agreement for July 1956. The
Free Vietnamese strongly doubt that such elections
could be held under genuinely free conditions in
Viet Minh-held territory. Red-style elections in
the more populous north, accompanied by thought
control, distortion of the facts, coercion, and in-
timidation, would unquestionably produce a Com-
munist victory, thus achieving by seemingly legal
means the subjugation of Free Viet-Nam to Com-
munist slavery. Elections under totally free con-
ditions would, on the other hand, undoubtedly re-
sult in a unified and independent nation.
So my second question is. Is it possible to ob-
tain in North Viet-Nam the necessary conditions
for a free expression of the national will through
general elections?
Threat to Formosa
Perhaps the gravest question of the Far Eastern
area relates to the Chinese Communists' attitude
toward Taiwan, a link of great strategic impor-
tance in the chain of island defenses in the Western
Pacific. In defiance of world opinion, the Chinese
Communists continue to threaten the use of force
to bring under Communist domination this island
now occupied by the National Government of
China and jirotected by a mutual defense treaty
with the United States. Our Government has
espoused the entirely reasonable principle of the
renunciation of the use of force to implement
policies in this area, as elsewhere. Acceptance of
this principle does not involve the justice or in-
justice of conflicting claims. It only involves
recognizing and abiding by accepted standards of
conduct under international law. It is a prin-
ciple which reflects the universal view of the civil-
ized community of nations. It has found expres-
sion in the Covenant of the League of Nations,
the Kellogg-Briand treaties, and the U.N. Char-
ter. The principle has been accepted by all re-
sponsible governments of the world.
"We hope," Secretary of State John Foster
Dulles said in addressing the American Legion
at Miami on October 10, "that the Chinese Com-
mimists will accept for themselves this 'renuncia-
tion of force' principle. Until now they have
largely lived by the sword. They came into power
through violent revolution. They moved into
Korea to fight the United Nations Command.
They took Tibet by force. They allied themselves
with force in Indochina. But perhaps they are
now beginning to see that persistence in the use of
force will surely bring disaster."
So we ask yet another question. Are the Chinese
Comnvunists and the fifth columns they control
prepared to renounce the use of force as a means
to obtain political objectives?
Violations of Korean Armistice
Our questions continue to mount as we range
farther along the perimeter of the great Asian
land mass which the Communists now dominate.
The fighting in Korea ended with the signature
of the Armistice in July 1953. The Armistice
was designed to preserve the military balance
until a political conference could arrange for the
unification of Korea. Wliat has happened?
From the day the Armistice was signed the Com-
Ocfofaer 37, 1955
693
mimists have openly flouted it. They have brought
into North Korea some 450 aircraft and other
combat material in direct violation of its terms.
They have consistently failed to make the required
reports to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Com-
mission. Through the two Communist members
of the Commission — Poland and Czechoslovakia —
they have prevented the Commission from making
adequate inspections in North Korea. Despite
propaganda about withdrawal of Chinese Com-
munist armies, they still keep over 400,000 Chinese
Communist troops in North Korea.
Nor is their record of performance on unifica-
tion any better. The Communist radio talks much
about their desire to unify Korea. But when the
United Nations tried to negotiate a political set-
tlement at Geneva in 1954, they insisted on terms
which would have meant Coimnunist domination
of all of Korea. In contrast, our own position is
clear, simple, and forthright. We only want a
unified, independent, and democratic Korea. We
believe it can be achieved through genuinely free
elections under United Nations supervision for
representatives in the National Assembly propor-
tionate to the native population of Korea.
So I ask. Are the C ominvmists frefared to ob-
serve the Armistice they signed? Are they j)re-
pared to withdraw their forces and renounce their
aggression in Korea? Are they tviUing to agree
to hold genuinely free elections in Korea under
United Nations supervision?
Threat to Southeast Asia
A fifth question concerns the Kingdom of Laos,
a small, strategically located nation of some 2 mil-
lion people. Beset by the myriad problems of the
newly independent state, Laos must also cope with
a serious threat to its territorial integrity posed by
the Viet Minh-sponsored Pathet Lao. These Com-
munist-controlled rebels, in flagrant violation of
the Geneva Agi'eement on the Cessation of Hostili-
ties in Laos, continue to defy the Royal Govern-
ment by refusing to permit the restoration of the
Government's administration in two northern
jDrovinces. They have resorted to military at-
tacks against National Army outposts in the area.
Conversations between the Lao Government and
Pathet Lao leaders, under the auspices of the
International Control Commission, are now being
held in an attempt to reach a political settlement
by peaceful means and thus eliminate this source
of instability and infection in Southeast Asia.
Thus we ask the question. Will the Comrrmnists
adhere to their numerous pledges to respect the
independence^ sovereignty, unity, and territorial
integrity of other states, hy permitting Laos to
solve its problems unhindered by foreign inter-
vention in its internal affairs?
A little to the west is Cambodia, where the Com-
mmiists continue to seek by infiltration and by
hostile propaganda the subversion of another state
whose independence has been newly won.
Again we ask. Will the Coinmunists cease in-
terference in the internal affairs of Camhodia?
In neighboring Malaya and Singapore the pop-
ulation is trying to move sensibly and peacefully
toward autonomy and self-government with the
assistance of Great Britain. It is an area of
special concern to the Western World because its
pojjulation, prejjonderantly of Chinese origin, has
been the target of aggressively organized subver-
sion, backed by armed warfare.
Our question. Are the Communists willing to
accord freedom, and independence to this rich land
by peaceful and orderly progress?
In Thailand, to the north, subversive agents of
communism have also been active. Coimnunist
China hai'bors a renegade former premier who has
called upon the people of Thailand to overthrow
their free government and substitute commimism
under the domination of Red China.
Will the Communists put an end to this type
of meddling?
The other new nations of Asia — the Philippines,
Indonesia, and Burma — all have had to deal with
Communist infiltration and armed uprising.
Fortunately they have been successful in throwing
oft' this brazen challenge to their dearly won inde-
pendence from colonial status.
Can we be assu^red that commv/nism will re-
nounce its ahn of substituting a new type of
colonial domination for that which has been
discarded?
Closest to us geographically, Japan is rebuild-
ing after the disaster of war. Despite the grave
economic difficulties which Japan faces, it is a
rich prize which the Communists covet. At first,
after the peace treaty, they tried to gain their
ends through bloody riots. These failed. Now
they have turned to insidious subversion and
popular-front tactics. They are trying to lure
694
[iepaT\men\ of Sfofe Bu//ef/n
Japiui into weakening her ties with the United
States and the other free nations of the world.
Once more the question is, Will the Convmu-
nists refrain from efforts to dominate Japan and
subvert her freedom?
U.S. Policy in Asia
In asking these questions concerning Commu-
nist intentions toward the nations of Asia, we do
so in full awareness that we also on our part have
an obligation not to interfere in the internal affairs
of any country. We have adopted a policy of
supporting and assisting the free nations of Asia
who seek help in achieving economic, political,
and military strength because we have learned at
great cost that freedom is indivisible. Its main-
tenance everywhere is vital to the freedom of all,
including our own, which, when all has been said
and done, is the real objective of our national
policy.
The countries of free Asia and the men who
lead them are faced with formidable problems.
All suffer from various degrees of poverty, short-
age of educational facilities, from poor public
health. Perhaps most important, the great ma-
jority lack experience in solving problems of
organization. Most of the newly established na-
tions have natural resources which could, if prop-
erly developed, bring a really new world to
several hundred million people. Most of the
leaders of Asia are thoroughly aware of the needs
of their people and see their task as one of pre-
serving their cherished national independence
while bringing their idle resources into play for
the benefit of their countrymen. The sole pur-
pose of our mutual aid programs is to help them
in this task.
Our hopes for Asia are no different now from
what they were after the Boxer Eebellion, when
we alone refused territorial or other special privi-
leges from prostrate China and instead devoted
the indemnity owed to us to the education of
young Chinese so that they might better serve
their own country. "Wliat we want in Asia is
what we want everywhere — a world made up of
independent, responsible, democratic countries
whose governments are devoted to the peaceful
development of their own territory and to the wel-
fare and personal freedom of their own people.
We want this because it is the only kind of world
in which the values we put above life can endure.
We have committed ourselves to explore every
avenue for the relaxation of world tensions. We
will seek permanent peace by every honorable
means, but we are well aware that peace cannot
be found through surrender of principle. If we
insist upon answei's to certain unanswered ques-
tions before tearing down our protective fences,
we are being neither belligerent nor provocative.
I need not tell j'ou that the American people
do not want war with any nation. It is my con-
viction that no people anywhere wish for war.
If i^olitical leaders everywhere would be willing
to abide by the wishes of their people, I am sure
that the unanswered questions which cast such
ominous shadows today would be answered, ten-
sions would disappear, and all of us could, at long
last, once more go about the business of creating a
happier and a better world.
Termination of Guatemalan
Trade Agreement Proclamation
White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 17
Tlie President on October 17 signed a proclama-
tion terminating as of October 15, 1955, the procla-
mation of May 16, 1936, which proclaimed the
bilateral trade agreement entered into by the
United States and the Eepublic of Guatemala on
April 24, 1936.
The termination of the 1936 proclamation is the
final step in giving effect to the termination of the
agreement, by mutual consent, as proposed by the
Guatemalan Government on August 2 and ac-
cepted by the United States on September 28, 1955.
The announcement of the termination of the
agreement effective on October 15, made by the
Department of State on September 30, 1955, con-
tains the text of the notes exchanged between the
two Governments.^
PROCLAMATION 3117'
Whekeas, Tinder the authority vt-steil in liira by section
350 (a) of the Tariff Act of 1930, as amended by the act
of June 12, 19.34, entitled "An Act to amend tlie Tarife
Act of 1930" (48 Stat. 943), the President of the United
States entered Into a trade agreement with the President
of the Republic of Guatemala on April 24, 1936 (49 Stat.
3990), and proclaimed such trade agreement by proclama-
tion of May 16, 1936 (49 Stat. 3989) : and
Whekeas the Government of the United States of Amer-
ica and the Government of the Uepublic of Guatemala
' Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1955, p.
' 20 Fea. Reff. 792S.
77.
October 31, 1955
695
have agreed to tenuiuate the said trade agreement effec-
tive October 15, 1955 ; and
Whereas the said section 350 (a) of the Tariff Act of
1930, as amended, authorizes the President to terminate,
in whole or in part, any proclamation carrying out a trade
agreement entered into under such section :
Now, THEREFORE, I, DwiGHT D. EISENHOWER, President
of the United States of America, acting under and by
virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution
and the statutes, including the said section 350 (a) of the
Tariff Act of 1930, as amended, do proclaim that the said
proclamation dated May 16, 1936, shall be terminated as of
the close of October 14, 1955.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this seventeenth day of
October in the year of our Lord nineteen hun-
[seal] dred and fifty-five, and of the Independence of
the United States of America the one hundred
and eightieth.
/^ (.jL^-yLAAjU-tLjUL^ A.rt.o>^
By the President
John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State
Freedom, Responsibility, and Law
iy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^
To come to this great university to receive the
eminent and vakiable distinction of your honor-
ary degree is an event in my life as memorable
as it is unique, and I thank you.
Your exercises today are addressed to three
great ideas which are expressed in the words
"freedom, responsibility, and law," which I shall
try to discuss from the standpoint of one who has
been a government official in the state, national,
and international fields for 20 years.
Your exercises have a particular and personal
meaning for me because one man with whom I
have been especially closely associated was a dis-
tinguished gi'aduate of this university — the late
Brien McMahon, who was Senator from Con-
necticut when I was Senator from Massachusetts.
He and I were both members of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, belonging respectively to the
majority and the minority sides.
"WHien the great and fundamental question arose
in 1951 as to whether we would send troops to
Europe to show the reality of our interest in world
peace and to help Europe maintain its freedom,
Brien McMahon and I stood together. There
was formidable opposition to this idea. It was
' Address made at the Fordham University School of
Law, New York, N.Y., on Oct. 8 (U.S./U.N. press release
2217 dated Oct. 6).
subjected to attacks by skilled parliamentarians
and debaters. He and I worked weeks on end in
the closest possible comradeship. The resolution
passed, our troops have been in Europe ever since,
and Europe has not been overwhelmed by Com-
munist armies. If U.S. troops had been in Europe
in 1914 and in 1939, there is no doubt in my mind
that neither the Kaiser nor Hitler would have
dared begin their aggressions.
I mention this not merely because Brien
McMahon was a distinguished graduate of Ford-
ham but because close association with him showed
me that he believed strongly in the ideal of human
"freedom"; that, as a statesman who believed in
"responsibility," he therefore saw the need to take
active, sacrifice-demanding steps; and that these
steps should be taken by "law" to preserve that
freedom effectively from ever-present danger. He
was not a weathervane who followed the lightest
breeze that blew or a chameleon who took the
color of his political environment. He had a
mind ; it was a trained mind belonging to a well-
informed man. Wlien that mind, based on the
best information, came to a conclusion, he under-
took to educate and lead the public and not defer
to the prejudices of those who could not possibly
know as much about the subject as he did. To his
defense of freedom, therefore, he brought a sense
696
Deporfmenf of State Bulletin
of responsibility of a high order. It is not going
too far to say that it is, above all else, this high
grade of responsibility which brings public re-
spect to our elected officials.
It is intelligent of the Fordliam authorities to
link the words "freedom" and "responsibility"
and "law."
Every individual knows in his own life that,
unless personal freedom is accompanied by a sense
of responsibility, it ceases to be liberty and speedily
becomes license.
In community affairs we know that the two must
go hand in hand. If we litter our beaches and
public parks with our own refuse and have not
the sense of responsibility to clean up our own
messes, these beaches and parks become trash heaps
and we thus lose the freedom to enjoy them.
It sometimes happens that one ward of a mu-
nicipality seeks to detach itself from the rest of the
city so that it will have a lower tax rate, con-
tribute less, and therefore pay less for the schools
and the sewers and the general upkeep of the
community. Such persons wish to diminish their
responsibility.
We fought a war over the principle of secession
by a State, and one of the things that we learned
from the Civil War was that the principle of
secession ultimately defeats itself. The State of
Georgia, while under the Confederacy, passed a
law that the soldiers of that State would not fight
outside of the State — a decision which, taken in
the name of States rights, helped the Union. The
principle of States rights to which the Confeder-
acy was dedicated was actually a millstone around
the neck of the Confederacy. As the Civil War
went on, lesser units of government thought that
what was sauce for the goose was sauce for the
gander, and whole counties began to secede. There
was, for example, Jones County in Mississippi,
which announced to the world that it was calling
itself the "Free State of Jones" and would hence-
forth belong to itself and be sovereign. It is only
a step from this to each citizen seceding from
the community, refusing to pay taxes, refusing to
obey the law, and proclaiming himself a sovereign
nation too — and that is anarchy.
In this modern world freedom must also be
linked with responsibility as far as nations are
concerned.
At the United Nations the effort is constantly
made to try to get sovereign nations who are all
certainly legally free and independent (however
much their freedom is threatened by the facts
of modern science) to act with a sense of responsi-
bility. There is legal power in the United Nations
in spite of the paralysis of the Security Council
by the Soviet veto. But the United Nations
achieves its task of infusing some responsibility
into the society of nations, not by invoking its le-
gal power but by persuasion, by mobilizing world
opinion, by using its forum — the world's greatest
single engine for influencing world opinion — in an
intelligent manner. One result has been that the
United Nations, in spite of the revolutionary state
of the world, has in its 10 brief years of life pre-
vented world wars from developing out of very
dangerous situations which existed in Iran, in
Greece, in Israel, in Kashmir, in Indonesia — and,
of course (and with great and tragic sacrifice of
troops) in Korea.
Another recent result was that the mobilization
of world opinion by the United Nations was fol-
lowed by the release of our illegally imprisoned
fliers in China — an action which only an inter-
national organization could have achieved and
which in all probability no state, however power-
ful, could do for itself.
The United Nations, of course, works in re-
sponse to a moral sanction. It is not intended to
be a mere cynical cockpit in which the law-abiding
and the criminal are indiscriminately scrambled
up.
The founders wrote the words "peace-loving"
and "justice" into the charter, and I contend that
it is up to those of us who work at the United
Nations not to debase these moral standards but to
hold them high and try to see to it that others
live uj) to them.
I submit that it is up to us who work at the
T^^nited Nations to frown on the type of diplomat
who says that nothing is either good or bad as such
but that every tiling must be judged solely on
whether it is practical or impractical.
Indeed, we who work at the United Nations
might well inspire ourselves from the prayer of
St. Francis, which, as you know better than I,
implores : "O Lord, make me an instrument of Thy
peace."
Because, ladies and gentlemen, we should know
that man's pathetic little devices cannot avail by
themselves, and only by following God and seek-
ing God can we hope to bring the world to justice
and thus to peace.
Therefore, no matter how many big words we
Ocfober 37, 1955
364444 — 55 3
697
use and no matter how large are the organizations
into which man has formed himself, the questions
of war and peace in this world, of freedom and
responsibility — whether on the individual or the
community or the state or the national or the
international plane — all come back to man, to
the everyday individual person.
This may be an unpopular doctrine, particu-
larly as it is easy to blame certain well-known
personages for the ills of the world. But can
we think that if Lenin or Stalin had never lived
there would have been no cruelty and no oppres-
sion in Russia ? Can we think that, if the Kaiser
or Hitler had never been born, Germany would
not have gone to war? If Hannibal or Caesar
or Attila or Genghis Klian, if Tamerlane or Na-
poleon had never existed, would there have been
no invasions or wars or massacres ?
It seems unlikely — because every one of us car-
ries within himself the same evil propensities that
animated these men. All of us know that we can
be on our knees one moment in religious piety and
ten minutes later, behind the wheel of our auto-
mobile, we can become a jealous, snarling, ruthless
potential of destruction, threatening perhaps the
life of the same lady we politely bowed out of
the church door a few moments before.
We must therefore not merely fight to keep our
freedom, but, having kept it, we should use it
actively and purposefully to make ourselves better
and our nation better.
We should use freedom to apply the education
which we receive from this university, for ex-
ample, to bring out the truth about ourselves and
about the world. The Holy Father said in 1950
that "No society that rests on foundations of hy-
pocrisy and falsehood is secure." This applies
with particular force to those of us who are either
lawyers or government officials, and explains why
George Washington advised us to :
Promote as an object of primary importance, institu-
tions for the general diffusion of linowledge. In pro-
portion, as the structure of a government is forced to
accede to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion
should be enlightened.
No matter which way we turn, therefore, we see
that it all depends on the individual's self-mastery.
We are often told that modem man has many
aspects, but remember that, while man has his
industrial, his artistic, and his strategic aspects,
spiritual man is what predominates. The spirit-
ual aspect of man is like the wind in relation to
the sailboat: you cannot steer against it and ad-
vance. This gives point and immediacy to Abra-
ham Lincoln's statement: "The question is not
whether God is with us; it is up to us to be with
God."
As we commemorate the past 50 great years of
Fordham history, let us, in conclusion, be inspired
for the future by the thought that this university
and this law school have an unrivaled opportunity
to inculcate into the hearts and minds of the
American people the knowledge that freedom,
responsibility, and law under God go hand in
hand.
This has been our faith since the founding of
the Republic. We depart from it at our peril. It
has lit us down many a shadowy road in the past.
It can do so again. It is this faith — and not
our material achievements — which makes us really
great. It is this faith that leads us to the open
road of high achievement which lies ahead.
Amendment of Tariff of
Foreign Service Fees
White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 11
The President by Executive order on October
10 revoked a schedule of fees heretofore charged
by U.S. consular officials for certain invoice serv-
ices provided in connection with shipments of mer-
chandise to the United States.
The fees eliminated are provided for in items 1
through 5 of the Tariff of United States Foreign
Service Fees. The order formally revoked the
charge of $2.50 provided for in item 1 for certifi-
cation of invoices covering goods being exported
to tlie United States. The Bureau of Customs
recently eliminated from its regulations this cer-
tification requirement that liad applied to a sub-
stantial portion of merchandise consigned to
United States importers.^
Effective 10 days after the date of the publica-
tion of the Executive order in the Federal Regis-
ter^ the abolition of the certification requirement
constitutes another step in the program of simpli-
fying customs procedures for the benefit of both
foreign suppliers and U.S. importers. A special
customs invoice form, not requiring certification,
is being substituted for the consular form.
' BuixETiN of Sept. 5, 1955, p. 399.
698
Depar^menf of Sfofe Bulletin
The other related items eliminated from the
Tariff of United States Foreign Service Fees by
this Executive order apply to services involving
relatively few transactions. Certification in these
instances will be provided without charge by con-
sular officials henceforth, pending probable even-
tual elimination of customs requirements for
them.
Executive Order 10639-
Amendment of the Takiff of United States Foreign
Skkvice Fees
By virtue of and pursuant to the authority vested in
me by section 1745 of the Revised Statutes of the United
States, as amended (22 U. S. C. 1201), it is heieliy ordered
as follows :
The Tariff of United States Foreign Service Fees, pre-
scribed by section ¥-15 of the Foreign Service Regula-
tions of the United States (Executive Order No. 7968,
as amended : 22 CFR 103.1) , is amended by deleting there-
from Items No. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5.
All prior Executive orders inconsistent herewith are
amended accordingly.
This order shall become effective ten days after the
date of its publication in the Federal Register.
The White House
October 10, 1955
The Task of NATO's Naval Forces
by Admired JeravM Wright
Supreme Allied Commarvder Atlantic '
I am asked to speak about Nato, and in accept-
ing this invitation I must invite your attention to
my severe limitations. Nato is essentially a polit-
ical organization, wliereas I am a military officer.
My job is to take the forces which the Nato na-
tions give us and to organize and train them and
to plan for emergency or war. I am not involved
in the most important and interesting peacetime
aspect of Nato, its political relationships with the
rest of the world. These political aspects of Nato
are by far the most important to the United States
and to all member nations. I am not, therefore,
a qualified specialist in discussing the status of
Nato in the world political arena, but I can say
certain things about Nato which may help you
in your appraisal of its status today.
I am siu'e you are aware that Nato is a purely
defensive organization. It was inspired by tlie
growing alarm of free nations that their postwar
security was at stake. Their fears were confirmed
by the seizure of Czechoslovakia and the Berlin
blockade and later increased by the attack on
Korea. It was inspired by the realization that
'20 Pea. Reg. 7717 (Oct. 14, 1955).
■' Address made on Sept. 28 before the National Security
Industrial Association, New York, N. Y.
their security could not be assured by the efforts
of that great international organization, the
United Nations, on which so many had pinned
such great hopes; by the realization also that no
one nation could defend itself alone against the
ever-increasing Soviet armies; and finally by a
recognition that a collective security, a mutual de-
fense, were the only means of maintaining our
freedom.
The result was the North Atlantic Treaty. This
treaty was something new to the United States.
It was our first peacetime alliance for mutual de-
fense. I reemphasize that Nato is a political
agreement. It has teeth in it, the teeth so badly
needed to hold on to our individual and collective
freedom and to defend ourselves against military
attack. The teeth are provided in article 5 of
the treaty, which prescribes that an armed attack
against any nation shall be considered an armed
attack against them all and each of the others
will take such action as it deems appropriate in-
rhuUtig the use of armed force to restore the peace
of the community.
No alliance of democracies can ever be stronger
than its popularity. When General Eisenhower
was the first Sujireme Commander in Europe, my
duties required regular contacts with him. I well
October 31, ?955
699
recall his frequently emphasized thesis that the
principal job of Nato nations was not the raising
and training of military forces but the education
of people, governments, and nations as to the real
objective of Nato — the objective of mutual sup-
port, mutual defense, and mutual determination to
resist and reject aggression. Once this is done,
the development of the necessary military posture
would follow easily. This theory that our real
strength lies in our unity of thought and national
policy has certainly been borne out by subsequent
events.
Organization of NATO
Now let us take a close look at Nato. How is it
organized and how does it operate?
At the top is the Nato Council, a board of direc-
tors, so to speak, made up of national Ministers —
Ministers of State for policy matters, Ministere of
Defense for military matters, or Ministers of Fi-
nance for fiscal matters. They operate on the prin-
ciple of unanimity of agreement, and every act of
the Council has been agreed by all 15 Nato na-
tions. By virtue of this fact they have high inter-
national stature and great power, not power of
authority but power of influence and persuasion.
They are cumbei-some. But what organization
is not which seeks unanimity of 15 independent
authorities? They can never match for speed
the unilateral actions of a dictatorship over satel-
lite nations, but they can outdo a dictatorship
every time in the strengtli wliich comes from vol-
untary action.
We have in the Nato Council the means of ex-
pressing the agi-eed political views of 15 nations.
We have the means of coordinating in emergency
the economic facilities of the several nations, such
as shipping, transport, and communications, for
the benefit of all. And most importantly, the
Council is the Nato political agency which pro-
vides strategic direction and guidance to our mili-
tary forces. In any democratic organization, be
it a nation or group of nations, the political must
control and direct the military. The Nato Coun-
cil provides the strategic direction and guidance
upon which all our military plans and operations
are based.
The Council gives its guidance to the standing
group, a military tribunal of British, French, and
U. S. officers which replaces the Combined Chiefs
of Staif of World War II. The standing group
converts this guidance into military directives for
the plans and operations of the Nato military
forces.
These military forces of Nato are divided into
two principal commands, those dedicated to the
defense of Europe under General Gruenther and
those defending the Atlantic under myself.
The forces defending the Atlantic come from
eight different nations which border on the At-
lantic. Without the benefits of Nato these naval
forces would be a heterogeneous, uncoordinated
gi'oup of individual ships and planes operating
each under a different strategic directive issued
by one of eight different nations.
But the great contribution which Nato has
made to our military effort is organization. For
example, we have over the naval forces of the
Atlantic Command, a Commander, a headquarters,
and a joint staff. As Commander of these forces,
I am responsible to the Nato nations individually
and collectively for the defense of the Atlantic.
I am assisted and advised by an international
staff made up of officers of eight Nato nations.
My principal subordinate commanders are Amer-
ican, Canadian, British, and French naval officers
and airmen. We work under a strategic concept
and directive passed down from the Council. We
have a complete set of plans worked out to the last
detail and agreed by all nations.
But most important of all, we have an organiza-
tion — a military operating structure of command-
ers, staffs, task fleets and forces — an organization
in which we have a slot for every ship, plane, and
man which the nations of Nato can provide us ini-
tially, and progressively later, as their mobiliza-
tion forces are activated.
Furthermore, by organized study and planning
and by frequent international training exercises,
we know our mutual strengths and weaknesses and
we are making progress in overcoming the difficul-
ties of differences of language, communications,
tactics, equipment, and the all-important matters
of repair, supply, and logistics.
Thus, Nato provides us the organization
through which nations and their forces may reap
the benefits of coordinated direction, of unity of
thought and action, whereby they act as a trained
team rather than a group of individuals.
In other words, Nato has provided our forces
with the unity of purpose and the organization by
which the teamwork so essential to military oper-
ations can be achieved. Three years ago, we had
700
Department of State Bulletin
eight separate navies in the Atlantic each "on its
own." Now we have one Nato navy and by virtue
of organization it is far better than the sum of
eight.
Strength of Soviet Navy
We need all the advantages which Nato organ-
ization can give us. The Soviet navy today is
the second largest in the world. Its submarine
fleet is by far more numerous than all other sub-
marine fleets in the world. It is designed for the
task of driving a steel wedge down the Atlantic
and cutting the lifeline between North America
and Eurojje. Our task in the Nato navies of the
Atlantic is to prevent this, and we get gi'eatly
added strength through the organization and
peacetime defense planning which Nato gives us.
I would like to summarize my thoughts by the
statement that I think that Nato is the greatest
deterrent to aggression in the world today. The
fact that 15 nations will rally to the active support
of any one of its members will make any aggres-
sive-minded nation think twice before any action
which would result in invocation of the Nato
treaty.
