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CJV9 Ji^.i5:i^_LAaD 


Given By 




y^s3. I n- 

Vol. XLII, No. 1084 AprU 4, 1960 


CONFERENCE CONVENES • Text of Five-PoxLer Work- 
ing Paper and Statement by Fredrick M. Eaton 511 

AMERICA'S DEBT TO GREECE • Address by Secretary 

Herter 516 


MATURING RELATIONSHIP • by Assistant Secrettiry 
Rubottom 519 


by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge 524 


EAST • Statement by Assistant Secretary Parsons .... 532 

TION • StatemeiLt l^^^^f^gf^r Secretary- Dillon 529 

Superintenitent of Documents 

For index see inside back cover 

JUN 1-1960 



Vol. XLII, No. 1084 • Publication 6971 
April 4, 1960 

For sale by the SupiTlntendent of Documents 

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Note: Contents of this publication are not 
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be reprinted. Citation of the Depaktment 
OF Btat." nui.i.ETiN as the source will bo 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on de- 
velopments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on Oie work of the Depart- 
ment of State and tJte Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected press 
releases on foreign policy, issued by 
the White House and the Departmrnl, 
and statements and addresses made 
by the President and by the Secretary 
of Stite and other officers of the De- 
partment, as well as special articles on 
various pluises of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. 
Information is included concerning 
treaties and international agreements 
to which the United States is or may 
become a parly and treaties of general 
international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Five Powers Present Plan for General Disarmament 
as Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference Convenes 

The Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference ^ con- 
veixed at Geneva, Sioitzerland, on March 15. 
Following is a toorking paper on general dis- 
armoment released on March 14 by Canada, 
France, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the 
United States, together icith a stateinent made at 
the opening session on March 15 by Fredrick M. 
Eaton^ U.S. Representative to the conference. 


Press release 120 dated Marcb 14 

A. Tlie ultimate <roal is a secure, free, and 
peaceful world in which there shall be general 
disarmament under efl'ective international control 
and agi-eed procedures for the settlement of dis- 
putes in accordance with the principles of the 
United Nations Charter. 

B. The task of the Ten Nation Disarmament 
Conference should be to work out measures lead- 
ing toward general disannament, whicli can only 
be attained by balanced, phased, and safeguarded 

C. All measures of disarmament must be ob- 
served and verified by an appropriate inter- 
national organization. 


The following mejisures are projwsed witli 
the recommendation that they be undertaken 
forthwith : 

A. The establishment of an International Dis- 
armament Organization bj' progi-essive steps 
following a joint study of the composition and 

' For background, .«ee Bulletin of Seiit. 28, 10.")!), p. 
438 ; for names of members of the U.S. delegation, see 
i6M.. Mar. 21, 1960, p. 46G. 

functions of such an organization and its relation- 
ship to the United Nations (taking into account 
previous expenence in this field). 

B. Prior notification to the International Dis- 
armament Organization of proposed launchings 
of space vehicles and the establishment of co- 
operative arrangements for communicating to 
the International Disarmament Organization data 
obtained from available tracking facilities. 

C. The collection of information on present 
force levels (active uniformed military man- 
power) and on armaments pertaining to land, 
sea, and air forces possessed by the various 
powere. The collection of information would be 
based mainly on declarations by States accord- 
ing to predetermined and mutually agreed 

D. The coordinated reduction or limitation of 
force levels and conventional armaments upon the 
establisliment of agreed arrangements and pro- 
cedures for initial and continuing verification by 
the International Disarmament Organization as 
follows : 

1. Initial force level ceilings to be : 

2.5 million for the Soviet Union 
2.5 million for the United States, and agreed ap- 
propriate force levels for certain other States. 

2. Each State party to the agreement shall jilace 
in .storage depots, within its own territorie.s and 
under the supervision of the International Dis- 
armament Organization agreed types and quan- 
tities of conventional armaments to be set forth 
in lists annexed to the agreement and bearing a 
relationsliip to the agreed force levels. 

E. Tlie submission by the various states to the 
International Disarmament Organization of data 

kprW 4, I960 


relating to : the operation of their financial system 
as it affects militaiy expenditures, tlie amount of 
their military expenditures, and the percentage of 
their gross national product earmarked for mili- 
tai-y expenditures. The data to be submitted will 
be drawn up in accordance with predetermined 
and mutually agreed criteria. 

F. Joint studies will be undertaken immedi- 
ately on the following subjects : 

1. Measures to assure compliance with an 
agreement that no nation sliiill place into orbit 
or station in outer space weapons of mass destruc- 
tion, including provision for on-sit« inspexjtion. 

2. Measures to assure compliance with an agi*ee- 
ment on prior notification of missile launchings, 
according to predetermined and mutually agreed 
criteria, and on declarations to the International 
Disarmament Organization of locations of launch- 
ing sites, and places of manufacture, of such 

3. Measures to assure compliance with an agree- 
ment to discontinue the manufacture of fissionable 
materials for weapons purposes. 

4. Arrangements required to carry out an agree- 
ment to transfer, mider international supervision 
and control, fissionable material from past produc- 
tion to non-weapons uses, including stockpiling. 

5. Measures to give participating States greater 
protection against surprise attack with effective 
verification procedures including aerial inspection, 
gi'ound observers at agreed points, mobile gromid 
teams, overlapping radar, notification of aircraft 
flights, and apjiropriate communications facilities 
and arrangements. 

6. Measures to verify budgetary information 
submitted by the various states to the Interna- 
tional Disarmament Organization. 

7. Means of preventing aggression and preserv- 
ing world peace and security, as national arma- 
ments are reduced, by an international organiza- 
tion, to be an organ of, or linked to, the United 

8. Timing and manner of extending a disarma- 
ment agreement so as to include other States hav- 
ing significant military capabilities, with a view 
to the holding of a disarmament conference. 


The following measures will l>e imdertaken as 
rapidly as possible upon successful completion of 

relevant preparatory studies outlined in I : 

A. The prohibition against placing into orbit 
or stationing in outer space veliicles capable 
of mass destiiiction to be effective immediately 
after the installation and effective operation of 
an agreed control system to verify this measure. 

B. Prior notification to the International Dis- 
armament Organization of proposed launch- 
ings of missiles according to predetermined and 
mutually agreed criteria, and declarations of lo- 
cations of laimching sites, and places of manufac- 
ture of such missiles, with agreed ^'erification 
including on-site inspection of launching sites of 
such missiles. 

C. The cessation of production of fissionable 
materials for weapons purposes unmediately after 
the installation and effective operation of an 
agreed control system to verify this measure, con- 
ditional upon satisfactory progress in the field of 
conventional disarmament. 

D. Agreed quantities of fissionable material 
from past production to be transferred under 
international super^-ision and control to non- 
weapons uses, including stockpiling, immediately 
upon the installation and effective operation of 
an agreed control system to verify the cessation 
of production of fissionable materials for weapons 

E. Establishment of appropriate measures to 
give participating States greater protection 
agamst surprise attack, including aerial inspec- 
tion, ground observers at agreed points, mobile 
ground teams, overlapping radar, notification of 
aircraft flights, and appropriate communications. 

F. A disarmament conference with other States 
having significant military capabilities, called to 
consider their accession to the disarmament agree- 
ment, including their acceptance of appropriate 
reductions or limitations of their respective force 
levels and armaments. 

G. Force level ceilings for all militarily signifi- 
cant States and appropriate inspection and verifi- 
cation measures to go into effect simullaneously 
with the establishment of force level ceilings of 
2.1 million for the US and USSR. At the same 
time, each of the States par(ici])ating shall agree 
to place in storage depots agreed types and quan- 
tities of armaments in agreed relation to the force 
level ceilings. 


Department of State Butlelin 

ir. Tlio ostiihlislinient of measures to verify 
builjietaiT infoniiiition. 

I. Flirt lier projji-essive development of the In- 
terii:itii)nal Disarmament Or^jaiiization. 

J. Initial establishment of the international or- 
ganization to presers'e world peace. 


The forejroing represent measures which should 
be neirotiated and put into etl'ect as rapidly as 
possible, lielow are additional measures wliich 
are regarded as necessary for achieving the ulti- 
mate goal : 

A. Reduction of national arme<l forces and 
armaments by progressive safeguarded steps 
(after such further joint studies as may l)e neces- 
sary) to levels required by internal security and 
fulfillment of obligations under the United Na- 
tions Charter to the end that no single nation or 
group of nations can eifectively oppose enforce- 
ment of international law. 

B. Measures toward this objective, phased to 
coincide with the build-up of international law 
enforcement capability to preserve world i)eace, 
and with the extension of the International Dis- 
armament Organization to provade necessary 
inspection and control, will include: 

1. Prohibition of production of nuclear, chemi- 
cal, biological, and other weapons of mass destruc- 

2. Further reduction of existing stocks of nu- 
clear, chemical, biological and other weapons of 
mass destruction, further transfer of fissionable 
materials to peaceful use, and further steps, in 
the light of the latest scientific knowledge, to 
achieve the final elimination of these weapons. 

3. Measures to ensure the use of outer space for 
peaceful purposes only. 

4. Control of the production of agreed cate- 
gories of militaiy missiles and existing national 
stocks and their final elimination. 

5. Establishment of effective international con- 
trol over military budgets. 

6. Completion of the establishment of inter- 
national organizations and arrangements to pre- 
serve world peace. 

7. Final reduction of military manpower and 
armaments to the levels required for the objec- 
tive stated in para. A above, including the dis- 
position of surplus armaments. 

8. Control over the production of all remain- 
ing types of armaments to ensure that production 
is limited to that i-equired for purjioses specified 
in para. A. 


Press release 120 dated .March l."! 

I wish to express my tlianks, and that of my 
Government, for the hospitality which is lieing 
afl'orded to us by the Federal Government of 
Switzerland, by this city, and by the Republic 
and Canton of Geneva. We are most grateful to 
the Secretary-General for the facilities made 
available by the Unite<l Nations. It is appropri- 
ate that this conference should convene in a coun- 
try which for so long has l^een at peace with the 
world, whose people enjoy those freedoms which 
we hold sacred. 

We share a heavy burden. We must, in the 
words of the foreign ministers of September last, 
explore through mutual consultation avenues of 
possible progress for agreements and recommen- 
dations on the limitation and reduction of all 
types of armaments and armed forces under ef- 
fective international control. 

We must patiently address oui-selves to the task 
of designmg a workable plan of general disarm- 
ament in a world in which man can live at peace 
with himself, where freedoms will flourish, secure 
from the fear of invasion by forces of oppression. 
A world of peace under law — this is the goal; 
disarmament, a means of achieving it. 

There is throughout the world an all-pervasive 
yearning for security and peace. But peace, 
merely the absence of armed conflict, is not in 
itself sufficient. My country could have enjoyed 
such a peace during the last two wars. It chose, 
rather, to fight to preserve our freedoms. 

These past wars and the fear of nuclear war 
tend to distort our values. We must be ever- 
mindful that a disarmed world is not necessarily 
a secure world — a world in which man's way of 
life shall be of his own choosing, where thought 
and action and expression shall be determined by 
each individual, limited only by those niinimmn 
restraints necessary for the preservation of those 
freedoms, a world in which the right of privacy 
is respected, in which the individual can pui-sue 

April 4, 1960 


his own life unhampered by the intervention of 
the state, a world which venerates the dignity of 

President Emphasizes U.S. Desire 
for Progress on Disarmament 

White House press release dated March 12 

The White House on March 12 made public the 
following letter from the President to Fredrick M. 
Eaton, U.S. Representative to the Ten-Nation Dis- 
armament Conference. 

Mabch 12, 1960 
Dear Ambassador Eaton : The ten natiims which 
will begin disarmament discussions at Geneva on 
March 15, 1960, have both the opportunity and a 
great responsibility to serve mankind. The inter- 
est of the United States in disarmament and my 
own strong personal feelings on this subject are 
well known. I want to take this opix)rtunity to 
emphasize that the United State.s is prepared to 
explore every possible avenue to find a way toward 
general disarmament. 

We must not be pessimistic because of the lack of 
success in past disarmament negotiations. Nor 
.should we necessarily exi>ect immetUate, dramatic 
and far-reaching strides, although we would cer- 
tainly welcome such progress. Rather, it should 
be our objective in these negotiations to contribute 
by carefully balanced, phased and safeguarded arms 
control agreements to the ultimate objective of a 
secure, free and iieaceful world in which inter- 
national disputes will be settled in accordance 
with the principles of the United Nations Charter. 
As the United States Representative to the Ten- 
Nation Disarmament Conference, I know that you 
will exert every possible effort to reach agreement 
on measures which will lessen the danger of another 
armed conflict, ease the burden of armaments and 
thereby contribute to the attainment of the ulti- 
mate goal of general disarmament and a peaceful 
world. I should like you to convey to the other 
delegates at the Ten-Nation Disarmament Confer- 
ence my hope that the Conference will dis- 
charge its solenm obligation to mankind and thus 
contribute to this goal. 

You may be assured that you carry with you my 
complete sui)port and that of the people of the 
United States. 


The Honorable Fredrick M. Eaton 
U.S. Representative to the Teti^Nation 

Disarmament Conference 
American Consulate 
Geneva, Sivitzerland 

Task of the Disarmament Committee 

We must design a plan broad and promising 
in scope and yet realistic in conception, a plan 
which moves by measured, safeguarded steps to- 
ward an attainable goal, not one which raises false 
hopes of a sudden and easy solution to one of 
mankind's oldest problems — the problem of abol- 
ishing war among nations — but a plan wliich will 
bring to a lialt this frightening race to create even 
more massive means of destruction. 

Existing forces and armaments must be grad- 
ually but surely reduced, under proper safeguards, 
until no nation shall possess the power to destroy 
its neighbors. 

Althougli we have a great distance to travel, 
the initial steps must not be overly ambitious. 
For, until there is some greater degree of confi- 
dence and experience with arms control, onlj' 
carefully measured first steps are feasible. From 
these can come some reduction in the tensions, 
for which the world so anxiously awaits. 

Effective verification will be required. Tliis is 
a difficult problem — more difficuU for some than 
others. It Itas been said that there must be no 
inspection without commensurate disarmament. 
Conversely the security of the world requires that 
there be no disarmament without commensurate 
inspection. We must patiently find our way 
througli tliis difficulty. Our speed will be deter- 
mined by the willingness of states to permit veri- 
fication of fulfillment of their commitments. 

We would only deceive ourselves and those mil- 
lions who are himgering for peace, for relief from 
the liorrors of a possible war, if we were to place 
our names on some grand but hollow design, some 
ambitious but unenforceable scheme, some un- 
real istically timed program of disarmament. 

Initial Steps 

Our most urgent task is, therefore, to sort out. to 
define, and to agree on those initial steps wliicli 
will bring increased security to each nation, steps 
which will provide the experience and evidence 
of performance that are essential to the more far- 
leaching measures to come. 

We must determine those arrangements by 
which military forces can be limited and reduced. 

We must arrange for reduction of armaments 
as forces are i-educed. 

We must find means to iialt tlie iminliibited 
growth of nuclear stockpiles. 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

We must take inunediat© action to prevent the 
extension of tlia arms race into outer space. 

Wo must ihn clop arranpcn^ci'ts to all'ortl picalor 
protect ion to all states ii^ainst surprise attack and 
to lessen the ilan<rer of war by accident or 

We must iiynw on measures which will reduce 
tJie thi-ejit of missile attack. 

AVe must establish an international disarm- 
ament org:anization to sujjei \ ise and verity the 
performance of these arrangements. 

Final Measures To Attain Goal 

AMien these first steps have been agreed, we 
sliould then proceed to design those final measures 
necessary to attain the ultimate goal. National 
armaments and forces siiould be radically reduced. 
The pi"oduction of weapons of mass destruction 
should be prohibited, and, so far as scientific 
knowledge makes verification feasible, we should 
move toward tlicir final eliminaticn. Ofl'ensive 
military missiles should Ix' biouglit under control 
to the end of their elimination from national 

As arms are reduced international arrange- 
ments must be strengthened for settling ditHculties 
among nations in accoi'dance with the principles 
of the T'nited Nations Charter. Cei-tain mii- 
versiilly accepted rules of law n)ust l)e established, 
backed by a universally recognized international 
court. For, althougli in the time of those now 
alive general disarmament may bs achieved, dif- 
ferences among nations will remain. The call 
to arms has been tlie historic means of settling 
such diU'erences. 

There must therefore come into being, as na- 
tional armaments diminish, an international foi-ce 
within the framework of the United Nations to 
pi-eserve the peace, a force to insure that seeds of 
conflict not mature to the point where small na- 
tions less endowed with the elements of national 
power, or even large nations, would be threatened 
by a more powerful and more highly organized 

The establishment of such a force will be 
fraught with great diflicultie*. But how much 
more difficult and nnhafpy tho alternative, the 
continuing, mounting diversion of the efforts, 
energies, and lives of men to the production of 
the means of their own self-destruction. 

These problems affect not only the 10 nations 
assembled here in Geneva but all of the United 

Nations. Ilaipily ll'e w )rld is not without a 
foundation on which to build such indispensable 
machinery. The United Nations Charter con- 
tains this maiuhite: 

To miiiiit'iin intcmatioiial ix-ace and .securit.v. imd 
to that miJ : U> lako cflVtlive Cdlleitive aieasiues for 
the prt'venlion ami removal of thrtals to thi> jK-ace . . . 
and ti> liriiic jiboiit . . . ndjiisriiicnt or sctt'cini'at of 
international disputps or .>-iluatliins which might lead 
to ;i l)rt»nch of the peace. 

For the past 14 years the United Nations has 
been gathering valuable experience in these 

This Disaimamcnt Conuiuttcp, comprised of 
only 10 of the mc.mb?rs of the United Nations, 
cannot finally decide upon matters relating to the 
improvement of the international peace-keeping 
machinery of the world community as a whole. 
It is, however, cur Lask (o help identify the kind 
of international imichinery necessary for the 
settlement of disputes and for the safeguarding 
of the peace in a disarmed world. 

With the reduction of expenditures for arma- 
ments ever-greater mp.nns Cim be devoted to 
human welfare and to the fiuther development of 
those new and growing nations of the world which 
are so in need of assistance. 

While we aie engaged here and until, hope- 
fully, tiie agreements which we shall set down are 
implemented, my country will continue to main- 
tain the strength nccessaiy to assure its security 
and to meet its commitments to the world. Past 
experience has taught us the tragic lesson that 
to relax prematurely, to pennit an imbalance of 
military power, is not ccnducive to disarmament 
and to the just and secure, peace which we seek. 

Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, our 
most precious possession. AVe shall not let our 
liberties erode, nor shall we bargain them away. 
We shall proceod CiircfiJIy, lost in the course of 
our quest we lose those freedoms which we 
cherish more deeply than our lives. 

The United States is consciou.'- of its respon- 
sibility to the peoples of the world who share the 
connnon hope that in ourdaj* the course of events 
can be turned in the direction of peace. 
assembled here have the opportujiity to contribute 
to the fullillment of this hope. If each is faithful 
to this task, measuies cf far-reaching consequence 
can be taken toward attaining the goal of a se- 
cure, free, and jjeaceful woi-ld in wliich there shall 
bo general disaimament under efiective inter- 
national control. 

April 4, 1960 


President Charles de Gaulle 
To Visit United States 

The "Wliite House announced on March 15 that 
arrangements have been completed for the visit 
of Gen. Charles de Gaulle, President of the 
French Eepublic, President of the Community, 
who will visit the United States tliis spring at the 
invitation of President Eisenhower. President de 
Gaulle will be accompanied by Foreign Muiister 
Couve de Murville. 