In my travels throughout Europe I have con-
tacted many of the Ministers of the present gov-
ernments and almosfc-all of the Heads of State.
In every case I found a feeling of added strength
and security by virtue of their membei-ship in
Nato, an appreciation of the fact that no one will
ever again stand alone.
Now I have read reports in the papers and ap-
praisals by columnists to the effect that, as a result
of the Geneva Conference, Nato is weakened, that
the apparent change in attitude of the Soviets has
reduced the need for Nato. As one of Nato's mili-
tary commanders I can report no tangible evidence
of this. On the contrary, I believe that the exist-
ence of Nato added considerably to the strength
of our position in the Geneva Conference and
should receive a large measure of credit for the
success of these discussions.
So long as a large part of the world is ruled
by a dictatorehip, anned to the teeth with forces
far beyond the requirements of self-defense, and so
long as they activelj^ pursue the annomiced objec-
tives of international communism, I see no alter-
native but that the peace-loving nations of the
world remain organized — organized for mutual
sujjport and defense and for the preservation of
the peace of the community.
Release of Stockpile Materials
in Event of Enemy Attack
White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 10
The President signed on October 10 an Execu-
tive order which authorizes the Director of the
Office of Defense Mobilization to release mate-
rials in the national stockpile for defense pur-
poses in the event of enemy attack on continental
United States.
In such a contingency there could be extensive
damage to facilities essential to the conduct of war.
It would be extremely important at that time to
have immediate access to stockpile materials which
could be used for the prompt repair and rehabili-
tation of the most essential facilities.
At present stockpile materials can be released
only on order of the President for purposes of the
common defense. The Executive order does not
change this, but merely provides the Director of
the Office of Defense Mobilization with authority
in advance to handle urgencies which might be
created by enemy attack.
EXECUTIVE ORDER 10638'
atjthobizino the director of the omce of defense
Mobilization to Ordhie the Reh-ease of Strategic and
Ceitical Materials From Stock Piles in the Event
OF AN Attack Upon the United States
Whereas section ii of the Strategic and Critical Ma-
terials Stock Piling Act, as amended by the act of July
23, 1936, 60 Stat. 506 (50 U. S. O. 9Sd), provides, in part,
that during a national emergency with respect to common
defense proclaimed by the President strategic and criti-
cal materiaLs may be released from stock piles for use,
sale, or other disiwsition on the order of such agency as
may be designated by the President ; and
Wherbus the existence of a national emergency with re-
spect to common defense has been proclaimed by the Pres-
ident by Proclamation No. 2914 of December 16, 1950 ; '
and
Wherkas an enemy attack on the continental United
States might create shortages of strategic and critical
materials requiring immediate release of such materials
from stock piles to meet military and essential civilian re-
quirements :
Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me
by the said section 5 of the Strategic and Critical Mate-
rials Stock Piling Act, it is hereby ordered as follows :
In the event of enemy attack upon the continental
United States (exclusive of Alaska), the Director of the
' 20 Fed. Reg. 7637.
' Bulletin of Dec. 25, 1950, p. 1003.
October 31, 1955
701
Office of Defense Mobilization is authorized and directed
to order the release by the Administrator of General
Services of such materials from stock piles established
under the Strategic and Critical Materials Stock Piling
Act, in such quantities, for such uses, and on such terms
and conditions, as the Director determines to be necessary
In the interests of the national defense.
^_) (.jLa-y C'i'Z^Lf-fUu^ X.*o-^
The White House,
October 10, 1955.
Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United
Kingdom, September 24, 1955.
Protocol on terms of accession of Japan to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, with annex A ( sched-
ules of the Contracting Parties) and annex B (schedule
of Japan). Done at Geneva June 7, 1955. Entered
into force September 10, 1955.
Signature: Germany, September 9, 195.5.'
Notification of intention to apply concessions received:
Italy, September 5, 1955 (effective October 5, 1955) ;
Dominican Republic, September 9, 1955 (effective
October 9, 1955).
National Olympic Day, 1955
Current Treaty Actions
MULTILATERAL
Austria
State treaty for the re-establishment of an independent
and democratic Austria. Signed at Vienna May 15,
1955. TIAS 3298. Entered into force July 27, 1955.
Adherence deposited: Czechoslovakia, September 28,
1955.
Copyright
Inter-American convention on rights of the author in
literary, scientific, and artistic works. Signed at Wash-
ington June 22, 1946. Entered into force April 14,
1947.'
Ratification deposited: Cuba, September 29, 1955.
Trade and Commerce
Fourth protocol of rectifications and modifications to an-
nexes and text of schedules to the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva March 7, 1955.'
Acceptance: Japan, June 7, 1955 (by signature of proto-
col of terms of accession).
Signature: Denmark, Septeruber 22, 1955.
Agreement on Organization for Trade Cooperation. Done
at Geneva March 10, 1955.'"
Signature: Netherlands, August 31, 1955."
Declaration on the contlnue<l application of schedules to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done
at Geneva March 10, 1955. Entered into force March
10, 1955.
Acceptance: Japan, June 7, 1955 (by signature of proto-
col of terms of accession).
Signature: Peru, September 16, 1955.
Protocol of organization amendments to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at Geneva
March 10, 1955.=
Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United
Kingdom, September 24, 1955.
Protocol amending part I and articles XXIX and XXX
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done
at Geneva March 10, 1955.'
Signatures: Netherlands, August 31, 1955;' United
Kingdom, September 24, 1955.
Protocol amending preamble and parts II and III of
the General Agreement (ra Tariffs and Trade. Done
at Geneva March 10, 1955.'
' Not in force for the United States.
' Not in force.
' Signed ad referendum.
Proclamation 3119 <
Whereas the XVIth Olympic Games of the modern era
will be held in Melbourne, Australia, beginning November
22 and ending December 8, 1956, with the Winter Games
to be held at Cortina d'Ampezzo, Italy, from January 26
to February 5, 19.56; and
Whereas the Olympic Games have Imbued competitors
and spectators alike with Ideals of friendship, chivalry,
and comradeship, thus contributing to common under-
standing and mutual respect among the peoples of the
world ; and
Whereas the Congress by a joint resolution approved
August 4, 1955 (09 Stat. 470), calls attention to the fact
thiit the United States Olympic Association is engaged
in assuring maximum supix)rt for the United States teams
which will compete witli young men and women from more
than seventy nations in the forthcoming athletic contests ;
and
Whereas the said joint resolution requests the Presi-
dent to issue a proclamation designating the twenty-
second day of October, 19.55, as National Olympic Day :
Now, therefore, I. DwiGHT D. Eisenhower, President
of the United States of America, do hereby designate
Saturday, October 22, 1955, as National Olympic Day ;
and I urge all of our citizens to do their utmost in support
of the XVIth Olympic Games and the Winter Games
to be held in 1956, to the end that our Nation may be able
to send an adequate number of representatives to par-
ticipate in these games.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this eighteenth day of
October in the year of our Lord nineteen
[seal] hundred and fifty-five, and of the Independence
of the United States of America the one
hundred and eightieth.
I?y the President :
John Foster Dulles
Secrctiirg of State
20 Fed. Reg. 79.>5.
702
Department of Stale Bulletin
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Disarmament and the President's Geneva Proposal
Following are th-e texts of a statement made hy
Harold E. Stassen, Deputy U.S. Representative
on the U.N. Disarmament Com^nission, before
the Commission's Suhcommittee of Five {Canada,
France, U.S.S.R., United Kingdom, United
States) at U.N. Headquarters on October 7 and
a U.S. memorandwm suhmAtted to the suhcomr-
mittee on the same day.
STATEMENT BY MR. STASSEN
U.S./U.N. press release 2221 dated October 7
The subcommittee of the United Nations Dis-
armament Commission is about to begin a short
recess lasting until after the forthcoming Four
Power meeting at Geneva of Foreign Minister's.
This recess involves only a brief pause in the for-
mal work of the subcommittee. It should mean
no interruption at all of the great task with which
we are charged.
It is time that our parent body, the Disarmament
Commission, studied the results of our work thus
far.^ It is time for those who are preparing for
another momentous meeting at Geneva to take ac-
count of our deliberations.
The United States believes that we should meet
again as soon as we can after Geneva, when we
shall have the benefit of the counsels of that meet-
ing. We believe that the full Disarmament Com-
mission might assemble sliortly thereafter; and
that the General Assembly of all the members of
the United Nations should debate the report of the
Disarmament Commission as soon as feasible after
its presentation.
The extraordinary responsibilities laid upon this
subcommittee I'eally do not permit any uimeces-
sary delay. They do impose upon us the need for
full and due reflection and an understanding of
the position of each one of us upon the i^art of all
' The report of the subcommittee is U.N. doc DC/71
dated Oct. 7.
of us. If I may say so, one of the more encourag-
ing things about this series of meetings has been
the development of such an attitude.
In the period between the two Geneva meetings,
our conference has provided one of the first and
most important tests of the "Geneva spirit." This
is what Ambassador Lodge meant when he wel-
comed us on the opening day to share in a great
opportunity.^
Toward the close of these remarks I shall try to
estimate how we have dealt with our opportunities.
First, I should like to review United States policy
and our own contribution.
President Eisenhower's Proposals
As you are all aware. President Eisenhower at
Geneva on July 21 ^ presented a new and historic
American proiDOsal. That proposal called for the
exchange of blueprints of military information
between the United States and the Soviet Union,
to be verified by mutual aerial reconnaissance.
These blueprints would include, first, the identi-
fication, strength, command structure, and dispo-
sition of personnel, units, and equipment of all
major land, sea, and air forces, including organ-
ized reserves and paramilitary; second, a com-
plete list of military plants, facilities, and installa-
tions with their locations.
Later, I put into the record a United States
Government outline plan for putting this plan
into immediate effect.^ This plan makes provision
among other things for unrestricted, but moni-
tored, mutual aerial reconnaissance by visual,
photographic, and electronic means; for freedom
of communications; for the presence aboard in-
specting aircraft of personnel of the coimtry
being inspected; for the presence of ground ob-
' Bulletin of Sept. 12, 19r.5, p. 438.
'Ibid., Aug. 1, 19.J.5, p. 173.
* U.N. doc. DC/SC.1/31.
Ocfofaer 31, 1955
703
servers in each country to assist in verifying
exchanges; and for simultaneous delivery of simi-
lar types of information by each participating
country.
The President's proposals are at once as simple
and as bold as the work of inspiration, deep
humanity, and great leadership often is. But
there is also the product of long months of prayer-
ful study directed by President Eisenhower.
In the past several weeks I hope I have given
you some idea of the estimates which lie behind
this plan. For the final record let me sum them
up as succinctly as I can. And then I shall ex-
plain for the first time in these meetings some-
thing more that we are doing.
First, we begin with the postulate of peace —
just and durable peace. This is the great impera-
tive of the thermonuclear age. On October 19,
1954, President Eisenhower declared that "there
is no longer any alternative to peace." ^ And
every day that passes makes it appear more clearly
that this was the principal conclusion of Geneva.
The Eisenhower plan will impose burdens of far-
reaching character upon all who participate in it.
But if these undertakings will advance the cause
of peace, they will be gladly accepted by the
American people.
Second, our studies convince us that, in the past,
perhaps more than others two courses have often
led to war : one is irresponsible and self-indulgent
unilateral disai-mament ; another is the classic
arms race which feeds and is fed upon interna-
tional fear and distrust. United States policy
is not based on either course.
Third, and of vital importance for our studies,
we have recognized that we are no longer the
absolute masters of the most powerful tool of war.
It is not possible by any presently known scientific
means to detect nuclear weapons-grade material
once it has been placed in casings and hidden
away. Such hidden stocks from past and current
production could be fabricated into weapons and
used in devastating surprise attack. All of us
here, and all of our governments, now recognize
this fact.
Fourth, in this situation and unless the world's
scientists are able to achieve a breaktlu'ough,
making it possible to accoimt in full for nuclear
weapons material, we believe the best couree is to
find a way to eliminate large-scale surprise attack.
° Bulletin of Nov. 1, 1954, p. 636
We believe that one kind of surprise attack and
the only kind which right now threatens vast de-
struction and which holds the world in fear is
surprise attack involving the Soviet Union and
the United States.
Fifth, we believe that, on the day these two
powers decide to open up to each other and to lay
bare their military potential, the security of the
whole world will be increased. A climate of
greater confidence will surely prevail. And in
that climate, the world will build the kind of
disai"mament and inspection system in which all
nations can put their trust — a system in which
all can reduce and limit and regulate armaments
and armed forces.
Gentlemen, these are five realistic, difficult, but
hopeful conclusions. The Eisenhower plan for
aerial inspection for peace is based squarely upon
them.
The United States also recognizes that these
five conclusions are matters of concern to each of
the Governments represented in the subcommittee
and to all nations of the world. Consequently, we
have suggested that an agreement between the
Soviet Union and the United States, putting the
proposal into effect without delay, might also pro-
vide for the adherence and participation, as
agreed, of designated countries on an equitable
basis, as soon as the plan is in operation.
The President's Plan and Inspection
The United States believes that inspection is the
key to arms limitation. No nation — not the
United States, not the Soviet Union nor any other
nation — can safely reduce its armed strength un-
less there is international agreement which will
enable all nations to know that these commitments
are being honored in fact.
The United States is by no means alone in this
conviction. Every government here represented
as well as those which are not holds firmly to this
belief.
President Eisenhower said on July 21, 1955 :
No sound and reliable agreement can be made unless it
is completely covered by an inspection and reporting sys-
tem adequate to support every portion of tlie agreement.
The lessons of history teach us that di-sarmament agree-
ments without adequate reciprocal inspection increase the
dangers of war and do not brighten the prospects of
peace.
Foreign Minister Pearson of Canada declared
on March 24, 1955 :
704
Department of State Bvlletin
Without some kind of control and inspection which
would give us a basis for confidence in any agreements
reached being observed, any disarmament proposals under
the present circumstances of fear and contention would
merely be a cruel and hypocritical delusion, and could be
put forward only for propaganda.
Foreign Minister Pinay last week assured the
General Assembly that
. . . general controlled disarmament was ever an objec-
tive of French foreign policy.
Prime Minister Eden of the United Kingdom
on July 21 at Geneva declared :
I fully support the principle enunciated by President
Eisenhower — that no disarmament plan can be acceptable
which does not contain a system of inspection and report-
ing which Is adequate to support every phase of the plan.
And the Prime Minister of the other of the two
principal nuclear powere professes similar views.
Here is what Marshal Bulganin told the Supreme
Soviet on August 4, 1955, in commenting on Pres-
ident Eisenhower's proposals :
The President of the United States justly remarked that
each disarmament plan boils down to the question of con-
trol and inspection.
The peoples of the world, who have the greatest
stake in the outcome of our work, would be well
justified in asking why, in view of such a show of
unanimity, we have not been able to get on with
the job.
One general answer is that in the past suspicion
has so mired the footsteps of nations on the path
toward agreement that the inspection idea could
never get off the ground. We believe that the
President's plan would lift the concept of inspec-
tion from this morass. It would rebuild that in-
ternational confidence which is the bedrock of any
Ijermanent, reciprocal system of inspection and
control. It would provide an important safeguard
against a great surprise attack, as well as a mas-
sive but simple test of inspection.
My Government believes that the Soviet May
10 proposals * for stationing ground observers at
certain key points would have merit if tliese in-
spectors had adequate powers and immunities. We
do not believe, however, that in the absence of
aerial inspection this system would provide ade-
quate security against surprise attack. Nor do we
believe it would be sufficient to support a compre-
hensive program of arms limitation and reduc-
tions. We note the absence of provisions in the
• IMd., May 30, 1955. p. 900.
Ocfober 3 J, J 955
May 10 proposals for inspection of atomic facil-
ities and the industrial facilities which back up
an arms program.
At one of our recent meetings, Mr. [Arkady A.]
Sobolev [U.S.S.R.] revised in an apparently frag-
mentary way the Soviet Union's 1947 proposal on
atomic energy control. I think it fair to say that
these ideas bear the marks of their date of origin.
We should be interested to know how the Soviet
Union would update these concepts.
We have other questions about the Soviet con-
cept of control wliich have remained unanswered
for some years, despite the May 10 proposals.
For example, we still wish to know whether the
inspectors could be on the job and ready to go to
work before any measures of arms limitation take
place. We should like to have more detail about
their rights and powers and their ability to inspect
the things which must be inspected if states are
to be sure that what is promised in international
agreements is actually performed.
Like Mr. [Antony] Nutting [Great Britain],
Mr. [Jules] Moch [France], and Mr. [Paul] Mar-
tin [Canada], I, too, would like to know just what
types of facilities and armaments would be in-
cluded in what the Soviet Union rather loosely
terms the "objects of control," that is to say, those
things subject to inspection.
These questions are of great importance for
reaching agreement. They are all the more sig-
nificant since changes in nuclear technology and
the accumulation of nuclear stockpiles have com-
plicated the task of inspection.
In the United States and in other countries
studies are under way to bring inspection methods
abreast of the problem. Doubtless, the Soviet
Union has under way a study consistent with its
realistic recognition of the new situation.
At Geneva we saw the beginnings of a new kind
of pragmatic approach to the problem, doubtless
in recognition of the limitations of the more elab-
orate older plans projecting goals more extensive
than inspection could now support. The "pilot
schemes" suggested by Prime Minister Eden and
M. Faure might well furnish practical experience
in inspection. They have been cogently ex-
pounded in these meetings by Mr. Nutting and
Mr. Moch. The United States believes they
should be considered in any plan on which we may
agree.
In the United States we are pursuing studies of
all these matters with great vigor under the high-
705
est priorities. I am authorized today to release
some specific details about these studies.
Establishment of Task Forces
As you know, President Eisenhower directed
that an intensive restudy of United States policy
on the question of disarmament be made. On the
basis of our preliminary inqtiiries it soon became
apparent to the President and the Government of
the United States that the situation required a
new, fundamental, and extensive expert study of
the methods of international inspection and con-
trol by the most competent authorities in Ameri-
can life. Accordingly, we selected outstanding
men to head up task forces in the appropriate
fields of inquiry.
I give you now the names of the chairmen of
each of these task forces, together with an idea
of its mission:
The Chairman of the Nuclear Task Force, to
which we look for progress toward a much desired
breakthrough, is Dr. Ernest O. Lawrence, the Di-
rector of the University of California Radiation
Laboratories at Livermoi'e, California. Associ-
ated with Dr. Lawrence is a large panel of some
of the most distinguished nuclear physicists in
America. As I told the subcommittee on Monday,
this group stands ready to consider any suggestion
which any government or any scientist may make
to develop fully effective means of accounting for
nuclear weapons material and the detection of
nuclear weapons if they are concealed.
The vital task of further designing methods for
aerial inspection and reporting is headed by Gen-
eral James H. Doolittle, now Vice President and
Director of the Shell Oil Company.
Inspection and reporting methods for Army and
ground units is the responsibility of Lieutenant
General Walter B. Smith (Retired), presently
Vice Chairman of the American Machine and
Foundry Company. Acting chairman at this time
is General Lucian K. Truscott (Retired).
Vice Admiral Oswald S. Colclough (Retired),
Dean of Faculties, George Washington Univer-
sity, heads the task force for navies and naval
aircraft and missiles.
Steel is the core of military industry. A great
American industrialist, Mr. Benjamin Fairless, of
the United States Steel Corporation, is chairman
of the task force for the steel industry.
Inspection and reporting methods for power
706
and for industry in general is the assignment of
Mr. Walker L. Cisler, President of the Detroit
Edison Company, and his group.
The study of methods of inspection and report-
ing of national budgets and finances has been
assigned to a distinguished economist. Dr. Harold
Moulton, of the Brookings Institution. In the
course of his studies he is devoting close attention
to the proposals of Premier Faure of the French
Government.
No system of inspection and reporting is better
than its communications system, which has pecu-
liar and difficult responsibilities in the nuclear age.
Dr. James B. Fisk, of the Bell Telephone Labora-
tories, and other members of a communications
task force, have been charged with designing a
method of rapid, continuous, reliable communica-
tions, without interference, necessary to imple-
ment an international inspection and reporting
system.
My colleagues and all who read my reference to
these ambitious studies will sense just how large
a review of our basic policies is under way.
Pending progress on tlie problem of inspection,
we have thought that candor required us to place
a reserve for the time being upon our past posi-
tions. We certainly do not reject or disavow our
past suggestions — nor do we believe it would be
realistic or logical to reaffirm them in blanket
fashion, confronted as we are by new difficulties
for inspection, by new proposals made at Geneva,
and by an evolving political situation.
We believe strongly that, as we work jointly
to find a more satisfactory answer to the problem
of inspection, President Eisenhower's plan would
be a guarantor of the peace.
President's Plan and Limitation of Armaments
The President's plan was not intended to be a
substitute for an overall progi"am for the limita-
tion and reduction of arms and armed forces.
Rather it was intended to make one possible. The
plan for aerial inspection for peace is a gateway
to disarmament.
In a memorable address on "The Chance for
Peace" on April 16, 1953,^ the President described
some of the great political issues which divided
the world, most of which still confront us. And
then he made this declaration:
' Ibid., Apr. 27, 1953. p. r,m.
Departmenf of State Bulletin
As progress in all these areas [that is, of political dis-
pute] strengthens world trust, we could proceed concur-
rently with the next great work — the reduction of the
burden of armaments now weighing upon tlie world. To
this end we would . . . enter into the most solemn agree-
ments.
At Geneva, when President Eisenhower had set
forth his proposals for providing against great
surprise attack, lie went on to point out that :
. . . what I propose, I assure you, would be but a begin-
ning. . . . The United States is ready to proceed in the
study and testing of a reliable system of inspections and
reporting and, when that system is proved, then to reduce
armaments with all others to the extent that the system
will provide assured results.
Let me assure all who hear me that if these con-
ditions are. met — if the relief of international
tensions by concrete acts proceeds concurrently,
and if, as, and when a reliable system of inspection
is devised — the United States will be in the fore-
front of reductions.
There is no hidden reason — no economic skele-
ton in the closet — which forces us to maintain any
particular level of armaments or of armed forces.
We could maintain them at present levels, we could
increase them greatly, or we could substantially
, reduce them.
P To demonstrate the readiness of the United
States to disarm, and its ability to do so and still
increase the prosperity not only of its own citizens
but of its friends elsewhere in the world, I read
into our record on September 19 the full story of
the strength of the United States armed forces,
year by year since the final year of the war. I
showed that from eleven and a half million in
round figures in the last year of war we came down
to a million and a half men before the Korean war.
If the conditions I have outlined are met, I sin-
Icerely do not believe we would have great difficulty
in agreeing on a proper level for our armed
forces. But I do believe these negotiations must
take account of factors which have grown in im-
portance since 1952, such us the increase in nuclear
stockpiles which we are unable to detect by
insjjection.
The United States delegation has aflirmed dur-
ing these meetings that a general disarmament
agreement should affect broad elements of armed
strength, including military bases. This applies
to those bases which, by the desire and at the re-
quest of other countries, the United States utilizes
abroad — as well as to the bases of the Soviet Union
at home and abroad.
Such bases are the products of the times and
tensions in which we have lived ; on our side they
have been developed as part of the efforts of the
free world to protect itself and to advance the
cause of peace.
If the circiunstances that brought them into
being are mitigated, then it is logical that as the
need for defense decreases the need for bases would
also decrease.
We have noted with interest the announcement
by the Soviet Union of its closing of bases at Pork-
kala and Port Arthur and of certain reductions in
armed forces. But we have pointed out, and I
reiterate, that we cannot evaluate such moves if
we have no official information about the overall
strength of the Soviet forces, or about the signifi-
cance of the Porkkala base, for example, in rela-
tion to a buildup or reduction of other important
Soviet bases in the Baltic complex.
Whether the United States reduces its forces
further or alters their composition in any way, or
whether agreement on disarmament comes late or
soon, the world should be sure of this :
The United States desires to prohibit the use of
the atomic weapon or any other weapon or armed
forces — be they guns, tanks, airplanes, rifles, or
anything else — in any way other than in accord-
ance with our obligations under the charter of the
United Nations and a defense against aggression.
The Prospect Before Us
As our recess begins, I believe we can report at
least some hopeful signs.
1. We have continued to pursue our delibera-
tions in the spirit of Geneva. I think that those
who have participated in these meetings in recent
years can testify to a real improvement in the
climate of discussion.
2. There is a common, avowed awareness of the
danger of annihilation which modern weapons
present to every country.
3. All of us agree on the existence of a new cir-
cmnstance of tremendous import for any plan of
disarmament — the fact that nuclear weapons ma-
terial can be clandestinely acciunulated in signifi-
cant quantities which inspection cannot presently
detect.
4. All of us are agreed on the priority impor-
tance of finding a method to guard against sur-
prise attack, particularly against nuclear attack.
5. There has been a partial — but only a par-
October 37, J 955
707
tial — moving together of ideas on inspection. The
Soviet Union, if it has not accepted the idea of
aerial inspection, either in the form of the Presi-
dent's plan or as part of a permanent comprehen-
sive system, has at least not rejected it. We on
our part are willing to incorporate into an inspec-
tion plan the concept of ground observere some-
what along the lines proposed by the Soviet Union.
Also, the British and French delegations have put
forward very valuable new ideas on inspection.
6. All of us are agreed on the desirability of
eventual limitations and reductions of all arms
and armed forces.
Our further progress, it seems to me, will be
greatly assisted if the Soviet Union will :
1. Accept the logic of its own findings with re-
spect to the unaccountability of nuclear weapons
and work with us to develop new methods appro-
priate to the situation.
2. Examine with us the best means of prevent-
ing surjjrise attack, and in particular develop its
ideas on the President's plan and upon aerial in-
spection as part of a permanent system.
3. Give the world the detailed assurances it
seeks with respect to the right of international
inspectors to go where they must and see what
they must if international agreements are to be
meaningful.
4. Forbear in its controlled propaganda from
defeatism and misrepresentation of the present
situation in respect of our work, which is one of
great but tentative begimiings.
5. Cooperate in the world arena in lessening
political tensions by concrete deeds in the many
remaining areas of disagreement.
I have tried as best I could in these meetings to
do justice to the purposes of the people and the
President of the United States. Much of what
I have said may be inadequate or may be obscured
in the verbatim record by the ebb and flow of
debate. In order that the documents which go
forward with the report itself may be complete
with respect to the President's plan and our own
policy, I am today tabling a U.S. memorandum
on that plan which will be circulated by the
Secretariat.
The United States is confident that the Disarma-
ment Commission, the General Assembly, and the
people of the world will approve the position
therein described.
Gentlemen, it remains for me to thank all of my
colleagues and our staunch associates in the Sec-
retariat for the privilege of association with them
in what I ti'ust will turn out to be a fruitful
endeavor. I know that all of us, and the cause
of humanity, for which we work, will succeed
in the end. The very nature of the alternatives
before us in this thermonuclear age does not per-
mit failure. Mankind has never been faced with
such extremes. On the one hand, there is a field of
devastation so absolute that the mind of man can-
not conceive it; on the other, there is a vista of
abundance greater than man has ever known.
Under God, there can be no doubt which path
the peoples will choose.
U.S. MEMORANDUM SUPPLEMENTING
OUTLINE PLAN FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF
PRESIDENTIAL PROPOSAL AT GENEVA
REGARDING DISARMAMENT
U.S. /U.N. press release 2220 dated October 7
Importance of Inspection and Control System in a
Disarmament Program
All five of the Governments represented in the
Subcommittee of the Disarmament Commission
have recognized the cnicial importance of effective
inspection and control in providing the assurance
that commitments to reduce and limit and regulate
armaments and armed forces will be honored.
President Eisenhower in his statement on disarm-
ament made at Geneva on July 21, 1955 reaffirmed
the desire of the United States to introduce "a
sound and reliable agreement making possible the
reduction of armaments." The President said "No
sound and reliable agreement can be made unless
it is completely covered by an inspection and re-
porting system adequate to support every por-
tion of the agreement. The lessons of history
teach us that disarmament agreements without
adequate reciprocal inspection increase the dan-
gers of war and do not brigliten the prospects of
peace."
The Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, Mar-
shal Bulganin, on August 4, 1955 told the Supreme
Soviet that "the President of the United States
justly remarked that each disarmament plan boils
down to the question of control and inspection."
Foreign Minister Pearson of Canada, Foreign
Minister Pinay of France, Prime Minister Eden of
the United Kingdom, have all within the last few
708
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
months emphasized the need for the kind of con-
ti'ol and inspection which would give a basis for
confidence that disarmament agreements would
be observed, and have all stressed the primary im-
portance of inspection and control of agreements
to reduce and limit armaments.
Difficulties of Assuring by Effective Inspection and
Control That All Nuclear Weapons Are Eliminated
Together with this recognition of the absolute
need for a control system adequate to support
every portion of a disarmament agreement, the
Governments represented in the Disarmament
Subcommittee have recognized the problems
caused by the vast technological developments in
an expansion of nuclear energy materials. The
Soviet Union, in its proposals of May 10, 1955,
noted that "there are possibilities beyond the reach
of international control for evading this control
and for organizing the clandestine manufacture of
atomic and hydrogen weapons, even if there is a
formal agreement on international control. In
such a situation, the security of the States signa-
tories to the international convention cannot be
guaranteed, since the possibilities would be open to
a potential aggressor to accumulate stocks of
atomic and hydrogen weapons for surprise attack
on peace-loving States."
In President Eisenhower's statement on disann-
ament at Geneva on July 21 this year, he said, "We
have not as yet been able to discover any scientific
or other inspection method which would make cer-
tain of the elimination of nuclear weapons. So
far as we are aware no other nation has made such
a discovery. Our study of this problem is con-
tinuing." The representative of Canada, Mr.
Martin, tlie representative of France, M. Moch,
and the representative of the United Kingdom,
Mr. Nutting, have all many times during the dis-
cussions of the Subconunittee noted the danger of
inadequate control of fissionable material, that all
our previous concepts have been rendered obsolete
by new scientific developments, and that it was
necessary to consider facts as they are today and
not as they were yesterday or the day before.
Mr. Nutting at the Subcommittee meeting of
October 5, 1955 sunnned up the views of all the
delegations when he referred to the "barrier of sci-
ence which pi-events us at this moment, on the ad-
mission of the Soviet Union, the United States and
every other delegation represented at tliis table,
from making nuclear disarmament the safe hope
for the world that we would wish it to be."
The present impossibility of establishing an ef-
fective inspection and control method that would
completely account for nuclear weapons material
is of exceptional importance. It means that no
nation has as yet been able to find any scientific or
other inspection method that would account for
all nuclear weapons material. It means that the
amount of unaccountability is of such magnitude
as to be an unacceptable unknown quantity of vast
destructive capacity.
What Should Be Done?
In the light of these circumstances, the United
States believes that two steps should be taken to
meet the issues posed by these facts. The first is
to continue the search for the method by which
complete accountability of nuclear materials and
reliable inspection and control might be attained.
The United States is already engaged in this
search. The United States has placed a nmnber
of its ablest scientists in continuing work on this
problem. The United States Government wel-
comes efforts by any other nation in tliis regard
and invites the scientists and officials of any nation
in tlie world, if thej- believe they have a method
which can completely account for past and present
production of fissionable materials and to insure
against improper diversion of nuclear weapons, to
come forward and advance for consideration such
a method.
Second, in addition to such continuing studj' and
research there must be a joint effort to reach agree-
ments which can reduce the possibility of war, and
in particular, and as a first priority provide against
the possibility of a great sm-prise attack.
President Eisenhower's Proposal
It is against this background that President
Eisenhower on July 21 proposed at Geneva that
steps be taken now, which would have an imme-
diate effect, which would be practical, and which
would strike at the very core of the disannament
problem — tlie suspicion and fear which are the
great causes of international tensions. The Eisen-
hower proposal called for an exchange of blue-
prints of their military establishments between
the Soviet Union and the United States and the
provision of facilities for reciprocal aerial recon-
naissance from one end to the other of these two
October 31, 1955
709
countries. Tlie purpose of this exchange is to
provide against the possibility of a great sm-prise
attack, particularly with nuclear weapons, the
importance of this having been previously i-ecog-
nized by the Soviet Union as well as by the United
States.
In expomuling these proposals made by the
President, in the Outline Plan presented by the
United States in the Disarmament Subcommittee
on August 30, 1955,^ in order to take into account
the views of the Soviet Union expressed in its May
10, 1955 proposals and at Geneva, as well as cer-
tain views of the other members of the Disarma-
ment Subcommittee, the United States noted,
"Each nation has recognized the need for ground
observers, and these will be stationed at key loca-
tions within the other country for the purpose of
allowing them to certify the accuracy of the fore-
going information and to give warning of evidence
of suqirise attack or of mobilization."
In introducing this August 30 Outline Plan, the
United States also recognized that the danger of
great surprise attack is a matter of concern to
each of the Governments represented in the Sub-
committee and to all nations of the world. It
is further realized that the carrying out of the
President's proposal will involve the cooperation
of each of the Governments represented in the
Disarmament Subcommittee, and the question
arises whether this exchange of military blueprints
and aerial reconnaissance should be confined to the
territorial limits of the United States and the So-
viet Union. It is the belief of the United States
that it is most essential that a beginning should
be made on the President's proposal by agreement
between the Soviet Union and the United States,
but that this agreement between these two coun-
tries putting the President's plan into effect with-
out delay might also provide for the adherence
and participation, as agreed, of designated coun-
tries on an equitable basis, once the plan is in
operation between the Soviet Union and the
United States.
Furthermore, it should be clear that the Presi-
dent's proposal is directed toward providing
against the possibility of a great surjjrise attack
of any kind with any weapon. So far as the in-
formation to be exchanged is concerned, it will
consist of the identification, strength, command
structure and disposition of personnel, units and
equipment of all major land, sea and air forces,
" U.N. doc. DC/SC. 1/31.
including organized reserves and para-military;
and a complete list of military plants, facilities,
and installations with their locations. It is not
contemplated that the blueprints of military estab-
lishments would include every specific detail.
Similar information would be simultaneously ex-
changed by each Government, as mutually agreed
upon by the two Governments, within the frame-
work of the United Nations. This exchange of
information would be directed toward safeguard-
ing against the possibility of a great surprise at-
tack, and the details of information to be ex-
changed are subject to negotiation.
So far as aerial reconnaissance is concerned,
however, the United States would not consider
that there are prohibited areas. In the words of
President Eisenhower, the United States "would
allow these planes, properly inspected, peaceful
planes, to fly over any particular area of the coun-
try that they wanted to, because in this — only in
this — M'ay could you convince them there wasn't
something over there that maybe was by surprise
ready to attack them."
Reduction of the Burden of Armaments
The United States believes that the taking of
this practical step to provide against the possi-
bility of surprise attack, as suggested in the Pres-
ident's proposals, will lessen danger and relax
international tensions.
By this very fact, a system guarding against
surprise attack as proposed by the United States
should make more easily attainable a broader
disarmament agreement. The lessons learned
through the mutual exchange of military blue-
l^rints and through reciprocal aerial reconnais-
sance will help measurably in the joint efforts of
the Disarmament Subcommittee to find an effec-
tive inspection and control system which will fully
support agreements to reduce, limit and regulate
armaments and armed forces.
It is the firm i^olicy of the United States Gov-
ernment that the relaxation of international ten-
sions through concrete deeds should proceed con-
currently with efforts to find a solution to the prob-
lem of armaments. As President Eisenhower said
at the Geneva Conference of Heads of Govern-
ment, "The United States Government is prepared
to enter into a sound and reliable agreement mak-
ing possible the reduction of armament."
The United States earnestly seeks an agi-eement
710
Departmenf of State Bulletin
for the reduction of all armaments and armed
forces, concurrent with the relief of international
tensions and when a reliable system of inspection
and control is devised. The problems of disarma-
ment have become increasingly complicated be-
cause of the changed technical circumstances
which have been i^reviously described. These
technical circumstances must be taken into account,
not only in devising a system of inspection and
control, but also in relation to the scale, timing
and ratio of any reductions wliich might be agreed
upon.
Wliile these considerations are being studied,
and while our scientists are trying to find methods
by which complete accountability for nuclear ma-
terial and reliable inspection and control might
be attained, it is imperative that we find the means
to provide against surprise attack and to attain
that degree of international trust indispensable to
a broad disarmament program supported by
effective inspection and reporting. The United
States believes that the Eisenhower plan is the
gateway to agi-eement in these further fields and
in itself provides a great assui-ance against war.
It is the hope of the United States that, upon
further consideration of the proposal of the Presi-
dent of the United States at Geneva on July 21,
the Outline Plan in implementation of the Presi-
dential proposal submitted to the Disarmament
Subcommittee on August 30, and the further ex-
planations made during the course of the Sub-
committee discussions and summed up in this
memorandum, that the members of the Subcom-
mittee, the Disarmament Commission and the
United Nations General Assembly inay decide
that the early execution of this plan would con-
tribute to the reduction of present international
tensions, would provide safeguards against major
surprise attack, would lessen the fear of war,
would assist in tlie development of a comprehen-
sive international agreement for the regulation,
limitation and balanced reduction of all armed
forces and armaments, and woidd advance the
cause of peace. It is the further hope of the
United States that agreement could be reached
to place the proposal of the United States into
effect at the earliest opportunity, and that the
members of this Subcommittee would continue
their efforts to reach agreement on an effective
system of international inspection and control
and upon a general program for reduction and
limitation of armament.
Meeting the Challenge for
Economic Progress
Statement hy Brooks Hays
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
It is altogether fitting and proper that we in
the Second Committee should devote to the sub-
ject of economic development a considerable por-
tion of our time and energies. We do so in
response to that f arseeing provision in the charter
which calls on the United Nations to promote —
and I quote from article 55 — " . . . higher stand-
ards of living, full employment, and conditions
of economic and social progi'ess and development."
It is indeed fundamental to the continuing peace
and stability of the world as a whole that all
peo^jles should have a chance to benefit in their
day-to-day living from the advances which man
has achieved in the techniques of production.
Let me say at once, Mr. Chairman, that, in the
matter of economic development, the interests of
the peoples of the so-called developed and under-
developed countries are essentially the same. As a
matter of fact, I have often felt that these terms
themselves are misleading. In my own country,
which is generally classed among the so-called de-
veloped, there are vast areas of underdevelopment
which cause us concern. I also am aware that
many so-called underdeveloped countries can show
substantial accomplishments in many fields. To
a considerable degree, we are all underdeveloped.
The truth is, if one may simplify, that some coun-
tries are on the whole more underdeveloped than
others. It is in the undoubted interest of all, at
whatever place in the scale, that the disparities
should be reduced and that the tide of rising ex-
pectations shall nowliere lead to frustration, dis-
illusionment, or misunderstanding.
How can this challenge be met ? What can the
international community do to assist countries to
further and to speed their economic development ?
I use the word assist because, in the last analysis,
the principal effort toward the economic develop-
ment of each country can only be made by the
people and government of that country. There
can be no substitute for the will to progress, whicli
is a compound of industry, enterprise, resolution,
the willingness to forego the satisfactions of the
'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Oct. 12 (U.S. delegation press release 2226). Mr. Hays
is a Member of the U.S. Hou.se of Representatives.
October 31, 1955
711
moment in favor of lasting gains. But this is
not to say that cooperative action in this field is
either useless or undesirable. On the contrary,
experience has clearly demonstrated the value of
certain forms of international effort to supplement
the efforts of individual countries. Let us exam-
ine some of the ways in which this has been done.
Technical Assistance
First of all, there is the exchange of technical
skills and experience. I refer to the various tech-
nical assistance programs carried on by individual
countries and by the United Nations and the spe-
cialized agencies under the expanded technical as-
sistance program. This is an outstanding ex-
ample of mutual self-help. My delegation will
have more to say about this when we come to it
on our agenda.
Nevertheless, it gives me great pleasure to be
able to announce that my Government will pledge
to the United Nations technical assistance pro-
gi'am for 1956 the sum of $15i/4 million. The
only limitation on this contribution is that it shall
not exceed 50 percent of all contributions.
Remarks made by one of the previous speakers
suggest the mistaken belief that the United States
Congress has attached conditions to our partici-
pation in the United Nations expanded program
of technical assistance. To remove tliis misunder-
standing and clarify the situation, I would like to
refer to Public Law 138, approved on July 8,
1955. The last paragraph of this act contains a
broad policy declaration. It says:
It is hereby declared to be the continuing sense of the
Congress that the Communist regime in China has not
demonstrated its willingness to fulfill the obligations con-
tained in the Charter of the United Nations and should
not be recognized to represent China in the United
Nations.
This is an expression of the sense of the Con-
gress, but it is in no way a condition or limitation
on the granting of funds for the United Nations
technical assistance program.
The purpose of my country's contribution to tliis
program — and in fact to all economic assistance
programs benefiting other countries — is well sum-
marized in a paragraph of the same law, Public
Law 138. Here it is stated — and I quote :
It is the sense of the Congress that assistance under
this Act shall be administered so as to assist other peoples
in their efforts to achieve self-government or independence
under circumstances which will enable them to assume an»
equal station among the free nations of the world and
to fulfill their responsibilities for self-government or in-
dependence.
As a member of the Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee of the House, which drafted this language, and
a participant in the congressional debate which
produced this legislation, I am in a position to
inform the committee that the language which I
have just read faithfully expresses the sentiment
of the Congress of the United States but in no
sense implies a limitation on the proposed con-
tribution to the United Nations technical assist-
ance program for 1956.
Work of Specialized Agencies
Another significant contribution of the interna-
tional community to the economic development of
underdeveloped countries is the work of various
technical bodies of the United Nations and the spe-
cialized agencies. The valuable research carried
on in technical fields by the Food and Agriculture
Organization, the World Health Organization,
and the regional economic conmiissions (to men-
tion only these) is a rich source of helpful infor-
mation to the underdeveloped countries. I have
mentioned particularly the Fag and the Who in
this connection because I feel that the relation-
ship of their work to economic development is not
always as clear as it might be. The greater por-
tion of the earth's population earns its living from
the soil. Increase in the productivity of agricul-
tural processes must go hand in hand with indus-
trialization if development is to proceed in bal-
anced fashion. The work of the Fag in the fields
of research and of technical assistance is therefore
an important contribution to sound development.
AVho is dedicated to the improvement of the su-
preme resource of any country — its human popu-
lation, whose health and physical well-being are
of paramount importance in any hoped-for eco-
nomic advance.
Finance
I now come to the subject of finance. Lack of
capital is by no means the only obstacle to develop-
ment in many countries, nor is it necessarily the
most important. Social or governmental insti-
tutions, shortages of necessary skills, a low level
of general education, unprogressive attitudes — all
or any of these may, and in individual cases fre-
712
Department of State Bulletin
queutly do, exercise an even greater retarding ef-
fect. They may sometimes make impossible the
full use of capital already available. Neverthe-
less, it is reasonable to expect that many countries
will in the course of the early stages of their eco-
nomic development reach a stage at which capital
available from internal sources is insufficient to
allow the rate of expansion they consider desirable.
The most natural and the best source of supple-
mentary capital in such cases is the international
capital market. A country which offers reasonable
^aranties against arbitrary or discriminatory
treatment can generally obtain private inter-
national investment capital on acceptable terms
for economically sound development projects.
"Wliile my Government feels strongly that pri-
vate international risk capital is the most promis-
ing, and in the long run the most beneficial, com-
plement to private internal capital in the develop-
ment process, we recognize the existence of special
problems requiring special solutions. In a country
which is attempting to speed its economic develop-
ment, there may be certain urgent projects, in
themselves not attractive to private investment,
but which are indispensable as preliminaries. To
meet this type of situation, special lending insti-
tutions have come into existence — the Inter-
national Bank for Keconstruction and De-
velopment and the Export-Import Bank. My
Government is gratified by the progress made to-
ward the establishment of the International
Finance Corporation and looks to the early com-
mencement of its operations. We are hopeful that
it will encourage and supplement private capital
in undertaking new tasks.
In addition, I believe it is opportune to mention
here that, under the vai'ious bilateral agreements
concluded since the war, the U.S. has made avail-
able to the less developed areas of the world some
$61/^ billion for reconstruction and economic de-
velopment. The aid program recently approved
by the American Congress calls for $162 million
in development assistance to the countries in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America. In addition, $127i^
million has been appropriated for bilateral tech-
nical cooperation programs.
Use of Surplus Foods
Mr. Chairman, I should like to call attention at
this point to a recent development. Tlie Fao has
published a most interesting report on a pilot
study in India of the possibilities of using surplus
foods to promote economic development.- This
study illustrates how the demand for consumer
goods resulting from increased employment pro-
duced by development projects could in large
measure be met by the use of food and fiber sur-
pluses which exist in some parts of the world to-
day. The benefits which could flow from this
type of arrangement in terms of controlling the
inflationary effect of a high rate of investment and
in diminishing the depressive effects of large com-
modity surpluses on world markets would seem to
warrant further exploration. It would prove
especially useful in countries where increased con-
sumer income is translated largely into additional
demand for food and clotliing. In simple terms,
this means that a country with substantial unem-
ployment or underemployment may, by using
agricultural surpluses made available for the pur-
pose, be able to set its unemployed to work on
needed development projects. The wages which
would be paid for this work would go to buy in-
creased quantities of food and clothing. And tliis
extra food and this extra clothing would come
from the agricultural surjiluses. In this fashion,
and without in any way disturbing normal trade
patterns, accumulated stocks of food and fiber
which might otherwise constitute a threat to the
normal price structure of these commodities in
international markets may be usefully employed
in furthering the economic development through
projects which might not find the necessary
financing. This is a most attractive possibility
and would seem to warrant careful study and ex-
ploration. Public Law 480 has been enacted to
enable the United States to participate in this kind
of international cooperation.
Since the passage of Public Law 480 a little
over a year ago, 21 agreements have been signed
with 17 governments involving the purchase of
surplus agricultural commodities.^ The total
market value of these agreements has amounted
to $3G0.S million. The foreign currency resulting
' Uses of Agricultural Surpluses To Finance Economic
Development in Undo-dcfcloped Countries: A Pilot fitudy
m India, Fao Commodity Policy Studies No. 6, June 1!)5.5;
may be .secured from the International Documents Service,
Columbia University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27,
N. Y., price $1.
' For a progress report on the Agricultural Trade De-
velopment and Assistance Act, see Btjlleti.\ of Aug. 1,
1955, p. 197.
October 31, 1955
713
from the sale of the commodities has been devoted
to a variety of purposes, but a large percent has
gone to loans or grants to further multilateral
trade and economic development. In fact, 43
percent has gone for these purposes.
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
The accelerating rate of progress in the field
of 23eaceful use of atomic energy offers promise
of new vistas which may profoundly' affect the
jjromises on which our ideas of development pos-
sibilities have hitherto been based. No one can
yet forecast the implications of these new dis-
coveries. My Government has already entered
into many agreements with other governments to
provide them witli equipment and fissionable ma-
terial so that they may be able to keep abreast of
work in this important field. It is our hope that
an agency for the peaceful uses of atomic energy
may shortly come into being to promote the peace-
ful uses of the atom for the benefit of all.
Discussions are currently under way or impend-
ing which, it is devoutly hoped, may lead to an
easing of past tensions and a resultant willing-
ness on the part of many countries to reduce their
armament burdens. Accomplishment of this aim
would, in the words of the President of the United
States,*
. . . lighten the burdens upon the backs of the people.
It would make it possible for every nation, great and
small, developed and less developed, to advance the stand-
ards of living of its people, to attain better food and
clothing and shelter, more of education and larger en-
joyment of life.
And, at San Francisco in June the President
stated,^
As some success in disarmament is achieved, we hope
that each of the so-called great powers will contril)nte
to the United Nations, for promoting the technical and
economic progress of the less productive areas, a portion
of the resultant savings in military exijenditures.
The widespread desire of the less developed
peoples for economic progress is one which we in
the United States share very sincerely with them.
The United States Government is contributing to
the economic progress of less developed countries
bilaterally. It is also proud to be associated with
other United Nations members in various multi-
' liid., p. 173.
" ma.. July 4, 1955, p. 3.
lateral endeavors toward the same goal. Even
with the aid of the new techniques now available
and the promise of achievement to come, the task
of eliminating poverty, disease, and ignorance will
be a long one. But it is a worthy one — an in-
dispensable one. To carry it forward with sound-
ness, with justice for all, and without loss of
precious human freedoms is worth our dedicated
effort.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
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Third Report of the United Nations Commission on the
Racial Situation in the Union of South Africa. A/2953
[transmitted August 26, 1955]. 304 ijp. mlmeo.
UXREF Executive Committee. Report on the First Ses-
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PSC/2, September 21, 1955. 20 pp. mimeo.
Question of the Correction of Votes in the General As-
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Agenda of the Tenth Regular Session of the General As-
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Statement by Mr. Philippe de Seynes, Under Secretary for
Economic and Social Affairs, Before the Second Com-
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11 pp. mimeo.
Report of the International Law Commission Covering
the Work of Its Seventh Session. Report of the
Secretary-General prepared in pursuance of General
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means for making the evidence of customary interna-
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10, 1955. 26 pp. mimeo.
Economic and Social Council
Calendar of Conferences for 1956. Note by the Secretary-
General. E/2784, August 1, 1955. 6 pp. mlmeo.
Calendar of Conferences for 1956. E/2793, August 5,
1955. 3 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Ad Hoc Advisory Committee of Experts on
the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders.
8-17 August 1955. E/CN.5/319, Augu.st 18, 1955. 23
pp. mimeo.
Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on Pre-
vention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities.
Provisional agenda for eighth session. E/CN.4/Sub.2/-
171, September 22, 1055. 3 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Children's Fund, Executive Board. Re-
port of the Programme Committee on its Meetings Held
at United Nations Headquarters 9, 18, and 14 September
1955. E/ICEP/L.S30, September 15, 1955. 11 pp.
Secretariat
Statistical Office of the United Nations. Timing and
Interrelationship of Population Censuses with Censuses
of Housing, Agriculture, Industry and Distribution.
ST/STAT/P/L.16, August 8, 19.55. 15 pp. mimeo.
714
Department of State Bulletin
Administrative Progress and Problems in
the United Nations and Its Agencies
Statement iy Chester E. Merrow
V.S. Representative to the General Assembly '
As you know, it has become almost a tradition
in the United States for the President to appoint
at least two Members of the Congress to serve
on the United States delegation to the United
Nations. As in all countries, such an appoint-
ment is one of the highest honors which one can
receive. I accordingly consider myself most for-
tunate to have been asked by President Eisen-
hower to serve as a delegate to this Tenth General
Assembly.
In the course of these first days of the General
Assembly, I have had an opportunity to meet a
number of my fellow delegates from many other
countries. "We have exchanged views on several
topics. One of the favorite topics has been the
comparison of assignments. In the course of our
discussions, I have been struck by the fact that
the Administrative and Budgetary Committee, to
which we here have been assigned, is a central and
all-important committee. Although the functions
of the committee are comparable to the appropria-
tions committees of national Congresses and Par-
liaments, they also extend to broader problems of
administration.
You, Mr. Chairman [Hans Engen], as the re-
spected Ambassador of Norway, a country known
for its interest in administration and economy,
and the distinguished chairman of the Advisory
Committee, Ambassador Aghnides,- are among
those whom I have met who share my own view
of the importance of this committee.
' Made in Committee V (Administrative and Budgetary)
on Oct. 11 (U.S. delegation press release 2224). Mr.
Merrow is a Memlier of the U.S. House of Representatives.
^Thanassis Aghnides (Greece), chairman of the Ad-
visory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary
Questions.
Because it is essential that the importance of
this body, the counterpart of similar committees
in our national Parliaments, be fully understood,
I hope I may be pardoned if I express my views on
the work of the Administrative and Budgetary
Committee and on its place in the United Nations
structure.
First, and of special importance, is the fact that
the Administrative and Budgetary Committee is
the only place in the United Nations where the
I'epresentatives of governments can examine to-
gether the organizational, administrative, and
financial structure of the various parts of the
United Nations system to insure the development
of a sound and integrated whole. This oppor-
tunity is of particular interest to me. During my
service in the Congress of the United States, I
have had the privilege of serving as chairman of
the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on In-
ternational Organizations and Movements. This
subcommittee conducted hearings and studied the
operations of the United Nations and the special-
ized agencies, and other international oi'ganiza-
tions. I was also head of a mission that visited
all of the specialized agencies located in Europe,
as well as the branch office of the United Nations.
This mission discussed with the key officials of
these agencies many of the problems which con-
cern us here. The report of the mission to the
Congi-ess ^ has been printed and given public dis-
tribution. With Ambassador Aghnides, I share
the experience and memory of attending the 1945
conference in London that drafted the Unesco
constitution. All of this makes the opportunity
for an exchange of views in the General Assem-
bly especially welcome.
' H. Kept. 1251, 83d Cong., 2d sess.
October 3?, 7955
715
It is well, perhaps, in this 10th anniversary year
of the United Nations, to begin with an across-
the-board look at the developments in our major
fields of concern — organizational matters, budgets
and contributions, personnel policy, and coordi-
nation of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies.
Growth of the United Nations System
First, in the organizational field. The years
since the establishment of the United Nations have
seen a growth not only in the United Nations it-
self but also the development of 10 specialized
agencies of the United Nations. There is the In-
ternational Labor Organization, which was origi-
nally part of the League of Nations and is seeking
to raise labor standards and improve working
conditions. Tlie Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion has been established to improve food and
agricultural production and distribution. To
promote peace through collaboration in educa-
tional, scientific, and cultural matters, there is the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization. The International Civil
Aviation Organization aims at developing inter-
national air transport and improving standards
of international air navigation. The task of
facilitating exchange of mail and imf)roving
world postal services falls to the Universal Postal
Union, one of the oldest international organiza-
tions, dating back to 1875. The World Health
Organization is dedicated to raising world health
standards. The International Telecommunica-
tion Union, which stems from an organization
established in 18G5, is engaged in promoting the
rational and efficient use of telecommunication
facilities. Better weather reporting is the aim
of the World Meteorological Organization, a re-
cent outgrowth of the International Meteorologi-
cal Organization. The International Bank and
the International Monetary Fund undertake to
facilitate the investment of capital for productive
pui-poses and to promote currency stability.
In addition to these permanent and regularly
supported specialized agencies, there are now five
programs operating under United Nations aegis
with the assistance of voluntary contributions.
These are the International Children's Fund, to
promote maternal and child welfare; the Tech-
nical Assistance Program, to bring about higher
living standards ; the Palestine Belief and Works
Agency, to provide food, shelter, and gainful em-
ployment for nearly 900,000 refugees ; the Korean
Reconstruction Agency, to relieve the suffering
and repair the devastation caused by aggression;
and the Eefugee Fund, to find permanent solu-
tions for limited groups of refugees.
The activities of these agencies and programs
extend to nearly every part of the world — to ap-
proximately 90 countries and territories, in fact,
thus reaching far beyond the membersliip of the
United Nations itself. The result is a growth in
the size of the regular international secretariats
until they now total more than 9,000 persons. To
this must be added the internationally recniited
personnel required to operate the voluntary pro-
grams — a total of approximately 2,200 persons.
This is exclusive of local assistance which runs
into the thousands.
This trend has led to organizational decentral-
ization, and this in turn raises the most difficult
kind of management problems, many of which
have yet to be solved in a satisfactory manner.