President de Gaulle will visit Washington, D.C., 
April 22-26 and then will begin a tour that will 
include New York City, San Francisco, and New 
Orleans. He will leave New Orleans for French 
Guiana on April 29. 

America's Debt to Greece 

Address by Secretary Herter ^ 

It is most gratifying to see around me the faces 
of so many of my friends and former colleagues 
in the Congress. On an occasion like this it is a 
little hard to believe that I have been away from 
the Hill at all. 

It is indeed a pleasure to attend the national 
banquet of AHEPA, membership in whose Boston 
chapter I am proud to claim. Because I think of 
myself as one of you, I take this occasion to an- 
nounce that I plan to make a visit to Athens 
within a few weeks. I expect to stop there on the 
fifth of May, following the NATO meeting in 

Greece is a land of many beauties, created both 
by nature and by men. The genius of the Greek 
people is expressed not only in the monuments of 
their culture but also in their friendliness and 
charm. Not least in these endowments are their 
gracious and devoted King and Queen. I look 
forward to a pleasant and relaxing opportunity 
to renew my acquaintance with a beautiful country 
and with many good friends. 

I am here tonigiit to acknowledge a debt. Not 

'Made before the 14th AHEPA (American Hellenic 
Educational Propressive Association) national banquet in 
honor of the U.S. Congress at Washington, D.C., on Mar. 
20 (press release 140 dated Mar. 19). 

to pay it, because that is beyond my power, but 
to acknowledge it and thereby give an indication 
of its nature and magnitude. The debt is the debt 
America owes to Greece. It is a debt of many 
aspects, intellectual, artistic, political, human. It 
is a debt not alone for knowledge and ideas but 
above all for inspiration, for examples of excel- 
lence, beauty, and courage. 

The United States has been very much aware 
of its debt to Greece from its beginnings as a 
republic, for the Greek tradition is the wellspring 
of our own freedom. Thus we have sought where 
we could to offer repayment. Since I happen to 
be a graduate of Harvard, I think particularly of 
the efforts of Edward Everett, a Harvard man 
who like myself was an editor, a Congressman, a 
Governor of Massachusetts, and United States 
Secretary of State. Edward Everett was for a 
time professor of Greek literature at Harvard, 
hence he enjoyed a full awareness of the glories of 
that legacy. It was he who led the widespread 
movement for American popular support of 
Greece during her War of Independence. From 
1821 to 1830 there were contributed from all over 
this countiy clothing, medicine, and financial sup- 
port to relieve the suffering of the rebirth of free- 
dom in the ancient nation where freedom was 

It would be an error, however, to think of Greek 
sacrifices in the cause of freexlom only in terms 
of events a century or more past. The fierce and 
courageous dedication to freedom displaj'ed by the 
Greek people during the Second World War and 
after it was both inspiring in itself and important 
to the broader effort. Here again M-e sought to 
help in what ways we could, in gratitude for the 
contribution in blood and gallantry being made by 
the Greek people to our own security and freedom. 

Moreover in the time since then Greece has 
played and continues to jilay an essential role in 
the strength of NATO as the shield of Europe. 
Just as the size of a nation in area, population, or 
resources does not necessarily determine tlie mag- 
nitude of its contribution to ideas and cuKure, so 
the size of a member of an alliance does not in 
itself give a measure of its value to the alliance. 
Interdependence creates an eijuality among part- 
ners which our Nation gladly and, may I say, 
humbly acknowledges. 

The contriI)ution to the life and achievements 
of this country by Americans of Greek descent is, 


Department of State Bulletin 

like tlie contributions to freedom of Gi*e<^co her- 
self, not only a mutter of the piist but of (lie present 
and future. Two symbols of this are the presence 
with us toniglit of a yoiin<; meml)er of Confri"ess 
of Greek descent and tlie rwent announcement of 
plans to found a Hellenic Univei-sity of Americn. 

And the ideas of the ancient Greeks, like the 
descendants of the ancient (Jreeks, have tiieir con- 
tribution to make to events today. The Greek 
orator Isocrates, addi-essing the Olympiad of 380 
B.C., said, "The name of the Greeks is a symlwl 
not of who we are but of what we are. He who 
shares our culture is a Greek." Since the very 
essence of the culture to which Isocrates referred 
was political and intellectual freedom, his words 
apply today. He who shares the love of freedom, 
with all that freedom entails culturally and polit- 
ically, is today not alone a Greek, nor an American, 
but a citizen in full standin<r of the conmiunity of 
the free. That is the animating spirit of NATO 
and of other associations for the defense of free- 
dom. That must be the governing spirit of this 
country's relations with any nation which has 
freedom or hopes to gain it. 

It is clear that this same spirit is reflected in the 
ideals and service of AHEPA. It seeks at once 
to promote the better undei-standing of true Hel- 
lenism and to encourage loyalty to the United 
States. It was founded by and for Americans of 
Greek descent, but its ranks include leaders in 
American life from many backgrounds. The 
causes served by AHEPA over the yeai-s have 
ranged from relief to victims of flood and hurri- 
cane in Florida, Mississippi, and Kansas City to 
war and disaster relief and health and educational 
support in Greece and other areas of the Middle 

The annual AHEPA excursion, which sails for 
Greece tomorrow night, is a useful means of 
strengthening the bonds that exist between the 
citizens of the commimity of the free. President 
Eisenhower said last year that today the country 
needs more individual diplomats from Main 
Street traveling abroad as part-time ambassadors 
to help build understanding as a foundation 
for lasting peace.^ I particularly congratulate 
AHEPA for the 25,000 volimies of American 
books collected by its chapters, which the excursion 

' For text of the President's remarks before the Third 
National Conference on Exchange of Persons, see Bullb- 
TiiN of Feb. 23, 1959, p. 260. 

will take with it to give to the people of Greece. 
Even this impressive contribution is, of course, 
only a token repayment of the debt of culture the 
world owes to Greece. But it is an important 
token not only of gratitude but of bonds that 
remain strong. 

So I offer all good wishes to the members of 
AHEPA at their Uth national banquet; I con- 
gratulate you on the usefulness and success of 
your program ; and I urge you to continue, in the 
future as in the past, your contributions to Hel- 
lenism, to Americanism, and to the cause of 

Secretary Herter To Attend 
CENTO and NATO Meetings 

Press release 131 dated March 17 

The Department of State announced on 
March 17 that Secretary Herter will attend the 
Ministerial Council meeting of the Central Treaty 
Organization at Tehran April 28-30 and the 
spring Ministerial meeting of the North Atlantic 
Council at Istanbul May 2-4. 

Secretary Herter will leave Washington on 
April 26 and arrive at Tehran on April 27. Fol- 
lowing the CENTO meeting he will fly to Istanbul 
on April 30. 

President and Chancellor Adenauer 
Hold informal Talks 

Following is tlie text of a joint statement issued 
on March 15 at the close of talks between Presi- 
dent Eisenhoioer and Chancellor Konrad Ade- 
nauer of the Federal Republic of Gerrnany. 
Clumcellor Adenauer visited Washington March 
15-17 en route to Japan. 

White House press release dated March 15 

The President and the Chancellor have had a 
pleasant and f niitful exchange of views on a num- 
ber of subjects of mutual interest. Secretary of 
State Herter and Gennan Foreign Mimster von 
Brentano also participated in the convei-sation. 

The talks were completely infonnal in nature 
and did not involve negotiations of any type. The 
participants believe that the exchange of views 

April 4, I960 


which occurred has resulted in a further coordina- 
tion of the positions of the t\YO Govermnents on a 
numbsr of common problems. 

Among the subjects touched upon in the course 
of the conversation were the current disai-mament 
discussions in Geneva, East- West relations in gen- 
eral, the pi-oblem of Germany including Berlin, 
and Eiu'opean economic integration. 

The President and the Chancellor reaffirmed 
their determination to continue their efforts to 
achieve the reunification of Germany in peace and 
freedom. They fiu-ther agreed that the preserva- 
tion of the freedom of the people of West Berlin, 
and their i-ight of srilf-dDtermin^tion, must under- 
lie any future agreement affecting the city. 

The Chancellor and the President discussed the 
general situation with i-egard to European eco- 
nomic integration. The President reiterated the 
support, of the United States Govermnent for the 
goals of the European Communities, and for a 
strengthening of Atlantic economic cooperation. 
They welcomed the prospect that the United 
States and Canada would soon join more closely 
with the European countries in a reconstituted 
Organization for European Economic Coopera- 
tion. In this connection, they discussed the recent 
trade proposals of the Euroiiean Economic Com- 
mission. Tliey noted that, should proposals along 
these lines be adopted, the result would be a major 
contribution to a general lowering of world trade 

U.S. and Spain To Establish 
Project Mercury Tracl<ing Station 

The Department of State and the National 
Aeronautics and Space Administration announced 
on March 19 (press release 137) that tiie Tainted 
States and Spain luul announced on that date tliat 
the two nations have signed an agreement to 
cooperate in tlie establisinnent of a Project Mer- 
cury tracking station in the Canary Islands. The 
station will be one of the 16 located throughout 
the world which will comprise the Mercury 
tracking network. 

Tlie Canai'y Island facility will be used solely 
for nonmilitary scientific purposes. The Mer- 
cury program is a large step forward in the scien- 
tific effort directed toward future interplanetary 

travel and exploration of the solar system. The 
project is designed to put a manned satellite into 
a controlled orbit around tbe earth, return both 
man and vehicle safely, and investigate the capa- 
bility of men to withstand the space environment. 
The overall progiam is under the direction of the 
National Aeronautics and Space Administration, 
the U.S. agency responsible for the peaceful appli- 
cations of space research. At the Canary Islands 
facility the activities will be carried out in col- 
laboration with the Instituto Nacional de Tecnica 
Aeronautica, technical agency of the Spanish Air 

The Mercury cap ~ule will be Inunched into orbit 
from the southeastern coast of tlie United States 
by a powerful rocket. Current plans call for 
flights consisting of up to three complete orbits 
around the earth at altitudes between 100 and 
150 miles. The space capsule and its astronaut 
will land in the Atlantic Oc^an wliere ships will be 
waiting to recover it. 

An indispensable part of the capsule recovery 
operation is the Mercury tracking network. 
Ground stations locatad around the world will 
keep an ax-curate record of the capsule's orbital 
flight path using radnr. Tliese stations will also 
receive telemetered scientific data on capsule per- 
formance and astronaut reactions. In addition, 
gi'ound equipment will include communication 
links with the astronaut and facilities to command 
the capsule to reenter the atmosphere and land. 

Results of this research project will be made 
available to the worldwide scientific community. 

Tests are now underway to guarantee the reli- 
ability and safety of the rocket-satellite system 
before manned orbital fliglits are attempted. The 
seven young men wlio have been chosen to make 
the historic flights into space are now under- 
going intensive training to prepare them for tlie 
scientific adventure. 

Tlie Canary Island station, like the others, will 
have the important responsibility of tracking the 
Mercury capsule in its area, gathering data tele- 
metered from the capsule on the astronaut's phys- 
iological condition, performance of the life- 
sustaining system within the capsule, and measure- 
ments on the cajisule itself. The facility will be 
in direct conlact with the astronaut by means of 
ladio \()ice communication. 'I'he station will cost 
approximately $1,.5()0,0()0, and construction is be- 
ginning this month. 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

The United States and Latin America, a Maturing Relationship 

by R. R. Rubottom, Jr. 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-Am^eriean Affairs * 

It is highly significant that this forum is em- 
phasizing United States relations with Latin 
America. During the past few montlis no less 
than six conferences on this same vital subject 
have been held in regional centers crisscrossing 
our countr}'. The capstone of this surging na- 
tional intei-est was the visit of President Eisen- 
hower to four coimtries in South America,^ and 
it was my privilege to accompany him. 

Search for Understanding 

By this visit tiie President expressed our affec- 
tion for and tie to all of the American Republics. 
He also drajnatized our own unceasing search for 
the knowledge on which real understanding be- 
tween the American peoples must be erected. 

In Puerto Rico, speaking to the Caribbean As- 
sembly on his return trip, the President remarked : 

I found, too, inescapable evidence that many in every 
country knew little of our record and more who misunder- 
stand our puriKJses. But identically the same can be 
said of North Americans in their ignorance and mis- 
understanding of Latin America. 

With these words the President has placed his 
finger on a sensitive area. That misunderstanding 
does exist, as he says, is an inescapable fact. Yet, 
with all that we share in history and destiny with 
the other peoples of our hemisphere, with all the 
intellectual curiosity that is bom of the frontier 
origins we hold in common, with all the emphasis 
on advancement through education that we 
mutually cherish, surely there should be no room 

'Address made before the Fourth Annual Institute on 
U.S. Foreign Policy at Milwaukee, Wis., on Mar. 12 (press 
release 117 date<l Mar. 11). 

' For backKidiind, see BtTUiTiN of Mar. 2H, 1!K>(), p. 471. 

for ignorance and misunderstanding of each 

The United States is actively seeking to over- 
come this problem. I can speak for the effort of 
the Government, but I'm convinced tlie same is 
true of informational media, business interests, 
labor gi'oups, and cultural and educational sec- 
tors—all of us. One example of our own initia- 
tive in this direction was tlie appointment last 
November of the National Advisory Committee 
for Inter-American Affaire.'' This Committee, 
which is chaired by the Secretary of State, with 
myself as vice chairman, is made up of distin- 
guished U.S. citizens who have lived and worked 
in Latin America. They, of couree, do not become 
involved in operational aspects of our relations 
with the other American Republics, but their ad- 
vice and counsel is of great value to the Depart- 
ment. All six of the members, whose backgrounds 
include diplomacy, business, finance, education, 
cultural affaire, and labor organization, accom- 
panied the President on his rec«nt trip. 

There is also encouraging evidence of the steps 
being taken by Latin Americans to find out more 
about us; witness the more than 10,000 students 
from that area being enrolled each year in our 
American univorsitie,s. Yet both sides should 
strive harder for underetanding. 

Diversity and Commonality 

But any ap])r<)ach to the subject of Latin Amer- 
ica as a uiiifoiin entity would lead to miscalcula- 
tion at the very outset. Speaking of Latin 
America means sjjeaking of 20 separate entities. 
Each country has its own distinct character 

" For background, see ibid., Dec. 7. 19.59, p. 823, and 
Dec. 21,19.59, p. 904. 

April 4, 1960 


responding to its varied aspir.ations and needs, its 
own separate identity as to national origins and 
motives, and its own self-determination in the 
f onnulation of political and economic 

Here perhaps we encounter one cause of mis- 
understanding. No two governments of the 
Americas are alike, even though there are great 
similarities. No two sets of jurisprudence are 
alike, though they are based largely on the Na- 
poleonic code or the conmion law or both. No 
two electoral systems are alike, in spite of our 
conmion devotion to the right of the individual 
freely to choose those wlio woidd represent liim 
in government. Our standards and our ac- 
complishments, both as nations and as individual 
citizens, should be measured against our highly 
diverse backgrounds. 

Yet, and this is one of the strengths of the 
inter-American way of life, we agree on certain 
immutable principles. We believe that the in- 
dividual citizen should be able to live in freedom 
and dignity. "We believe in the realm of law 
where government is the servant of man and 
where institutions cannot be uprooted by a tyrant's 
whim. We believe in representative democracy 
based on free elections, not in government impo.sed 
by threat or intimidation. While none of us has 
achieved perfection, we of the Americas can take 
pride in tlie steady progress being made toward a 
political way of life based on these principles. 

Moreover, I would add this declaration of 
faith: The character of the future growth in 
the Americas will be harmonious with our almost 
universally held belief in God. This is our 
highest common denominator. 


At this point one might ask : "Does our common 
devotion to freedom with justice and democracy 
permit one nation to interfere in the affairs of 
another where such principles are judged to he 
violatexl?" The answer is clearly, "No." While 
the idealist and the pragmatist may never cease 
arguing this point, government rejiresentatives 
faced it once again at the Meeting of Consultation 
of Foreign Ministers in Santiago last August and 
again decided that the principle of noninterven- 
tion was clearly inviolable." Clearly eacli nation 

* For a statement made by Secretary Herter at Santi- 
ago nnd text r>f the Declaration of Santiago de Chile, see 
ihid., Sept. 7, lO.jO, p. 342. 


must find its own political destiny without outside 
interference. This ban on intervention is just as 
applicable to forces from outside America as it is 
within. As the President expressed it in his re- 
port to the Nation : 

... If a tyrannical form of government were imi)osed 
upon any of the Americas from outside or with out- 
side support — by force, threat, or subversion — we would 
certainly deem this to be a violation of the principle of 
nonintervention and would expect the Organization of 
American States, acting under pertinent solemn com- 
mitments, to take appropriate collective action. 

Collective Security 

A half century ago the view prevailed that the 
United States would undertake by itself to deal 
with threats to the hemisphere's security fi-om 
abroad, and the ^Monroe Doctrine Mas advanced as 
the basis for such action. Today that doctrine 
has lost none of its validity insofar as telling out- 
side forces, including those of international com- 
munism, to stay out of tlie Americas. However, 
the collective strengtli of the hemisphere now 
stands against any aggi'essor. We have proven 
multilateral machinery for dealing with emer- 
gency situations of common concern to the Ameri- 
can Eepublics. For example, article 6 of the 1947 
Eio Treaty provides, in part, that if the sover- 
eignty or political independence of an American 
state should be affected by any fact or situation 
that might endanger the peace of America, the 
Organ of Consultation, i.e. the Council of the 
OAS or the foreign ministers themselves, shall 
meet immediately in order to agree on measures to 
be taken. This treaty has on several occasions 
been invoked and its instrumentalities brought 
into rapid action within a very short time, thus 
demonstrating the capacity of the OAS to act 
quickly in case of need. In addition, the charter 
of the OAS, signed in 1948, makes provision in 
article 39 for holding of meetings of consultation 
of foreign ministers for considering urgent prob- 
lems of common interest to the American states. 
Then, the American governments at the 10th Inter- 
.\morican Conference,'^ held in Caracas in 19.54, 
directly condemned the activities of the inter- 
national Communist movement "as constituting 
intervention in American affairs" and declared 
that the "domination or control of the political 
institutions of anv American State bv the inter- 

" For l)arkgr()und, see ibid., Apr. 26, li>ij4, p. G.34. 

Department of State Bulletin 

national communist movement" would constitute 
a danger iixiuiring joint action in accoi'danc© with 

existing treaties. 

Economic Progress 

rpperiuost in tlie minds of our Latin American 
neighl)oi-s is the quest ion of how to achieve faster 
economic progress. They want to have a better 
way of life, in freedom. In all of the countries wo 
visited, and elsewhere in the Americas as well, 
there are splendid human and material resources, 
although the natural wealth varies from country 
to country. Brazil is carving a completely new 
capital for itself at Brasilia in the State of Goias, 
this effort symbolizing a national movement to 
take advantage of the vast interior frontier of this 
country, which is larger than the United States, 
excluding its -iOth and 50th States. Argentina is 
carrying out a mighty effort, one which does honor 
to all of its citizens, to rebuild its national econ- 
omy, which was almost completely decapitalized 
after the Peronist dictatorship. Chile is slowly 
but surely bringing under control the unbraked 
inflation which after 20 years carried the country 
to the brink of economic disaster. Uruguay, al- 
ready hurt by reduced markets for its exports, 
nearly all agricultural, is striving to overcome the 
effects of a disastrous flood last year followed by 

Quite properly, in my opinion, heavy emphasis 
is being placed on obtaining the latest technical 
know-how. The United States is cooperating 
through its Government program of technical 
cooperation, through the splendid work of private 
industry, and through educational exchanges of. 
all kinds. These efforts are helping to lay a solid 
foundation for faster growth. 