Through his organizational survey extending over
the last 2 yeai-s, the Secretary-General has sought
to assess the character of the problems which the
United Nations faces in this area. He is now in
the process of instituting measures designed to
improve overall United Nations management and
control of its far-flung opei'ations. Whether cur-
rent measures are an adequate answer to this
problem remains to be seen. I am convinced that
efforts in the same direction should be continued
in the United Nations and should be undertaken
in the specialized agencies.
Total Cost of the U.N. System
The Information Annex to the Budget Esti-
mates for 1956 (doc. A/2904/Add.l) shows us
that the gross budgets of the United Nations and
its siJeciaJized agencies, exclusive of the Interna-
tional Bank and International Monetary Fund,
total $85 million in 1955. To this should be added
$102,500,000, representing the approximate 1955
operating level of the voluntarily financed United
Nations programs of the International Children's
Fund, the Expanded Program of Technical Assist-
ance, the Refugee Fund, the Palestine Relief and
Works Agency, and the Korean Reconstruction
Agency. The combined total of regular budgets
and voluntary programs for 1955 approximates
$187,500,000. This compares to a total expendi-
716
Department of State Bulletin
ture figure of approximately $122,500,000 in 1947,
the first fully operative year of the United Na-
tions, the Children's Fund, and the then existing
specialized agencies (inclusive of the International
Refugee Organization, but exclusive of the Inter-
national Bank and Fund).
For the period from 1946 to 1954 inclusive, the
total of the United Nations and the currently ex-
isting specialized agency expenditures (exclusive
of the Bank and Fund) amount to approximately
$601 million. If the budgets for 1955 are added,
the cumulative total to date is $686 million. Add
to this $665 million representing the amount spent
on the voluntarily financed progi-ams of the United
Nations for the same period, plus $412,700,000
expended by the International Refugee Organiza-
tion, and we see that a total of $1,764,000,000 has
been devoted by the international community to
the work of the United Nations agencies.
If these facts and figures are to be really mean-
ingful in terms of the task of this committee, it is
necessary to analyze them briefly. The 1947 fig-
ures represent the initial development stage of the
United Nations, the International Children's
Fund, and seven specialized agencies, one of which
is no longer in operation, namely, the Interna-
tional Refugee Organization. The 1955 figure
represents the going programs of the United Na-
tions, eight of the specialized agencies, and five
major operating agencies, supported by voluntary
funds.
Translated into activities, the growing figures
spell cooperative international endeavor to keep
the peace, to raise standards of living through
economic and social development, to feed the
hungry, to care for the displaced and homeless,
to fight disease and ignorance, to facilitate man's
efforts to communicate, and to enhance man's en-
joyment of work and life. Given these goals, the
funds expended can be easily justified, provided
this committee and its counterpart in other agen-
cies exercise the necessary vigilance to insure that
waste, inefficiency, organizational defects, and un-
necessary overhead are eliminated and that the re-
sults achieved are commensurate with the outlay
of funds. The fact that the United Nations
budget seems to have reached a stabilization point
does not mean that we should relax our efforts to
find ways and means of improving efficiency and
eliminating unnecessary activities. This is a con-
tinuing responsibility of good stewardship. The
budgets of the specialized agencies should likewise
be subjected to continuing and careful scrutiny by
govermnents.
Sharing of Costs
At the same time that these regular budgets
of the United Nations agencies have been increas-
ing, there has been a trend toward more equitable
sharing of costs, so that no one member pays
more than one-third of the total budget in any
agency. The payment recoi-d in all agencies
would indicate that with few exceptions, where
the circumstances are most unusual, assessments
upon governments have not exceeded their capac-
ity or willingness to pay. This presents a sharp
contrast to the situation existing in the programs
financed by voluntary contributions, viz, the
Uiiited Nations International Children's Fund,
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for
Palestine Refugees, United Nations Korean Re-
construction Agency, United Nations Refugee
Fund, and the Expanded Technical Assistance
Program.
We had a report last week from Mr. Cutts,* the
chairman of the special committee set up to negoti-
ate and collect contributions for these programs.
This report indicated that pledges in particular
lag far behind the financial targets which have
been set in order to operate an adequate program.
This is in spite of the fact that the larger contribu-
tors assume a higher proportion of the total costs
than is the case with the regidar budgets. In
the light of the important tasks assigned to these
agencies, I believe we should give serious attention
to the possible reasons for this situation — whether
targets are set too high or governments are ignor-
ing their responsibilities or both.
The support of all member governments — and I
stress the word "all" — for the causes served by
the programs of the United Nations agencies must
be sustained and indeed increased. The form of
such support, i. e., through an international agency
or otherwise, and the amount of money devoted to
it will require a continuing assessment of the fol-
lowing factors, among others :
(a) whether an international agency can be
demonstrated to be the best instniment for meeting
the needs which are justifiably the concern of the
international community ;
*T. \V. Cutts (Australia). The reiiort of the Negotiat-
ing Committee for Extra-Budgetary Funds is U.N. doc.
A/2945.
October 31, 1955
717
(b) the degree to which the members of such
an agency are willing to bear an equitable share
of the financial burdens entailed in assuming such
international responsibilities. It is an inescap-
able fact that, if the brimt of the costs fall upon
a few member states, the undertaking is not truly
international and misunderstandings will surely
result ;
(c) and lastly, whether international assistance
will be adequately supported and supplemented by
national endeavor.
Personnel Management
Another major area of continual concern to this
committee has been the development of sound per-
sonnel policies. The record will show, I believe,
that this has been one of the most challenging but
difficult aspects of the development of interna-
tional organizations. This is due not only to the
human and personal problems involved but also
to the vastly different national traditions and ap-
proaches in dealing with these problems. Nev-
ertheless, considerable progress has been made in
developing among the United Nations agencies
good, sound, and consistent conditions of service
in respect of such matters as salaries and allow-
ances, pensions, leave, sickness and disability ben-
efits. Past and current debate in this committee
and in the specialized agencies indicates, however,
the continued existence of numerous unsolved
problems connected with staff morale and with
the selection, development, and maintenance of
competent staff of the highest integrity.
For example, concern has been reiterated many
times on such problems as attracting high caliber
staff, equitable geographical distribution, elim-
inating incompetent or unsuitable staff, giving en-
couragement and recognition to competent staff,
and development of an esprit de corps within the
organization. These utterances together with ex-
pressed attitudes and actions of the various staff
councils indicate that far gi'eater attention and em-
phasis needs to be given to ways and means of
improving jiersonnel management. It would ap-
pear to be essential, for example, to develop rec-
ognized and accepted standards of competence for
selection and promotion and to evolve methods for
applying these as objectively as possible. Mem-
ber governments, the staff, and the public at large
must be assured that the controlling criteria are
the charter standards of the highest integrity,
competence, and efficiency, and that to the extent
that these standards are met, due regard is paid to
recruiting on as wide a geogi-aphical basis as pos-
sible.
A second consideration is that perhaps the time
has come to examine the concept of geographical
representation to see whether the interests of the
organization might be better served if this is in-
terpreted to be a fair representation of the vari-
ous cultures indigenous to the various member
states. A mere counting of heads by nationality
does not serve the purpose of enriching the organ-
ization by the provision of diversified training,
background, and traditions. Still another factor
requiring attention is mentioned by the Interna-
tional Civil Service Advisory Board, a group of
international experts in this field, when it empha-
sized that adequate staff induction and training,
as well as effective supervision, are especially im-
portant in an international organization. Yet
there appears to be little evidence throughout the
agencies of specific programs to insure that these
needs are met. These are but a few examples, but
I believe this recital serves to illustrate how much
more can and should be done in the interest of
improving effectiveness of the staff.
Coordination of United Nations and Specialized
Agencies
"\^niile I have sought to present an overall sum-
mary of administrative progi-ess and problems in
the United Nations and its specialized agencies,
such a survey would not be complete without men-
tion of the question of coordination, as such.^
Considerable progi'ess in coordination among the
United Nations and its specialized agencies has
been made in the administrative field. There are,
for example, a generally comparable salary allow-
ance and leave system, a common pension system,
comparable personnel and financial regulations,
and certain common administrative services.
This accomplishment has been primarily due to
the combined efforts of the Advisory Committee
on Achninistrative and Budgetary Questions, the
Administrative Committee on Coordination and
its subcommittees, and the consistency of positions
of many of the governments represented in the
various organizations.
■^ For a statement on this question by Walter M.
Kotsclmig, Deputy U.S. Representative in the Economic
and Social Council, see Bulletin of Aug. 22, li)o'\ p. 317.
718
Department of State Bulletin
In view of this and the -work beinj^ xindertaken
by the Economic and Social Council to insure
coordination and integration of program plan-
ning, it seems timely to my delegation to explore
what measures this committee might recommend
to improve the combined operations and effective-
ness of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies.
Before advancing the suggestions of my delega-
tion, let me state briefly what I believe the basic
relation of the United Nations and its agencies
should be. The central fact is that each agency,
regardless of its constitutional autonomy, is a
vital part of the whole United Nations system.
In the eyes of the world, the success of a special-
ized agency is considered the success of the United
Nations itself and vice versa. Likewise, the weak-
ness of a specialized agency is considered to be
the weakness of the United Nations. There is
a reality we should not ignore.
Recommendations
Against this backgromid of progress and prob-
lems, I shall proceed to outline the views of my
delegation on both the issues before us which
require immediate action and those on which at-
tention needs to be focused and an excliange of
views encouraged if solutions are to be eventually
developed.
(1) We are satisfied with the role of the Advi-
sory Committee and the Contributions Committee,
and we shall on most points support their recom-
mendations for the 1956 United Nations budget
and scale of assessment. We note that both com-
mittees are authorized by the Assembly to render
service to the specialized agencies. The Contri-
butions Committee has been called upon by nu-
merous agencies to provide factual and statistical
data. The Advisory Committee received authori-
zation last year to visit the specialized agencies,
upon their invitation, to continue the study of
administrative and budgetary coordination. It
is understood that at least one agency has extended
an invitation to the Advisory Committee. It is
to be hoped that others will do likewise, since
there is a very real need for the budget of eveiy
U.N. organization to have the careful and thor-
ough type of expert examination which is given
by the Advisory Committee on behalf of govern-
ments.
The advantage of having one group do the task
for all agencies is obvious. It is a means by
which the administration and governments in
each agency can obtain objective advice on ad-
ministrative improvements that would lead to
better results for the money expended. It offers
a means of identifying and focusing attention
on common problems and the solutions thereto.
The question arises, however, as to how the Advi-
sory Coimnittee can fulfill its responsibilities to
the Assembly and at the same time perform a use-
ful role on behalf of the agencies.
Since article 17 of the United Nations Charter
places upon the Assembly certain responsibilities
for review of specialized agency budgets, we can
all agree that from the standpoint of the General
Assembly as well as of the specialized agencies
it is important for the Advisory Committee to
undertake such a role. The problem therefore
boils down to one of practical arrangements. It
would appear to my delegation that there ai-e sev-
eral possible courses of action that would enable
the Advisory Committee to fulfill this enlarged
role satisfactorily to all concerned. Before ad-
vancing any specific suggestions on this matter,
however, I think it is more fitting that we should
profit from any views the Advisory Committee
itself may have on this point. I hope that Am-
bassador Aglinides with his usual wisdom can
point the way for a fruitful discussion among
delegations and representatives of the specialized
agencies.
(2) The second major suggestion which grows
out of my introductory analysis is in response to
the need for giving more attention to achieving
better personnel management. This, of course,
can only be done successfully if the head of each
agency recognizes the importance of this matter
and gives it his full support. Otherwise day-to-
day operations will tend to crowd out such a pro-
gram. We would urge that the Secretary-General
and the heads of the various agencies give this
matter high priority during the course of the next
few years. It is important that the U.N. organiza-
tions benefit from modern techniques in personnel
management. One rather concrete proposal which
suggests itself on the basis of current U.S. experi-
ence is the institution of an incentive award
system.
The President of the United States, with con-
gressional approval, initiated a program of this
kind last November, as a means of enlisting the
ingenuity and inventiveness of every member of
Ocfofaer 37, 7955
719
the United States Civil Service in the cause of
greater efficiency and productivity. The chair-
man of the United States Civil Service Commis-
sion reported recently that during the first 7
months of operation 138,000 suggestions were re-
ceived, 35,000 adopted, about $1,500,000 was paid
out in cash awards, and the taxpayer benefited to
the extent of savings of $40 million. While the
unique and complex character of personnel prob-
lems in international organizations may require
considerable modification of national experience,
it is still valid to expect that these organizations
can benefit from experience like that of the United
States.
We also believe that the International Civil
Service Advisory Board could play a useful and
more active role in this connection. To date the
Board has issued advisory reports covering re-
cruitment, training, and standards of conduct.
They provide basic policy guides which can and
should be used to better jiurpose by all agencies,
but there has been no followup. More could be
done by the Board, particularly in assisting those
organizations to plan and develop sound programs
of this kind, tailored to the agency's needs.
(3) My third major suggestion is directed to
both the secretariats and the governments repre-
sented here and in other agencies. I believe, and it
is the belief of my Government, that greater vigi-
lance and restraint are required in order to avoid
an unduly large proportion of international budg-
ets being used for administrative and overhead
services. There are a number of specific measures
which could and should be employed with greater
fidelity to curb this tendency and which should
lead to greater economy.
( a) In the absence of exceptional circumstances,
major meetings of international organizations
should be held at headquarters.
(b) Meetings should be scheduled to avoid peaks
and valleys in the workloads for secretariats and
governments.
(c) There should be strict publication and docu-
mentation control. In this connection, my delega-
tion would like to suggest that the Fifth Commit-
tee might set an example and establish a healthy
precedent by foregoing simimary records except
for important debates. For many items on the
agenda, such as those we have just disposed of, the
rejDort of the committee constitutes an adequate
account of the proceedings.
This is not solely a United Nations problem.
The following plaintive note is sounded in the re-
port of the Program Commission of the last Gen-
eral Conference of Unesco.
In conclusion, the Commission wishes to call the atten-
tion of the General Conference to certain problems which
have not only caused delay but have also, in many cases,
reduced the effectiveness of its work. First is the prob-
lem of paper work. Never before has the Commission
had to consider so many documents as this year. ... A
considerable number of important resolutions were hidden
in these piles of papers, from which they had to be sorted
out in order to be adopted, or more often than not held
over for another meeting, or amended, or reamended, until
one's head began to spin.
This has an all too familiar ring and has been
echoed in these halls as well as elsewhere.
(d) ]\Ieetings should start promptly. In this,
some of the technical agencies such as Who main-
tain a better record than the United Nations or-
gans. The International Scientific Conference
on Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy in Geneva
last August was outstanding on this score. The
following excerpt from the closing address of the
president of the conference. Dr. Bhabha of India,
points to the fact that :
Its success is also due to the spirit and the manner in
which all the delegates have played their part. From
the very beginning meetings have begun and ended on
time, and all the speakers have adliered to the time limit
set in the program. I am told that this is by no means a
usual feature of international conferences. The difference
can perhaps be attributed to the circumstance that, in a
scientific conference such as this, each speaker has some-
thing concrete to communicate. I suppose that, when
one has nothing too concrete to communicate, there is no
inherent reason why, having started speaking, one should
stop.
My colleagues will be greatly relieved, I am sure,
to know that I have taken the last comment of Dr.
Bliabha to heart and that very soon I will stop.
Additional Special Items
]Mr. Chairman, I sliould like to indicate at this
point the United States position on several non-
recurring items which are important primarily in
the United Nations context.
My delegation strongly suj^ports the recom-
mendations of the Special Committee on Judicial
Review of Administrative Tribimal Judgments*
and hopes that the report of that committee will
enable the Fifth Committee to deal with this item
with a miniminn of debate.
' U.N. doc. A/2909.
720
Department of State Bulletin
The United States Government is also gratified
to note that the Secretary-General plans to com-
plete the headquarters construction in 1956 and,
in this connection, to erect a memorial plaque for
those who have died in the service of the United
Nations. We also consider it eminently just and
proper for the Fifth Committee to act favorably
on the proposal to establish a memorial cemetery
in Korea.
I could not close these general remarks without
expressing the appreciation of my delegation for
the work of the various standing committees which
serve the Fifth Committee so faithfully, such as
the Advisory Committee, the Contributions Com-
mittee, and the Board of Auditors.
My delegation would also like to associate itself
with the thanks expressed by the chairman of the
Advisory Committee, in the foreword to the com-
mittee's first report, to the persons who have con-
tributed to the work of the Advisory Committee.
This particularly applies to the valuable assist-
ance rendered by Mr. Watson Sellar, retiring
member of the Board of Auditors, and Mr. Hans
Cliristian xVndersen, retiring Controller, both of
whom have contributed so much to the sound
financial management of the United Nations.
The Fiftli Committee is indebted to Mr. Sellar,
who has served since the inception of the United
Nations, for his personal contribution to the de-
velopment of a thoroughgoing audit system and
for the enormous assistance rendered by the staff
of his Government department. Tribute is also
due the Government of Canada, which has made
this possible.
If, as on this occasion and others, we feel it
necessary to comment critically on certain details
of United Nations administration, we do so only
out of a desire to be helpful and consti'uctive. My
delegation is convinced that the United Nations
must continue to examine and improve its adminis-
trative practices if it is to fulfill the great hopes
that we — and I think the whole world — have for
its continued growth as an instrument working
for peace in this nuclear age. I have no doubt
that my colleagues on this committee are as con-
scious as I am of the great responsibility we bear
as overseers of an organization which embodies so
much hope and promise. If the United Nations is
to play the role expected of it in this disorderly
and uncertain world, those who carry out its man-
date will have to function with a high sense of
duty and teamwork.
Convinced as we are of the challenge and the
difficulty which this administrative task places
upon the Secretary-General, we stand ready
always to cooperate with him. His term of office
has been marked by accomplishments and im-
provements which merit our sincere pride and
gratitude.
I am confident that, if properly supported, the
United Nations system as it enters its second
decade will grow, develop, and increase in influ-
ence and effectiveness. We are engaged in waging
peace with an intensity and earnestness of purpose
never before experienced in the history of the
world. In that great effort the United Nations
system serves as one of mankind's major instru-
mentalities. The charter is a living organism and
has developed and must continue to develop as a
potent instrument for meeting the many complex
problems of international character which know
no boundary lines. As we trj- to project the fu-
ture, we can be certain that, with a concerted
effort on the part of all of us, the United Nations
system will succeed and help man realize his great-
est hope and that a new and peaceful world will
emerge through the instrumentality of the U.N.
structure. Toward that goal the Administrative
and Budgetary Committee, by making possible
more efficient use of available funds, can make a
major contribution.
U.S. Delegations to
International Conferences
Contracting Parties to GATT
The Dejiartment of State announced on October
20 (press release 610) that James C. H. Bon-
bright, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal, will be
chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Tenth
Session of the Contracting Parties to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt) , opening
at Geneva on October 27. The delegation also
includes the following :
Vice chairman
John M. Leddy, Special Assistant to the Deputy Under
Secretary for Economic Affairs, Department of State
Adtnsers
A. Richard DePelice, Chief, International Agreements
Branch, Trade Policy Division. Foreign .Agricultural
Service, Department of Agriculture
October 31, 7955
721
Ethel M. Dietrich, Director, Trade Division, U.S. Mission
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Euro-
pean Regional Organizations, Paris
Robert Eisenberg, Attach^, U.S. Embassy, Luxembourg
Morris J. Fields, Chief, Commercial Policy and United
Nations Division, Office of International Finance, De-
partment of the Treasury
Mortimer Goldstein, Assistant Chief, International Fi-
nance Division, Department of State
Walter Hollis, Office of the Assistant Legal Adviser for
Economic Affairs, Department of State
Eugene J. Kaplan, Chief, United Kingdom-Ireland Sec-
tion, British Commonwealth Division, Office of Eco-
nomic Affairs, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Depart-
ment of Commerce
Bernard Norwood, Trade Agreements and Treaties Divi-
sion, Department of State
Laurence G. Pickering, Trade Agreements and Treaties
Division, Department of State
George L. Robbins, Department of Agriculture
Joe A. Robinson, U.S. Consulate General, Geneva
Clarence S. Slegel, Assistant Director, European Division,
Bureau of Foreign Commerce, Department of Commerce
Leonard Weiss. Assistant Chief, Trade Agreements and
Treaties Division, Department of State
The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
is a trade agreement in which the United States
and 34 other countries participate. Initially ne-
gotiated in 1947, its rules of trade now cover more
than 80 percent of the world's commerce.
The Tenth Session is expected to last about 5
weeks. It will be concerned with problems that
have arisen under the agreement since the last
meeting of its adherents, which began October 28,
1954, and ended March 7, 1955.
At the Tenth Session there will be consultations
about the discriminatory import restrictions of five
countries : the United Kingdom, Ceylon, Australia,
New Zealand, and the Federation of Ehodesia and
Nyasaland. The consultations will include a
broad examination of (1) the impact on trade of
the restrictions in question and (2) the basis for
their retention. During this review, the U.S.
delegation will have the opportunity to seek infor-
mation regarding the operation of the import con-
trols of these countries and to press for relaxation
of those which appear to be unduly or unneces-
sarily severe.
The U.S. delegation also intends to hold infor-
mal talks with the delegations of several other
countries with a view to securing a relaxation of
certain of their import controls adversely affecting
American products.
The Contracting Parties will also review the
first annual report by the United States on restric-
tions on agricultural imj)orts into the United
States. Such restrictions are made in connection
with domestic price-support legislation on farm
commodities. At the Ninth Session the United
States obtained a waiver of its obligations under
the agreement in order to eliminate conflict be-
tween the requirements of this legislation and the
provisions of the Gatt laying down the conditions
under which import controls may be imposed.
The Contracting Parties will also consider at
the Tenth Session applications by Belgium and
Luxembom-g for authorization to maintain a lim-
ited number of restrictions on imports of agricul-
tural products. These apjilications are expected
to be considered in the light of aiTangements made
at the Ninth Session whereby a Contracting Party
in the process of eliminating the import controls
protecting its monetarj' reserves may be permitted
in special circumstances to continue certain of the
controls for a limited period of time. Such au-
thorizations are designed to facilitate the transi-
tion to the complete elimination of such import
controls and would contain safeguards for the in-
terests of other Gatt countries.
The delegations of the 35 governments will con-
sider a report by the six Gatt countries which con-
stitute the European Coal and Steel Conununity.
Tliese countries, Belgium, France, the Federal Re-
public of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the
Netherlands, will describe recent Csc operations
as they affect the coal and steel trade of their Gatf
partners.
THE DEPARTMENT
Appointments
Robert C. Hill, as Special Assistant to the Under Secre-
tary of State for Mutual Security Affairs, effective Octo-
ber 12 (press release 616 dated October 21).
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Recess Appointments
John J. Muccio, as Ambassador to Iceland, October 19.
722
Departmenf of State Bulletin
October 31, 1955
Index
Vol. XXXIII, No. 853
American Principles. Freedom, Kesponsibility,
and Law (Lodge) 696
Asia. The Problem of Peace — Ten Questions on
Communist Intentions in tlie Far East (Robert-
son) 690
China. Status of Geneva Talks With Red China
(Dulles) 689
Communism. The Problem of Peace — ^Ten Ques-
tions on Communist Intentions in the Far East
(Robertson) 690
Congress. Talks With Congressional Leaders Be-
fore Geneva Meeting 686
Disarmament. Disarmament and the President's
Geneva Proposal ( Stassen statement and text
of memorandum) 703
Economic Affairs
Meeting the Challenge for Economic Progress
(Hays) 711
U.S. Delegation to Contracting Parties to GATT . . 721
Europe
Dep.irture of U.S. Delegation to Geneva Foreign
Ministers Conference 686
Geneva Foreign Ministers Meeting (Dulles) . . . 687
Publication on Summit Conference 686
Talks With Congressional Leaders Before Geneva
Meeting 686
Foreign Service
Amendment of Tariff of Foreign Service Fees
(Eisenhower) 698
Recess Appointments (Muccio) 722
Guatemala. Termination of Guatemalan Trade
Agreement Proclamation (text of proclama-
tion) 695
Iceland. Recess Appointments (Muccio) .... 722
International Organizations and Meetings
U.S. Delegation to Contracting Parties to GATT . . 721
U.S. Delegation to Geneva Foi-eign Ministers Con-
ference 686
Military Affairs. Release of Stockpile Materials in
Event of Enemy Attack (Eisenhower) . . . 701
Mutual Security. The Task of NATO's Naval
Forces (Wright) 699
Near East
Middle East Question (Dulles) 688
United States Policy in the Middle East (Allen) . . 683
Nortli Atlantic Treaty Organization. The Task of
NATO's Naval Forces (Wright) 699
Presidential Documents
Amendment of Tariff of Foreign Service Fees . . . 698
National Olympic Day, 195.5 702
Release of Stockpile Materials in Event of Enemy
Attack 701
Termination of Guatemalan Trade Agreement Proc-
lamation (595
Publications
Current U.N. Documents 714
Publication on Summit Conference 686
State, Department of. Appointments (Hill) . . . 722
Treaty Information
Current Actions 702
Termination of Guatemalan Trade Agreement
Proclamation (text of proclamation) .... 695
U.S.S.R. Exchanges With Soviet Union (Dulles) . 689
United Nations
Administrative Progress and Problems in the United
Nations and Its Agencies (Merrow) .... 715
Disarmament and the President's Geneva Proposal
(Stassen statement and text of memorandum) . 703
Freedom, Responsibility, and Law (Lodge) . . . 696
Meeting the Challenge for Economic Progress
(Hays) 711
Name Index
Allen, George V 683
Dulles, Secretary 686, 687
Eisenhower, President 695,698,701,702
Hays, Brooks 711
Hill, Robert C 722
Lodge, Henry Cabot, .Tr 696
Merrow, Chester E 715
Muccio, John J 722
Robertson, Walter S 690
Stassen, Harold E 703
Wright, Jerauld 699
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: October 17-23
Releases may be obtained from the News Divi-
sion, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Subject
Dulles : transcript of news confer-
ence.
Exchange of medical films with
U.S.S.R.
Death of Carlos Davila.
Hollister : Colombo Plan meeting.
Delegation to GATT (rewrite).
Communique on congressional brief-
ing.
Representatives to Ethiopian Silver
Jubilee.
Dulles : departure for Geneva con-
ference.
Hoover: death of Carlos Davila.
Wilcox : "The U.N. After Ten Years."
Hill appointment (rewrite).
U.S. invitation on Atomic Energy
Agency.
Delegation to wheat agreement con-
ference (rewrite).
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bitlletin.
No.
Date
606
10/18
t607
10/18
*60S
t609
610
611
10/19
10/20
10/20
10/20
*612
10/20
613
10/21
*614
t615
616
t617
10/21
10/21
10/21
10/21
t6]S
10/22
the
Department
of
State
United States
Government Printing Office
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; FoZ. XXXIII, No. 854
i
November 7, 1955
OPENING OF GENEVA MEETING OF FOREIGN
MINISTERS
Statements by Secretary Dulles "27
Western Proposals for German Reunification and European
Security 729
Soviet Proposal on European Security 732
THE UNITED NATIONS AFTER TEN YEARS
Address by Assistant Secretary Wilcox 736
Address by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 736
USING THE ATOM FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL
PROGRESS IN ASIA * Statement by John B. Hollister . . 747
COMMUNIST CHINA AND AMERICAN FAR EASTERN
POLICY • Article by John M. H. Lindbeck 751
For index see inside back cover
Boston Public Library
juperintendeat of Documents
NOV 2 3 1955
^Ae z!/)efia/ytme7il: c^ tylate Vj W. 1 1 \J L i i 1
Vol. XXXIII, No. 854 • Publication 6053
November 7, 1955
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing OfHce
Washington 25, D.C.
Peice:
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Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 19, 1955).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OP State Buixetin as the source will be
appreciated.