But there is also an insistent demand for addi- 
tional capital to speed the process. Great oppor- 
tunity exists, as well as urgent need, to mobilize 

• For texts, see iiid., June 30, IO.jS, p. 1090. 

' The Committee of Nine, composed of Argentina, Brazil, 
Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Mexico, Peru, the United States, 
and Venezuela, was established liy the Special Committee 
of the Council of the Orgiuiiz.ition of American States To 
Study the Formulation of New Measures for Economic 
Cooperation (Committee of 21) during its meeting at 
Buenos Aires Apr. 27-May 8, 19.59. The main purpose of 
the Committee of Nine is to maintain contact with OAS 
Inter-American organs in connection with the progress of 
the Committee of 21 and to receive and give preliminary 
study to any new proimsals in this regard which might be 
presented by governments. 

large amounts of domestic capital in the countries 
concerned to do the main However, the 
United States desires to help, within the limits of 
its capacities, and will not be found lacking. In 
fact, as the figures below will bear out, the greater 
the need for Latin America the greater is our de- 
sire to help, and this desire is already being trans- 
lated into action. The capital of the Export-Im- 
port Bank has been increased from $5 billion to $7 
billion. Our contributions to the AVorld Bank and 
to the International Monetary Fund were in- 
creased last year as follows : 

World Bank — an increase of 100 percent — 
$3,175 million; 

IMF — an increase of 50 percent — $1,375 million. 

The new Inter-American Development Bank 
should begin actual lending operations later this 
year, and its staff is now being organized under 
the direction of its newly chosen President, Don 
Felipe Herrera of Chile. Incidentally, the newly 
appointed Executive Director of the Bank, Gen- 
eral Robert Cutler, was also in the President's 
party on the trip to South America. 

The flow of new private investment from the 
United States, coupled with reinvestment of earn- 
ings, has averaged approximately $600 million per 
year for the last several years. The total is now 
over $9 billion. "VVe hope that the opportunities 
for investment throughout Latin America will 
continue to attract private capital at an even faster 
pace, since local funds do not exist in the quanti- 
ties necessai-y to fulfill tlie need. Private invest- 
ment funds obviously will be attracted to countries 
where a favorable attitude prevails, as it does 
throughout most of the hemisphere. But we must 
take note of the fact that punitive action against 
foreign investments, especially expropriation 
without prompt, equitable, and effective compen- 
sation, is not likely to encourage the vital assist- 
ance that foreign investments can render. 

In June of 1958 it was my privilege to deliver 
personally President Eisenhower's I'eply to Pres- 
ident Kubitschek's letter which set in motion Op- 
eration Pan America.' This constructive idea for 
economic development is based on cooperation 
between the American states. President Eisen- 
hower had an opportunity on his recent trip to 
discuss Operation Pan America directly with 
President Kubitschek. The United States is 
prepared to meet with the other members of the 
Committee of Nine ' at a mutually convenient date 

April 4, I960 


to review tlie progress of tlie studies and other 
projects being carried out under this beneficial 
cooperative concept. 

Trade and Common Markets 

Buring our recent trip we also discussed our 
mutual interest in increasing trade, since this is 
a necessary ingredient to sound economic growth. 
The four countries visited by tlie President are 
members of the new Latin American Free Trade 
Association established in Montevideo only a 
month ago.* These seven member nations are to 
be congratulated for their forward step. We were 
assured that this regional trade group, an expres- 
sion of the desire of all of Latin America for a 
common market, is designed to reduce barriers 
and increase trade, not to restrict trade. We were 
asked, in turn, about the impact of recent devel- 
opments in Europe on trade in the Americas. We 
assured them of our common interest in expanded 
trade opportunities with the "Inner Six"' and 
"Outer Seven'' and explained that the visit of 
Under Secretary Dillon to several European cap- 
itals in January " liad as its main purpose keeping 
trade doors open. 

Arms Limitation 

During our visit to Chile discussions centered 
on the constructive initiative of President Ales- 
sandri in proposing that the American Republics 
undertake to reduce arms expenditures. His pro- 
posal was immediately supported by President 
Prado of Peru and by President Eisenhower. 
Since then most of the other Latin American 
Governments have expressed approval of the Ales- 
sandri initiative. The reason is clear. Annual 
expenditures for Latin American armed services 
average as high as 20 to 25 percent of the respec- 
tive national budgets and even higher in a few 
cases. Although definitive figures are difficult to 
obtain, it would appear that as much as $1.5 bil- 
lion is being spent to maintain the armed forces 
of the I^atin American countries. As reflected in 
the Alessandri proposal and oflier statements, 
there is a widps])i-ead feeling (liat this may l>e dis- 
proportionate in terms of the amounts needed for 

"The nionitiprs of the Latin .Viiicricau Frco Trade .Asso- 
cialion are Arfjentina, Bolivia. Rrazil. Chile. Paracuny, 
Peru, and rrnsuay. 

° For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 1, 1!)G0, p. l.'$9. 

economic development, housing, education, and 
the well-being of the citizens of the countries. 
We are prepared to join with other governments 
in the type of study, examination, and action that 
would insure against impainnent of economic de- 
velopment by unnecessary arms expenditures. 

In order to clear up another misunderstanding 
regarding United States policies, let me say we 
do not encourage inordinate military budgets in 
Latin America. We do have agi'eements for 
hemisphere defense with 12 countries of this re- 
gion, but, as is well known, the grant funds in- 
volved are relatively small. Of couree, there have 
been several instances where governments, in exer- 
cise of their sovereign rights, have purchased mili- 
tai-y equipment elsewhere when the Ignited States 
had turned down their requests. We hope that 
effective steps may soon be taken whereby the 
American Eepublics, defended b\' tlieir common 
sense and common shield, the Kio Treaty, might 
reduce their hea\^ outlay of funds for armament. 

Interdependence — a Mature Relationship 

The conclusion to be drawn from the Presi- 
dent's trip is that the American Kepublics are 
interdependent, sensitive to events in one another's 
country, and vitally involved in the process of 
solving each other's problems. Hemispheric co- 
operation is the natural outgrowth of interde- 
pendence; and, fortunately, the diversity that 
once would have made hemispheric cooperation 
unworkable is now re-formed into a mature rela- 
tionship that views our separate identities as one 
of the sources of mutual strength. Within this 
framework of cooperation, the countries of the 
Americas should forge steadily ahead, even during 
tliis period of drastic change occasioned by rajiid 
expansion of ]iopuhition and growing awareness 
of tlie individual as a factor in shaping the eco- 
nomic, social, and political destiny of his country. 
The Ignited States will not be a bystander since 
we ourselves are equally involved in this era of 

Our own security, and that of (lip otlier 20 
Ivepublic.s, is inextricably interwo\on into the 
skein of e\ents in the liemisphere. Tlie jireserva- 
tion and perpetuation of the democratic way of 
life is our joint task. The T'nited States may not 
have sought of its own free will to Ijo tlie champion 
of human rights and individual freedom in a 


Department of State Bulletin 

world wlnM-e tliese ossontinl elements are tln-eat- 
ened, l)Ul we iiave shouldered I lie responsibility 
in the hope tlial we may continue to support 
others toward the <;oal of peace, freedom with 
justice, and well-being for all mankind. 

U.S. and Brazil Review Progress 
on Operation Pan America 

Ilorac'io Lafer, Minister of Foreign Affairs of 
Brazil, made an informal visit to Washington 
March 18-20 at the invitation of Secretary Herter. 
Following is a joint commwnique released mi 
March 10 at the conclu.non of his talks ivith Secre- 
tary Herter, together with a list of the members 
of his party. 


Press release 139 dated March 19 

The Minister for External Relations of Biazil, 
Mr. Iloracio Lafer, and the Seeretaiy of State, 
Christian A. llerter, continuing the talks wliicli 
they had when the Secretary visited Brazil last 
February,' had a most cordial exchange of views 
March 18 and 19 on questions of common interest 
to their two Governments. 

During these conversations, they reviewed the 
work which is going forward in the implementa- 
tion of Operation Pan America^ and expi'essed 
their conviction tliat these common undertakings 
will have important results for the Hemisphere. 

Reference was made in this connection to several 
subjects which they considered of special im- 
portance, including commodity pi'ice problems, 
education and technical training, teclinological 
research and productivity studies, and assistance 
to agriculture, food supply and processing. The 
role of the newlv created Inter-American Bank in 
financing Latin American development was like- 
wise discussed. 

Minister Lafer and Secretary Herter reiterated 
their keen interest in the economic surveys of 

several Latin .\meiican countries now l)eing car- 
ried out by till' Intel -VniericiMi Economic and 
Social Council of the OAS and agreed on the 
desirability of an early meeting of the subcom- 
mittee of nine,' the conclusions and recommenda- 
tions of which would be submitted to the 
Committee of :21, the rpe^'ial policy gi-oiij) estab- 
lished under Operation Pan America. 

The Foreign Minister and the Scxiretary, mind- 
ful of the gieat benefits which have acciiied to 
both countries from the fiiendly undci-blanding 
and cooperation which cliaracterizo relations be- 
tween Brazil ami the TTnited Stales, and the 
growing impcitanc* of this relationship in hemi- 
spheric and world aff'aii'S, consider that their con- 
versations were especially fruitful. 


The Department of State announced on March 
17 (prefs ivlrnse 1^"2) that the following pei-sons 
would accompany Foreign Minister Lafei'. 

Spiihora Lafer 

Waltber Maroira Snlle^s, Brazilian Ambassador to the 

t'nilJid Stjitos 
Seiihora Morelra flallee 
Gen. Nelson de Mrtlo, Head of the Military Cabinet of 

tlie President 
Saulo Rjunos. Member of (Jio Senate of Brazil 
Raymundo Padiiha, Chairman of Uie Foreign Relations 

Committee of the Chamber of Deputies 
Celso Souza e Silva, Head of the Cabinet of the Minister 

of Foreign Relatiou.s 
AA'ilsou Aguiar, Head of the Press Departmeut of the 

Minister of Foreign Relations 
Paulo Tarso Flecha de Lima, Second Secretary 

Ambassador Bonsai Returns 
to Post at Habana 

Department Statement 

Press relense 1.S4 dated March 18 

Ambassador [Philip "W.] Bonsai was called 
to Wasliington for consultations some weeks ago.' 
Charges had been made against the Ambassador 
by officials of the Cuban Government, and 

' Se<-retary Herter accDnipaiiiod President Eisenlinwcr 
on a 2-week visit to South America Feb. 22-Mar. 7 ; fur 
background, see Bulletin of Mar. 28, 1960, p. 471. 

= For background, see ihUL. .Tune 30. 19.")8. p. 10!)0. 

' See p. 521, footnote 7. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Feb. 15, 1960, p. 237, 
and Mar. 21. 1!M;0. p. 4-10. 

April 4, I960 


charges had been published in the newspaper 
Eevolucion, regarded as the official spokesman of 
the Cuban Government. The Cuban Government 
has conveyed assurances to our Govermnent to 
the effect that it has no charges against the Am- 
bassador and has informed us that opinions 
expressed in the newspaper Bevoluoion are not to 

be considered as having an official character. In 
view of these assurances and of the importance 
which our Government, for its part, attaches to 
making every possible constructive contribution 
to the conduct of our relations with the Cuban 
Government, Ambassador Bonsai is being in- 
structed to return to Habana at an early date.^ 

Mutual Aid Through the United Nations 

by Henri/ Cabot Lodge 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations ^ 

It is seldom that I speak to an audience which 
knows as much about the United Nations as you 
do. You and I have certain experiences in com- 
mon. We have watched the United Nations 
closely. We realize its limitations. We know 
that it lacks any of the powere of govermnent and 
that it dejjends on the willingness of member 
states voluntarily to live up to the charter. But 
we are also aware that the United Nations is a 
unique and practical device, a great center of in- 
fluence, and an extraordinary engine for mobiliz- 
ing world opinion. For 14 years it has struggled 
with big events and has tried to bring to bear on 
those events the standards of conduct laid down 
in the charter. 

The successes of the United Nations have also 
been successes for the United States. During my 
service as United States Representative in the last 
7 of these 14 yeare, I have seen the security and 
peace of the United States served by many con- 
crete United Nations accomplisliments. For 
example : 

• At tlie end of the Korean war the United Na- 
tions insisted on an honest peace conference and 
rejected the attempt of the Soviet Union to sit at 

' Ambassador Bonsai returned to Habana on Mar. 20. 

' Address made at the Tenth Annual Conferenee of Na- 
tional Organizations called by the American Association 
for the United Nations at Washington, D.C., on Mar. 7 
(U.S./U.N. press release 33G7 dated Mar. 3). 

the peace table in the guise of a benevolent 

• Wlien the Communists were trying to subvert 
tlie Monroe Doctrine and take over Guatemala, 
the Security Council defeated their attempt to 
make the United Nations an accomplice — and the 
subversion failed. 

• When Red China held back 15 American fliers 
in a giune of political blackmail, the General 
Assembly demandexl their release^and that reso- 
lution played a decisive part in bringing them 
safely home. 

• Wlien the Suez crisis threatened to touch off 
a big war, the Assembly's resolutions for a cease- 
fire and withdrawal of forces were carried out and 
tlie United Nations Emergency Force was created 
and put into the field in a matter of days. 

• When the Soviet Union tried to frighten tlie 
free world by complaining about American 
bomber flights over the Arctic, we proposed in the 
Security Council an Arctic "open sky"' inspection 
plan which got 10 votes in tlie Council and was 
vetoed by the Soviets — thus causing tlieir propa- 
ganda drive to collapse and proving our sincerity 
to the world. 

• When the Communists were trying to take 
over Laos last year, the Security Council scored 
a major breakthrougli by sending a subcommittee 
to Laos wliich tlie Soviets could not veto and 
wliich lielped to stabilize the situation at a critical 


Department of State Bulletin 

The United Nations was useful to us in all those 
conflicts — none of which wo started, but with all 
of which we had to deal. It has also been tre- 
mendously useful as a center of creative 

Pi-esident Eisenhower's atoms-for-peaco speech 
at the l-nited Nations in 1953 resulted in the crea- 
tion of the International Atomic Energy Agency, 
with the Soviet Union as a member. 

In the same spirit we have created a United 
Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer 
Space, which we hojie will meet soon with the 
Soviet Union present for the first time. 

Advantages of Multilateral Economic Aid 

Now let me talk about the economic side, which 
has gi-owii in urgency as the number of independ- 
ent — and underdeveloped — states has increased. 

There is the technical assistance program, be- 
gim in 1950, which has grown steadily in size and 
in effectiveness. 

Then, to spur investment for economic develop- 
ment, we started the United Nations Special 
Fimd, which, under the direction of Paul Hoff- 
man, is cari'ying out indispensable preinvestment 
surveys and technical education in 50 countries. 

This year we are founding a new International 
Development Association, which will be affiliated 
with the World Bank and will thus be a part of 
the United Nations family, with an initial capital 
of$l billion. 

The advantages of the multilateral way are 
clear, and I should like to list them : 

1. In these programs our dollars are more than 
matched by the dollars put in by those countries 
which also contribute. 

2. Then the countries which receive make fur- 
ther matching efforts of their own. Thus we get 
more for our money from both contributors and 
from recipients — sometimes as much as $7 for 
eveiy dollar which the United States puts in. 

3. The necessarj' experts are recruitexl not 
only from the United States but from scores 
of other countries. Well-qualified experts can 
often be obtained outside the United States at 
salaries half that which it costs to get an Ameri- 
can expert. 

4. These progi-ams are so obviously insulated 
against political manipulation that they are wel- 
comed in places where bilateral programs — how- 
ever unjustifiably in our case — would be suspect. 

April 4, I960 

544089 — 60 3 

Thus there is less risk of having our [lurposes mis- 
understood and resented. Instead we get ci-edit 
for helping an altruistic United Nations program. 

5. It is also true that you got more for your 
money when the recipient nation feels that it is 
participating in the planning and carrying out 
of the program. This was proved time and again 
in tlio operation of the Marshall plan when the 
Organization for European Economic Coopera- 
tion formulated tlie plans which wore then car- 
ried out by the members. 

6. Nor should we lose sight of the fact that the 
United Nations can push a recipient government 
in a way that no sovereign government can ever 
push another. No consideration of prestige is in- 
volved, nor can the cry of "imperialism" or of "in- 
tei-vention" be raised when it is the gentle friendly 
pressure of the ever-helpful United Nations — 
particularly when the recipient nation itself is a 
member of the United Nations. 

7. Decisions must be taken in operating any eco- 
nomic program which disappoint or displease. 
How much better it is for us not to be the ones who 
cause disappointment or displeasure and for this 
to be done by an international organization which 
is not a "foreign country." 

8. There is another selfish reason, from the 
United States point of view, why reliance should 
be placed on an international method of operation. 
As Paul Hoffman recently said, "The countries 
of Western Europe, now fully recovered, are able 
to invest more in imderdeveloped areas than thej' 
are now doing. Their gold and foreign exchange 
holdings, as well as their capacity to earn more, 
are increasing. The United States, on the other 
hand, is facing a continued deficit in its balance 
of payments, and its gold stocks are declining. It 
is clearly to our interest to spread the responsi- 
bility for investment in the imderdeveloped areas 
and to induce other countries to make their maxi- 
mum contribution." The way to do this is 
through the multilateral economic programs bear- 
ing the United Nations label. 

9. Finally, because of the major pait we play in 
these programs, we are fully protected against im- 
sound use of the money. Some very intelligent 
and well-disposed people have not understood this 

I^et me illustrate : 

I have actually heard some persons say that our 
funds, when put into a multilateral United Na- 


tions program, would be subject to the Soviet 
veto— or that they would be subject to an adverse 
vote ill the Greneral Assembly. Nothmg could be 
more wildly inaccurate and more totally impos- 
sible. In the World Bank and in the IDA, for 
example, voting is on a weighted basis, according 
to the capital subscribed. In the United Nations 
Special Fund the governing body is so constituted 
as to make impossible any action opposed by the 
nations of the free world. The same is true of 
United Nations technical assistance. 

Now there are enough real complications in the 
world without manufacturing extra ones which do 
not exist. The influence of the United States and 
of the free world in all these multilateral pro- 
grams is such that, while they cannot^and should 
not — be used to promote our special interests, it is 
absolutely impossible for them to be turned 
against us. They do, obviously, serve our long- 
range interest in a jieacefid, more pi-osperous 

For all these reasons it is in the United States 
intei-ests to use the multilateral aid of the United 
Nations to the maximimi, and I believe this will be 
done increasingly in the future. 

It is significant that to date the Soviet Union 
has made only a token contribution to these United 
Nations aid programs. TMs is not good for 
humanity in general and for the underdeveloped 
countries in particular, because multilateral aid 
fi-ees a weak undei-developed country from the 
natui-al fear that it wdl become a battleground for 
politics between the superpowers. As long as the 
Soviet Union refuses to support these programs 
wholeheartedly it will be suspected of using its 
economic aid for selfish motives — for attaching 
"strings" to its aid. 

Prune Minister Khrushchev said to the General 
Assembly last September that the United Nations 
has a duty to "contribute to the utmost to the eco- 
nomic advancement of the new states which are 
rising from the ruins of the colonial system, to help 
them speedily to develop their national econo- 
mies." And he said that this must be done "with- 
out any political or other strings attached." But 
the Soviet Goveniment has not yet carried out 
this policy. 

If the Soviets should ever choose to compete, not 
for political advantage but for the honor of hav- 
ing done the most to help peoples wlio seek a better 
life, the United Nations oli'ers them an unmatched 

way to do so. They could, if they chose, con- 
tribute many times more to United Nations teclini- 
cal assistance programs — and in convertible 
currency. They could even joui the World Bank 
and the Monetary Fmid and the International 
Development Association. 

I do not expect them to do these things soon, 
but, imtil they do, the nations will inescapably 
judge for themselves whether Soviet aid is disin- 
terested or not. 

Growth in U.N. Membership 

In the midst of all these events the United 
Nations has continued to grow. In fact, that 
growth — from 60 to 82 membere — is the greatest 
single cliange in the United Nations in recent 
years. Still others will join this year, mostly 
from Africa. In another 10 years the Organiza- 
tion may well have 100 members. It seems as 
though everyone wants to get in and no one wants 
to get out. 

Now there is no need to pretend that this growth 
in membership has not caused more work for the 
United States. There are more people whom one 
must try to pereuade, and that means more work. 
More i^eople are trying to pei-suade us. It is 
certainly harder now for any nation to muster a 
two-thirds majority in the General Assembly on a 
controvei"sial question than it iised to be. But 
this may not be a bad thing, because an organiza- 
tion as influential and as weighty as the United 
Nations should not express itself too glibly. 

As we look ahead it seems certain that the 
United Nations will remain what diplomats call 
a "power fact," with which countries will have to 
cope whether they like it or not. There is cer- 
tainly no reason for the United States to fear its 
growth. For us it is a priceless asset and an un- 
ceasing opportunity. Neither we nor any nation 
is so powerful that we do not need friends or that 
we can with impunity disregard world opinion. 
Indeed, as a wise Englishman wrote 50 yeare ago, 
the .sheer power of a great nation will only "in- 
spire universal jealousy and fear" unless its 
policy is designed "to harmonize with the general 
desires and ideals common to all mankind." Our 
United States policies have been successful be- 
cause they do so harmonize. 

The United Nations has always been important 
as a great center for that harmonizing. Now it 
is more so than ever. To an increasing number 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

of new nations membership in it is tlie j^rcatest 
tangible proof to tlie world that they are now 
sovereign. Tluit is the nuiin i-eason why they at- 
tach such gi-eat importance to it. There is no 
better way for the United States to keep their 
contidence, and to prove that we ungnidgiiigly 
and wholeheartedly welcome their sovereignty, 
than for us to work with them through tlie TTnited 

Our foreign policy must have more than physi- 
cal strength, vital though that is. It must also 
have great and magnanimous purposes, and it 
must find ways to express those purposes so tliat 
the jieoples of the world will understand and wel- 
come them. Economic cooperation through the 
United Nations is, preeminently, such a way. In- 
deed it can be one of the indis])ensable ingredients 
of peace on earth. 

Views Invited on 1960 GATT Talks 
on Import Restrictions 

Press release 125 dated March 15 

The Conunittee for Reciprocity Information 
(CRI) on March 15 issued a notice inviting the 
public to submit views in connection with con- 
sultations scheduled during 1960 imder the pro- 
visions of articles XII, XIV, and XVIII :B of the 
General Agi-eement on Tariffs and Trade 
(GATT). The consultatioi\s will be conducted 
by a panel of 13 counti-ies, including the United 
States, at three different meetings in May, July, 
and October and will relate to the use of import 
restrictions for balance-of-payments reasons by 
the following countries : 


New Zealand 
Rhodesia and Nyasaland 

The consultations will afford the opportunity 
for the panel to review the economic and financial 
situation of the consulting countries individually. 


















to explore in this context the possibilities for fur- 
ther relaxation of their import restrictions, and 
to discuss moderation of particular policies and 
practices that have proved unduly burdensome 
to exporters in other countries. 

Written statemoiils concerning problems caused 
by import restrictions in the comitries listed above 
should be submitted to the Committee for Reci- 
procity Information, Tariff Commission Build- 
ing, Washington 25, D.C. If the statements are 
to be useful in connection with the scheduled con- 
sultations, they should be received by April 15, 
1960, for those countries consulting in May; May 
15, 1960, for those countries consulting in July; 
and August 15, 1960, for those countries consulting 
in October. The statements should be as com- 
pletelj' documented as possible and include specific 

The CRI is an interagency group within the 
U.S. Government which receives views of inter- 
ested persons regarding proposed or existing trade 
agreements and actions related to such agree- 
ments. It is prepared to receive at any time state- 
ments from the public regarding import 
restrictions imposed by any contracting party to 
the GATT. Where the countries involved are not 
scheduled for consultations, statements submitted 
in accordance with the instructions set forth at 
the end of the Committee's formal notice attached 
to this release will nevertheless be helpful in pre- 
paring for informal bilateral discussions con- 
ducted by the U.S. Government from time to time, 
as may be considered appropriate. This notice 
is intended to call attention specifically to sched- 
uled consultations under GATT articles XII, 
XIV, and XVIII :B and sets forth in detail the 
types of information which American traders, 
business firms, labor organizations, and other in- 
terested individuals or associations may wish to 


Committee foe Recipbocity Information 

Consultations with certain contracting parties to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade regarding the 
application of quantitative import restrictions imposed for 
balance-of-payments reasons, under the provisions of 
Articles XII, and XVIII :B, and discrimination iu the 
application of such restrictions under the provisions of 
Article XIV. 

Submission of information to the Committee for Reci- 
procity Information regarding these consultations. 

April 4, 1960 


Closing Dates for submission of written statements : 
April 15, 1960, for May consultations ; May 15, 1960, for 
July consultations; auil August 15, 1960, for October 

It is the intention of the Contracting Parties to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to enter into 
consultation with certain of the parties regarding their 
application of quantitative import restrictions imposed 
for balance-of-payments reasons, under Articles XII, and 
XVIII :B of said Agreement, and regarding discrimina- 
tion in the application of such restrictions under the pro- 
visions of Article XIV. 

The consultation will be conducted separately with each 
consulting country during 1960 by a panel of thirteen 
countries, including the United States. The consulting 
countries and the expected timing of their consultations 
are as follows : 
























New Zealand 



During each consultation the Contracting Parties will 
have the opportunity (1) to review the country's financial 
and economic situation and (2) in this context to discuss 
the possibilities for further relaxation of the level of its 
import restriction!?, a lessening of the discriminatory 
application of these restrictions, and the moderation 
of particular policies and practices which are especially 
burdensome to the exporters of other countries adhering 
to the General Agreement. 

American traders, business flrm.s labor organizations 
and other individuals or associations which have an in- 
terest in exporting to one or more of the consulting 
countries may, as a result of their own experience, wish 
to submit information relating to (2) above which will 
be useful to the United States Government during the 
course of the consultations. 

Representations to the Committee in response to this 
invitation might include the view, together with all avail- 
able supporting information, that: 

1. Quantitative import restrictions affecting goods 
available from the United States have resulted in un- 
necessary damage to the commercial or economic interest 
of the United States, its citizens or organizations; 

2. Not even minimum commercial quantities of imports 
of specific commodities from the United States are per- 
mitted, to the impairment of regular channels of trade ; 

3. Trade is being restrained by complex or arbitrary 
licensing procedures, or lack of adequate information 
available to traders regarding import regulations ; 

4. Reasonable access to a traditional foreign market 
has not been restored for a particular commodity, even 

though the country concerned has substantially relaxed 
its restrictions on imports in general ; 

5. The long-standing application of import restrictions 
by a country on a particular product has been accom- 
panied by the growth of uneconomic output of that product 
within the country ; or 

6. Discrimination exists in the treatment of goods avail- 
able from the United States as compared with the treat- 
ment afforded similar goods from other countries with 
convertible currencies. 

In order to permit adequate consideration of views and 
information, it is requested that all responses be sub- 
mitted to the Committee for Reciprocity Information by 
April 15, 1960, regarding the countries consulting in May ; 
by May 15, 1960, regarding the countries consulting in 
July ; and by August 15, 1960, regarding the countries 
consulting in October. Information submitted to the 
Committee after these dates will be considered to the 
extent time permits. 

All communications on this matter, in fifteen copies, 
should be addressed to : The Secretary, Committee for 
Reciprocity Information, Tariff Commission Building, 
Washington, D.C. Views may be submitted in confidence, 
if desired. 

By direction of the Committee for Reciprocity In- 
formation this 15th day of March 1960. 

Edwaed Yabdley, 

Executive Secretary, 

Committee for Reciprocity Information 

U.S. and U.K. Recess Air Talks 

Press release 133 dated March 17 

The civil aviation discussions between the 
United Kingdom and the United States which 
began in Barbados on the 24th of Febi-uary are 
being recessed to be resumed in London in a few 
weeks' time. Full opportimity was taken of the 
presence of the delegates in Barbados for a com- 
prehensive review of the route schedules to the 
bilateral agreement ' between the United States 
and the United Kingdom insofar as the Carib- 
bean area is concerned. Subject to a few out- 
standing pouits which require further study, the 
lieads of delegations agreed to recommend ex- 
panded route schedules (o their Governments for 
this area. As regards other areas, both delega- 
tions indicated that the excliange of views during 
the past few weeks had been highly beneficial and 
expect that the resumed negotiations will lead to 
a mutually advantageous expansion of routes. 

' CO Stat. 1499 ; Treaties and Other International Acts 
Series 1507 (Bot-letin of Apr. 7, 1946, p. 584). 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

The biliitiMiil uir transport services agreement 
between tlie Unitexl States and tlie United King- 
dom provides the basis for a joint roview of inter- 
national air services conducted by airlinas of the 
two countries on i-outes to and from the United 
States and the United Kingdom. The consulta- 
tion wliich was ivcessod on March 16 was one of 
a series of meetings between i-ep resent at ives of 
the two Governments since the agreement was 

concluded in February 1946. The last meeting 
prior to the consultation in Barbados was held 3 
yoai-a ago. Since tliat time both sides have wished 
to discuss a number of questions arising from air 
services over tiie routes in the agreement, and 
considerable progress has been made. 

The delegations have returned home to study 
the pro|)osals made by each side before the con- 
ference resumes. 


Department Supports U.S. Membership in International Development Association 

Statement by Under Secretary Dillon'^ 

I welcome the opportunity to appear before 
this committee to urge favorable action on the bill 
before you [II.R. 11001] to authorize the U.S. to 
accept membei-ship in the proposed International 
Development Association.^ The Department of 
State fully suppoi-ts the proposed legislation. 

In his statement to j'ou Seci-etaiy [of the Ti'eas- 
ury Robert B.] Anderson described in detail the 
structure and functions of the International De- 
velopment Association. I should like to talk 
about the relation of the Association to our for- 
eign policy objectives. 

The basic premises behind the idea of the In- 
ternational Development Association can be stated 
simply and briefly. The less developed countries 
of the free world must have a satisfactory rate 
of economic gi'owth if they are to maintain their 
freedom and develop into stable, effective, respon- 

' Made before Subpommittee I of the House Committee 
on Banking and Currency on Mar. 17 (press release 130). 

'For President Eisenhower's message transmitting a 
special report on the IDA to the Congress, see Bulletin 
of Mar. 14, 1960, p. 422. 

sible societies. It is an important objective of 
U.S. foreign policy to help these countries achieve 
adequate economic growth. 

Cooperative Approach to Development 

But the job of helping the low-income countries 
is not one that the United States alone can accom- 
plish. It requires the combined effoi*ts of all the 
economically advanced nations of the free world. 
It is right and proper that those nations whose 
incomes and savings are high should help the 
developing countries to economic and social prog- 
ress. This has been the normal pattern of the 
past. Our own growth on this continent was sub- 
stantially aided by other nations economically 
more mature than we. 

Today in a world community in which two- 
tliirds of the world's people are striving to throw 
oil' the tyranny of poverty, disease, and illiteracy, 
it is imperative that all free nations help, lest 
these peoples, overwhelmed by massive problems, 
exchange the tyranny of poverty for the tyranny 
of the all-pervasive, all-controlling state. We, 
who value lil)erty, tolerance, and the free and 

April 4, 1960 


open exchange of ideas, owe it to ourselves to en- 
large the eoninnniity of nations that can meet the 
aspirations of tlieir peoples for economic and so- 
cial betterment in an environment of freedom. 

Thus, the first basic premise of the IDA is co- 
operative sharing among all free-world nations of 
the responsibility for helping the less developed 
countries, a task to which all contribute but to 
which the economically stronger members make 
a proportionately larger contribution. 

In the IDA the economically advanced coun- 
tries would subfcriba 76 percent of the capital of 
the Association, and their subscriptions would be 
freely convertible. The low-income countries 
would snbocribs 24 pei'cent of the ca-pital, but only 
10 percent of their sllbscriptio]^s would hz in con- 
vertible currencies. Ninety percent of their sub- 
sci'ljitions would be in national cunencies, usable 
primarily for development projects in their own 

External Capital on Flexible Terms 

The second basic premise of the IDA is that 
the less developed countries need external capital 
on flexible repayment torms. Dsveloping coun- 
tries need to import from abroad the technology, 
the industrial materials, and the capital equipment 
on which gro^^ th depends. For this purpose they 
can use theii- export earnings, they ca.n encourage 
the inflow of private investment capital, and they 
can bori'ow on conventional terms from existing 
public lending institutions. 

For some of the low-income countries, especially 
those which have a.lroady achieved momentum in 
their development, these three sources are adequate 
to permit a satisfactory rate of gi'owth. But for 
many other developing countries, additional 
sources of capital on easier terms are needed. In 
some of them export eai-nings can barely (uiance 
the import of essential consumer goods; there is 
little left with which to finance imports of capital 
goods required for growth. Private capital is 
slow to move because underdevelopment is itself 
a deterrent. Tlie low level of labor skills, the 
limited local mai'ket, the absence of basic facilities 
such as roads, jxjwer, and communications on 
which private enterprise depends, the uncertain 
political climate are all obstacles to a gi-eater flow 
of private funds. 

Many of countries, of course, obtain loans 

from the International Bank and the U.S. Export- 
Import Bank. Both institutions have made sub- 
stantial sums available for imports of capital 
goods. But the borrowing capacity of the low- 
income countries is limited. Ix»ans from the In- 
ternational Bank and the Export-Import Bank 
must be sei-viced in hard currency at rates of in- 
terest determined by market conditions. The need 
for capital imports of many developing countries 
far exceeds their capacity to service loans on nor- 
mal banking terms. Many projects that are sound 
in conception and basic for gi-owth cannot be 
financed by conventional loans. 

Therefore, supplementaiy funds are needed to 
provide capital on easier terms for the multitude 
of projects and programs that cannot otherwise 
be set in motion. This is the job of our own De- 
velopment Loan Fund. It is also the job envis- 
aged for the proposed International Development 
Association. The IDA can be most clearly 
gi-asped if it is thought of as an institution with 
the same basic purpose as the DLF but, by virtue 
of its international membership, one in which 
others can participate fully in doing the job that 
must be done. The IDA, like the United States 
Development Loan Fund, woidd provide growth 
capital for meritorious projects on terms that do 
not overburden the economies of the borrowers. 

The IDA should not be thought of as a substi- 
tute for the Development Loan Fmid, nor should 
its establishment be the occasion for any lessening 
of our national effort. The need for develoj^ment 
capital is too great for that. The United States 
must, moreover, have economic instruments of its 
own which will be responsive to national needs 
and foi-eign policy considerations. The IDA 
should be regarded rather as an additional source 
of capital, an important addition that increases 
the total flow of deveIo])ment funds from free- 
world sources and one that helps thereby to ad- 
vance an important objective of United States 

Affiliation With International Bank 

The third basic premise bcliind the IDA is that 
it should be closely afliliated with the Interna- 
tional Bank. The IDA will be iinancing much 
the same type of project as the International Hank. 
Both the parent ami the afliliate will be examining 
development programs, determining priorities, 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

jud'iiug tlic tec'luiii'iil iVasiMlil v ami (Moiiomic 
soundness of speoiiic projects. Tliis will be their 
day-to-day work. The esseiit iai ditlVri'iice will not 
be in this day-to-day function, ll will be in the 
repujment oblifjations imposed on borrowers. It 
is entirely lojrical, therefore, that the IDA should 
be closely tied to the Intei-national Hank. 

The International Bank lias had more llian a 
decade of experience in linancinj; tlie development 
reqnii-einents of its members. If has .sound niaii- 
agemeiit, a skilled stall", and sinfrle-minded devo- 
tion to ])romotinf!: economic jrrowtli. It enjoys 
the confidence of its tiS members. The afKliation 
of the IDA with the IBRD will assure that scarce 
resources are put to optimum use. 

Tl'.ese then are the tiiree basic ideas behind tlie 
International Development Association: to enlist 
the participation of all free-world countries in 
providing growth capital to the less developed 
areas, to provide this capital on flexible terms, 
and to assure sound management through utiliz- 
ing a tried international institution. 

Relation of ID.'l to Other Development Institutions 

The IDA will be one of several development 
institutions, each fa.shioned to do a jiarticular 
job and to meet a particular need. Let us see 
how the Association relates to the other institu- 
tions that are now engaged in providing capital 
for economic development. 

We have two national lending agencies. First 
there is the Export-Import Bank, which promotes 
the trade of the U.S. Export-Import Bank loans 
must he repaid in dollars on conventional bank- 
ing tenns. Then we have the Development Loan 
Fund. The Fund finances development projects 
that cannot meet the repayment criteria of the 
Export-Import Bank or other hard-loan institu- 
tions. Its loans are made on flexible repayment 
terms, many of them carrying a lower rate of 
interest and permitting repayment in local cur- 
rency. These two institutions complement each 

We have recently Jieljied to establish the Inter- 
American Development Bank to promote eco- 
nomic growth in the Americas, where we have 
especially close, historical relations. This institu- 
tion will have two departments: one to finance 
development projects on normal banking terms 

as in the case of Ihe IHKD oi- llu- l^xpori- Import 
Bank; I lie olher to provide financing on more 
(Icxible terms as is done bj' the DLF and as is 
proposed lor the new IDA. Its creation has stim- 
ulated the more developed Latin American coun- 
tries to contribute capital for the gi'owlh of those 
in the Americas wlio are much less (levelo|)ed. 
The responsibility for management and for allo- 
cation of resources among competing claimants 
will be a responsibility of the Latin American 
countries themselves. The institution will in- the total flow of capital, give cohesion to 
the Americas, and impetus to development. Thus 
it performs functions over and above those per- 
formed by our national financing instnnnents. 

Then there are the international institutions. 
There is the International Bank that provides 
loan capital for development ])rojects. It is sim- 
ilar to our Export-Import Bank in that its loans 
are hard loans. But the IBRD was created to 
enable many countries to pool their resources and 
share the burden. It gets the bulk of its funds 
from the private capital markets of the world 
with the help of the guaranties of its member 

There is the International Finance Corijoration, 
an affiliate of the International Bank. Its pur- 
pose is to stimulate private investment in the less 
developed countries by associating its capital 
in private ventures. Its resources have been 
subscribed by government meml)ers. 