Tim Department of State BULLETIN,
a ujeekly publication issued by the
Public Services Division, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the
Department of State and the Foreign
Service. Tlve BULLETIN includes se-
lected press releases on foreign policy,
issued by the White House and tlie
Department, and statements and ad-
dresses made by the President and by
the Secretary of State and other offi-
cers of tlie Department, as well as
special articles on various pluises of
international affairs and tlie func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which tlie United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative nuiterial in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Opening of Geneva Meeting of Foreign Ministers
Following are statements made by Secretary
Dulles at the Conference of Foreign Ministers at
Geneva on October 27 and 28; the text of the pro-
posals of France^ the United Kingdom^ and the
United States for German reunification and Eu-
ropean security dated October 28; and the text of
the Soviet proposal of the same date deali?ig with
European security.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
OCTOBER 27
We meet here charged with a heavy load of re-
sponsibility. Last July the Heads of our Gov-
ernments declared here their desire for a stable
peace and reduction of tensions. The four were
able to agree on three issues wliich must be re-
solved in pursuit of these ends.^
At the same time, tlie summit conference clearly
brought out deep differences as to the proper road
and means to achieve these objectives.
The problem is this : Each of our Govermnents
recognizes that tlie present situation is not a sat-
isfactory basis for a secure peace. At the same
time, each has a concern that any changes should
not impair its security. This is only natural.
The existing tension and distrust have deep
roots that cannot easily be eradicated. But we
have reached a critical point where we must either
move forward in a series of common actions which
will restore confidence or else tlie futiu-e might be
not merely like the past, but worse still, a deterio-
ration of the past.
The three topics on our agenda illustrate the
nature of this problem.
Taking first tlie problem of Germany, all rec-
ognize that the division of Germany is a gi'ave
injustice and a source of instability. We have all
^ For text of the July 23 directive to tlie Foreign Min-
isters, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 19.55, p. 176.
agreed that Germany should be reunified by free
elections. Yet to achieve German reunification at
this stage requires that we each be satisfied that
this step will not impair our security.
Recognizing this necessity, the United States is
prepared to join in assurances related to German
unity which will preclude any revival of German
militarism. These, we believe, take proper ac-
count of all legitimate security interests, includ-
ing those of the Soviet Union, and should permit
of proceeding promptly to achieve the reunifi-
cation.
The second item, disarmament, poses a similar
problem. All recognize that present levels of
armaments are a heavy burden on the various na-
tions and sliould be reduced, not merely as a meas-
ure of economy but because armaments designed
for security may in fact lead to war. But no one
of us can be expected to reduce our military capa-
bility materially except in step with similar reduc-
tions by others. Hence progress clearly depends,
not merely on agreeing to reduce but also on as-
surance that the agreed reduction will actually
take place. Otherwise none will feel that it can
safely carry out the agreed reductions.
That is why the United States, the United King-
dom, and France have placed such heavy em-
phasis on an adequate inspection and control sys-
tem as a prerequisite to genuine disarmament.
Meanwhile President Eisenhower's proposal for
the exchange of blueprints and aerial inspection
could create an atmosphere conducive to progress
in this field.
And touching on the third item of contacts, we
all agree that greater contact between us could
serve to promote mutual understanding. But in
this field also we cannot expect, all at once, far-
reaching action which will ignore all security con-
siderations. We must tackle first those areas which
on one hand do not seriously involve the security
of either side, and which on the other hand as-
sure reciprocal benefits.
November 7, 1955
727
statement by President Eisenhower
White House Office (Denver) press release dated October 26
Three months ago Secretary Dulles and I, with
the governmental leaders of France, Great Britain,
and the Soviet Union, met at Geneva. The pur-
pose, as I said in opening that conference, was to
"create a new spirit that will make possible future
solutions of problems which are within our re-
sponsibilities." '
The world hopes that that conference did in fact
create that new spirit.
However, as I said to the American people on
my return, the "acid test" would come when the
Foreign Ministers would, in accordance with our
Geneva directive, tackle concretely these problems
for which our nations have responsibility and which,
if unresolved, create tension and danger.
Tomorrow the four Foreign Ministers meet at
Geneva to resume where we left off last July.
They will seek solutions which are possible if that
new spirit is real. Foremost among these measures
is the reunification of Germany within a frame-
work of European security.
Secretary Dulles and I think alike with respect to
these matters. We have often discussed them and
twice within the last two weeks he and I reviewed
together the positions and the proposals which will
be made at Geneva by the Western nations. These
will be designed to promote a peace of justice, with
increased security and well-being for all. They
will reflect a genuine spirit of conciliation and
accommodation. If the Soviet Union responds in
a similar spirit, much progress can be made. That
is my personal hope, as I am confident it is the
hope of the American people.
We shall all of us follow with eagerness the de-
velopments at Geneva, for they will go far to dem-
onstrate whether the "spirit of Geneva" marks a
genuine change and will actually be productive of
the peaceful progress for which the whole world
longs.
■ Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1955, p. 171.
The United States comes to this meeting dedi-
cated to exploring patiently and sincerely all pos-
sible approaches to realistic solutions of these prob-
lems. We hope this spirit will be reciprocated.
We shall have various proposals on these mat-
ters which seek to meet legitimate Soviet concerns.
Our proposals aim to make possible the necessary
changes in present conditions on a basis which does
not impair the security of any other and indeed
would greatly enhance that security by the re-
moval of the existing sources of instability and ten-
sion. We hope that the Soviet Union will give
these proposals the serious and sympathetic con-
sideration which we believe they deserve.
The hope which I have expressed is the hope of
President Eisenhower, whose thoughts are much
with us, and I deeply appreciate your thought of
him. Even since his illness he has twice discussed
with me fully the problems which confront us here,
and he yesterday made a statement about our work,
a copy of which I should like to circulate as a con-
ference document.
We here shall, I know, all be conscious of the
fact that, as President Eisenhower says in the state-
ment of yesterday to which I alluded, the devel-
opments at Geneva will go far to demonstrate
whether the "spirit of Geneva" marks a genuine
change and will actually be productive of the
peaceful progress for which the whole world longs.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES,
OCTOBER 28
I would like now to address myself to some of
the observations that were made by Mr. Molotov,
and, in the first instance, to the condemnation of
what Mr. Molotov called "military blocs" but
which are in reality collective security associa-
tions.
I realize that there is a difference of opinion
between our Governments with reference to these
matters, and probably it will not be possible to
resolve all those differences at this time, but I
could not pass without comment the condemna-
tion of these collective defense organizations.
Why, indeed, should it be that nations should
not join together to help each other against what
they consider to be a common danger, or in pur-
suance of what they consider to be a sense of com-
mon destiny? Individuals do that. It is con-
sidered the appropriate way to get security. And
the charter of the United Nations, to which we
have all subscribed, defines that as an inherent
right of nations.
It is suggested that these collective defense
associations are a cause of increased military ex-
penditures, and in support of that these figures
are given showing that in the case of some of our
countries our military budgets went up very
sharply between the year 1948 and the year 1951.
But it should not be forgotten that some things
happened during that period other than the forma-
tion of collective security associations. There
were the events which took place in Czechoslo-
728
Department of State Bulletin
vakia, there was the blockade of Berlin, there was
the attack upon the Republic of Korea. Anyone
who examines history realistically must see that it
was such events as these that led to the increase of
military budgets, and not the creation of collec-
tive security associations.
Indeed, I think it is demonstrable that the mili-
tary budgets of each of the "Western powers would
have gone up much more sharply than they did
were it not for the fact that because of military
security we thought that we could help each other
out and, therefore, did not need, in each individual
nation, as large a military budget as would have
been felt necessary had we stood alone.
Mr. Molotov has said, and said with some reason,
that security pacts of themselves do not necessarily
provide adequate security, and I think he put the
question : how do we get security? Well, I think
that the way to get security is to try to end some
of the injustices which prevail in the world and
whicli sometimes drive people into acts of violence
which otherwise they would not commit. One of
those injustices, and one the responsibility for
which we liere are charged with, is the continued
division of Germany.
We have come here with proposals to deal with
each of these two problems, the solution of which
would serve the interests of consolidating peace.
We have put on the table yesterday,- through For-
eign Minister Pinay, the proposal for the unifica-
tion of Germany, which reflects in essence the
Eden Plan which was put forward at our Berlin
conference,^ and the new proposals to give secu-
rity assurance in connection with the reunification
of Germany.
The suggested treaty of assurance on the reuni-
fication of Germany is new, and it represents an
honest, sincere, painstaking effort to carry out the
directive in that respect and to meet what we rec-
ognize to be a legitimate preoccupation of the
Soviet Union and, indeed, of all of us, as against
the possibility that Germany might again become
a militaristic state.
I was very glad to hear Mr. Molotov say that he
would study these proposals more carefully, be-
cause it is quite obvious that his initial reaction is
based upon an inadequate understanding of the
' The proposals presented on Oct. 27 were circulated as
a conference document on Oct. 28.
' Bulletin of Feb. 8, 1954, p. 186.
document. As I understood Mr. Molotov, his basic
objections to the proposal, as he understood the
proposal, were in essence two : one to the effect
that the proposal required Germany to become a
party to Nato, and the other was that the sanc-
tions of the treaty were mere "consultations."
Dealing with the first point, let me say that there
is nothing whatsoever in the treaty proposal which
conflicts with the provision of the Eden Plan that
the all-German Government shall have authority
to assume or reject the international rights and
obligations of the Federal Republic and the Soviet
zone of Germany.
Let me make it perfectly clear and emphatic:
There is nothing whatsoever in the treaty pro-
posal which requires Germany to become a mem-
ber of Nato. It is recognized that a reunified
Germany will be free to accept or to reject existing
obligations with reference either to Nato, to Brus-
sels, or to Warsaw. That is a complete freedom,
and nothing in our proposals is in any way con-
trary to that.
We shall, of course, examine carefully the pro-
posal which the Soviet delegation has submitted.
In looking at it in the few minutes that have been
available, I think it will be found that some at
least of the provisions of our proposals coincide
with the i^roposals of the Soviet delegation.
The proposal of the Soviet delegation, so far
as I can see, is in no way connected with the re-
unification of Germany, and, therefore, it would be
difficult for us to consider it until we see the pro-
posal which the Soviet delegation says it intends
to submit for the reunification of Germany.
When we see the two together, then we shall be
able to appreciate them better.
PROPOSALS OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF FRANCE,
THE UNITED KINGDOM, AND THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA FOR GERMAN REUNIFI-
CATION AND EUROPEAN SECURITY
Press release 628 dated October 28
At the Geneva conference, the Heads of Government
recognized, in their directive to the Foreign Ministers,
the common responsibility of the Four Powers for the
reunification of Germany by means of free elections in
conformity with the national interests of the German
people and the interests of European security.
France, the United Kingdom and the United States of
America have striven unceasingly for the reunification
of Germany in freedom in order to promote real stability
in Europe. Last year they put forward, in the Eden
Plan, proposals which offer the German Nation the means
November 7, 1955
729
to recover its unity in accordance with the rights of
peoples and liberty of the individual. They renew these
proposals in the paper attached hereto.
Free elections leading to the formation of a single
government for the whole of Germany are the right way
of ensuring full participation of the German people in
the solution of the German problem, which the Soviet
Government says it also desires. If agreement in prin-
ciple is reached during the present Conference, it should
be possible to settle without delay questions concerning
the Electoral Law and the supervision of the elections,
which could take place as early as 1956.
Without German unity, any system of European
security would be an illusion. The division of Germany
can only perpetuate friction and insecurity as well as
grave injustice. France, the United Kingdom and the
United States of America are not prepared to enter into
a system of European security which, as in the Soviet
proposals put forward at Geneva, does not end the division
of Germany.
At the Geneva conference, the Soviet Government ex-
pressed concern about the policy and associations of a
reunified German Government. The Soviet Union ap-
pears to fear that a unified Germany, established by
free elections and free to choose its associates in collec-
tive defense, would constitute a threat to the security of
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The fact is that
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Western
European Union are strictly defensive organizations.
Far from constituting a threat to peace, they contribute
to the security not only of their members but of all
states. This is evident from the various limitations and
restrictions which the members of the Western European
Union have assumed and from the restraint on individual
action which the Nato system imposes on its members.
If a reunified Germany elects to associate itself with these
organizations, the inherent obligations of restraint and
control would enhance rather than detract from Soviet
security.
Nevertheless, to remove any possible grounds for Soviet
refusal to reunify Germany promptly, France, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America are prepared
to take further steps to meet the concern expressed by
the Soviet Government. They accordingly propose the
conclusion of a treaty in the terms set forth below, con-
currently with the conclusion of an agreement to reunify
Germany under the Eden Plan. This treaty would com-
prise undertakings to refrain from the use of force and
to withhold aid from an aggressor, provisions for the
limitation and control of forces and armaments, and the
obligation to react against aggression. The treaty would
enter into force only in conjunction with the reunification
of Germany. It would be carried out by stages. Its
signature would be concurrent with the signature of the
agreement on the Eden Plan. The final stage would be-
come effective when a reunified Germany decides to enter
NATO and the Western European Union.
France, the United Kingdom, and the United States
of America are convinced that these proposals could lead
to an agreement satisfactory to both sides. If the Soviet
Union's concern over immediate German reunification is
primarily security, these proposals should constitute an
acceptable basis for negotiation since they ijrovide a
system of control in which the Soviet Union would di-
rectly participate, and reciprocal assurances from which
the Soviet Union would directly benefit. Such a settle-
ment, by creating confidence in an area vital for world
security, would facilitate the solution of even wider
problems.
Outline of Terms of Treaty of Assurance on the
Reunification of Germany
The treaty, which would be concluded concurrently
with an agreement on the reunification of Germany under
the Eden Plan, would cover the following subjects :
1. Renunciation of the use of force —
Each pai'ty would undertake to settle, by peaceful
means, any international dispute in which it might be
involved and to refrain from the use of force in any man-
ner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.
2. Withholding support from aggressors —
Each party would agree to withhold assistance, mili-
tary or economic, to any aggressor, and any party could
bring the aggression to the attention of the United Na-
tions, and seek such measures as are necessary to main-
tain or to restore international peace and security.
3. Limitation of forces and armaments —
In a zone comprising areas of comparable size and depth
and importance on both sides of the line of demarcation
between a reunified Germany and the Eastern European
countries, levels for armed forces would be specified so as
to establish a military balance which would contribute
to European security and help to relieve the burden of
armaments. There would be appropriate provisions for
the maintenance of this balance. In iiarts of the zone
which lie closest to the line of demarcation, there might
be special measures relating to the disposition of military
forces and installations.
4. Inspection and control —
The parties would provide information on an agreed
progressive basis on their armed forces in the zone. There
would be agreement on progressive procedures of mutual
inspection to verify such data and to warn against any
preparation for surprise attack.
5. Special warning system —
In order to provide added depth to the surveillance
system on both sides and thus give further protection
agaiuBt surprise attack, provision could be made to
establish :
A) in the Western part of the zone mentioned in para-
graph 3, a radar warning system operated by the Soviet
Union and the other Eastern members of the treaty, and
B) a like system in the Eastern part of that zone oper-
ated by the Nato members of the treaty.
6. Consultation —
There would be suitable provision for consultation
among the parties to implement the Treaty.
7. Individual and collective self-defense —
It would be provided that nothing in the Treaty would
impair or conflict with the right of individual and col-
lective self-defense recognized by the United Nations
730
Department of State Bulletin
Charter and Treaties under it. No party would continue
to station forces in the territory of any other party with-
out the tatter's consent, and upon request of the party
concerned any party would withdraw its forces within a
stated period, unless these forces are present in the
territory concerned under collective defense arrange-
ments.
8. Obligation to react against aggression —
Each party would agree that armed attack in Europe by
any party which is also a Nato member, against any
party which is not a Nato member, or vice-versa, would
endanger the peace and security which is the object of
this Treaty, and that all the parties would then take
appropriate action to meet that common danger.
9. Entry into force by stages —
The provisions would come into effect progressively at
stages to be agreed.
Plan for German Reunification in Freedom
Method of Reunification
German reunification and the conclusion of a freely
negotiated Peace Treaty with a united Germany should
be achieved in the following stages :
I — Free elections throughout Germany.
II — The convocation of a National Assembly resulting
from those elections.
Ill — The drafting of a Constitution and the prepara-
tion of Peace Treaty negotiations.
IV — The adoption of the Constitution and the forma-
tion of an all-German Government responsible for the
negotiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty.
V — The signature and entry into force of the Peace
Treaty.
I— FREE ELECTIONS THROUGHOUT GERMANY
Free and secret elections should be held throughout
Germany including Berlin at the earliest possible date.
These elections must be held in conditions of genuine free-
dom. Safeguards must be agreed to assure this freedom
before, after and during the elections. The elections
must also be supervised in such a manner as to make
sure that these safeguards are observed and that the
elections are properly conducted.
(1) Preparation for the Elections
(a) The Electoral Law
The Electoral Law should be prepared by France, the
Unjdn of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United
States of America, In consultation with German experts,
taking into consideration the electoral laws already
drafted for this purpose by the Bundestag of the Federal
Republic and the Soviet Zone Volkskammer. When ap-
proved by the Four Powers it should be published
throughout Germany. Elections should take place as
soon as possible thereafter.
(b) Guarantees for Free Elections
The draft electoral law must contain provisions which
will guarantee the genuine freedom of the elections.
These include, amongst others :
Freedom of movement throughout Germany.
Freedom of presentation of candidates.
Immunity of candidates.
Freedom from arbitrary arrest or victimisation.
Freedom of association and pnlitical meetings.
Freedom of expression for all.
Freedom of the press, radio and television and free
circulation of newspapers, periodicals etc.
Secrecy of the vote.
Security of polling stations and ballot boxes.
(c) Supervision of the Elections
Supervision should be carried out by a Supervisory Com-
mission throughout the whole of Germany. There should
be a central body with subordinate bodies at Land and
local levels. All votes should be counted and verified at
local headquarters in the presence of the Supervisory
Commission.
(i) Composition of Supervisory Commission — The
Commission should be composed of representa-
tives of the Four Powers with or without the
participation of neutrals, assisted by Germans in
a consultative capacity,
(ii) Organisation of the Commission — The Commis-
sion should work on a Committee basis. Its de-
cisions should be taken by majority vote,
(iii) Functions and Powers of the Commission — The
principal task of the Commission will be to en-
sure that the elections take place in genuine free-
dom and in strict conformity with the provisions
of the Electoral Law.
(2) Method for Completing the Above Preparations
The Foreign Ministers must in the first place agree on
the principles contained in this Plan. They will then
give instructions accordingly to a Working Group, con-
sisting of the principal representatives in Germany of the
Four Powers, or members of their staffs, which will work
out the necessary details and submit a report.
This report should include, in particular :
(1) the draft of the all-German Electoral Law;
(2) detailed recommendations regarding the super-
vision of the elections.
The Working Group should begin work not later than
two weeks after the Foreign Jlinisters have agreed on the
principles contained in this Plan. It .should submit its
report to tlie Four Governments not later than one month
after beginning its work.
II— THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
The all-German elections will establish an all-German
National Assembly.
During the period between the end of the elections and
the full assumption of control by tlie all-German Govern-
ment, it will be desirable for part of the supervisory ma-
chinery to remain in operation, in order to prevent action
after the elections which would impair the conditions of
genuine freedom under which they will have been held, as
November 7, 1955
731
provided in Section I (1) (b) above. Recommendations
on tliis subject should be included in tlie report of the
Working Group.
Ill— DRAFTING OF A CONSTITUTION AND PREPARATION OF
PEACE TREATY NEGOTIATIONS
The National Assembly vpill begin drafting a Constitu-
tion as soon as possible after its first meeting. Mean-
while, it may form a provisional all-German Authority
charged with as.sisting the Assembly in drafting the Con-
stitution and with preparing the nucleus of the future all-
German executive organs. The Authority may also open
with the Four Powers preliminary negotiations for the
Peace Treaty.
IV— ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION AND FORMATION OF
AN ALL-GERMAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSIBLE FOR THE
NEGOTIATION AND CONCLUSION OF THE PEACE TREATY
The draft of the Constitution will be submitted to the
Assembly as soon as possible. Immediately after it has
been adopted an all-German Government will be formed.
This Government will then be responsible for the nego-
tiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty. At the same
time, sucli other institutions as may be provided for in
the Constitution shall be established.
As soon as the all-German Government has been formed,
the National Assembly will determine how the powers of
the Federal Government and the German authorities in
the Soviet Zone shall be transferred to the all-German
Government, and how the two former shall be brought to
an end.
The all-German Government shall have authority to
assume or reject the international rights and obligations
of the Federal Republic and the Soviet Zone of Germany
and to conclude such other international agreements as
It may wish. The Four Powers will support any applica-
tion of the all-German Government to accede to the United
Nations Organization.
Each of the Four Powers will exercise, with respect to
the National Assembly, the provisional all-German Author-
ity and the all-German Government, only those of its rights
which relate to the stationing of armed forces in Germany
and the protection of their security ; Berlin ; the reunifi-
cation of Germany ; and a Peace Treaty.*
Decisions of the National Assembly, the provisional all-
German Authority and the all-German Government in
carrying out this Plan will not require the approval of the
Four Powers. Such decisions may not be disapproved
except by a majority vote of the Four Powers.
V— SIGNATURE AND ENTRY INTO FORCE OF THE
PEACE TREATY
The signatories to the Treaty should include all States,
or the successors thereof, which were at war with Ger-
many. The Treaty should enter into force when ratified
by the Four Powers and by Germany.
SOVIET PROPOSAL OF OCTOBER 28<
General European Treaty on Collective Security
in Europe: Basic Principles
For the purpose of ensuring peace and security and of
preventing aggression against any state in Europe,
For the purpose of strengthening international coopera-
tion in conformity with the principles of respect for the
independence and sovereignty of states and noninterfer-
ence in their internal affairs.
Striving to achieve concerted efforts by all European
states in ensuring collective security in Europe instead of
the formation of groujiings of some European states di-
rected against other European states, which gives rise to
friction and strained relations among nations and ag-
gravates mutual distrust.
Having in view that the establishment of a system of
collective security in Europe would facilitate the earliest
possible settlement of the German problem through the
unification of Germany on a peaceful and democratic
basis,
European states, guided by the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations, conclude a General
European Treaty on Collective Security in Europe the
basic provisions of which are as follows :
1. All European states, irrespective of their social sys-
tems, and the United States of America as well, may be-
come parties to the Treaty provided they recognise the
jmrposes and assume the obligations set forth in the
Treaty.
Pending the formation of a united, peace-loving, demo-
cratic German state, the German Democratic Republic
and the German Federal Republic may be parties to the
Treaty enjoying equal rights with other parties thereto.
It is understood that after the unification of Germany the
united German State may he a party to the Treaty under
general provisions hereof.
The conclusion of the Treaty on Collective Security In
Europe shall not affect the competence of the four pow-
ers—the U. S. S. R., the U. S. A., the United Kingdom and
France — to deal with the German problem, which shall
be settled in accordance with decisions previously taken
by the Four Powers.
2. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to refrain
from aggression against one another and also to refrain
from having recourse to the threat or use of force in their
international relations and, in accordance with the Charter
of the United Nations, to settle any dispute that may
arise among them by peaceful means and in such a way
as not to endanger international peace and security in
Europe.
3. Whenever, in the view of any State-party to the
Treaty, there is danger of an armed attack in Europe
against one or more of the tStates-parties to the Treaty,
they shall consult one another in order to take effective
steps to remove the danger and to maintain security in
Europe.
* The provisions of this plan are subject to any pro-
visions of a security agreement concluded in connection
with the reunification of Germany. [Footnote in original.]
' For text of the identical proposal introduced at the
"summit" conference, see The Geneva Conference of
Heads of Oovernnient, July 18-2S, 1955, Department of
State publication 6046, p. 48.
732
Department of State Bulletin
4. An armed attack in Europe against one or several
States-parties to the Treaty by any state or group of
states sliall be deemed to be an attaclv against all the
Parties. In the event of such an attack, each of the
Parties, exercising the right of Individual or collective
self-defence, shall assist the state or states so attacked
by all the means at its disposal, including the use of
armed force, for the purpose of re-establishing and main-
taining international peace and security in Europe.
5. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake jointly
to discuss and determine as soon as possible the procedure
under which assistance, including military assistance,
shall be provided by the States-parties to the Treaty in
the event of a situation in Europe requiring a collective
effort for the re-establishment and maintenance of peace
in Europe.
6. The States-parties to the Treaty, in conformity with
the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, shall
immediately inform the Security Council of the United
Nations of any action taken or envisaged for the purpose
of exercising the right of self-defence or of maintaining
peace and security in Europe.
7. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake not to
participate in any coalition or alliance and not to con-
clude agreements the objectives of which are contrary to
the purposes of the Treaty on Collective Security in
Europe.
S. The States-parties to the Treaty undertake to pro-
mote a broad economic and cultural cooperation among
themselves as well as with other states through the de-
velopment of trade and other economic relations, the ex-
pansion of cultural ties on a basis excluding any
discrimination or restrictions which hamper such coop-
eration.
9. In order to implement tlie provisions of the Treaty
concerning consultation among its Parties and to consider
questions arising in connection with the task of ensuring
security in Europe, the following shall be provided for :
(a) Regular or, when required, special conferences at
which each State shall be represented by a member of its
government or by some other specially de.signated repre-
sentative ;
(b) The setting up of a permanent consultative political
f committee the duty of which shall be the preparation of
appropriate recommendations to the governments of the
States-parties to the Treaty ;
(c) The setting up of a military consultative organ the
terms of reference of which shall be specified in due
course.
10. Recognising the special responsibility of the per-
manent members of the United Nations Security Council
for the maintenance of international peace and security,
the States-parties to the Treaty shall invite the Govern-
ment of the Chinese People's Republic to designate repre-
sentatives to the organs set up in accordance with the
Treaty in the capacity of observers.
11. The present Ti-eaty shall not impair in any way tlie
I obligations of European states under international trea-
' ties and agreements to which they are party, provided the
principles and puriX)ses of such agreements are in con-
formity with those of the present Treaty.
12. The States-parties to the Treaty agree that during
the first period (two or three years) of the implementa-
tion of measures for the establishment of the system of
collective security in Europe under the present Treaty
they shall not be relieved of the obligations assumed by
them under existing treaties and agreements.
At the same time the States-parties to existing treaties
and agreements which provide for military commitments
shall refrain from the use of armed force and shall settle
by peaceful means all the disputes that may arise between
them. Consultations shall also take place between the
parties to the corresponding treaties, and agreements in
case any differences or disputes arise among them which
might constitute a threat to the maintenance of peace in
Europe.
i:;. Pending the conclusion of agreements on the reduc-
tion of armaments and the prohibition of atomic weapons
and on the withdrawal of foreign troops from the terri-
tories of European countries, the States-parties to the
Treaty undertake not to take any further steps to increase
their armed forces on the territories of other European
states under treaties and agreements concluded by them
previously.
14. The States-parties to the Treaty agree that on the
expiration of an agreed time-limit from the entry into
force of the present Treaty, the Warsaw Treaty of May
14, 195.5. the Paris Agreements of October 23, 1954, and
the North Atlantic Treaty of April 4, 1949 shall become
ineffective.
15. The duration of the Treaty shall be 50 years.
Secretary To Visit Austria
and Yugoslavia
Press release 621 dated October 25
The Department of State announced on October
25 that the Secretary of State plans to take ad-
vantage of his presence at the Geneva Conference
of Foreign Ministers to pay a visit to President
Tito of Yugoslavia. The Secretary will fly to
Brioni on November 6, vphere he will confer with
President Tito and be the latter's guest at luncheon.
The Secretary of State is particularly pleased to
be able to make this visit since he has never been
to Yugoslavia and has not had the opportunity
previou.sly to meet President Tito. The visit will
afford an opportunity for a general exchange of
views on problems of current interest.
En route to Yugoslavia the Secretary of State
hopes to be able to stop at Vienna, Austria, for an
unofficial visit on November 5 in order to attend
the opening of the Vienna State Opera that night
as tlie guest of Ambassador Thompson. These
plans are, of course, dependent upon developments
at the Foreign Ministers Conference at Geneva.
November 7, 1955
733
President Sends Greeting
to People of Berlin
FoUoioing is the text of a message from Presi-
dent Eisenhoioer to the people of Berlin, read hy
John J. McCloy, foriner U.S. High CoTrmiissioner
for Germany, at a ceremony held at Berlin on
October 2]^ to observe the fifth anniversary of
the- installation of the Freedom Bell.
I send my personal greetings to the people of the
City of Berlin, whose indomitable courage
throughout the airlift and through many other
trying experiences has meant so much to the people
of the Free World. The steadfastness of the City
and its people has always produced the warmest
response in the hearts of the people of the United
States.
I give you my assurance of the continued con-
cern of my country for the well-being of the City,
and our firm support for the miity of Berlin, and
of all Germany.
Soviet Obligations Concerning
Germany
Following is the text of a note delivered hy the
Am,erican Embassy at Moscow on October 27 to the
Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs in reply to
a Soviet note of October 18, together with the
text of the Soviet note.
U.S. NOTE OF OCTOBER 27
Press release 627 dated October 28
The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Ailairs, and, with reference to the Ministry's
note of October 18, 1955, concerning the agree-
ments concluded on September 20, 1955, between
Marshal Bulganin and Mr. Grotewohl, has the
honor to state the following views of the Gov-
ernment of the United States.
As the Govermnent of the United States has
already made clear in its note of October 3, 1955,^
these agreements can in no way be regarded as re-
leasing the Soviet Government from its obliga-
tions under existing Four-Power Agi'eements, and
in particular its responsibility for ensuring the
• Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1955, p. 616.
734
normal fimctioning of communications between
the different parts of Germany, including Berlin.
For its part, the United States Government can-
not accept the allegation contained in the Minis-
try's note that, in treaties it has concluded with
the Federal Government of Germany, it has vio-
lated the obligations it had assumed under quadri-
partite agreements.
SOVIET NOTE OF OCTOBER 18
The Ministry of Foreign AfCairs of the Uniou of Soviet
Socialist Republics presents its compliments to the Em-
bassy of the United States of America and In connection
with the latter's note of October 3 has the honor to state
the following:
On September 20 of this year the Government of the
Soviet Union and the Government of the German Demo-
cratic Republic concluded "A Treaty on Relations Be-
tween the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the
German Democratic Republic," which after ratification
by the Parliaments of both countries has come into force.
According to the treaty, relations between the Soviet
Union and the German Democratic Republic are settled
on a basis of full e<iuality, mutual respect of sovereignty,
and noninterference in internal affairs. The treaty pro-
vides for the cooperation of the Soviet Union and the Ger-
man Democratic Republic in the interests of guaranteeing
peace and security in Europe, and the reestablishment of
the unity of Germany on a peaceloving and democratic
basis.
In concluding the treaty with the German Democratic
Republic, the Soviet Government at the same time made
the decision on the abolition of the function of the High
Commissioner of the U.'S.S.R. in Germany, and also on
the termination of the validity on territory of the Ger-
man Democratic Republic of laws, directives, and decrees
of the former Control Council in Germany issued by the
occupying powers in the course of exercising rights of
occupation of Germany.
At the same time, considering the actual situation
which has come about at the present time, when on the
territory of Germany there exist two independent sov-
ereign states, the Soviet Union established diplomatic
relations with the German Federal Republic. Thus, the
Soviet Union has at the present time diplomatic relations
with both states existing on the territory of Germany.
The Government of the United States of America has
diplomatic relations with one German state — the German
Federal Republic — with which it has concluded well-
known treaties in violation of the obligations which it
assumed under the four-power decisions in relation to
Germany. Absence of normal relations of the United
States of America with the other part of Germany — with
the German Democratic Republic — cannot, naturally,
serve as an obstacle to the proper regulation of relations
between the Soviet Union and the German Democratic
Republic.
In signing the treaty on the relations between the
U.S.S.R. and the German Democratic Republic, the parties
Department of State Bulletin
proceeded from the premise that the German Democratic
Republic exercises its jurisdiction on territory under its
sovereignty, which, of course, also applies to communica-
tions on that territory.
As for control over the movement between the Gennan
Federal Republic and West Berlin of military personnel
and freight of fiarrisons of the U.S.A., Great Britain, and
France, quartered in West Berlin, in negotiations between
the Governments of the D.S.S.R. and the German Demo-
cratic Republic, it was stipulated that this control would
henceforth be carried out by the command of the Soviet
military forces in Germany temporarily until the achieve-
ment of a suitable asreement.
It is self-understood that, in concluding the above-men-
tioned treaty, the Governments of the Soviet Union and
the German Democratic Republic took into consideration
the obligations which both have under existing inter-
national agreements relating to Germany as a whole.
In connection with the foregoing, the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs of the U.S.S.R. has the honor to send the
Embassy for its information texts of the "Treaty on Re-
lations Between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
and the German Democratic Republic" and documents con-
nected therewith."
NATO Fellowship and Scholarship
Program
Press release 626 dated October 28
The North Athxntic Council has approved ar-
rangements for the Nato Fellowship and Scholar-
ship Program announced last July. This action
was taken in implementation of article 2 of the
North Atlantic Treaty, which provides for coop-
eration in nonmilitary fields. The Fellowship and
Scholarship Program is designed to promote the
study of historical, political, constitutional, legal,
social, cultural, linguistic, economic, and strategic
problems which will reveal the common heritage
and historical experience of the Atlantic countries,
as well as the present needs and future develop-
ment of the North Atlantic area considered as a
community.
The sum of 13,500,000 French francs has been
set aside for the 1956-57 program.
Arrangements have been made to provide two
categories of awards :
'■ Not printed here.
Nato research fellowships to be awarded to
established scholars for a period of a few months ;
Long-term scholarships to be awarded to
younger scholars for the 1956-57 academic year.
Candidates must be nationals of a member state
and must undertake to pursue their research or
study in one or more member countries. They
will be selected by a Selection Committee under
the chairmanship of Ambassador L. D. Wilgress,
the Canadian Permanent Eepresentative to Nato,
who is also chairman of the Nato Committee on
Information and Cultural Eelations.
The following have agreed to serve on the Se-
lection Committee :
James B. Conant, United States Ambassador to the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany and formerly President of
Harvard University
Robert Marjolin, Professor at Nancy University and for-
merly Secretary-General of the Organization for Euro-
pean Economic Cooperation
Alberto Tarchiani, formerly Italian Ambassador to the
United States
H. U. Willink, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge,
and formerly vice chancellor of Cambridge University
U.S. citizens wishing to be considered for these
awards should communicate with the following
agencies, which are cooperating with the Depart-
ment of State in administering the program in this
country :
For research fellowships — Conference Board of
Associated Research Councils, Committee on In-
ternational Exchange of Persons, 2101 Constitu-
tion Avenue, N.W., Washington 25, D. C.
For long-term scholarships — Institute of Inter-
national Education, One East 67th Street, New
York 21, N. Y. Requests for consideration in this
category must be received by December 1, 1955.
Fellows and Scholars will be required to pre-
pare a report on their research or study and sub-
mit it to Nato, in English or French, not later
than 3 months after the expiration of the fellow-
ship or scholarship.
It is expected that this progi'am will point the
way to new means of cooperation among Nato
member countries in the nonmilitary sphere.
November 7, 1955
735
The United Nations After Ten Years
Following are texts of addresses made in observance of United Nations
Day hy F7'ancis . Wilcox, Assistant Secretary for International Organiza-
tion Affairs, and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. Representative to the United
Nations.
ADDRESS BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY WILCOX > ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR LODGE'
Today we are celebrating an important birth-
day — the United Nations is 10 years old. It is
rounding out its first decade of existence as man-
kind's most successful effort to harmonize the
actions of nations and "to save succeeding genera-
tions from the scourge of war." Born from the
holocaust of the Second World War, its first 10
years has been an era of uneasy peace and re-
stricted conflict. Yet its existence is perhaps our
best guaranty against a third general war, which,
in this nuclear age, could mean the destruction of
our civilization.
Like most liirthdays when we grow a little older,
this is a time for sober thought as well as
celebration.
President Eisenhower has called the United
Nations "sheer necessity." Let us I'eview the
10-year record and see why this is so. '\'\niat is
the importance of the United Nations to us and
what part do we play in it? ^Yhat are some of
its main problems? "Wliat are its prospects for
the future?
The Role of the United Nations
To me, one of the most impressive things about
the LTnited Nations is the number and variety of
problems it deals with — problems that we couldn't
handle alone if we wanted to. The 50 nations who
^ Made before the Cincinnati Council on World Affairs,
Cincinnati, Ohio, on Oct. 24 (text as delivered; the ad-
vance text of the address was issued as press release
615 dated Oct. 21).
[Continued on page 740)
To be in Salt Lake City is inspiring to anyone
who has read American history and who has thus
learned of the faith of the pioneers who, with
classic courage, braved every hardship to get here
and to found this beautiful city. They were men
and women who valued their freedom and who
were profoundly religious.- They were, therefore,
men and women who were ready to try new de-
vices and to take adventurous steps if need be.
They knew that they could not achieve these great
goals by looking back.
This same pioneer courage must animate all
Americans today — in whatever part of the country
they may live — if they are to achieve peace with
justice. Certainly we cannot organize peace by
looking back or by clinging to obsolete ways of
thinking. But if we inspire ourselves with the
courage and the faith and the adventurousness of
our j^ioneers, we have a good chance of making a
better world.
The pioneer spirit has helped the United Na-
tions achieve its past successes. More of that same
spirit will make it succeed again in the future.
This is a big year in United Nations history —
and not merely because this happens to be the
tenth year of the United Nations' existence.
It is big because so much concrete accomplish-
ment has been crowded into the last 10 years in
si:)ite of many obstacles.
This reflects credit on the United Nations.
It is a big year because the number of Ameri-
cans who expect miracles to be wrought by the
United Nations has dwindled to an insignificant
number, just as the number of those who fear that
'Made on Oct. 2.3 at Salt Lake City, Utah (U.S./U.N.
press release 2229 dated Oct. 17).
736
Department of Slate Bulletin
the United Nations is a threat to our sovereignty
has also dwindled.
Both of tliese dwindlings reflect credit on the
American people.
Two truths sliould be set down : One is that the
age of miracles will not be brought about by any
manmade international organization ; the other is
that what we have now at the United Nations is
no conceivable infringement of or threat to any
nation's sovereignty, including our own. It is
interesting in this connection that the polls show
that slightly more Americans wish to merge the
United States Government into a world govern-
ment than wish to get out of the United Nations.
The first course would be fantastic and the second
course would be imprudent. It is well that only a
small number think either of these things. I am
against both of them. Between them they add up
to only 11 percent, which can be compared with
the 74 percent who, at the latest count, thought the
United Nations was doing a good job. This was an
alltime high.
So there has been progress in the last 10 years
both at home and at the United Nations.
The Achievements of Ten Years
"We can best assess the progress of the United
Nations by remembering, first, that the basic as-
sumption at San Francisco 10 years ago was that
there would be big-power unity, notably between
the United States and the Soviet Union — an as-
sumption which broke down scarcely before the
ink on the United Nations Charter was dry.
With this fact in mind, we can next ponder the
following record :
That, in spite of this lack of big-power unity,
the United Nations has in the last 10 years played
a decisive part in
— extinguishing the threatened Communist ag-
gression in Iran and causing withdrawal of Soviet
troops there;
— ending the Communist war against Greece;
— preventing open warfare over Kashmir be-
tween India and Pakistan ;
— bringing about the advent of Israel into the
family of nations and the ending of war in the
Holy Land;
— the emergence of Indonesia as an independent
nation; and
— the successful fight of IG free nations to repel
the bloody Communist aggression in Korea.
In Korea the United States contribution was,
of course, overwhelming and indispensable.
Nevertheless, our United Nations allies sent the
equivalent of two divisions of troops to fight be-
side the forces of the United States and the Re-
public of Korea. Measured in money, this effort
saved us at least $600 million a year (which can
be compared with our $13 million contribution to
the United Nations) . Measured by the far graver
arithmetic of human life, it meant 17,000 casual-
ties, including over 3,000 dead.
Of course these contributions from other United
Nations members were not big enough. It is cer-
tain that they would have been considerably
bigger and would have included troops from still
other nations if it hadn't been for the policy which
prevailed at that time. This policy was that any
nation contributing troops in Korea had to equip
and maintain those troops itself or reimburse the
United States for their equipment and mainte-
nance. Naturally there were a number of coun-
tries who had many good and brave soldiers but
who did not have the resources to equip them.
This was, therefore, a mistaken policy. If ever
an occasion similar to Korea occurs again — which
God forbid I — this is a mistake which will not be
repeated.
In the past 3 years, still over fierce Soviet ob-
struction, the following new achievements have
been added through United Nations action :
We achieved the Korean Armistice, retaining
the vital rule that no prisoner could be sent back
to coinmunism against his will.
We placed the Soviet Union on the Communist
side at the Korean Political Conference, instead
of allowing it to attend as a "neutral."
We condemned the Communist atrocities
against our troops in Korea and fully exposed
their brutal methods of getting false germ war-
fare "confessions."
We stopped the Soviet plot to use its United
Nations veto to torpedo the Monroe Doctrine and
take over Guatemala, and thereby we achieved a
great victory for freedom.
We constantly used the United Nations forum
to fight the cold war against communism, to ex-
pound communism's horrors, and to proclaim the
merits of the free system.
We continued to keep Communist China out of
tlie United Nations — thus keeping the United Na-
tions faithful to its character as an organization
November 7, 1955
737
of "peace-loving" nations, and also preventing an
immense gain in prestige and influence for world
communism.
A particularly vivid example of what an inter-
national organization can accomplish which no
individual national government can in all proba-
bility do for itself was the liberation of the 15
American fliers who were illegally detained by
the Chinese Communists. We have many to thank
for this result : our allies who stood by us from the
very beginning, other governments which helped,
the tireless eilorts of Secretary-General Ham-
marskjold who put his own reputation on the
chopping block and left no stone unturned, even
going to Peiping in person ; and to the patience and
forbearance of the American jseople, under the
leadership of President Eisenhower whose judg-
ment on how to handle this anguished question
was thus so clearly vindicated. But the under-
lying fact is that the passage of a General As-
semblj' i-esolution by an overwhelming vote last
December created a state of world opinion which
made the release of these prisoners desirable, not
only from our viewpoint but from that of their
captors. Any person can look at these 15 young
men and say to themselves, "One of these might
have been my child — or my brother — or my
friend" and then reflect on the direct value of the
United Nations to him or her.
The United Nations opens many doors and
builds many bridges and creates many ojipor-
tunities which would not exist otherwise. The
international scientific conference which was held
at Geneva last summer under the terms of a Gen-
eral Assembly resolution, which in its turn was
passed in response to the suggestion of President
Eisenhower in December 1953, has led to the free
exchange of much information which, until then,
had been considered highly secret by all sides.
Then for the first time since the end of World
War II there is real hope that some progress can
be made toward disarmament — and, what is
equally fundamental, toward real inspection,
without which true disarmament cannot exist.
President Eisenhower's projaosal at Geneva last
smnmer for aerial inspection should, if agreed to,
go far to make surprise attack impossible, and
this, of course, is a boon to the whole free world,
who would never be aggressors in any war. If
tliis Tenth Session of the General Assembly can
adopt the President's "open sky" proposal as a
world policy, humanity will have taken one of its
great forward steps and the Assembly will stand
in history as a major milestone away from bar-
barism and war.
Experience has taught us that if the world can
only know — if light can be thrown into dark
places — many of the principal causes of tension
and of war are eliminated. That is another merit
of President Eisenhower's aerial inspection
scheme. If we know what is being done behind
the Iron Curtain, it is better for us — and it is bet-
ter for them, too, in the long run.
The United Nations deals with more than war
and conflict. For years it has carried on small but
effective programs of technical assistance to help
people grow more food, cure disease, and leai'n to
read ; programs of aid to children whom war and
chaos have made homeless and hungry ; programs
of aid to refugees from communism, war, and po-
litical oppression. These programs help suffer-
ing people wherever they operate and show dra-
matically that we care what happens to them.
All this has been done even while we reduced
our American share of the costs of the United Na-
tions, while we increased the Soviet share, and
while we worked out a program in which all Am-
erican citizens holding important office at the
United Nations have been screened in accordance
with Civil Service Commission and FBI pro-
cedures.
New Approach to World Peace
Let me now submit a very large question. In
addition to this tabloid review of recent specific
accomplishments of the United Nations, can it be
said that in the last 10 years we have learned any
new truth concerning the cure for war, as doctors
have in the past discovered new truths which lead
them on to the cure of hitlierto deadly diseases ?
I think we have. The United Nations has ac-
quired huge influence, not by using legal power
but by becoming the most effective engine in the
world for influencing public opinion. In most
of the sjjecific achievements which I have enumer-
ated, this played the decisive part ; in all of them
it played a big part. Therefore, the new truth
which we have learned about finding a cure for
war in these first 10 years of the United Nations'
existence is that influence which grows naturally
and rapidly in accordance with events is more ef-
fective than law which is not obeyed. Influence
often underlies law and, in fact, if the forces of
opinion which make influence are contrary to the
738
Department of State Bulletin
letter of the law, the law becomes a dead letter.
Thus, the United Nations has not really essen-
tially sufTered in its work of war prevention be-
cause of an inadequate supply of legal power. I
say this in spite of the fact that the Soviet abuse
of the veto is reprehensible; violates the spirit of
the charter ; and, by its use against the admission
of 14 well-qualified member states, prevents the
United Nations from growing as it should.
But this abuse in blocking the admission of new
members is distinct from the question of using
legal power to prevent war.
Thirty years ago many favored the "hitch your
wagon to a star" approach, whereby governments
made legal commitments in the vague hope that
this would somehow improve matters, even though
it was plain that such commitments would not be
lived up to when the test came.
It is clear today that the approach to world
peace does not lie in surrendering sovereignty and
in making commitments in disi'egard of future
military, strategic, and p)olitical realities (which
commitments would become a dead letter when in-
voked). To do so is actually a disservice to the
cause of peace, leads to disrespect for law, and is
immature.
The right approach is to work on world opin-
ion — to create and then operate an organization
which can mobilize to the maximum all the will-
power and all the ability to resist aggression which
may exist in the world at the moment the aggi'es-
sion is committed. The amount of resistance thus
mobilized may well be smaller than that which is
theoretically possible under the old-fashioned ap-
proach of unrealistic (and extravagant) legal
commitment — or it might be larger. But it would
at least be real.
At the United Nations it has become clear that
it is always futile — and often dangerous — to try
to force world opinion into a legalistic strait-
jacket because the amount of public support for
common international action varies widely from
year to year, from issue to issue, and from one
political regime to another.
Contrast With League of Nations Covenant
In harmony with the United Nations Charter,
there is in such regional organizations as Natq,
for example, no guaranty of territorial integrity.
Instead the parties declare that an attack on one
is an attack on all and that, when such an attack
occurs, the parties will consult. This is a far cry
indeed from article X of tlie I^eague of Nations
Covenant with its rigid advance requirement of
support of specific terrain, regardless of military,
strategic, or political realities.
It is interesting today to recall the furor which
was caused because a majority of the Senate in
1920 wished to change the League of Nations
Covenant — and how did they want to change it?
Merely so that the United States would be the sole
judge of whether a matter involving its interests
was or was not a domestic question ; merely so that
the United States would sit in the League as a
great power and not have merely equal power with
tiny nations; and merely so that United States
military actions to preserve the territorial integ-
rity of a nation would first have to be approved
by the Congress.
These ideas are all commonly accepted today
and are implicit in the LTnited Nations Charter.
No one even questions them any more.
Those few, therefore, who today wish to give
up our national sovereignty and the other few
who charge that the United Nations is jeopardiz-
ing our sovereignty are debating a question which
is 35 years old and has actually been as dead as a
herring for at least 10 years and maybe more. It
is a debate which disregards what we have learned
about international politics in the air-atomic age,
which has made world opinion — and not sur-
render of sovereignty — the effective, and domi-
nant, force for peace.
In the United Nations Charter the one part
which is other than recommendatory is the part
which gives the Security Coimcil power to is-sue
what lawyers call "action orders," which are
legally binding on all member nations. Yet, when
the United Nations confronted the largest and
most dangerous aggression in its 10-year history —
in Korea, in 1950 — did it use this legal power to
repel the aggression ? It did not. Could it have
done so? It could have, because the Soviet Union
(with its veto) was not present at that time.
Wisely, however, it was decided to appeal to the
world and to seek to mobilize world opinion, rather
than to order the world. And the aggi'ession in
Korea was repelled.
The release of the fliers because of the mobiliza-
tion of world opinion by the United Nations is,
as I mentioned earlier, a most striking illustration
of the effectiveness of this new engine for affecting
public opinion.
Noyjemher 7, 1955
739
It is indeed so striking that it leads me to ex-
press this thouglit in conclusion: that the effec-
tiveness of the United Nations' mobilization of
world opinion for the fliers in this year of 1955
must give us great hope for the future. I say this
because their release naturally prompts us to ask
ourselves this question: If this mobilization was
so effective in bringing about the immediate and
specific goal of releasing these men, why cannot
public opinion be mobilized equally effectively to
bring about the long-range and general goal of
developing a common idea of justice in the world?
We know that peace can only be organized de-
pendably on the basis of justice. We also know
that there is no idea of justice which is commonly
held throughout the world by all the human race
today. (The Communist idea of justice, for ex-
ample, is radically different from ours.) To build
such a sense of justice one must work on world
opinion.
That is what the United Nations forum does.
That is what it did in the past in preventing wars
in widely scattered parts of the world. That is
what it did recently in bringing about the release
of our fliers. That is what it can do in the future
for the general goal of lasting peace — if we have
the ideas, if we have the vision, and if we have
the wisdom to use it properly. That is the chal-
lenge which the United Nations holds out to us
today. In all truth the United Nations is as good
as we, the members, are at any given moment
capable of being. Its only limitations are those
of the human spirit, and no American, certainly,
will set limits on that.
(Continued from page TS6)
wrote the charter purposely made its terms of ref-
erence broad enough to include a great range of
problems. The charter had to reflect the economic
and political interdependence of nations in the
midtwentieth century. Modern communication of
all kinds had made the comparative isolation and
freedom of action of even a generation ago forever
outmoded.
People sometimes think that the United Nations
by its mere existence creates the problems brought
before it. Actually, institutions are a product of
our needs and are created to meet those needs.
In this sense the United Nations exists simply be-
cause of sheer necessity. If it were disbanded to-
morrow, we would have to begin the creation of
a similar organization the day after.
This is why our people at the United Nations
find themselves concerned with such widely differ-
ent matters as the welfare of peoples on remote
Pacific islands; with human rights; with the '
oi^ium trade; with the Arab-Israel controversy
in the Middle East; and, yes, with the question
of French policies in North Africa. For in this
closely knit world of ours there is often disagree-
ment as to whether a problem is domestic or in-
ternational in character. The United Nations is
prohibited by its charter from interfering in a
country's domestic affairs. It is not meant to be a
busybody organization which intervenes in other
people's business uninvited.
These are a few examples to illustrate the scope
of the problems coming before the United Nations.
Most of these problems are not new. Few are
solved in any given year. Many will remain with
us for a long time. For the United Nations re-
flects the world and mankind as it is — its virtues
and its imperfections.
I do not mean to suggest that all problems can
be brought nearer to solution merely by throwing
them into the United Nations. But in a great
many cases the United Nations does give an op-
portunity to bring matters out in the open and
discuss them in a constructive manner. By this
process, pent-up pressure is released, dangerous
tensions eased, and, sometimes, temporary or
permanent solutions arrived at.
On the other liand, there are times when United
Nations consideration of a problem may not con-
tribute to its solution. That is why, for example,
we voted against discussion of the Cyprus ques-
tion and the Algerian question in the current ses-
sion of the General Assembly.- In the first case,
the General Assembly agreed with us. In the
latter, it did not; as a result, the French delega-
tion walked out. This French action, I assure
you, had a very sobering effect on many members
of the General Assembly. It was a warning of the
serious consequences that might flow from United
Nations interference in what a state might con-
sider its domestic affairs. France has contributed
much to the United Nations, and her absence from
the Assembly is most regrettable. We hope for
her early return.
^ For U.S. statements opposing inscription of these ques-
tions, see BuxiETiN of Oct. 3, 1955, pp. 545 and 546, and
Oct. 10, 1955, p. 582.
740
Department of State Bulletin
During these first 10 years, the United Nations
has shown a remarkable amount of flexibility.
Somehow or other, in spite of unforeseen circum-
stances, it has found effective ways to deal with
many of the problems referred to it.
Consider, for example, the role of the United
Nations as peacemaker. The United Nations is
not a superstate. It cannot compel us to take
action which we do not believe to be in our national
interest. It cannot pass laws binding on its mem-
bers. Its role where quarrels between nations or
real thi-eats to the peace are involved is, therefore,
a difficult one. But this does not mean that the
United Nations is a powerless organization. Its
real power derives from the vibrant force of world
opinion and its ability to marshal this opinion in
support of a given course of action.
Problems Before the United Nations
The record shows impressive results. Let me
illustrate. The Communist invasion of the Re-
public of Korea is the classic example of United
Nations resistance to aggression. Here the
North Koreans refused a United Nations appeal
to cease their attack and withdraw to their orig-
inal positions. The object of the attack was, in
effect, the United Nations itself. At stake was
, the prestige and veiy existence of the United
I Nations as an effective international organiza-
tion. The Security Council, boycotted at the
time by the U. S. S. E., called for and got the
support of the majority of United Nations mem-
bers to take action to throw back the aggi'ession.
It took 3 long years and its cost was great in
blood and in wealth. But it worked. Since the
Korean war no aggressor nation has directly de-
fied the United Nations.
The historians of tomorrow will record that
the Korean incident marks a great turning point
in our efforts to stem the aggressive tactics of
world communism. For it was in Korea that the
free world demonstrated, laeyond any shadow of
doubt, its determination to stand together against
armed attack.
One of the present members of the United Na-
tions is Indonesia. It was elected last week to the
Economic and Social Council, and yet only a few
years ago the United Nations was called upon
to settle the fighting between the Netherlands and
the people of Indonesia. First it called for and
obtained an armistice. Then it got the two sides
together in a negotiating conference at The
Hague. The result was the creation of the new
state of Indonesia. The pressure of world public
opinion played an important part in urging both
parties to negotiate a settlement after they had
stopped shooting at each other.
You are all familiar, I know, with the fighting
which broke out between Israel and the Arab
States in 1948. Here the United Nations was
faced, in yet another instance, with open warfare.
It called for a cease-fire, negotiated a truce, and
has supervised that ti'uce for 7 years. To be sure,
this is an armed, uneasy truce. No permanent
solution has yet been found, but neither side has
wished to venture a new war or be stigmatized
as an aggressor. In any event, the United Na-
tions has succeeded in preventing a renewal of
major hostilities.
In still another case, the Burmese complained
about the presence of foreign forces in the north-
east provinces of Burma. They strongly felt that
this was a threat to the peace in the area. The
United Nations did not take any concrete action,
but it did focus world attention on the situation
and this brought about the removal of most of the
forces from Burma. This peaceful solution was
arrived at by cooperation of the parties princi-
pally concerned — Burma and the Eepublic of
China, with the assistance of Thailand and the
United States. A good deal of the credit must go
to the United Nations, which was acting as a
watchdog over the situation.