There is, however, no widely based interna- 
tional organization that pools the resources of 
many countries for the purpose of providing 
development capital on flexible repayment terms. 
This is the function that the new IDA will 

The IDA will not duplicate or compete with 
other lending institutions. It will increase the 
total flow of development capital to the newly 
developing areas. It will provide financing of 
a kind not now available from any other free- 
world multilateral institution. It will perform 
a valuable service in promoting not only the 
growth but also the cohesion of the countries of 
the free world. 

I urge this conunittee to take early favorable 
action to authorize the United States to join with 
the other free-world nations in the establishment 
of the Association. 

April 4, 7 960 


The Mutual Security Program in the Far East 

Statement hy J. Grahnm Parsons 
Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Ajfairs ^ 

I welcome the opportunity to appear before you 
in support of the Mutual Security Program. My 
responsibility has to do with the Far East and 
extends from Japan and Korea on the northeast 
tlirough China and southeast Asia around to 
Burma and down through Indonesia to Australia 
and New Zealand. Well over a third of the peo- 
ple on earth live in this area, more than 650 mil- 
lion in Communist China, north Viet-Nam, and 
north Korea and 350 million in 13 countries of 
the free Far East. These free countries are dis- 
tributed on islands and peninsulas around the 
central heartland of Communist-controlled China. 
This fact is a constant preoccupation for all of 
these countries as indeed it is for us too. 

It is our aim to help preserve the hard-won 
independence of these countries and to assist them 
in their aspirations for a better life for their peo- 
ples. We have long considered these aims to be 
important in our own broad self-interest, but we 
also value our cordial and cooperative relations 
with these peoples for other, less materialistic 
reasons. The harsh reality, however, is that they 
are menaced by the overbearing presence of Red 
China, whose leaders are dedicated, in the words 
of one of them, Liu Shao-chi, "to . . . trans- 
form the present world into a Communist 
world." ^ Given the disparity in population, the 
peripheral position of the free countries of the 
area, their lesser material strength, and, for most 
of them, their newness, it is obvious that a grave 
imbalance of power exists in the Far East. It is 
our countervailing presence which redresses this 
balance, and it must contiiuie to do so. Nowhere, 

' Made before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on 
M.Ti-. 8. 

'Liu Sliao-clii, Ilnxi^ To lie a Oond Communist, 1951. 

I venture to say, does the presence, prestige, and 
power of the United States play a more vital role 
than in this area. A key instrument, in fact the 
indispensable instrument, in our relative success 
to date has been the Mutual Security Program. 

A Turning of the Tide in the Far East 

In this pivotal year, at the close of a turbulent 
decade, I would like briefly to look first at the past, 
to see where we have come with the help of this 
program, and then at the future in an effort 
to foresee something of the nature and dimensions 
of the challenge ahead in the 1960"s. We might 
take this look in the context of a question, "Have 
we reached a turning of the tide in the Far East?" 

Looking back to the early 1950's, the picture was 
anything but promising. Following the conquest 
of the mainland by the Chinese Red Army, there 
were the devastating war years in Korea and on 
the Indochina Peninsula, where at one time it ap- 
peared that the Communist aggi-essoi-s would 
greatly enlarge their area of control. The tur- 
bulence of those years was also marked by Com- 
munist terrorism and armed insurrection in such 
countries as Indonesia, Burma, Malaya, and the 
Philippines. Prospects for the Government of 
the Republic of China were precarious, and of 
course Japan had not yet recovered its vitality and 
strength. These were the unpromising circum- 
stances which faced the forerunners of the Mutual 
Security Program. The atmosphere was one of 
crisis, and the constant threat was direct and in- 
direct aggression. Hence the emphasis of U.S. 
policy was on security, to l)o attained througli fho 
support of local forces, through tlie creation of a 
defensive base system backed by our mobile 
military power, and through the negotiation 


Department of State Bulletin 

of bilateral treaties of mutual security and the 
multilateral ANZUS f Austral ia-Xew Zealand- 
United States] and SEATO [Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization]. These countermeasures 
followed rather than preceded the repented ap- 
gression of the Communists on both the northern 
and southern flanks of Communist China and in 
the Taiwan Strait. 

We take satisfixction that there has been no 
furtlier alienation of territory to the Communists, 
that Communist probes in 1958 in tlie Taiwan 
Strait and in 1959 in Laos were damped down, 
and that Communist terrorism in the countries of 
the area has been largely eliminated. Although 
the activities of Communist China in all border 
areas indicate that stabilization is inimical to its 
objectives, stabilization 1ms nonetheless been sub- 
stantially achieved. 

The checking of the flood tide of Commimist 
territorial expansion w;is accompanied by im- 
portant political and psychological changes in 
many countries of the area. At the outset of the 
decade, former colonial i:)eoples looked askance 
at the Western Powers, whom they identified with 
their former exploitation, and felt a certain af- 
finity for the Communist powers, whom they 
tended to identify with the cause of nationalism. 

In the last several years, however, the Chinese 
Communists through various ill-judged acts, in- 
cluding their political and economic interference 
in Japan, their belligerent action in the Taiwan 
Strait, their utter suppression of Tibet despite 
written guarantees, and their pressures upon 
India and Indonesia, have cast away the favorable 
image of themselves which the new countries of 
Asia had previously held. Increasingly the prop- 
er distinction is being drawn between the motiva- 
tions of the free world and of the Communist 
world. None of these countries would now vol- 
untarily accept Communist solutions. Since the 
Quenioy crisis the governments and, to an in- 
creasing extent, people in the Far East have be- 
come aware of the relationship between American 
policy toward Red China and their very survival. 
The presence of the United States, its readiness 
to meet its commitments, and its demonstrated 
ability to do so promptly have helped to instill a 
new confidence. This has brouglit a degree of 
consolidation and progress which would have 
seemed foolishly optimistic in the early years of 
the decade. 

The Mutual Security Program has been a vital 
instrument of policy during this decade of crisis 
and survival. At the close of the decade we may, 
I think, affirm that there has been a favorable 
turning of the tide in the free countries of the 
Far East, both from the standpoint of checking 
Communist expansion and from that of the psy- 
chology and attitudes of their peoples. 

Chinese Communist Objectives 

These developments have, of course, implica- 
tions for our future programs which must and 
will be considered. However, it is first necessary 
to consider whether within Red China and the 
other Communist-controlled areas there has also 
been or is in prospect a turning of the tide in our 

Let us ask ourselves if there has been any altera- 
tion of Chinese Conununist objectives or any 
mellowing of its methods. At Warsaw, in our am- 
bassadorial talks, there has been consistent refusal 
to renounce the use of force in the Taiwan 
Strait. Over Peiping radio there come repeated 
demands for the United States to leave the western 
Pacific. There also come repeated heated charges 
that we are seeking to create "two Chinas." Re- 
peatedly the Chinese Communists revert to tactics 
of bluster and threat as they did in January when 
the Japanese signed with us the new Treaty of 
Mutual Cooperation and Security.^ We may in 
future expect tactical shifts from time to time, 
but any fundamental change in Communist 
strategy is unlikely. We should recognize that 
there has been no favorable turning of the tide 
in Communist Asia so far as intent, attitudes, or 
methods go and none is in prospect. 

Looking ahead it is also pert.inent to assess, 
first, the solidarity of the Sino-Soviet alliance in 
the light of their respective national interests and, 
second, the prospects for continued growth in the 
military and industrial power of the Red Chinese 

On the first question, it seems evident that up to 
the present the forces making for continued 
solidarity, a common ideologj', the shared goal of 
Communist world domination, and the advantage 
which each partner derives from having a power- 
ful ally at its rear are of overriding importance. 
Although Moscow speaks currently in terms of 

' For text, see Bitlletin of Feb. 8, 1960, p. 184. 

April 4, 1960 


"peaceful coexistence" while Peiping talks in more 
bellicose accents, the Cliinese Commiuiists continue 
to recognize oi>enly Soviet leaderehip of the (Com- 
munist camp. Thoy continue to derive new in- 
crements of niilita.ry and industrial stren^h from 
massive Soviet assists nee. However, the frontier 
between Russia and China is not like our unde- 
fended border with Canada; the ancient Great 
Wall of China may one day have implications in 
the modem world, wliich also has its barbarians. 
Recent tactical and doctrinn.l differences are in 
fact an interesting subject for discussion, particu- 
larly as projected toward the future. It would be 
imprudent, however, to plan on any asiomption 
other than a continuanco of the present solidarity 
of the Sino-Soviet axis. 

Prospects for Growth of Communist China's Power 

It is when one considers prospects for further 
growth of Communist China's powea- that the con- 
tinuing importance of the Mutual Security Pro- 
gram becomes yet more evident. 

A comparison of Communist China's growth 
with that of the Soviet Union during their first 
two 5-year plans — 1928-37 in the case of tJie Soviet 
Union and 1953-62 in the ci!i« of Communist 
China — is enlightening. Toiiil Soviet industrial 
output in the d&^idc of its first two 5-year plans 
increased by about 130 percent, while, on best 
available estimat-c.s, Chinese Communist output 
will have increa;«d by 300 pei-cent during a com- 
parable period. Growth in Soviet steel produc- 
tion was fourfold to 17.7 million tons while the 
comparable increase in China is about eighteenfold 
to a projected 25 million tons by 1962. It seems 
clear that in the years ahead, in terms of overall 
economic growth and especially in heavy industry. 
Communist China could become one of the major 

While many other factors enter into an estimate 
of national power, particularly in relation to 
capacity to wage modern war, the foregoing pro- 
vides sufficient indication that the free Far East 
will continue to live for an indefinite period in 
proximity to a menacing neighbor with a for- 
midable growth potential. It would be prudent 
at the least to assume that the imbalance of power 
will, as in the 1950's, have to be redressed from 
outside the area. 

Now the prospect outlined above is not neces- 
sarily one which will actually be realized over the 

decade. There is without doubt great weariness 
among the overworked and overstimulated masses 
of rural and urban China. There is discontent, 
there are dislocations of production and distribu- 
tion. Above all, agriculture lags behind even the 
regime's revised figures. The food problem may 
well vex Communist leaders for as long as they 
retain power, and when one considers that the Red 
Army is derived from the peasantry, the poten- 
tial threat to the regime becomes evident. Here 
again, however, it would be folly to base policy on 
an assumption of collapse. 

Inasmuch as Chinese Communist leaders clearlj' 
anticipate success, it is not to be expected that 
they will soon desire to reach any form of accom- 
modation or will see any need to modify, except 
momentarily, their harsh attitudes. We must in- 
stead anticipate that the Chinese Communists will 
resort to force whenever it suits their purpose and 
that the threat of force, sjwken or unspoken, will 
remain a major instrument of their policies. The 
rigid ideological conformity and discipline of the 
Peiping regime can result only in the maintenance 
of pressures and tensions and will inhibit it from 
seeking genuine compromise on international 

During these past several years Chinese Com- 
munist leaders have amply demonstrated to us, to 
their neighlx)rs, in fact to the whole world their 
arrogant and aggressive attitudes. Whether in 
the Warsaw talks or elsewhere, they confront us 
with only two alternatives of policy toward them. 
Either we must continue to do what is necessary 
to deter or defeat their aggi'ession, or we must 
make overtures which would be regarded by them 
and by our allies as an indication of weakness or 
weariness. It has, I think, become clear to most 
of us that this latter alternative would have the 
most grievous effects and would jeofardize all 
that has been gained in the free Far East in the 
19.50's, where, as I have said, we feel that there 
has been a turning of the tide. There has been 
no ebb in Comnnmist Cliina, nor can we safely 
proceed on the assumption that there is one in 

From the foregoing you will note that out of 
the experience of the fifties we believe we are con- 
fronted with two somewhat contrasting situations. 
The situation of the fre« countries has improved, 
our relations with them have generally become 
closer and more understanding, and the outlook 
is promising. On the other hand the situation 


Department of State Bulletin 

with respect to Communist China is just as in- 
tractable as bofoip, iiiui w\' must I .< picpared for 
tlio |)ossibility of continuinix and p rhaps iiiciTas- 
iii<r cliallenf;:e to us and to the free-world countries 
of the aiva. At the heart of on*- task, then, is a 
continuintr examination of the implications of 
both these situations for the future of the Mutual 
Security Profrram. We endeavor to keep this 
continually in mind in our lonirer term considera- 
tion of MSP planning, which is more than ever 
i-equired if we are to meet the challenge of the 
sixties successfully. 

tMutual Security Proposals for Far East 

Inasmuch as I am bei'tue you today to support, 
tiie julniinistration'a i-oijucsL for MSP authorizing 
legislation for fiscaj year 1961 only, I will now 
devote the remainder of this statement to our 
current needs with but limited reference to longer 
term implications. A full exposition of the de- 
tails of the mutual socui'ity proposals by country 
will be found in the Far East regional book and 
the worldwide book, which have been prepared 
with gre-at care to provido classified and nonclassi- 
fied information which we believe the committee 

For the Far East. tho. total request is $1,231 
million, of which $692 million is for military 
assistance and $539 million is for economic and 
technical assistance. Of the latter amount, $493 
million is for defense support, predominantly for 
Korea, Viet-Nam, and Taiwan to maintain their 
defensive strength. 

For economic growth we are relying primarily 
upon the Developmoni Loan Fund, which in 2 
years has approved lonn- fot^ding $196 million 
in the Far East. The DLF expects to approve 
a substantial number of loans in the area in fiscal 
year 1961. 

More than half of the military assistance is 
directed to Korea and Taiwan to maintain and 
selectively modernize forces which are essential 
to the forward defense strategy of the United 
States. This selective modernization is urgently 
needed and is overdue. 

In the face of demonstrated Chinese Communist 
aggressiveness, there continues to be a threat to 
survival in the Far East. Accordingly there 
must in our opinion continue to be heavy empha- 
sis on the military aid and defense support sectors. 
I will be prepared, along with my colleagues 

from the Department, of Defense, to answer ques- 
tions as to thf rationale for IcVfl.s of lo'al forces, 
both in tho divided countries (Korea, China, and 
Viet-Nam), where large defense forces are clearly 
needed, and in othci- countries, where the utility 
and relatlonslilp of Iwal fon-i'*, lo overall needs 
is less apparent. 

At this point I would like to emphasize that the 
conventional fon'es of our I'nends and allies in 
the Far Eiust provide an important measure of 
immediate deterrence to Communist probe.s. 
They are, moreover, necessary if we are to con- 
tinue to have a capability for flexible, graduated 
response to Conunmiist probes such as we have 
witnessed these past 2 years. They provide a 
time cusiiion not merely for the interval until 
mobile United States and other fiee-world forces 
can be brought to bear but for the effective use 
of diplomatic and psychological deterrents. In 
the absence of such a Lime cushion the reaction 
to a Communist pi-obe would be a choice between 
withdrawal and holocaust. But with ready, 
trained, conventional forcps present, the means 
are available to make a gi'aduated flexible re- 
sponse until the degree of risk becomes greater 
than the Communist aggressor is prepared to 
accept. We thus believe that the miintenance of 
these conventional forces is an important element 
in free-world efforts to preserve its integrity and 
the general peace. 

In the execution of the militaiy assistance pro- 
gram in the current year, and in plans for fiscal 
1961, stress has been given to dex-entralization of 
dex^isionmaking authority to the country team and 
regional unified command. Another noteworthy 
development has occurred in the counti-y of our 
largest MiVP program, tlie Kepublic of Korea. 
A determined effort by the Korean Armed Forces 
has resulted in marked improvement in supply 
and logistic management. The planning and 
initial efforts to remedy weaknesses that were dis- 
cussed with the committee last year, plus a dedi- 
cated effort by Korean and American service 
people, have resulted in standards of performance 
tliat approach our requirements. 

An important segment of aid to the three 
divided countries of the Far East is in the form 
of defense support — 56 percent of the global re- 
quest — to help those countries carry the costs of 
their heavy military burdens. It is in these coun- 
tries, witii their former internal economic struc- 

April 4, 1960 


tures fragmented by demarcation lines, neutral 
zones, or tlie Taiwan Strait, that support on a 
gi-ant basis seems unlikely to be wholly replaced 
by loans. Nonetheless, even in Korea, China, and 
Viet- Nam, evei-y effort will be made to emphasize 
economic reconstruction concurrently with the 
provision of military assistance. 

Economic Support 

We have long realized that mere survival is not 
enough for the free peoples of the Far East. They 
need to develop a vested interest in their future. 
Social and economic progress, rising standards of 
living, plus mature and stable national institu- 
tions, are all necessary if their aspirations are to 
be met and if the Communist forced-draft 
methods of production are to continue to be re- 
jected. Governments and peoples must be en- 
abled to make progress adequate to maintain faith 
in themselves and in a society with traditional cul- 
tural and human values. Particularly in the light 
of tlie efforts which these countries are making to 
insure survival, the United States should continue 
to give emphasis to the other major objective of 
the Mutual Security Progi-am, e<?onomic develop- 
ment. Such an emphasis should be related to the 
turning of the tide in the free countries of the Far 

In the 1950's the character of our economic sup- 
port programs was strongly influenced by a recur- 
rent "crisis" atmosphere. Governments were new, 
and conditions were so insecure that there ap- 
peared to be constant danger that in some way or 
another communism might take over. Improvisa- 
tion and what we have called crash programs 
could then be justified, and they did, by and large, 
achieve results. Today, however, improvisation is 
less justifiable. Henceforth we can, I hope, relate 
our actions less and less to immaturity of national 
institutions and fear of imminent economic or 
political disaster and more to growing stability 
and the long haul of patient economic develop- 
ment. Our programs in the Far East, now 
bolstered by the new instrumentality, the Develop- 
ment Loan Fund, henceforth will be considered 
more and more in this light. 

There are certain situations where impact proj- 
ects are still necessary to assist govermnents in 
convincing their peoples that free-world aid, in 
distinction to available Sino-Soviet aid, is helping 
tliom and does produce rasults. By and large. 

however, I believe that we should increasingly pay 
attention to basic undertakings which will help 
goverimients, now fully alert to the dangers of 
communism, to make economic progress at a pace 
which will remain ahead of their people's material 
expectations and will not tempt them to resort to 
revolutionary social changes. We should, of 
course, spare no effort to develojj our programs in 
a manner as responsive as possible to local psy- 
chology and needs. This requires unremitting 
effort on the part of our officials to understand the 
viewpoint of local leaders. The effort can be 
aided at times by institutional arrangements 
which give a true partnership flavor to our pro- 
grams. Quite apart from concrete results of these 
programs in improving the well-being of Asian 
peoples there is a byproduct of incalculable value 
if they come to feel that we are truly interested, as 
I believe we are, in their aspirations and in their 
success. They devoutly aspire to economic inde- 
pendence as well as political independence, and it 
is our aim to help them in this regard. 

In planning economic support we should re- 
member that there is a basic difference between 
our past efforts in Europe and our current efforts 
in the Far East. In Europe the task was re- 
habilitation. In Asia it is a task of creation. In 
Europe we worked with mature, advanced nations 
in a well- integrated central region. In the Far 
East we are working in what is not truly a region 
at all and chiefly with new countries who have had 
everything to learn for themselves. 

Program for Taiwan 

Considerations such as these lead to a conviction 
that our aid concepts in the Far East in the period 
ahead require careful review. This process has 
already begun. One place where we are ready to 
agree to a new approach is Taiwan, where the 
Republic of China has made such notable progress 
that, despite the inescapably heavy defense bur- 
den, new strides toward economic viability seem 

On Taiwan a sound economic foundation now 
exists and provides a basis for major economic de- 
velopment. The population is literate, energetic, 
and resourceful. A good transportation system 
and improving power supplies are available. The 
Government is especially aware of the need for an 
economic breaktlirough both to maintain political 
stability and to demonstrate what can be achieved 


Department of State Bulletin 

by free Olunoso in conti-ast to tlie totalitarian 
mainland i-ej^rimo. 