Suppose in all these cases there had been no
United Nations. I can assure you the outcome
in these cases would have been very different.
Communism and defeatism would have spread un-
checked in the Far East. "Weak nations would
have been overwhelmed by strong ones. The voice
of peoples aspiring to self-government would have
gone unheard.
But these things did not happen. In each case
the United Nations was brought into action at
various critical stages in the evolution of these
international problems. Otherwise, we might al-
ready liave been plunged into World War III.
The record of the first 10 years is one of strug-
gle, trial and error, triumphs and discourage-
ment. But the United Nations has emerged as a
vital and effective organization in man's long
quest for world harmony. As President Eisen-
hower said at San Francisco last June:
November 7, 1955
365190 — 55 3
741
That there have been failures in attempts to solve in-
ternational difficulties by the principles of the charter,
none can deny. That there have been victories, only the
willfully blind can fail to see. But clear it is that with-
out the United Nations the failures would still have been
written as failures into history. And, certainly, without
this organization the victories could not have been
achieved; instead, they might well have been re-
corded as human disasters. These the world has been
spared.
Now, let us test the organization from the stand-
point of American self-interest by taking a look at
some current problems before the United Nations.
There is the problem of disarmament.
There is the problem of peaceful uses of atomic
energy.
There is the problem of increasing the member-
ship of the United Nations.
There is the problem of charter review.
What can be done to advance American interests
in each of these areas ?
Disarmament
Man's search for a workable system of disarma-
ment is not new. "Wliat is new is the atomic arms
race, the danger of a nuclear war and the destruc-
tion of modern civilization. The United Nations
has been grappling with the problem of disarma-
ment since 1946. By last summer we seemed to be
hopelessly deadlocked with the Kussians. For it
had become clear that disarmament without ade-
quate inspection would be a sham, and yet the
stockpiling of nuclear weapons by both sides had
exceeded any known detection devices. Surely
there must be an answer to this dilemma if only
the mind of man could be given the time to work
it out. In the meantime, what steps could be
taken to guard against a surprise attack? It was
this situation which led President Eisenliower at
Geneva last July to make his bold and simple pro-
posal designed to break the deadlock in the dis-
armament field.
The President called for an exchange of mili-
tary information between the United States and
the Soviet Union and unrestricted aerial recon-
naissance over the territories of our two countries.
He made this proposal as a first step toward re-
moving those mutual suspicions and fears which
stand in the way of disarmament. This, he be-
lieved, would open the door to further agreement
on the details of an effective inspection system and
reduction of armed forces. It would insure
742
against great surprise atomic attack by either the
United States or the Soviet Union ; it would be a
first test of inspection ; it would rebuild that mu-
tual confidence and trust which must be the basis
of a permanent system of inspection and control.
The people of the world grasped the meaning
of the President's proposal eagerly and enthusias-
tically. The four Heads of State meeting at Ge-
neva agreed that it should be given priority study
by the United Nations. Accordingly, the Sub-
committee of the United Nations Disarmament
Commission met in New York on August 29 and
worked toward agreement. We set forth plans
for putting the President's proposals into im-
mediate effect. But the Soviet delegation held
back. They reverted to their earlier proposal for
stationing inspection teams at strategic points on
each other's territories. They seemed, whether
intentionally or not, to miss the real significance
of our proposal. The first step must be to re-
store confidence and to help develop a sense of
security from surprise attack — this the President's
aerial inspection plan would do.
In an exchange of letters between Soviet Pre-
mier Bulganin and President Eisenhower,^ the
United States offered to include the Soviet inspec-
tion team proposal as another means, in company
with the President's plan, of creating that atmos-
phere of trust necessary to agreement on disarma-
ment.
The Disarmament Subcommittee recessed its
meeting in New York without securing Soviet
agreement to the Eisenhower proposals.
But this was not just another in a long history
of stalemates on disarmament. Some significant
progress has been made. Specifically, there were
these hopeful signs :
The deliberations were conducted in the "spirit
of Geneva" and there was a definite improvement
in the climate of the debate ;
There was a common awareness of the danger of
annihilation which nuclear weapons pose to every
country ;
There was general acknowledgment that nuclear
weapons can be secretly accumulated and hidden
from any present detection technique ;
Finally, all agreed on the urgent importance of
finding a method to guard against great surprise
attack.
• Ibid., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 643.
Department of State Bulletin
Meanwhile, the President has demonstrated in
yet another way our determination to do our ut-
most to resolve the issue. Only 2 weeks ago eight
Nuclear Task Forces were created, under the chair-
manship of distinguished American leaders, to
tackle the problem of detecting concealed nuclear
weapons or weapons materials.* The assistance
and cooperation of all nations and all scientists
in this quest were invited.
There are some signs that we are emerging from
under the shadow of the atomic cloud that threat-
ens all of us. But there is still a long and difficult
road ahead.
Three days from now the Big Four Foreign
Ministers will meet in Geneva. On their agenda
will be the vitally important and related problems
of European security, German unification, and
disarmament. It is hoped that progress there will
include agreement to put the President's plan into
effect.
There is a Chinese proverb which reminds us
that "a journey of a thousand miles starts with a
single step." We may not have traveled far down
the difficult road toward disarmament, but we are
on the way.
Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy
Until 2 years ago atomic energy was virtually
synonymous with atomic weapons, and synony-
mous with fear in the minds of most of us. That
is no longer the case. On December 8, 1953, before
the Eighth General Assembly, the President an-
nounced our Govermnent's determination to
launch a program to bring the unpredictable bene-
fits of atomic energy to the service of mankind.
He invited all countries to explore this great new
frontier with us. In boldness and vision it
matches his Geneva proposals for aerial inspection
as a first step toward disarmament. Now, less than
2 years later, the peaceful uses of atomic energy
are a powerful prospective force for human wel-
fare.
The Tenth Assembly has heard heart-warming
reports of the progress made: the peaceful uses
conference in Geneva last summer in which 73
countries participated, the greatest scientific
conference ever held; the training of dozens of
foreign scientists in our atomic laboratories; the
negotiation of agreements with 24 countries to
provide them with atomic reactors for research
purposes; proposals for the study of the efi^ects
of atomic radiation ; and lastly, the completion of
a draft statute for an International Atomic En-
ergy Agency .°
This agency will be entirely concerned with the
peaceful uses of atomic energy. We hope it will
become one of the most important of the United
Nations specialized agencies. We hope it will be-
come the center for encouraging and assisting all
nations and all peoples to use atomic energy for
creative and humane purposes — in medicine, in
health, in industry, in science. It will be respon-
sible for allocating for such purposes the fission-
able materials contributed by member countries.
It will stimulate scientists everywhere to develop
new and yet undreamed-of benefits and to ex-
change their knowledge with other scientists.
The President's initiative of 1953 should result
in one of the most constructive and most promis-
ing uses to which the United Nations has been put.
Membership in the United Nations
The United Nations now has 60 members. But
there are about a score of sovereign nations which
remain outside. The United States takes second
place to none in advocating the principle of uni-
versality of membership. We realize that if the
organization is to be a center for harmonizing the
action of nations it must have representation from
every government able and willing to carry out
the purposes and principles of the charter. Fur-
thermore, the United Nations needs the advice and
participation of all peace-loving countries in its
deliberations. The United Nations, like any other
representative body, will lose its force and effec-
tiveness if it does not represent adequately the
family of nations. However, in considering the
applications of nonmember candidates, we hold
that the terms of the charter should be observed :
namely, that "the United Nations is open to all . . .
peace-loving states which accept the obligations
contained in the . . . Charter and, in the judg-
ment of the Organization, are able and willing
to carry out these obligations."
To date 14 applicants have been declared eli-
gible under these standards by the General As-
sembly. Yet they remain outside the United
* lUd., Oct. 31, 1955, p. 70e.
November 7, 1955
' For a U.S. statement on peaceful uses, together with
the text of the draft statute, see iMd., Oct. 24, 1955, p. 660.
743
Nations because of the use, or abuse, of the veto
in the Security Council by the U. S. S. K. The
reason for this is not far to seek. There are five
Communist-sponsored states which have never
been declared eligible for admission. These the
U. S. S. R. would swap for a majority of the eli-
gible states in a package deal. "We continue to
believe that each candidate should be considered
on its own merits.
I strongly believe that a just solution consistent
with the principles of the United Nations must be
found. New states coming into being or becom-
ing eligible for admission continue to add to the
list. They cannot be left indefinitely waiting
outside the door.
One possible proposal is that the permanent
members of the Security Council forego the use
of the veto on membership and that applicants be
approved for admission by a vote of 7 of the 11
members. Great powers wishing to express dis-
approval of a candidate, under this proposal,
could abstain from voting.
The United States Government has frequently
urged that agreement be reached among the per-
manent members to refrain from using the veto
on the admission of new members. This was the
position taken by the Senate in the Vandenberg
resolution, which it approved in lOiS by a vote
of 6J— i. Meanwhile, various proposals have been
put forward in New York. We shall continue to
explore these proposals with the hope that some
solution can be found.
I should like to make clear here that, in speak-
ing of membership, I do not include the question
of seating Communist China. There is a distinct
difference between the admission of a new member
to the United Nations and the question as to which
government should represent a state already a
member. For the past 10 years the Republic of
China has been a member of the United Nations.
As such it has been ably represented bj' the Na-
tionalist Government. On more than 150 oc-
casions the various agencies and organs of the
United Nations have voted against the seating
of Communist China. We must remember that
the Chinese Communists remain accused as an
aggressor against the United Nations, that they
have defied the authority of that organization, and
that they have not accounted for a large number
of American soldiers lost in the Korean action.
In sum they have fallen far short of the commonly
accepted standards of international conduct.
744
Charter Review
Now let us turn to the United States position on
charter review. This is a question of particular
interest to me because of my association with the
special Subcommittee on the United Nations
Charter of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee. This subcommittee, as you may know, has
held a number of public hearings in cities through-
out the country to determine the views of private
groups and individuals. In a recent interim re-
port "^ the subconnnittee stated tliat they had found
no strong body of opinion against holding a re-
view conference and that such a conference would
seem desirable if and when there was a good
chance of accomplishing something by it.
Let us look back 10 years and see why a review
of the charter is in order. It may be useful to
recall three of the basic assumptions on which the
charter was drafted in 1915 : First, it was assumed
that the major powers would cooperate in peace
as they had worked together to win the war ; sec-
ond, it was assumed that the peace treaties would
soon be concluded and the United Nations would
be able to function in a relatively peaceful world ;
and third — since the terrible explosive power of
the atom bomb was unknown at the time — it was
assumed that any future wars would be fought
with conventional weapons and would be no more
dangerous to civilization than those of the past.
As events turned out all three of these assump-
tions proved erroneous. Given these miforeseen
and unpredictable developments, it is remarkable
that the United Nations has operated as well as
it has. Moreover, they lend support to those who
say we have a "pre-atomic" charter which needs
revision to bring it into line with present-day
thinking.
Very soon the question of wliether or not to
call a charter review conference will come formally
before the United Nations Assembly. It will be
recalled that in 1945 when the charter was drawn
up it included a special provision placing the
matter of review on the agenda of the Tenth As-
sembly. At that time a number of countries, par-
ticularly the smaller member states, accepted
certain articles in a spirit of compromise but with
serious mental reservations. They did so on the
understanding that they would have an oppor-
tunity to reconsider these provisions after a period
of trial and in the light of experience. The
» S. Rept. 1305, 84th Coug., 1st sess.
Department of Slate Bulletin
United States delegation at San Francisco in 1945
supported the inclusion of article 109 providing
for a review conference.
Now the allotted period of trial has elapsed.
The charter is both a bold experiment and a his-
toric innovation in diplomacy. The organization
it created has become a new and vital force in
world affairs. We believe that much good may
come from collective study, at the proper time, of
the accomplishments, the problems, and the po-
tentialities of this great instrument for harmon-
izing the action of nations. The first decade has
shown that the United Nations derives its greatest
strength and wields its widest influence from the
support and understanding of the peoples of the
world and from the moral force of world opinion.
We believe that a charter review conference could
greatly strengthen that public understanding. To
achieve optimum I'esults, however, that review
should be held under favorable international cir-
cumstances, and only after careful and thorough
preparatory work.
With all these considerations in mind our dele-
gation to the Tenth Assembly plans to support and
cosponsor a resolution favoring a review confer-
ence and establishing a broadly representative
preparatory commission to report its recommenda-
tions to the Twelfth Session of the Assembly.
In looking forward to a review conference our
Government is thinking in terms of improvmg the
charter we have. We are not thinking of a world
government, nor of locking out the U.S.S.R.,
nor of quitting the organization ourselves. What
we want to do is to strengthen the United Nations.
In the words of Secretary Dulles, we do not pro-
pose "to lose the good that is, in the search for
something better."
A few words need to be said regarding the so-
called "spirit of Geneva" as it relates to the cur-
rent session of the Assembly. There has been
wide speculation that this would provide a series
of tests by which to judge the real substance of the
gestures of cooperation which the U.S.S.R. made
at the Geneva "summit" meeting and in the weeks
that followed.
Both the President on his return from Geneva
and the Secretary of State have cautioned that a
new spirit is not enough — that it must be re-
flected in concrete acts to lessen international ten-
sions and restore those foundations of mutual
trust which the Soviet Union and international
communism had so seriously eroded over the last
10 years. Actually the spirit of Geneva is not an
end in itself. It is a means to an end.
The Tenth Assembly has indeed proved some-
thing of a test. There has been a refreshing re-
duction in Soviet exploitation of the session for
propaganda purposes and an absence of the vitri-
olic attacks on the United States which we have
had to bear in the past. But thex'e is also an ab-
sence of the concrete assurances we seek. In
other words, even though the manner of spealdng
in New York has changed somewhat, the sub-
stance of Soviet speeches remains pretty much the
same. One recalls somehow the Biblical reminder
that "the voice is Jacob's voice, but the hands are
the hands of Esau."
For our own part we have sought to clarify
and direct attention to the causes of tension and
we have acted to reduce them. The President's
overflight "open sky" plan is certainly a major
contribution on our side — from which we have re-
ceived from the Soviets only a negative return.
Meanwhile, certain Communist actions outside the
United Nations have a discouragingly reminiscent
pattern. For example, the sale of arms to Egypt
and Soviet overtures to other Middle Eastern
countries can only heighten tensions and threaten
the peace in the area.
It is clear that we must continue to pursue a
policy of watchful waiting with regai'd to the
meaning of Geneva. We must not let our opti-
mism outrun our good judgment. It would be
foolish to expect an easy accommodation of the
basic differences which separate the Communist
and non-Communist world. A just peace, which
is the goal of our efforts, cannot be won easily.
The Specialized Agencies
No review of the first decade of the United Na-
tions would be balanced without some considera-
tion of the role of the specialized agencies. The
work of these agencies has effectively advanced
the economic and political objectives of our
foreign policy by raising the productivity and
living standards of underdeveloped countries and
removing the conditions which encourage the
spread of communism. Countries which are
prosperous and stable make reliable allies and
good customers. Our support of the specialized
agencies has been very much in our national self-
interest. Their work supplements our bilateral
aid programs and at much smaller cost, since two-
November 7, J 955
745
thirds or more of their annual budgets are borne
by the other members of the United Nations.
Our Government has taken special pains to in-
sure that our participation in the specialized agen-
cies is in full accord with our social and economic
principles and that our citizens in and out of
public life are informed on this participation. To
this end, we always include on our delegations
to the conferences of these agencies, as we do to
the General Assembly, members of Congress and
other prominent leaders in American life. It is
at these conferences that programs are reviewed,
policies set, and budgets approved.
With regard to the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco),
because of its broad terms of reference, Congress
took particular care that interested organizations
would have a continuing voice in this agency's
policies and programs. With this in mind, it es-
tablished a National Commission for Unesco, to
which 60 of our leading national educational,
scientific, and cultural organizations appoint
members. This Commission is advisory to the
Department of State on all aspects of our partici-
pation in Unesco.
In view of this fact, I find it difficult to under-
stand the few individuals and organizations who
fear that the United Nations or its specialized
agencies are leading us down the road of world
government, invading States rights, or dictating
our school curricula. None of the specialized
agencies, for example, has the power to commit
the United States to any treaty or agreement with-
out our express consent. We should never forget
that the United Nations is an association of sov-
ereign states, and acceptance of treaties or con-
ventions is up to each government in accordance
with its constitutional processes — in our own case,
approval by two-thirds of the Senate. I have
worked long enough with that body to know that
anyone who believes it is possible to slip a treaty
through the Senate without its members being
aware of what is going on is simply unfamiliar
with the careful procedures the Senate has worked
out to consider such matters.
Next week the National Commission for Unesco
will hold its annual meeting and national confer-
ence in Cincinnati. The Department of State is
very appreciative of the cooperation and fine sup-
port of the people of Cincinnati in preparing for
this conference. It is made up of distinguished
fellow citizens meeting here to carry out the man-
date of Congress. One of its responsibilities will
be to review and assess the fii^st 9 years of Unesco.
In this connection, I am reminded of a recent
observation of Secretary of State Dulles. He
said : "Those who know the United Nations best
are those who have the highest opinion of it, and
the few wlio disparage the United Nations are, in
the main, people who know nothing about it at
all." We all have a responsibility to understand
the United Nations. It needs our interest and our
criticism, but tMs criticism should be informed
and constructive.
Ten years is a very short time on which to judge
the potential effectiveness of the United Nations.
It has been operating under many difficulties,
which include the hazards and tensions of the
atomic age, the aggression in Korea, the cold war
between the Communist and non-Communist
world, and the fact that some states still remain
outside the organization.
A Vital Force for Peace
Of course, the United Nations is not a panacea,
it is not a cure-all, it is not a remedy for all the
world's ills. But it is a vital force for peace and
it deserves our full support. That it has survived
so well should give us all cause for encouragement.
Tlie major powers are now seeking to get at the
causes of tension and distrust which divide the
world. If they succeed in doing so, we will then
be entering an era which would "permit the United
Nations to exercise more effectively its responsi-
bility for harmonizing the actions of nations. For
the United Nations has no power to impose har-
mony on its member nations. But when condi-
tions of mutual trust are established, then it can,
and I am sure it will, capitalize on this new en-
vironment.
The role of the United States in the United
Nations is clear. The vast majority of Americans
support the organization and our membership in
it. They realize it is here to stay. The Congress
has given it strong and consistent support from
the beginning. Its second decade may well record
the history of man's success or failure to live to-
gether in peace, freedom, and mutual security.
746
Department of State Bulletin
Using the Atom for Economic and Social Progress in Asia
Statement by John B. Hollister
Director^ International Cooperation Administration ^
For 5 successive years the United States has
participated in the annual meeting of the Consult-
ative Committee. We take pride in this pai'ticipa-
tion in a common undertaking which concentrates
on the problems, progress, and prospect of eco-
nomic development in this important area of the
world. A brief account of United States partici-
pation in Asian development over the past years
is included in the report now before us.
Rather than expand upon the report, however,
I should like now to talk of a problem of impor-
tance to all of us and of what we together can do
about it in a common effort.
I should like to talk to you about atomic energy
and to consider what we can do, within the frame-
work of the Colombo Plan, to use the atom for
economic and social progress in Asia.
The whole world is stirred by the promise held
out by the benign uses of atomic energy. We do
not know the full potentialities of this great force
that we have mastered, nor can we foresee the
profound changes it will bring in our lives. AVe
do have firm basis for confidence in its potential
for good — in medical diagnosis and therapy, in
agriculture, in biology, in industry, and, in partic-
ular, in the field of power. We know from the
conference on atomic energy held in Geneva this
past August ^ that men of many nations are mak-
ing a magnificent effort to push back the bound-
aries of knowledge. We know that, as a result of
' Made at the Ministerial Meeting of tlie Consultative
Committee for Economic Development in South and South-
east Asia (Colombo Plan) at Singapore on Oct. 20 (press
release 609). Mr. Hollister was U.S. representative at
the Ministerial Meeting.
' For a report on the conference by Lewis L. Strauss,
chairman of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, see
Buu.ETiN of Oct. 10, 195.5, p. 555.
the pooling of information at Geneva, the rapid
advances that have already been made will be
exceeded in the years immediately ahead.
We learned from the Geneva conference that
within 2 to 5 years the first full-scale nuclear power
stations will be generating substantial amoimts of
electricity. On the basis of the operating experi-
ence of these stations we will learn more of the
economics of nuclear power and more about the
safety and reliability of different types of stations
in operation. We know as a matter of certainty
that as the years go by atomic power will play an
increasingly important role.
Complexity of Atomic Research and Operations
Atomic energy research and operations have
characteristics which we must bear in mind as we
prepare to engage in them on an increasing scale.
Most important is the complexity of atomic
energy, which is not a single science but a special
way of using many sciences. In the field of re-
actors, for example, whether we speak of research
reactors or power reactors, we must use the tal-
ents of chemists, phj'sicists, mathematicians,
engineers of many kinds, health physicists, instru-
ment makers, and many technicians and skilled
workers. Not only must an adequate number of
these men of diverse skills be available, but they
must work together as a team in order that re-
actors can be designed and ojaerated safely and
efficiently.
In the use of atomic energy also many fields of
science and industry come into play. The tech-
niques of atomic energy, including particularly
the use of isotopes, have fruitful application in
medical research and diagnosis, in agricultural
research, in biology, in industrial controls and
November 7, 1955
747
processes, in food sterilization, and in many other
fields. In such applications atomic energy may
well come to have an importance equal to that of
atomic power, but it can only assume this impor-
tance if the machines and materials are made
available in a convenient way to the experts from
allied fields.
Another special characteristic of atomic energy
research and training is the elaborate and expen-
sive equipment which is necessary. Not only the
nuclear reactors which we particularly associate
with atomic energy but also the particle accelera-
tors with which we have been familiar for a longer
time are essential to much basic research and
training in this field. For a well-rounded re-
search program, several of these machines should
be located at a single installation so that problems
can be undertaken with the equipment best
adapted to each phase. Furthermore, special
equipment and laboratory facilities are necessary
for handling radioactive materials and these also
must be brought together with the reactors them-
selves for the most efficient work.
It is clear from these special requirements that
a sound and thorough atomic research and train-
ing effort is a very costly program indeed. In
my country we have found it necessary to handle
the atomic energy development and application
programs at special regional laboratories which
have in a single location the men of many fields
of specialization and the expensive laboratory
facilities and machines.
Shortage of Skilled Manpower
In view of the complexity of an atomic energy
program, the demands for trained men are very
great. One of the chief obstacles to the develop-
ment of the peaceful iises of the atom is the short-
age of skilled manpower. There is need every-
where for scientists and technicians trained to
deal with nuclear materials; for qualified engi-
neers who know how to design and operate plants
fed by nuclear fuel ; for specialists trained in the
use of radioisotopes; for labor skilled in the vari-
ety of arts that this new medium requires. This
is an age of expanding dependence upon science
and technology.
No country can hope to participate full}' in the
benefits of the atom that does not have a corps of
trained persons who can work safely and effec-
tively with atomic materials. This is as true for
the United States as it is for Asia. In a recent
statement before the American Nuclear Society,
Admiral Strauss, chairman of the U.S. Atomic
Energy Commission, pointed out that the United
States is turning out of its colleges and universi-
ties only about half the number of engineers it
requires today .^ The problem of training scien-
tists, engineers, and tecluiicians is increasingly
engrossing our attention, and, unless we take
measures now to meet the need, the limiting factor
in the years ahead will be the human factor.
It is for this reason that President Eisenhower's
"atoms for peace" program has from its inception
emphasized the need for training and experience.
My Government has tried to meet the problem by
a threefold program: (1) we have offered courses
of instruction in the United States to foreign
students in radioisotope and reactor technology as
well as in other atom-related fields; (2) we have
assembled extensive libraries of information about
the atom and furnished them to countries and uni-
versities all over the world; (3) we have devel-
oped a program of bilateral agreements with other
countries to encourage and support the installa-
tion of research reactors. In addition to being a
tool for research, the research reactor will famil-
iarize engineers and technicians with the types of
problems they will encounter in the operation of
power reactors.
We have not been alone in offering training
programs to nationals of other states. "We look
forward to the establishment of the International
Atomic Energy Agency as an important instru-
ment for making widely available nuclear tech-
nology in all its asj^ects. The agency will also be
an instrument through which fissionable mate-
rial will be allocated for projects for training
and research, and for the generation of power.
However, the requirements of the new age of
atomic energy demand an approach on all fronts.
There is need of national programs and of inter-
national programs. There is need as well for re-
gional programs. The woild cannot realize the
benefits of nuclear energy until the number of
qualified persons who can live with and use the
atom is increased many fold.
The question of adequately trained people poses
a particular challenge to all of us represented here
today. If Asia is to benefit to the fullest possible
' Ibid., p. 559.
748
Department of State Bulletin
extent by the general advance of mankind into the
atomic age, this challenge must be met. There is
developing a strong interest among Asian nations
in meeting it on a regional basis. One of the
delegates from Pakistan to the recent Geneva
conference on atomic energy suggested that Asian
resources might be called upon to meet these re-
quirements in this way.
If such a cooperative Asian effort is to be made,
the first object would seem to be to build up as
rapidly as possible the necessary human skills.
The logical beginning would be to establish under
the auspices of the Colombo Plan a center for
nuclear research and training. I am proposing
that such a regional center be established, and my
Government is prepared to contribute substan-
tially toward it. This center could supplement
existing facilities for basic training of engineers,
chemists, and physicians at the college level. It
could offer facilities for training and for research
in the field of medicine, agriculture, and in his-
tory, applying the new techniques of atomic en-
ergy. Such a center would make available at a
single site the various laboratories and major types
of equipment required for advanced research, in-
cluding laboratories for handling radioactive
materials and major research equipment such as
accelerators and cyclotrons. This center could
help in developing instructors and teachers in
nuclear science and engineering for Asian educa-
tional institutions. It might be a logical place
to locate a cancer hospital. It could become a
place where government officials and industrialists
could assemble for conference to consider the place
of atomic energy in their own national and indus-
trial plans. By the diversity of its facilities it
could supplement training that individual Asian
countries may be able to offer to their own citizens.
At such a center the scientists of Asia in many
fields could undertake their work with the neces-
sary equipment to match the rapid progress in
other areas of the world. They would be able to
use isotopes and other tools of atomic research to
study and cui-e the diseases endemic to Asia and
to improve the crops most important to it. If
atomic energy is to make its full contribution to
the health and economic program of Asia, you who
are most aware of your problems and possibili-
ties must adapt it to the particular needs and op-
portunities of this great area.
It is our view that, if such an institution is to
come into vigorous life and to serve well the needs
of tlie Asian world in this new field, it must rest
firmly on Asia's interest and support. The center
as we see it would be established for students of the
region, staffed largely by scientists from the re-
gion, supervised by administrators from the re-
gion, and supported by governments of the region.
The burden of setting up the center and carrying
it forward, and the obligation of staffing it, would
rest with the Asian members of the Colombo Plan.
The fruits of the effort would also belong to Asia.
U.S. Prepared To Contribute Reactor
The United States contribution would provide
funds for the training of Asian students and for
laboratoi"y facilities and equipment for research
and training. In particular the United States is
prepared to contribute to such a center a reactor
suitable for research and training.
We believe that in the next few years power re-
actors will be available for export from the United
States. If this proves to be the case and the nec-
essary safeguards can be provided, then the United
States contribution to the center Avould include a
small power reactor. The power reactor would
produce electricity for the center, but its princi-
pal purjDose would be to provide experience in the
maintenance and servicing of a proven type of
atomic power plant and its components.