Tlie proposetl economic aid progi-am for fiscal 
year 1961 combines the use of defense support 
grants and DLF loans to help the Chinese Gov- 
ernment put into etTect tlie dillicult economic de- 
cisions required to accelerate investment while at 
the same time maintaining heavy militai-j' bur- 
dens. These decisions include close scrutiny of 
the military budget, adoption of noninflationary 
fiscal and credit policies, tax reforms to encourage 
investment and savings, uniform and realistic ex- 
change rates, liberalized foreign exchange con- 
trols, and a reduction of governmental activities 
competing with private enterprise. This Chinese 
action will contribute significantly to the estab- 
lisliment of an investment climate attractive to 
domestic and foreign capital and will make possi- 
ble greater growth than Taiwan has thus far 
achieved. As free China develops greater 
strength, it will be able to carry a larger share of 
costs both of its military establishment and its 
civilian economy. This will permit reductions in 
U.S. defense support aid. 

In another country, Japan, we are phasing out 
the limited, but valuable, programs of technical 
assistance which helped over the past 6 years to 
add new dimensions to the growing ties between 
Japanese and American industrial, labor, and 
professional leaders. We ask this year only the 
amount required for an orderly termination of 
this program in fiscal year 1961. However, I 
should like to note here that the past year has 
witnessed the negotiation of a new Treaty of 
Mutual Cooperation and Security, which, when 
ratified by both countries, will be the tangible ex- 
pression of a voluntary and longer term relation- 
ship between Japan and the United States. At 
the same time military aid to Japan is becoming 
more selective and limited and includes cost shar- 
ing and sales projects in the current year. Note 
should also be made of the fact that important 

Japanese a.s.sistance is being extended to countries 
of southeast Asia both in the fonn of reparations 
and special assistance. We will in tlie year ahead 
lose no opportunity to encourage other countries 
and the United Nations as well in appropriate 
ways to add their assistance in increasing measure 
to that which comes from us. 

Finally, in closing, I should like to revert once 
again to the central preoccupation of all of these 
countries and of ourselves in the Far East, namely 
the implacable Chinese Communist regime. Over 
recent montlis we have seen in varying degrees, in 
all the countries of the free Far East, apprehen- 
sion lest steps taken in our unremitting search 
for a decent peace should be the precursor of some 
form of compromise with the Chinese Communists. 
Accordingly in the Far East we will be concerned 
with assuring that the efforts being made to 
achieve a detente with the Soviet Union shall not 
unsettle and unbalance the Far Eastern region, 
where in 1960 the situation is so much more prom- 
ising than appeared possible only a few years ago. 
It is our conviction that the maintenance of our 
effort and our basic posture and policies in the 
Far East is essential. Only thus can the countries 
there be assured that they can count on us in the 
face of Communist threats. Such confidence on 
the part of nations of the free Far East is a pre- 
requisite to continued relative success in the 1960's 
for us and for them. 

In the years just ahead we can be certain of one 
thing. The free countries of the Far East will de- 
pend for their survival upon the continuity of 
U.S. policy. This means the continuation of eco- 
nomic and military aid to help them resist Com- 
munist attempts to encroach upon their freedom 
and frustrate their peaceful economic develop- 
ment. Our policy can continue to succeed if we 
persevere in our chosen course of action and make 
adequate provision for its support. In our view 
the minimum adequate provision would be the 
sums which we are requesting for the Far East in 
fiscal year 1961. 

ky>n\ 4, J 960 



Calendar of InternationaG Conferences and Meetings^ 

Adjourned During March 1960 

Five-Nation Disarmament Committee Washington Jan. 25-Mar. 2 

U.N. Commission on Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Re- New York Feb. 16-Mar. 4 

sources: 2d Session. 

ILO Governing Body: 144th Session Geneva Feb. 22-Mar. 4 

FAO Consultative Subcommittee on the Economic Aspects of Rice: Saigon Feb. 22-Mar. 1 

4th Session. 

ICAO Special Communications Meeting on European-Mediter- Paris Feb. 23-Mar. 14 

ranean Rules of the Air and Air Traffic Control. 

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: Working Group Geneva Feb. 29-Mar. 4 

on Statistics of Financial Assets and Liabilities. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 16th Session. . . Geneva Feb. 29-Mar. 18 

International Bureau of Education: 37th Meeting of Executive Geneva Mar. 1-2 


IMCO Council: 3d Session London Mar. 1-3 

Found.ation for Mutual Assistance in Africa South of the Sahara: Tananarive, Malagasy Repub- Mar. 2-3 

2d Meeting. lie. 

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences: 5th Meeting of Lima Mar. 7-11 

Technical Advisory Council. 

IAEA Ad Hoc Preparatory Panel on Third-Party Liability for Vienna Mar. 7-17 

Nuclear Shipping. 

UNICEF Executive Board and Program Committee New York Mar. 8-16 

Development Assistance Group Washington Mar. 9-11 

U.N. Ecoiif)mic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 16th Session. Bangkok Mar. 9-21 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Advisory Committee on Extension of Mexico, D.F Mar. 14-19 

Primary Education in Latin America. 

GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade. . . . Geneva Mar. 14-25 

FAO European Commission for Control of Foot-and-Mouth Rome Mar. 16-18 

Disea.^e: 7th Session. 

5th ICAO North Atlantic Ocean St.'itions Conference The Hague Mar. 17-29 

International Study Group on Lead and Zinc: Standing Committee. New York Mar. 17 (1 d.iy) 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: Working Party on Con- Geneva Mar. 21-25 

struction of Road Vehicles. 

ITU CCITT Working Party 43 (Data Transmission) Geneva Mar. 21-28 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Conference on International Oceano- Paris Mar. 21-29 

graphic Ships: Preparatory Meetinc:. 

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Small-Scale Industries and Handi- Singapore Mar. 24-31 

craft Marketina/f'aiining and Bottling of Fruit and Food in Co- 
operation with FAO. 

U.N. ECLA Committee of the Whole: 7th Meeting Santiago Mar. 28-30 

International Sugar Council: 6th Session London Mar. 30-31 

in Session as of March 31, 1960 

Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapons Tests . . . Geneva Oct. 31, 1958- 

U.N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri- New York Feb. 23- 

tories: 11th Se.?sion. 

Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee Geneva Mar. 15- 

2d U.N. Conference on Law of the Sea Geneva Mar. 17- 

ICAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Aerial Collision . . . Paris Mar. 21- 

' Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Mar. 17, 1900. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT, 
Comit6 consullatif international t<''li''graphique et t(51<5phonique; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, Eco- 
nomic Coniniission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECLA, Economic Commission 
for Latin America; ECOSOC, Economic and Soi^i.'il Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; (i.\TT, General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International ,\toniic Energy Agency; l.\-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic 
and Social Council; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, intcrgovcrnnienlal Coniniiltee for European 
IMigralion; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; 
ITU, International Tcleconiniunicalion Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treatv Organization; l'.\HO, Pan American 
Health Organization; SEATO, Soullieast Asia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Xations: UNESCO, United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and CuUuraHJrganization; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; \\ MO, \\ orld Meteorological 

538 Departmenf of Stafe Bulletin 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

In Session as of March 31, 19S0 — Continued 

I'uris M;ir. 21- 

Rio de Janeiro Mar. 21- 

ICAO Legal (\)niinitteo: Siibcoiiiniittfeon Hire, Charter, and Iiitor- 

U.N. KCOSOC Latin American Regional Conference on Narcotic 

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade .... 

GATT Intersessional Committee 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Status of Women: 14th Session . . 

UNESCO Executive Board: 56th Session 

UNESCO Meeting of Administrators on Technical and Vocational 

Education in .\frica. 
IAEA Board of Governors: 16th Session Vienna Mar. 29- 

Geneva Mar. 28- 

Geneva Mar. 28- 

Buenos Aires .Mar. 28- 

Faris Mar. 28- 

Accra, Ghana Mar. 28- 

Scheduled April 1 Through June 30, 1960 

F.A.O Desert-Locust Control Committee: Special Meeting 

International Study Group on Lead and Zinc: Statistical Com- 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 29th Session 

U.N. ECAFE Conference of .\sian Statisticians: 3d Session . . . . 

International Wheat Council: 29th Session 

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commis- 
sioner for Refugees: 3d Session. 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Standardization of Conditions of Sale 
for Cereals. 

Foreign Ministers Meeting 

IC.\0 Informal Southeast .\sia Regional Meeting on Air Traffic 

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 26th Session 

Meeting of Experts on the Inter-American Telecommunications 
Network and ITU-CCITT Plan Subcommittee. 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Illicit Traffic of the Narcotic Drugs 

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 15th Session 

U.N. ECOSOC Statistical Commission: 11th Session 

Inter-American Seminar on Strengthening of the Family Institu- 

IAEA Scientific Advisory Committee to Board of Governors . . . 

FAO International Meeting on Veterinary Education 

PAHO Executive Committee: 40th Meeting 

ICAO Panel of Teletypewriter Specialists: 4th Meeting 

ILO Petroleum Committee: 6th Session 

WMO Eastern Caribbean Hurricane Committee: 5th Session . . 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 15th Session . . 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: 4th 
Session of the Mineral Resources Development Subcommittee. 

CENTO Ministerial Council: 8th meeting 

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee 

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 1st Session 

NATO Ministerial Council 

GATT Committee on Balance-of-Payments Restrictions 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: 8th Session 

International Fisheries Convention of 1946: 8th Meeting of Per- 
manent Commission. 

13th World Health Assemblv 

ICEM Council: 12th Session 

FAO Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: Working Party 
on Copra Quality and Grading. 

FAO Interim .Advisory Committee on Freedom from Hunger . . 

GATT Committees I and II on Expansion of International Trade . 

UNESCO/ILO Committee of Experts on Neighboring Rights . . 

IAEA Symposium on Fuel Element Fabrication With Special 
Emphasis on Cladding Materials. 

UNESCO Symposium on Arid Land Problems 

8th Pan American Highway Congress 

FAO Group on Coconut arid Coconut Products: 3d Session . . . 

Meeting of Heads of Government and Chiefs of State 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Agricultural Statistics 

GATT Contracting Parties: 16th Session 

IMCO International Conference on the Safety of Life at Sea . . . 

ICAO Panel on Origin-and-Destination Statistics: 2d Meeting . . 
International Cotton Advisory Committee: 19th Plenary Meeting. 

Rome Apr. 4- 

Paris Apr. 5- 

New York Apr. 5- 

Bangkok Apr. 5- 

London Apr. 5- 

Geneva Apr. 7- 

Geneva Apr. 11- 

Washington Apr. 12- 

Bangkok Apr. 13- 

New York Apr. 14- 

M6xico, D.F. Apr. 19- 

Geneva Apr. 19- 

Geneva Apr. 20- 

New York Apr. 20- 

Caracas Apr. 23- 

Vienna Apr. 25- 

London Apr. 25- 

Washington Apr. 25- 

Montreal Apr. 25- 

Geneva Apr. 25- 

Curagao Apr. 25- 

Geneva Apr. 25- 

Tokyo Apr. 26- 

Tehran Apr. 28- 

New Y'ork Apr. 28- 

Valencia May 2- 

Istanbul May 2- 

Geneva May 2- 

Ncw York May 2- 

London May 3- 

Geneva May 3- 

Naples May 5- 

Rome May 9- 

Rome May 9- 

Geneva May 9- 

The Hague May 9- 

Vienna May 10- 

Paris May 1 1- 

Bogoti May 12- 

Rome May 12- 

Paris May 16- 

Geneva May 16- 

Geneva May 16- 

London May 17- 

Montreal Mav 23- 

Mexico, D.F May 23- 

April 4, I960 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled April 1 Through June 30, 1960 — Continued 

U.N. Tin Conference 

ILO Governing Body: 145th Session 

SEATO Military Advisers 

U.N. Special Fund: 4th Session of the Governing Council .... 

ITU Administrative Council: 15th Session 

International Union for the Protection of Industrial Property: 24th 

International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 10th 

International Commission on Irrigation, Flood Control, and Drain- 
age: 4th Meeting. 

International Statistical Institute: 32d General Assembly .... 

SEATO Council: 6th Meeting 

13th International Cannes Film Festival 

2d UNESCO Meeting on Salinity Problems 

FAO Group on Grains: 5th Session 

International Labor Conference: 44th Session 

World Power Conference: 13th Sectional Meeting 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 20th Session (and Working 

7th International Electronic, Nuclear, and Cinematographic Exhi- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Construction of Vehicles 

International Conference on Large Electric Systems: 18th General 

International Whaling Commission: 12th Meeting 

U.N. ECE Coal Trade Subcommittee 

FAO Working Party on Mediterranean Pasture and Fodder De- 
velopment: 6th Meeting. 

10th International Berlin Film Festival 

ILO Governing Body: 146th Session 

WMO Executive Committee: 12th Session 

GATT Working Party on Polish Participation in the Tariff Confer- 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee 

International Wheat Council: 29th Session 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 33d Session 

lA-ECOSOC Permanent Technical Committee on Ports: 3d Meet- 

Permanent International Commission of Navigation Congresses: 
Annual Meeting. 

7th International Meeting of Tonnage Measurement Experts . . . 

UNICEF Committee on Administrative Budget 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Experts on Discrimination in Educa- 

New York May 23- 

Geneva May 23- 

Washington May 25- 

New York May 25- 

Geneva May 28- 

London May 28- 

Bergen, Norway May 30- 

Madrid May 30- 

Tokyo May 30- 

Washington May 31- 

Cannes May 

Spain May 

Rome June 1- 

Geneva June 1- 

Aladrid June 5- 

Geneva June 6- 

Rome June 13- 

Geneva June 13- 

Paris June 15- 

London June 20- 

Geneva June 20- 

Rome June 20- 

Berlin June 24- 

Geneva June 24- 

Geneva June 27- 

Geneva June 27- 

Geneva June 27- 

London June 28- 

Rome June 

Rio de Janeiro June 

Brussels June 

undetermined June 

New York June 

Paris June 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography ^ 

Economic and Social Council 

Statistical Commission. Recent Basic Industrial Inquir- 
ies. E/CN.3/257/Add. 1. January 20, 1960. 50 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Methods of Obtaining Industrial 
Statistics. E/CN.3/257/Add. 2. January 20, 1960. 
34 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Proposed Methods of Estimating 
Housing Needs. E/CN.3/274. January 20, 1960. 45 pp. 

Commission on Human Rights. Declaration on the 

' Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2060 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may 
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United 

Right of Asylum : Comments of Governments. E/CN.4/ 
793/Add. 1. January 20, 1960. 8 pp. 

Commission on Human Rights. Declaration on the Right 
of Asylum : Comments of the High Commissioner for 
Refugees. E/CN.4/796. January 20, 1960. 2 pp. 

Commission on the Status of Women. Women in Public 
Services and Functions. Report by the Secretary-Gen- 
eral. E/CN.6/354/Add. 1. January 20, 1960. 15 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Progress Report on Balance of 
Payments Statistics. Memorandum prepared by Bal- 
ance of Payments Division of the International Mone- 
tary Fund. E/CN.3/278. January 21, 1960. 11 pp. 

Commission on Human Rights. Freedom of Information. 
Memorandum by the Secretary-General. E/CN.4/792/ 
Add. 1. January 21. 1960. 3 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Progress Report on the 1960 
World Population Census Programme. Memorandum 
by the Secretary-General. E/CN.3/276. January 22, 
1960. 13 pp. 

Economic Commission for Africa. Work of the Commis- 
sion Since the First Session. Part I. Report of the 


Department of State Bulletin 

Executive Secretary. B/CN.14/4C. January 22, 1960. 
22 pp. 

Coiuniisslim on Human Rights. Review of the Human 
Rights Programme. Memorandum by the Secretary- 
General. E/t\\.4/797. January 25, 1S)C0. 3 pp. 

Commission on Human Rights/Commission on the Status 
of Women. Advisory Services In the Field of Human 
Rights. Report by the Secretary-General. E/CN.4/798. 
January 2o, lOGO. C pp. 

Economic Commission for Africa. Report of the Com- 
mittee on the Programme of Work and Priorities to the 
Second Session of the Economic Commission for Africa. 
E/CN,14/47. January 20, 1900. 7 pp. 

Economic Development of Under-developed Countries : 
Water Resources Development Centre. First biennial 
report. E/3319. January 28, 1900. 38 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Input-Output Tables and Anal- 
ysis. Memorandum by the Secretary-General. E/CN. 
3/266. January 29, 1900. 44 pp. 

Commission on the Status of Women. Nationality of 
Married Women. Memorandum by the Secretary- 
General. E/CN.6/254/Add. 6. February 1, 1960. 13 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Handbooli of Sample Surveys of 
Family Living Conditions. Methodological guide for 
multisubject household inquiries. E/CN.3/271. Feb- 
ruary 1, 1900. 5 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Progress Report on Housing 
Census Activities and Plans. Report by the Secretary- 
General. E/CN.3/272. February 2, 1960. 10 pp. 

Economic Development of Under-developed Countries : Co- 
operatives. Studies made and assistance provided by 
the United Nations, the International Labor OflBce, and 
the Food and Agriculture Organization. Report by the 
Secretary-General. E/3321 and Add. 1. February 2 
and 8, 1960. 42 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Classification of Government Ac- 
counts. Progress Report on Classification of Govern- 
ment Accounts and Summary of Comments Received 
From Governments. E/CN.3/279. February 3, 1960. 
10 pp. 

Teaching of the Purposes and Principles, the Structure 
and Activities of the United Nations and the Special- 
ized Agencies in Schools and Other Educational Insti- 
tutions of Member States. Report by the Secretary- 
General of the United Nations and the Director-Gen- 
eral of UNESCO. E/3322. February 4, 1960. 140 pp. 

Question of a Declaration on Freedom of Information: 
Comments of Governments. Report by the Secretary- 
General. E/3323. February 5, 1960. 17 pp. 

Economic Development of Under-developed Countries : 
Petroleum Resources. Report by the Secretary-Gen- 
eral. E/3324. February 5, 1900. 16 pp. 

Commission on Human Rights of Sub-Commission on 
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minori- 
ties. Report of the Twelfth Session of the Sub-Commis- 
sion on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection 
of Minorities to the Commission on Human Rights, 11 
to 30 January 1960. E/CN.4/800. February 8, 1960. 
113 pp. 

Trusteeship Council 

Examination of the Ajinual Report on the Administration 
of the Territory of the Cameroons Under United King- 
dom Administration for the Year 1958. Observations of 
the World Health Organization. T/1499. January 23, 
1960. 4 pp. 

Conditions in the Trust Territory of Ruanda-Urundi: 
Interim Decree of December 25, 1959, on the Political 
Organization of Ruanda-Urundi. T/1501. January 28, 
1960. 27 pp. 

Conditions in the Trust Territory of Ruanda-Urundi. 
Statement of the Belgian Government on the Policy of 
Belgium in Ruanda-Urundi. T/1502. January 29, 1960. 
9 pp. 


Current Actions 



Protocol of aniendnicut to the convention on the Inter- 
American Institiite of Agricultural Sciences of Janu- 
ary 14, 1944 (.58 Stat. 1109). Oi>ened for signature at 
Wasliington December 1, 1958.' 
Ratification deposited: Guatemala, March 10, 1960. 


North American Regional Broadcasting agreement and 
final protocol. Signed at Wasliington November 15, 
Ratified hy the President : March 9, 1960. 



Agreement providing for continued oi)eration in Australia 
of tracking stations established daring the Interna- 
tional Geophysical Year and tlio establishment of 
tracliing facilities for Project Mercury and deep space 
probes. Effected by exchange of notes at Canl)erra 
February 26, 1960. Entered into force February 26, 


Agreement providing a grant to the Government of Chile 
for the acquisition of certain nuclear research and 
training equipment and materials. Effected l)y ex- 
change of notes at Santiago July 23, 1959, and Febru- 
ary 19, 1960. Entered into force February 19, 1960. 


Agreement concerning radio broadcasting in standard 
broadcast band, and six annexes. Signed at Mdxieo 
January 29, 19.57.' 
Ratified hy the President: March 9, 1900. 


Agreement for the loan of three U.S. vessels to Peru. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Lima February 12 and 
26, 1960. Entered into force Februai-j' 20, 190<). 


Agreement approving the procedures for reciprocal filing 
of classified patent applicatiims in the United States 
and Turkey. Effected by exchange of notes at Ankara 
March 17 and September 10, 1'.>.59. Entcrwl into force 
S«»ptenilier 1(!, 19.59. 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of February 13, 1959, as amended (TI.\S 4175 
and 4272). Effected by exchange of notes at Washing- 
ton March 10, VJOO. Entered into force March 10, 1900. 

' Not in force. 

April 4, 7 960 



American Legation Opens at Sofia 

The Department of State announced on March 14 
(press release 123) that Edward Page, Jr., had presented 
his credentials to Diniitur V. Ganev. President of the Pre- 
sidium of the National Assembly of the People's Republic 
of Bulgaria, on that date as American Minister to Bul- 
garia. With Mr. Page's accreditation the American Lega- 
tion at Sofia is now officially open for business, ending the 
suspension of U.S.-Bulgarian diplomatic relations since 


Peter G. Voutov, who presented his credentials to the 
President of the United States on January 15, is the 
Bulgarian Minister to the United States. 

Reciprocal Trade. TIAS 4379. 27 pp. 15(f. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Switzerland, amending agreement of January 9, 1938, as 
supplemented. Exchange of notes — Signed at Wa.shing- 
ton December 30, 1959. Entered into force January 1, 

Air Force Mission to Venezuela. TIAS 4380. 3 pp. 54. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Venezuela, amending agreement of January 16, 1953, as 
extended. Exchange of notes — Dated at Caracas March 
31 and April 29, 1959. Entered into force April 29, 1959. 

Naval Mission to Venezuela. TIAS 4382. 4 pp. 5(J. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Venezuela, amending agreement of August 23, 1950, as 
extended. Exchange of notes — Signed at Caracas March 
31 and April 29, 1959. Entered into torce April 29, 1959. 

Interchange of Patent Rights and Technical Information 
for Defense Purposes — Filing Classified Patent Applica- 
tions. TIAS 4.'?86. 15 pp. 10^. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
France. Exchange of notes — Signed at Paris May 28 and 
July 10, 1959. Entered Into force July 10, 1959. 


Recent Releases 

For sale hy the Superintewlent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, B.C. Address 
requests direct to the Svperintendent of Documents, cjt- 
cept in the case of free publications, lohich may be ob- 
tained from the Depiirtmciit of titatc. 

Peace and Friendship in Freedom. Pub. 6939. General 
Foreign Policy Series 148. 23 pp. 25<t. 
A record of President Eisenhower's visit in December 
1959 to 11 countries in Europe, Asia, and Africa, which 
includes addresses and remarks by the President along 
with comnuiniiiues relevant to the visit. 

Scientific Technical, Educational and Cultural Exchanges. 
TIAS 4362. 44 pp. 20«'. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Signed at Mos- 
cow November 21, 19.")9. Entered into force January 1, 
1960. With memorandum signed at Washington Novem- 
ber 24, 1959. 

Economic Assistance to Libya. TIAS 4370. 6 pp. 5(f. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Libya. Exchange of notes— Signed at Benghazi May 21, 
1959. Entered into force May 21, 1959. With related 
note signed at Benghazi October 13, 1959. 

Mexican Agricultural Workers. TIAS 4.374. 31 pp. 15<f. 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Mexico, amending' and extending agreement of August 11, 
1951, as anieiuled and extended. Exchange of note.s — 
Signed at Mexico October 23, 19.59. Entered into force 
October 23, 1959. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Dec. 14, 1959, p. 866. 

Checl< List of Department of State 
Press Releases: March 14-20 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
New.s, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Release issued prior to March 14 which a|)|)ears 
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 117 of March 11. 

No. Date Subject 

120 3/14 Five-power wi>rkiug paper on general 
*121 3/14 Visit of Brazilian Foreign Minister. 
tl22 3/14 Development Assistance Group com- 
123 3/14 Lei;ation at Sofia opens (rewrite). 
tl24 3/15 Trade agreement consultation with 

125 3/15 1960 GATT consultations on import 


126 3/15 Eat(m: statement at Ten-Nation Dis- 

armament Conference. 
*127 3/16 Cultural eschanse (Brazil). 
tl28 3/16 Polish officials visit U.S. (rewrite). 
tl'2!> 3/17 DiLUin : expansion of U.S. export trade. 

130 3/J7 DiLlcin : U.S. participation in IDA. 

131 3/17 Herter to attend CENTO and NATO 

ministerial meetings. 
i:i2 3/17 Itinerary for Brazil Foreign Minister 
( rewrite ) . 

133 3/17 Civil aviation talks with U.K. 

134 3/18 Aiuba! -iidor Be i>-:it rt 111' lis ti. Cuba. 
*i:^.5 3/18 Oviltural txclianjie (Iran). 

tl36 3/18 Progi-am for visit of Spanish Foreign 

Minister (rewriie). 
137 3/19 Tracking Station agreement with 

Spa in. 
tl38 3/19 Ilrrler : imi:ris nn;ent of Bishop Walsh 

by Chinese Conimunitts. 

139 3/19 U.!i.-I'.ra:al joint conmninique. 

140 .'4/19 Herttr: HthAHEPAnationalhaiKiuet. 

*.\ot printed. 

tllold for a laier issue of tlie BuujEtin. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

April 4, 1Q60 I n d 

American Republics. The United States and LiUiu 

AiiuTii'ii, -I .MiiUMiii;; Ucliltiiiii-liii) (Kii1h:|I nil) 51!> 

Asia. Tlie .Miitniil Se<-uik,v Pronnini in the Fur 

East (rartums) 532 

Aviation. U.S. and U.K. Uives.-* Air Talks . . . r)2S 

Brazil. U.S. and Bra7.U Review Progress on Oper- 
iitiim I'aji AmeiiAi (llert.T, Lal'er, t;.'xt uf ejiu- 
niuiiiqu;>) 523 

Bulgaria. American Legation Opens at Sofia . . .'i42 

Canada. Five Powers Present Plan forGePoral Dis- 
armament as Ten-Nation Di.sarniamenl Confer- 
ence Convenes ( Katoii, text of working i)aiier) 511 

China, Communist. The Mutual Socuril.v Program 

in the Far Fast (Parsons) 532 

Congress, The 

Department Supports U.S. Membership in Interna- 
tional Development .\.ss(K-iation (Dillon) . . . 52!> 

The Mutual Security I'rogram in the Far East 

(Parsons) i332 

Cuba. .Vmba.ssador Bonsai Ucturus to I'ost at 

Hahana r>23 

Department and Foreign Service. American Lega- 
tion <)i>eiis at Solia 542 


Five Powers Present Plan for General Disarmament 
as Ten-Xation Disarmament Conference Convenes 
(Eaton, text of working pai>er) .,.,.... i^ill 

President Emphasizes U.S. Desire for Progress on 

Disarmament , 514 

Economic Affairs 

Department Supports U.S. Membership in Interna- 

ti<mal Development Association (Dillon) . . . 529 

The United Slates and Latin .\iiierica. a Maturing 

RelatioiLship (Rubottom) 519 

Views Invited on ItHJO GATT Talks on Import Re- 
strictions 527 


Five Powers Present Plan for General Disarmament 
as Teu-Xation Di.sarmament Conference Convenes 
(Eaton, text of working paper) ."ill 

President Charles de Gaulle To Visit United 

States 516 

Germany. President and Chancellor Adenauer 

Hold Informal Talks I text of joint statement) . 517 

Greece. America's Debt to Greece (Herter) . . . 516 

International Organizations and Conferences 
Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 538 

e X 

Vol. XLIl, No. 1084 

Five Powers Present Plan for General Disarmament 
as Ten .Nation Disarm.'imcnl ("(.nfertucu Convenes 
(Kalori, text of w; iking paiKT) 511 

President Eiiiphiisizes U.H. D.'sire for Pposreas on 

Disaiimiment ^ 514 

Scci.l.iiy licrlL-r To Attend CIOXTO an J NATIJ 

.Meeting.s 517 

Italy. Five Powers Present Plan for General D\s 
armament as TcJi Nation DisnniKiment C'lnfer- 
ence Conveniw (Eaton, text of woi king pL! per) . 511 

Middle East. Seen taiy Herter To Attend CE.NTO 

and .\.\T() Meetings 517 

Mutual Security 

Mutual .Vid TliToivrh the UuitC'l Nations (Lrodge) . 524 
The Mutiuil Security' Program in the Far East 

(Parsoiu^) .532 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Secretary 

HiTler To AtLend CK.NTO and XATO Meetings . 517 

Presidential Documents 

President iUid Ulioneellor Adenauer Hold Informal 

Talks .517 

Prssi.leut Emphasizes U.S. DSLr<e for rrogres.s on 

Disarmament 514 

Publications. Recent Releases 542 

Scicpie U.S. .ind SuKii To Proje>-t Mer- 
eury Tracking Station .......... 518 

.Spain. U.S. aad Spain To Establish Project Mer- 
cury Traekinj; SLatloa 518 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions , . , 541 

U.S. and Si;jun To B.'*ablish ProjMt Men ui*y Truck- 
ing Station 518 

United Kingdom 

Five Power.=j Preuaat Plan for Geua"al Disaminment 
as Ten Xatnon Disannameut Conference Convenes 
(Eaton, text of working i»ai>er) ....... 511 

U.S. andU.K. RwwjSiUrTjilks 528 

United Nations 

Current U.N'. Documents 540 

Mutual Aid Through the United Nations (Lodge) . 524 

Natiif Iiiih.r 

Adenauer. Konrad 517 

Hi.n ..ii. Philip AV .VJ3 

De GauUe, Charles '. . filO 

Dillon, Douglas * .529 

Kaloii. Fre^lrick M .". K! 

Eiset'bower. President 514,517 

Herter, Secretary 51G. 523 

Lafer, Horacio .523 

Lodge, Henry Calx)t 524 

Parsons, . I. Graham 5.32 

Rubottom, R. R., Jr 519 



i- -f: it ii 



United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 






A Summary Presentation 



Proposed mutual security programs for fiscal year 1961 are out- 
lined in tliis 125-page pamphlet prepared jointly by the Depart- 
ment of State, Department of Defense, International Cooperation 
Administration, and the Development Loan Fund. The booklet 
is a summary of the annual request for funds submitted to Con- 
gress for its consideration and includes the text of the President's 
message to Congress on the program. 

Part I of the pamphlet reviews proposals for major aspects of 
the progi-am, including military assistance, defense support, spe- 
cial assistance, the Development Loan Fund, technical cooperation, 
the contingency fund, and other programs. Part II discusses the 
program by regions. Part III deals with such related matters 
as free-world cooperation in assisting less developed areas, the 
surplus agricultural commodity jirogram, stimulation of private 
investment in the less developed areas, and the impact of the 
Mutual Security Program on the U.S. economy. 

The pamphlet is illustrated with charts, graphs, and photo- 
graphs. Copies may be purchased from the Superintendent of 
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, for 55 cents each. 

Order Form 

Siipt. of I)ocumerit.< 
Covt. Printing Office 
WashiiiKdm 25, D.C. 

I'.in'hitivd find: 


(cnult , check, (ir initiicy 
order pnyuhlc. In 
Supt. <>( Docs.) 

Please send me copies of The Mutual Security Program, Fiscal Year 

1961, A Summary Presentation. 


Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 


/ w^--' 




Vol. XLII, No. 1085 

AprU 11, 1960 


MARCH 25 547 


ment and Text of 1944 Agreement 554 




President's Message to Congress 560 

Statement by Under Secretary Dillon 561 

Statement by Philip A. Ray 562 

Report of Interagency Export Promotion Task Force .... 563 


YEAR 1961 • Statements by Secretary Ilerter, Under 
Secretary Dillon, and James W. Riddleberger 566 

Boston Public Library • • j k i. 

Superintendent of Documeffe^ mdex see inside back caver 




Vol. XLII, No. 1085 • Publication 6973 
April 11,1960 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.26 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1968). 

Note: Contents ot this publication are not 
coi)yrlghted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
ot State Bulletin as ttie source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tceekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on de- 
velopments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on ttie work of tlie Depart- 
ment of State and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected press 
releases on foreign policy, issued by 
the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made 
by the President and by the Secretary 
of State and other officers of the De- 
partment, as well as special articles on 
various phases of inter ruitional affairs 
and the functions of the Department. 
Information is included concerning 
treaties and international agreements 
to which the United States is or rruiy 
become a party and treaties of general 
international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of March 25 

Press relense 155 dated March 25 

Secretai-y Ilerter: I liave no opening statement 
to make. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there Jiave been reports of 
very suhsfant'ial differences between the British 
Government and the United States Government on 
nuclear weapons testing policy. I wonder if you 
would assess the extent of those differences and 
also the prospects for the talks betioeen Mr. 
Macmillan and President Eisenhower. 

A. Yes, I would be glad to comment on that. 
Tliere have been no exclianges of views bet ween 
ourselves and tlie British since the Russian pro- 
posals were niade.^ We have each been studying 
them, and we will be engaged — the President and 
Mr. Macmillan will be engaged — in convei-sations 
next week to see how close their points of view 
are as a result of those studies. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, my question concerns the 
Soviet proposal on nuclear tests. The proposal 
seems to have evoked a ivide variety of assess- 
ments. Some people, ineluding Senator [Clinton 
P.] Anderson, say if is a phony. Others see in it 
a moderation, possibly a concession. Do you in- 
cline to the latter view, and, if so, do you think 
that it offers sorne possibility of progress in this 

' The Soviet Union on Mar. 19 expressed its willingness 
to reach agreement on the following basis : 

Conclude a treaty baiting all nuclear weaiwns tests in 
the atmosphere, the o<'eans, and cosmic space, and all 
nndersround tests of seismic magnitude 4.75 or more ; 

Agree to the I'.S. proiK)s!il for tlie carrying out of a pro- 
gram of research and experimentation among the I'.S., 
U,K„ and I'.S.S.R. with all parlies to the treaty under- 
taking at the same time an obligation not to conduct 
any nuclear weapons tests during this iieriod below the 
threshold of seismic magnitude 4.7i5. ' 

President and Mr. Macmillan Discuss 
Nuclear Test Negotiations 

statement hy James C. Bagerty 
Press Secretary to the President 

White House press release dnted March 24 

Following exchanges between President Eisen- 
hower and Prime Minister Macmillan, the President 
has suggested that the Prime Minister should vis-it 
Washington to discuss with him the latest phase of 
the Geneva nuclear test negotiations. The Prime 
Minister will arrive on March 26th. 

A. Well, I would be unwilling to characterize 
it in any veiy simple tenns at the present moment. 
The oti'er, as I see it, recognizes for the first time 
that we are unwilling to put a ban on explosions 
which could not Ije detected and wliich are con- 
ducted underground. It suggests that a ban 
treaty be concluded which would cover all ex- 
plosions including underground explosions up to 
tlie threshold which appeared in our proposal^ 
and that there then be a moratorium on the under- 
ground tests below that threshold for wiiat in 
effect seems to be an indefinite perioil of time, since 
4 or 5 years has in one place been mentioned and 
then it has been suggested tliat that miglit be ex- 
tended during furtiier di.scussions as to what 
should be done next. 

I miglit add tiiaf this recognizes for the first 
time wiiat our scientists have been saying for over 
a year, that with present instrumentation there is 
no c^^rtain method of ascertaining wiietiier an ex- 
plosion or an eartlKjuake l^low a certain level of 
magnitude is one or the otiier.^ That factor is a 

» BuLLKTiN of Fd). 2!). 1!)C0, p. .327. 

' For background, see ib'ul., Jan. 2(i. 19.50, p. 118, and 
.Tuly C'. l!)-"'9, p. 10. 

AprW 11, 1960 


very important one. The other factor in connec- 
tion with tliis has to do with continued investiga- 
tion by scientific experts of better methods of 
detection. All I can add is what has been said at 
the \^1iite House, that this matter is under veiy 
close scrutiny by the administration. 

U.S. Policy on Disarmament and Testing 

Q. Mr. Secretary., can you accept a Soviet jrro- 
posal or any froposal for a moratorium without 
first estahlishing wJi-ether or not the Russians are 
willing to accept an adequate number of on-site 
inspections of suspicious events? 

A. Well, I would not want to be specific on any 
particular matter, but, as I say, there are a good 
many matters still unresolved with respect to a 
treaty within the threshold limitation, entirely 
aside from any question as to what should be done 
for those explosions below the threshold. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you unilaterally — 
coiild this adminiMration unilaterally agree to a 
moratorium and have this moratorimn hinding on 
the next adininistration from a legal point of 

A. That is a legal matter that I would not want 
to give the answer to at this time. 

Q. You haven't investigated it? 

A. It is being looked into. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Trevor Gardner said this 
morning that he had ashed the Department for 
information on the Soviet offer and he had been 
told that some parts of it were being kept secret 
by agreement with the Russians. Can you com- 
ment on that? 

A. That is entirely incorrect. What happened 
was that the first cable we got on the offer was a 
very brief one. Mr. Wadsworth [Ambassador 
James J. Wadsworth, U.S. Representative at the 
Geneva Conference on tlie Discontinuance of Nu- 
clear Weapons Tests] asked the Soviets for an 
amplification as to what was meant by it. We 
have received part of the answers, but we liaven't 
received all of the answere yet. That is the cor- 
rect situation. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, as I understand general 
United States policy on di sarin ament, it is that ^ve 
canH accept any agreement with the Russlnn,s 
either on disarmament in general or the test ban 

in particular without substantial inspection and 
control and that it is that point whleh gives us 
pause on the moratorium aspect of their proposal. 
But isn't the sincerity of that position gravely im- 
paired by the fact that many people In the Penta- 
gon and the AEC \^Atomic Energy Commission^ 
are pressing the President to renew tests? 

A. I am not going to comment on any attitudes 
outside the Department. I can only speak for my- 
self here. The fii-st part of what you have said 
is entirely correct, that our differences, our major 
differences, to say nothing of minor differences, in 
setting up an inspection system always center 
around this question of adequate inspection. It 
is the same basic principle that has led to the 
failure of earlier disarmament conferences as well 
as the nuclear testing. 