We note with interest and appreciation that the
Government of Canada has offered and is now
negotiating for the transfer of a research reac-
tor to the Government of India. We believe that
the United States and Canadian offers mutually
complement each other and multiply the potential
benefits to be derived from such research. It is
envisaged that the Colombo Plan center proposed
by the United States would endeavor to develop,
particularly for countries which do not now have
such programs, the essential skills and technical
knowledge in the atomic field. We also foresee
the center as a means for preparing technicians
and scientists of Colombo Plan countries so that
they may be able to pursue more advanced training
in countries of the area as well as elsewhere.
We hope that the members of the Colombo Plan
will study this proposal. If on consideration they
conclude that it merits support, my Government
will then consider what further steps may be neces-
sary to carry the proposal forward, including the
question of the location of such a center. In sur-
veying possible sites there must be taken into ac-
November 7, 1955
749
count available local facilities, ease of access and
communication, and other pertinent factors. The
guiding purpose must be the complete availability
of the center to all the Colombo Plan countries on
an equal basis.
If such a regional effort should materialize, it
would prove an outstanding milestone in the co-
operative efforts of the world to prepare for a fu-
ture in which atomic energy will play an increas-
ingly vital role in human welfare.
Question of China's Immunity
in National City Bank Case
In the Bulletin of April 4, 1955, reference was
made to the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court
on March 7, 1955, in the case of National City
Bank of New York, Petitioner v. The Republic of
China et al., Respondent.
Recently in coimection with two other suits
instituted in the U.S. District Court for the South-
ern District of New York by the Republic of China
against First National City Bank of New York
(new name for National City Bank), the bank
interposed the same counterclaims on defaulted
Treasury notes of the Chinese Government held by
the bank as had been made in the case decided by
the Supreme Court on March 7, 1955. The Chi-
nese Ambassador asked the Department to inform
the court that the Republic of China was immune
from suit on the counterclaims. The Depart-
ment's reply of September 26, 1955 reads in part
as follows :
"The two actions pending in the District Court
are said to be based upon demand deposits in the
respondent bank. It is further stated that in each
case the defendant bank has set forth two counter-
claims based upon obligations of the Government
of China which the City Bank holds. The first
counterclaim is based on a Chinese Govermnent
Treasury Note given by the Chinese Government
as security for a loan made in 1920, by a syndicate
of member banks in which the National City Bank
participated. The second counterclaim is based
on the ownership by the Bank of Chinese Govern-
ment Treasury notes issued in 1947 and purchased
by the City Bank in 1947 and 1948. The obliga-
tions of the Chinese Govermnent on which the
counterclaims are based are alleged to be due and
unpaid.
750
"The Embassy's note states that the Govern-
ment of China has never consented to be sued on
the counterclaims and that it feels that to allow
the City Bank to put forward these counterclaims
is tantamount to permitting an individual suit to
be brought against a friendly foreign state without
its consent. The Embassy requests that if the
Department considers it appropriate, it transmit
the view of the Chinese Government to the District
Court for the Southern District of New York, to-
gether with a suggestion that the Republic of
China is entitled to immunity from the counter-
claims inteq^osed by the National City Bank in
these two actions.
"The Department regrets that it is unable to
comply with the Embassy's request. The law of
sovereign immunity as the Department under-
stands it is that, in certain types of cases at least,
a sovereign cannot without its consent be made a
respondent in the courts of another sovereign.
There has been a growing tendency to restrict the
area of immunity and as indicated in the Depai-t-
ment's letter of May 19, 1952,^ to the Acting At-
torney General it has been its policy since that date
to follow the restrictive theory of sovereign im-
munity in the consideration of requests of foreign
governments for recognition of such immunity.
That is, the Department recognizes the immunity
of the foreign sovereign with respect to its public
acts (jure imperii) but not with respect to its
private acts (jure gestionis).
"In the two actions with respect to which the
Embassy seeks the Department's assistance, the
Chinese Government is not the respondent to an
action brought against it without its consent but
as the Embassy's note indicates the Chinese Gov-
ernment has sought the assistance of a United
States court to recover its deposits with the de-
fendant bank. The Chinese Government is,
therefore, within the jurisdiction of the court not
against its will but on its own initiative. The im-
munity, if any, which it had in the existing cir-
cumstances has thus been waived. Having sought
the application to the defendant of American law,
it is in no position to contend that any defenses
available under that law to the defendant should
be denied. And it would be most inappropriate
for the Executive Branch of the Government to
suggest /to the courts what defenses are available.
"BuiiETiN of June 23, 1952, p. 984.
Department of State Bulletin
The Department is unaware of any principles of
international law which would make it inappropri-
ate to apply to a foreign sovereign which has sub-
mitted to the jurisdiction of domestic law any
provisions of that law which would be applicable
to any other litigant.
"In the view the Department takes of this case,
it is unnecessary for it to decide whether the activ-
ities of the Chinese Government which are in-
volved in the counterclaims to the two pending
actions are in the nature of public acts concerning
which it would be entitled to immunity if made a
party respondent in the courts of the United
States without its consent."
Communist China and American Far Eastern Policy
hy John M. H. Lindbeck
The Communist conquest of China has com-
pelled the United States radically to readjust its
approach toward the problems of the Far East.
Manifestations of mutuality and friendliness be-
tween tlie American and Chinese peoples have been
terminated by the fiat of Communist rulers on the
China mainland. Instead of being an Asian con-
tributor to the development of peaceful interna-
tional cooperation and a cornerstone of Far East-
ern political stability and military security, the
China mainland now has been converted into the
major base of military aggression and Communist
subversion in Asia.
The problem that has faced U.S. policymakers
since the Chinese Communists took over the China
mainland has required two concomitant and re-
lated efforts: (1) meeting and repelling the hos-
tile thrusts of Chinese Communist power in Asia
and (2) rebuilding non-Communist Asian
strength and stability. The direction and sub-
stance of United States policies since 1949 have
been developed increasingly along lines directed
toward the achievement of these ends.
The emergence of Communist power in China
has violently changed the balance of power in the
Far East and vastly increased the tasks and prob-
lems of the free countries of Asia in seeking the at-
tainment of their national objectives of domestic
progress and national independence. In the mid-
thirties, China itself, under the leadership of the
Nationalist Government at Nanking, was gradu-
ally emerging from a long period of weakness and
instability. But the Chinese Government then
was committed to special treaty provisions and for-
eign rights which prevented it from exercising un-
fettered control over its own people and resources.
Japan already controlled Manchuria, and Russia
exerted large influence in Sinkiang. War lords
fragmented the authority of the Central Govern-
ment, and Chinese Communist rebel forces created
large islands of chaos and suffering in the rural
hinterland. Although the general picture was one
of progress and hope, China was still an area of
weakness and instability.
In the rest of Asia at that time, Japan stood
preeminent in military and industrial might.
Japan was the center of control, order, and sta-
bility in northeast Asia. Throughout the rest
of Asia, except in Thailand, Western powers main-
tained establishments which provided order — the
United States in the Philippines; the French in
Indochina ; the Dutch in Indonesia ; Great Britain
in Malaya, Burma, and lesser areas, as well as in
the lands lying to the west.
This prewar Asian world of Japanese power,
colonial order, and Chinese recovery was shat-
tered during the course of the Second World War
and its aftermath. First, Japan's advancing
columns of aggressive armies and administrators
destroyed Western colonial power and adminis-
• Mr. Lindhech, author of the above arti-
cle, is Public Affairs Adviser, Chinese Af-
fairs, Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs. This
article is based on an address made at Ohio
State University on July 21, 1955.
November 7, 1955
751
trative systems under which millions of people
lived in the Far East. In China, they cut the
Chinese Government off from its major areas of
economic and political strength and supplanted
its authority with puppet regimes. Japan thus
undermined order and brought the chaos of war
to those parts of Asia which lay outside her
boundaries. In turn, the Allied victory over
Japan brought about the destruction of the
Japanese Empire. By the end of the war no
part of Asia had escaped chaos and the radical
changes precipitated by war.
Power Vacuum in Asia
The defeat of Japan immediately created a
major power vacuum in Asia. Manchuria, Korea,
and Formosa, cut adrift from Japanese control,
required the establishment of new administrative
systems, both local and central. Japan itself lay
exhausted and impotent. The extensive eco-
nomic network which Japan had created to bind
Asia to herself was torn asunder as parts and
pieces were repossessed by the countries she had
occupied. Not only did Asia lose 8 million tons
of Japanese shipping sunk during the war, but
it was deprived, as well, of the large regional net-
works of Japanese marine insurance, warehousing,
banking, and communications which had provided
the Far East with essential trading services. The
destruction of the Western commercial and trad-
ing institutions and Japan's network of trading
organizations and facilities made Far Eastern
economic recovery a slow and costly undertaking.
Economic paralysis was paralleled by political
instability and weakness. Driven by nationalism,
fed by wartime resistance movements, and encoiu--
aged by American and European nations, seven
new states emerged in the Far East — nine alto-
gether in Asia — to supplant prewar colonial or
Western-supported governments. Korea was
freed from Japan; the Philippines, long encour-
aged to prepare for self-government, was granted
independence by the United States ; Indonesia be-
came independent of the Netherlands; Burma
was restored to independence by Great Britain;
and the three states in Indochina — Viet-Nam,
Laos, and Cambodia — gradually secured their in-
dependence from France.
To replace the relatively efficient administra-
tion provided by the Western metropolitan
powers and Japan prior to the war, these newly
independent countries had to develop from meager
resources their own administrative systems. In
the process of governing themselves, each of these
countries was confronted with enormous problems
as it tried simultaneously to recover from war-
inflicted wounds, to control dissident and sub-
versive groups, to develop new and workable po-
litical organs, to create conditions favorable for
economic development, and to furnish the local
and national services required by its people. Not
the least of these problems was the creation of
political parties capable of providing political di-
rection and winning the support and safeguarding
the interests of their own peoples.
Emerging of CFiinese Communist Party
In this Far Eastern scene of new and untried
governments and the chaos and weakness of war-
time destruction, an effective and ruthless Com-
munist Party established its power on the China
mainland. It rapidly developed and organized
its political and economic resources, and with
Russian help emerged as the strongest military
power in Asia. And the party itself overshad-
owed all others in Asia in size, experience, dis-
cipline, and resources.
This aggressive Chinese Communist regime be-
came a more insidious threat to Asia and the free
world than Japanese imperialism had been. For,
in effect, the Chinese Communist conquest of the
China mainland extended Communist power and
the Soviet world into the heart of Asia. The rela-
tive power of Communist China in an Asia weak
from the ravages of war and in the throes of a
major political revolution and economic readjust-
ment in itself represented a basic alteration in
the balance of Asian power as it had existed prior
to the war. With this Communist regime linked
directly to the Soviet world, the shift in power
acquired drastic dimensions. The prospects of
communism in Asia were completely altered, and
the task of the free world was immeasurably in-
creased. American policymakers had to reckon,
therefore, with Communist China as a threat to
Asia and the free world, on the one hand, and with
the vulnerabilities of Far Eastern countries to
Chinese communism, on the other hand.
Despite shifts in tactics from time to time, the
Chinese Communists have given no evidence of
abandoning their ultimate objectives — within
China, the establishment of totalitarian (or, in
752
Department of State Bulletin
their terms, "democratic centralist") socialism,
and outside of China, the extension of Communist
power througli the jiromotion of the world Com-
munist revolution. In international politics, as in
internal politics, the Chinese Communists have,
when expedient, accommodated those whom they
regard as their enemies ; but Avhen occasion offered
or circmnstances changed, the Peiping regime has
undertaken, like other Communist parties, to de-
stroy its enemies or erstwhile friends.
Communist attitudes toward India and Burma
illustrate this tactical shift. Depicted at the Pe-
king Trade Union Conference in 1949 as coun-
tries which terrorized workers and stood in need
of liberation, they are now called "peace-loving"
states with whom coexistence is not only possible
but also highly desirable. Every effort now is be-
ing made by Peiping to turn these and other coun-
tries against the United States and to persuade
them to forego as unnecessary individual and col-
lective measures for their self-defense. At the
same time, however, the Chinese Communists con-
tinue their active efforts to strengthen subversive
movements within each of these coiuitries for the
time when they may make a bid for power. Mean-
while, the Chinese Communists push ahead their
program of modernizing and enlarging their own
military establishment, already the most powerful
in Asia. There is every evidence of continuing
dedication to the expansionist goals of interna-
tional communism.
Military Strength of Chinese Reds
1 The threat of Chinese Commmiist military
power looms dark over Asia. The Chinese Com-
munists have over 3I/2 million men in their field
and public security forces. In addition, it is esti-
mated that there are between 6 and 10 million men
in the militia units which the Chinese Communists
use to maintain domestic control. The field forces
clearly are trained and equipped to engage in mod-
ern warfare. During and following tlie Korean
war these field forces have undergone progressive
modernization. With the help of the Soviet
Union the Chinese Communist Army has acquired
increasing numbers of mechanized and armored
military units. The Cliinese Connnunist Air
Force has an estimated 2,000 aircraft, of which
over 1,600 are believed to be combat types, includ-
ing jet fighters and bombers of recent Soviet de-
sign. A small Chinese Communist Navy is being
steadily strengthened by the addition of naval
vessels from the Soviet Union, probably including
some Soviet-type submarines.
The intentions of the Chinese Communists have
been clearly and repeatedly stated. The Chinese
Communist Defense Minister Peng Teh-huai said
to the National People's Congress at Peiping on
July 16 :
The Chinese People's Liberation Army must, in the
internal situation, strive to consolidate the People's Dem-
ocratic Dictatorship, and vigorously build up strength
for the liberation of the Chinese territory of Taiwan. . . .
To undertake [this] sacred mission . . ., we must speedily
build up powerful, modernized armed forces. We must
have not only a mighty army but also a mighty air force
and a mighty navy.
All available information indicates that the Chi-
nese Coimnunist military forces will continue to
gi'ow in power and improve in efficiency. This
military program is intended to assure the Chinese
Communist regime of its position as the dominant
Asian power in terms of military strength. It
coidd also widen the already enormous gap be-
tween Conmimiist China and other Asian nations
with respect to military strength.
Dangers of Subversion
It is not military power alone, however, which
makes Communist China a menace to Asia. Its
threat to the Far East is far more varied. Skilled
in the manipulation of political movements and
pojjular discontent and trained to organize and
utilize subversive groups whose activities can be
coordinated with the political, military, and eco-
nomic weapons of Peiping's foreign policy, the
Chinese Communists have vastly increased the
dangers of subversion in the Far East. Since
Mao Tse-tung's triumph on the mainland, the
Chinese Communists systematically have sought
to weld the various Communist movements in non-
Communist Asia into a coherent and unified re-
gional force capable of acting under their central
direction.
Acting alone, the Communist movement in each
of the non-Communist Far Eastern countries has
only limited capabilities. The abortive efforts of
several Asian Communist parties — in Burma,
Malaj'a, Indonesia, and the Philippines — to seize
political power by direct action during the period
fi'om 1948 to 1950 demonstrated their lack of in-
digenous strength. At the present time, no Corn-
November 7, 7955
753
munist Party in the non-Communist countries of
the Far East possesses sufficient military strength
of its own to attempt to seize power from the exist-
ing government. If the problem of subversion
were a purely domestic problem, each of the non-
Communist countries of Asia could probably cope
successfully with the disloyal and subversive
Communist elements within its own borders. But
Mao's victory on the China mainland has provided
Asian communism with a firm base and exposed
each of these countries to increased hazards from
externally supported Communist groups.
Prior to the establishment of a Communist base
on the China mainland, Asian Communists lacked
regional unity and central direction. They were
divided by diverse historical origins, backgrounds,
and experience. The Korean and Japanese
parties were founded through the direct efforts
of the Comintern. Others, such as the parties in
Indonesia and India and, to a degree, in Indo-
china, owed their origin to mother parties in
Europe. The parties in Indochina, Malaya,
Thailand, and the Philippines were created
largely through the efforts of Chinese Com-
munists.
There were also other factors which limited the
effectiveness of the Communist parties in the Far
East. Their efforts to use Soviet strategies and
tactics primarily designed to further Communist
objectives in the West at times resulted only in
frustration. Soviet plans often had little rele-
vance to the problems of the Asian parties. Be-
ing remote from the Kremlin, the Communist
parties of South and Southeast Asia often re-
ceived little attention or direction from Moscow,
with the result that they sometimes operated in
relative isolation from the worldwide Coimnunist
movement. Under these conditions it is under-
standable that Asian Communist movements were
plagued and divided by problems of factionalism,
dissidence, and rivalry for leadership.
The Chinese Communists have moved rapidly
to correct this disorganized situation. Their in-
fluence, prestige, power, and location have placed
the Chinese party in an overwhelmingly dominant
position in the Asian Communist scene. Asia's
Communists now see a Chinese Communist Party,
claiming a membership of about 7 million, in con-
trol of Asia's largest army, with vast territories
populated by more than 500 million people and
with a party leadership unrivaled in experience
and prestige in the Asian Communist world. It
is obvious to the estimated 124,000 party members
and their 3 to 4 million disciplined supporters
scattered through the non-Communist countries
of the Far East that their future is bound directly
to Communist China and to the support they re-
ceive from over 814 million party members in the
Chinese party and its North Korean and Viet
Minh affiliates.
Ties With Other Asian Communists
To extend its influence and control over the
Communist movements in free Asia, Peiping has
been developing organizational ties with each of
the Far Eastern Communist parties. From Ko-
rea and Japan in the north to Burma and Indo-
nesia in the south ideological direction is provided
through varied channels. In some countries the
Communist Bank of China and Chinese Commu-
nist diplomatic and consular officials act as agents
of the Chinese Communist Party. In other areas
only clandestine connections are available. Pe-
riodic conferences in Peiping with representatives
from all or most of the countries of the Far East
provide occasions for developing coordinated re-
gional plans and programs under Chinese guid-
ance. Daily broadcasts to the countries of the Far
East from mainland China in every major Far
Eastern language convey Peiping's up-to-the-min-
ute interpretation of current events and its guid-
ance on major issues for Communist groups
throughout the region. From Peiping go funds,
propaganda materials, and agents. To the main-
land come foreign agents for training, foreign mil-
itary units to be equipped and trained, and poten-
tial leaders of revolutionary movements for har-
bor against the time when their services may be
needed. Through organizational ties, ideological
guidance, the development of operational meth-
ods, and central direction, Peiping is converting
local Communist parties into a regional force.
These parties increasingly demonstrate their abil-
ity to act in unison to exploit regional develop-
ments, to advance Chinese Communist objectives,
to attack special targets, and to disrupt regional
cooperation among the non-Communist countries
of eastern Asia.
Reactions to Communist Power
Communist China has made its threatening
presence unmistakably felt throughout the Far
East and in the world. Each country of the Far
754
Department of State Bulletin
East has reacted in some way to the menace and
lodgment of Communist power, both military and
subversive. The sharpest reactions have come
from the two states whose continued existence has
been most directly jeopardized by Communist suc-
cess and ambitions — the Republics of China and
Korea. Both have already faced the possibilities
of extinction by the aggressive military forces of
Communist China. Both Governments seek the
fulfillment of their national aims through policies
which will enable them to free from Communist
oppression the lands and the peoples conquered
by the Communists. Both Governments believe
that their security and that of Asia depend on
military strength to save them until the aggres-
sive, militarized Chinese Communist totalitarian
system is destroyed. In effect, the leaders of Free
China and Free Korea maintain a posture of de-
fensive hostility toward Communist China. They
have little alternative, for they have been singled
out as avowed objects of Communist destruction.
As a result, both countries have bent every effort
to build up their military strength and now pos-
sess the strongest military forces in free Asia.
Neither of these Governments has political or
economic relations with the Peiping regime, and
both consistently oppose any recognition of the
political claims and any extension of the political
and economic influence of that regime. More-
over, alert to the dangers of subversion, they have
resolutely rooted out within the areas under their
control all known Communist agents and organs.
There is no place for the subversive or the fellow
traveler in these embattled coimtries. Aggression,
not subversion, is the major Communist threat they
fear, for the vast majority of their peoples have
experienced and rejected communism.
More recently a third divided country has ap-
peared on the Asian scene — the Eepublic of Viet-
Nam. The Geneva agreements of July 1954 par-
titioned Viet-Nam at approximately the I7th par-
allel, pending an ultimate settlement of political
problems. "Wliile it has agreed not to use force to
bring about reunification, the Government of the
Republic of Viet-Nam is not a party to the Geneva
agreements and neither recognizes nor deals with
the Communist Viet Minh, which is in control
north of the 17th parallel. Nor does it recognize
the Peiping regime, which not only encouraged
and supplied the Viet ]\Iinh in its strike for power
but also extended to its leader. Ho Chi Minh, and
his Communist regime diplomatic recognition and
November 7, 1955
international status even before the conclusion of
an armistice in the summer of 1954. Since the
Free Vietnamese are under increasing Commu-
nist pressure, their only hope for survival seems
to be on a basis of continuous resistance to all
forms of Communist power. This means a costly
investment of Viet-Nam's energies and resources in
military strength and in an effort to achieve po-
litical control over dissident and subversive
elements.
Two other countries, the Philippines and Thai-
land, reacted to the emergence of a powerful Chi-
nese Communist regime by striving to root out
domestic affiliates and potential agents — the local
Communists — and cutting them oft' from any con-
nections with China and the outside. Resistant
to Communist China's claims and distrustful of
its objectives, both Governments have broken po-
litical, diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties
with the China mainland. But in each of these
countries there is still an operative Communist
Party organization maintaining an illegal exist-
ence, encouraged and defended by the voice of
Peiping. In Thailand the party is, in effect, a
Chinese party with perhaps 50,000 supporters and
large influence in at least one of the Chinese re-
gional fraternities. The subversive threat cannot
be ignored here any more than it can be ignored
to the south, in Malaya, where the party has a
warring guerrilla army and a supporting Minh
Yuen mass organization, virtually all Chinese.
Fearful of Communist China's military power,
Thailand and the Philippines have undertaken to
develop their defensive military strength and to
join in collective security arrangements with each
other and with other Asian and Pacific powers
in the Manila Pact. Both countries sent military
contingents to Korea to assist in repelling Com-
munist aggression.
Wliile Cambodia and Laos have not had much
time in their newly acquired independence to re-
act fully to the threat of Chinese Communist
power, they have taken initial steps to protect
themselves. There is no doubt that they sense their
weakness and vulnerability in the face of the Chi-
nese Communists and their Viet Minh partners.
Communist Party in Japan
The reaction of the Japanese people to Com-
munist China presents another situation. While
Japan has neither diplomatic nor formal economic
755
relations with Coniiminist Cliina, the Japanese
Government has submitted to a certain amount of
so-called "people's diplomacy" with unofficial Jap-
anese groups and organizations in the interests
of securing the repatriation of thousands of Jap-
anese nationals and the release of captured and
castaway fishermen. Perhaps because, until re-
cently, they have had little responsibility for their
own military security and historically have been
concerned with the threat of Eussian rather than
of Chinese power, some Japanese do not appear
to have awalcened fully to this new Chinese Com-
munist threat. They seem still to be living in the
neutralist and pacifist dream which came upon
them after their defeat in war.
The desire of some Japanese for accommodation
with the Communist regime on the China main-
land rests perhaps more on economic motivation
than political preference, but it also reflects the
social and economic frustrations and military im-
potence which have engendered a mood of ac-
commodation. Here the Communist Party
enjoys a quasi-legal existence. It has an under-
ground directorate and a membership of about
80,000, supported by controlled organizations with
over 360,000 fellow-traveling members. Once one
of the weakest of all Communist parties in Asia,
the Japanese Communist Party has now become
one of the largest Communist parties in the non-
Communist part of eastern Asia, possessing obvi-
ous capabilities to move both directly and
indirectly against the Government. The Japa-
nese Government and jjeople have adopted meas-
ures, however, which have increasingly restricted
the subversive potentialities of the Japanese Com-
munist Party and movement.
Burma and Indonesia reacted to the emergence
of Communist China by adopting external poli-
cies of accommodation while at the same time un-
dertaking internal measures to check the activities
of local and Chinese Communists. They appear
to hope that Chinese Communist domestic preoc-
cupations, the restraints on Peiping of United Na-
tions influence and world opinion, the power of
other international groufDings, and a friendly at-
titude on their part will save them from external
Communist attack. However, diplomatic, eco-
nomic, and cultural intercourse, reinforced by the
ties to the China mainland of large minorities of
resident Chinese, provide the Peiping regime with
a tempting and exploitable oi^portunity to encour-
age and support those gi'oups which seek to sub-
vert the power o f these Governments. By their ef-
forts to suppress Chinese Communist-supported
activities in their own countries, Burma and Indo-
nesia show that they have recognized the subver-
sive threat of Chinese communism. The Gov-
ernments of both countries, in fact, have success-
fully crushed Communist revolts by drastic mili-
tary measures — revolts which had the explicit
blessings of the Chinese Communists.
Thus, in varying degrees, these exposed coun-
tries of eastern Asia have been concerned with
their vulnerability to the military, political, and
economic activities of the Chinese Communists.
After the Chinese Communists conquered the
mainland, their military vulnerability was imme-
diate and acute, and they turned to the West, par-
ticularly the United States, for assistance in re-
sisting the aggressive thrusts of Communist
Cliina's military might. The United States, al-
ready possessing military forces and having mil-
itary commitments in the Far East — in Korea,
Japan, the Philippines, and the Pacific Trust Ter-
ritories — as a result of the defeat and occupation
of Japan, undertook the primary task of assist-
ing countries of free Asia to redress the military
balance of power.
U. S. Security and Defense Policies in Far East
The development of the security and defense
policies and programs of the United States in the
Far East was in response to the needs of free
Asian countries imperiled by hostile Communist
power and the result of direct provocations of the
Chinese Communists toward the United States and
its friends. Immediately after the North Korean
Communists launched their attack, the Chinese
Communists demonstrated their support of Com-
munist aggression. As a result, on June 27, 1950,
President Truman ordered the Seventh Fleet to
guard Taiwan and to prevent Chinese Nationalist
air and sea operations against the China main-
land as a measure designed to protect the flank of
United Nations forces in Korea. In October the
Chinese Communist military forces intervened
massively in Korea. This caused the United
States to drop its proposal of September 21, 1950,
that the United Nations General Assembly study
and make recommendations on the problem of the
future of Taiwan. Also, after this intervention,
the United States undertook to provide military
assistance to the Government of the Republic of
China on Taiwan. Even at that time, the mili-
756
Department of State Bulletin
tary assistance agreement with the Chinese Gov-
ernment, formalized in an exchange of notes of
January 30 and February 9, 1951, specified that
the military assistance was to be used by the Chi-
nese Government only "to maintain its internal
security or its legitimate self-defense." In May
1951 a small United States military advisory
group was established on Taiwan.
Communist aggression in Korea, coupled with
the obvious and growing hostility of Russia to-
ward the West and its seizure and fortification of
Japan's northern islands, made the security needs
of Japan especially urgent. The peace treaty
with Japan was accompanied by a security ti'eaty
between the United States and Japan. When
these two treaties were approved by the Senate of
the United States on March 20, 1952, two addi-
tional security treaties were also ratified by the
Senate: the mutual defense treaty between the
United States and the Philippines and the se-
curity treaty between Australia, New Zealand, and
the United States. These four treaties, taken to-
gether, provided an initial foundation for secur-
ity in the Far East. In the words of the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations, they
. . . constitute an important contribution toward clarify-
ing the position of the United States in the Pacific. They
are logical and desirable steps in liquidating the old war
and strengthening the fabric of peace in the Far East
against the danger of a new war.
The continuing menace of Communist aggres-
sion in Korea resulted in the signing on October 1,
1953, of a mutual defense treaty between the
United States and the Republic of Korea. In the
words of the Korean Foreign Minister, this de-
fense treaty was concluded to "conserve the fruits
of our joint efforts so far made to check aggres-
sion and contribute toward putting a final stop
to encroachments upon freedom." Secretary
Dulles, concerned 
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