Q. What I was trying to get at, if I may just 
follow up on this, is the problem of the sincerity 
of our stand. Regardless of the merits of the dif- 
ferences of opinion within the administration, 
doesn't the fact that there are differences of this 
kind make it terribly difflcult for us not to be 
questioned seriously in the sincerity of our overall 

A. I don't think so. I think whatever attitude, 
whatever position, the President takes in this mat- 
ter will be one of complete sincerity. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you think that it is pos- 
sible to reach, if v:e decide that they are sincere, 
to reach some compromise on the two crucial 
questions of the term of the moratorium of some- 
where between If. and 5 years or 1 or 2 years and 
the question of on-site inspections as betiveen the 
20 we have suggested and the undetermined few 
that they have mentioned? 

A. I would rather not speculate on what might 
be compromised and what might not at this stage 
of the game. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, going to a 7nore basic ques- 
tion, if I may, how would it be possible to accept 
or even seriouily consider a Soinet proposal which 
calls for any cessation of testing on a basis of 
faith rather than insured inspection? Would 
that not itself be a violation of the position, the 
policy, you have stated many times? 

A. It would. The question of a ban, a treaty 
ban, on that basis would. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Q. Mr. Secretary, then if follows, does it not, 
that the present Soviet proposal in its exiating 
form is unacceptable:^ 

A. I am not sayinjr that it is completely unac- 
ceptable or completely acceptable. I say tbat it 
must Iw studied. I tiiink you can <ratlier from 
what I have said that there are parts of it that 
would not be acceptable. 

Q. Mr. Secrefari/, a Princeton physieist has an 
article in '■''Foreign Affairs'" * .saying that the 
United Stutes and Russia are on the verge of dis- 
covering a cheap ri-bomh that cannot he detected 
at long distance. Now what I would like to ask is 
whether this has been taken into accownt, whether 
it is known to the Government and has heeii taken 
into account in the fonnuJatioii of the proposal at 

A. The scientific community has been very 
fi-eely consulted in all our deliberations. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the Chilean. Government ap- 
parently has no^w decided to fake the matter of 
partial disarmament in Latin America to the Or- 
ganization of A merican States. Th e Ch Uean posi- 
tion was apparently strengthened by the recent 
border agreement with Argentina. Could you tell 
us what our attitude is toward a partial disarma- 
ment for Latin America. 

A. We would be verj' glad to cooperate in any 
wa}'. As you know, we have told the Chilean 
Government and the Peruvian Government tliat 
their initiative in this matter was a v^ery welcome 
thino:,^ and we thought it was a desirable thing to 
pursue further. I might also add that it is very 
gratifying to see that the Chileans and the Argen- 
tinians have reached a methotl of finding a solution 
to their border difficulties. 

Status of Planning for the Summit 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there seems to be some differ- 
ence of opinion about the question of the status of 
planning for the summit, partly as a result of you/r 
session the other day. I wondered if you comM 
clarify just what you meant in answering this 
questi/yn on the status of planning today. 

A. Yes. I think I ought to put my answer of 
the other day into the context of the questions as 
tiiey were asked." I was asked wiiether or not it 
would he desii-able to have Senators accompany 
the I'resiilent to the sununit conference. I pointed 
out that it is often very desirable to have Members 
of the Senate accompany tlie President when the 
negotiation of a treatj' or a specific agreement was 
envisaged but that I did not envisage anything of 
that kind being done at the summit itself, that 
there was no fixed agenda for the sunmiit meeting. 

When the question of planning is raised, that is 
a different matter. We have been having discus- 
sions with our allies on a contingency basis, so to 
speak, on questions that we think may bo raised 
at the simimit or that we might want to raise at 
the summit. Those conversations are still con- 
tinuing at the working level. There will be at 
least two meetings of the Foreign Ministers before 
the summit and probably a third. The first one 
will be liere beginning April 12; there will be 
another one in Istanbul at the end of the month ; 
tliere will be another one in Paris before the sum- 
mit ; so that from the point of view of planning, 
insofar as one can plan without a fixed agenda, we 
are doing the planning. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you say what you con- 
sider the proper role for the United States to be 
in helping Korea and Japan reach a settlement of 
their longstanding problems. You had I'emarks 
to make earlier on the desirability of this. Shmdd 
we play a caretaker role or a good-offices role in 
seeing that this is brought about? 

A. No. We have never at any time ofi'ered 
our good offices. We have expressed a great inter- 
est that the matter should be settled between the 
Koreans and the Japanese, and the news of the 
last few days is most encouraging in that respect. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you satisfied with what 
we are doing to tell the American story to the 
Cuban people? In other words, are you asking 
that things be stepped up in terms of broadcast- 
ing oi' bringing the story to the Cuban people to 
counterattack the Castro governmenfs prop- 

A. Well, as you know, the Voice of America has 
resimied an hour of its program beamed to Latin 

* Froenian .1. Dyson, "The Fviture Development of Nu- 
clear Weajions." l-'orrii/n AlfairH, A]>ril 1900, p. 457. 

' For a Department statement, see Bdlleti.n- of Dec. 21, 
lO.-.O. p. 007. 

" Secretary Herter testified before the Senate Committee 
on ForeiRii Relations on Mar. 22. For text of his prepared 
statement, see p. 566. 

Apn\ 11, 1960 


America, and I think that is probably a good 
thing. The question of getting our stoiy over to 
the Cuban people is like similar problems in other 
sections of tlie world. There is very little diti'er- 
ence when there is a degree of control over the lo- 
cal press and over the local broadcasting system. 

Q. That was my qiifstion. Are you planning 
to step it up? Are you planning to increase this 
program in any way? 

A. We would go as far as we can within en- 
tirely projjer means. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in answering an earlier ques- 
tion on the test ian business, you said it would 
violate your fundamental policy to have a?i agree- 
ment with the Russians on this test han affair 
taking — involving a matter of good faith. Do 
you draw a distinction hetween a continuation of 
the unilateral mo7'atorixim which this country luis 
given for the last 16 months or so, which might 
he continued for some further period, and writing 
such a moratorium into a treaty as the Russians 
are accepting? 

A. I do draw a distinction. 

Q. And did your reply earlier apply only to 
icriting if into the treaty? 

A. It certainly applies to writing it into a 
treaty. And it might well ajjply to a longer 

Q. That is the unresolved question, is it, a.s of 


A. One of many. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could tve assurne that the 
falling off of diplomatic relations hetween the 
United States and Cuba is due exclusively to the 
method of economic compensation which is given 
to United States citizens for properties expropri- 
ated in the agrarian reform program, or are there 
other factors of equal importance? 

A. I have tried to make it clear that insofar as 
the agrarian reform program is concerned this 
is entirely an internal matter within (^ubn. Our 
quarrel is not with tliat. We liavc liad some quar- 
rels with regard to there being a lack of 
macliinery for adequate, just, and proin]it com- 
pensation, which is the usual international law 
governing the seizure of projierties belonging to 
other peoples or the confiscation or expropriation 

of properties. I think our differences with Cuba 
have come about much more because of the very 
hostile attitude of the Cuban Government towai-d 
us, the remarks that the}' have made toward us, 
their indication of real hostility to the United 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you anticipate dhcussing 
with the Prime Minister any subjects other than 
nuclear test suspensions? 

A. I don't know of any. Certainly no agenda 
has been fixed, and I don't know of any. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you discuss with us 
the middle ground hetween accepting and turning 
down the Russian proposal on tests? Where does 
it lie? Does it lie in the area of getting some 
inspection helow the threshold? Does it lie in 
getting international ohservers on suspicious 
events in the Soviet Union, such as explosions that 
they claim, are nonnvclear and ire don't know 
about? What is the middle ground? 

A. May I say that insofar as the details of 
our negotiations are concerned, I have gone about 
as far as I can, because I think the time may come 
to talk to the Russians about that and we are 
going to be talking to Mr. IVfacmillan about it. 
And I would rather not speculate any further as 
to our ])osition. 

Talks With Brazilian Foreign Minister 

Q. Mr. Secretary, following the talks with For- 
eign Minister [Horacio] Lafer of Brazil,^ Brazil- 
ian officials indicated that the United States now 
appeared icilling to press at the next GATT meet- 
ing that the Europeans might loioer their duties 
and internal taxes on Latin American coffee ship- 
ments. Would you care to comment on that, sir? 

A. Yes. I am not quite clear where that report 
came from. Mr. Lafer, during the course of eco- 
nomic discussions, indicated that one of the diffi- 
culties that they were having in connection with 
their European sales was the high duties that had 
to be paid on coffee, and that he hoped very much 
that in fortlicoming economic talks they would 
have an opjioi-tunity of presenting a case so as to 
get tliat <|uite severe inij^ediment to their sale of 
cotl'ee removed. 

' For background, see Bulletin of .Vpr. 4. litGO, p. ."2.3. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Q. Well, ■•<h\ could you tell tix whether toe arc 
.sympathetic to that Brazilian position/ 

A. May I say I am not poiii<; to pick out any 
oiu> oomnioility. Wo aiv syiiii):i(lietic to a posi- 
tion of fiver traili' all the way aloiifjf the line. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you expect that tlie 
United States position on thisi nuclear test ban 
question within the f'.S. Goveiiiment itself will 
he resolved before the meetings with Mr. Maomil- 
lan, or during them., or afterward? {Laughter) 

A. I would say that in jreneral our position is 
pretty clear within the United States Govern- 
ment. Clearly, if we are frointj to discuss it with 
Mr. Macmillan, we are not going to announce it 
until after we have discussed with him his posi- 
tion, to see to what extent our two positions are 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Israel ships and ships of 
other mi f ions cai-rying Israel goods still are barred 
from transit through the Suez, despite the best 
efforts of the Secretary-General of the United 
Nations. Are you considering noiv taking .some 
initiatire in persuading the United Arab Repuh- 
lic to operate the Suez in accordance with inter- 
national law? 

A. No. I think that our position is the same 
as it has lieen right along. And I don't feel that 
the Secretary-Generars efforts have been con- 
cluded in this matter. 

Situation in South Africa 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the State Department earlier 
this week deplored the violence which resulted 
from the police action in South Afinca.^ And I 
think the South Africatis deplored your de- 
ploring. (Laughter) But now the Asians — 

' Ou Mar. 22, in response to a query from a news cor- 
resjiondent, Lincoln White, Director of the Office of News, 
made the foUowinff statement : 

"The United States deplores violence in all its forms 
and hopes that the African i)eople of South Africa will 
be able to obtain redress for legitimate grievances by 
peaceful means. While the United States, as a matter 
of iiractice, does not ordinarily comiiicnt on the internal 
affairs of governments with which it enjoys normal rela- 
tions, it cannot help but regret the tragic loss of life 
resulting from the measures taken against the demonstra- 
tors in South Africa." 

so?ne Asian and African nations have aaked the 
Security Council to put this on the agenda for 
consideration and action. Mr. [Henry Cabot] 
Lodge has .said he will luive a. meeting .soon. He 
is the chairman this time. Does the United 
States Government favor putting this on the 
agetula for discussion and action.'' 

A. Yes, t he I 'n ited States favors putting this on 
the agenda for discussion. Tliis has been our pol- 
icy with regard to apartheid for the last 5 years." 
So that that is not a new position in :iny way. Am- 
bassador Lodge will be chaimian of the Security 
Council during the remainder of this month, and 
I understand that he expects to receive a letter 
from quite a large group of nations asking him to 
call the Security Council meeting at the earliest 
moment and that lie is likely to receive that this 
afternoon. I presume that he will be calling such 
a meeting in the comparatively near future. 

Q. Mr. Secretatry, to clarify an answer' you just 
gave about nwclear test bans, did I understand you 
to say that the United States Government has 
agreed upon a position or an answer to the Soviet 
propo.sal on nuclear test bans, tchich you, will dis- 
cuss with Mr. Macmillan lohen he cames here? 

A. I would say that we were in agreement on 
a position ourselves but that we will probably not 
convey it to the Russian Government until we have 
had a chance to talk to Mr. Macmillan. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, does it follow from, your an- 
swer on the Afi'ican situation that the United 
States would not oppo.fe the putting onto the 
United Nations agenda of a situation, should it 
occur within the United States, similar to the kind 
of .situation- trhich this Government protested in 
South Afiica? 

A. May I point out that tlic situation, if it arose 
in the United States, would be likely to arise from 
an entirely ditl'erent cause. In the United States 
we are doing everything we ciin to defend the 
rights of minorities. This is a matter that has 
been a subject of considerable discussion in our 
Congress quite recently. I think that the other 

" For a statement made in the t'.N. Spe<ial Political 
Committee by Harold Riegelman. U.S. Representative to 
the Ceueral Assembly, see IUllf.ti.n' of Dec. 28, 1959, p. 

April n, I960 


nations of the world are convinced that this is our 
attitude, that we are trying to do this. That is 
an entirely different situation from that which has 
developed with respect to apartheid, where a very 
different situation prevails. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, referring again to the United 
Nations, has this Government replied as yet to Mr. 
UairymarskjoMs quei-y ahout the request of the 
22 Afro-Asian members for a special OeneraJ, As- 
seinbly session on the Sahara testing situation? 

A. No, we have not replied to it. As far as I 
know, very few nations have replied to it. 

Q. Are you prepared to say anything about ou/r 
position on this question as of now? 

A. No. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I understand that we have 
been investigating the tivo Americans loho are be- 
ing held in Cuba for having been apprehended in 
the latest plane incident. Can you give us what 
you know about the background of those men? 

A. No. I think until that investigation has 
been completed — and, incidentally, the Cuban au- 
thorities, I think, are assisting in that investiga- 
tion — I prefer to say nothing. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, does the U.S. position on 
testing accept the conclusion of the Berkner report 
that 3 years would be required to perfect a detec- 
tion system? ^° 

A. I don't think it necessarily precludes any pe- 
riod for that. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in your answer to my pre- 
vious question, did I understand you correctly that 
you believed that action will be successful through 
the U.N. in opening up the Suez? 

A. I can't say that I believe it will be successful. 
I have repeated many times that I think this is the 
avenue that is most likely to lead to success and we 
are supporting Mr. Hammarskjold in his efforts. 

Mr. Khrushchev's Visit to France 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been quite a bit of 
attention recently to Mr. Khrushchev^s so-called 
ivartvings in his French visit about the dangers of 

" For biukground, .see ibid., July 6, 1959, p. 16. 

revived militarism in West Germany and so on. 
Have you given any thought to why he would be 
stressing this point at this time? 

A. I would rather not speculate on the things 
that he is now saying in France. The conversa- 
tions are now going on between himself and De 
Gaulle, and I think that probably there will be 
time enough for that after he has concluded his 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the former Secretary of State, 
Mr. Acheson, made a remark today to the effect 
that there is total lack of leadership in foreign af- 
fairs in the administration. I wondered if you 
would care to respond to that. 

A. I will respond to it only that this is Mr. 
Acheson's own view. He is entitled to his own 
view. I don't agree with him. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the other day before the Sen- 
ate Foreign Relations Committee you said the 
su7nrtiit conference coining up would be a gamble. 
Do you think that Mr. Macmillan is worded about 
this? Does he want to talk this over? 

A. I have no idea whether he will be raising that 
question or not. 

Q. Do you think the British are worried about 
that position or your estimate of it? 

A. I don't know. I would think perhaps "gam- 
ble" is the wrong adjective to use. If one says 
it's uncertain as to outcome, it's perhaps a better 
definition, and I think Mr. Macmillan would prob- 
ably agree with that. 

Problem of Berlin 

Q. Mr. Secretary, according to United Press 
dispatches. Mayor Willy Brandt of Berlin believes 
that Berlin u actuully a minor world problem and 
useless as a key for solving basic issues which di- 
vide the East and West. He said the problem of 
Berlin loas a symptom, rather than a cause of the 
cold war and it indicated that more vital problems 
should be the concern of the nations that icill be 
meeting at the summit. Would you care to com- 
ment on his appraisal? 

A. Well, we have always taken the position 
that Berlin should be considered in the context of 


Department of State Bulletin 

the wliolo (lonnan prohloin, which nic^uis tho fu- 
ture of Eiist (Jerniauy. We liave never ininiuiizeil 
it as being a problem. It's a i\>al problem. As 
you know, t'liam-eUor Adenauer has also taken the 
position that ilisarinament is the key and most 
important problem and ought to be given priority 
in any discussions. I don't think we are neces- 
sarily weighing them one way or the otiier. We 
expect that probably both of these pix)blems will 
come up for discussion, and they are both very 
important and serious problems. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in that connection, the Chan- 
cellor suggested, ^chen he was here, a plebiscite in 
"Went Berlin before the summit meeting. What do 
you think of this idea? 

A. Well, as you know, that proposal came 
rather as a surprise to us. We feel that it's essen- 
tialh' a matter for the people of Berlin themselves 
and their local government to make a determma- 
tion on. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Vm ashing this question in 
behalf of the Cuban newsmen icha are here. They 
want to know tchether — it has been said, or at 
least there is some information, that there is some 
labor difficulty in the naval base in Guantanamo 
Bay in Cuba. Now, does the United States con- 
template any further, any action on that matter — 
since ifs international? 

A. No official representations have been made 
to us of any kind on this matter. A few days ago 
four individual labor leadere asked Mr. Bonsai 
[Philip W. Bonsai, U.S. Ambassador to Cuba] 
if they could talk this matter over with him. He 
said that this was entirely a matter of local ad- 
ministration, that if they wanted to talk the mat- 
ter over they should talk it over with the Navy ad- 
ministration at Guantanamo. Yesterday the 
Cuban Secretary of Labor indicated that the 
labor on the base should come under the general 
labor jurisdiction in the mainland of Cuba. As 
far as I know, however, no official representation 
has Ijeen made to us on that matter. Those have 
only been statements that have been made. 

Sugar Legislation 

Q. .Mr. Secretary, Brazilian sugar interests, 
which now have no quota at all, are eager to get 
not part of the Cuban basic quota but to come in 

on some of the shortfall or annual increment in 
the United States market. And tliere is some 
sympathy for this position up on the Ilill. Would 
the administration be prepared to go alang with 
ameiulinents to the act if these were suggested by 

A. Well, as you know, the administration bill 
makes no changes in the quota. We had hoped to 
get this matter up last year before Congress, be- 
cause if you're going to have any changes of quota 
you have got a lot of pulling and hauling that goes 
on for a very considerable period of time. I'm 
hopeful that in this session of the Congress some 
legislation will be enacted. If they begin de novo, 
opening up the whole quota question and its dis- 
tribution among countries, I'm afraid it will be 
a very long-tlrawn-out affair, and, of course, we 
are entirely dependent on the Congress, which has 
to take the initiative in this matter because of the 
expiration of the act at the end of December. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I get the impression from 
your previous answers that toe don't kmow mxtah 
about ichat Prime Minister MacmAllan is going to 
adva7ice lohen he gets here. You say there will be 
som^e exchange of views on the last Soviet test 
offer, and you don^t knoio what else he is going 
to talk about. Is that a. correct impression? 

A. That is entirely a correct impre.ssion. I 
think they have been studying the matter, and we 
have been studying the matter, and we are going 
to exchange views about it. 

Q. How does it come abotit then that the Presi- 
dent has invited him to come? 

A. That I can't tell. It's an exchange between 
the two of them. 

Q. Thank you, sir. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Iran, 
Ardeshir Zahedi, presented his credentials to 
President Eisenhower on March 23. For texts of 
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's 
reply, see Department of State press release 147 
dated March 23. 

April II, 7960 


United States Releases Document 
Defining Special Status of Berlin 

The Department of State released on March 24 
{press release 152) a photographic copy of the 
original English and Russian texts of the agree- 
ment hetiveen the Soviet Union., the United King- 
dom, and the United States concerning the areas 
tohich their respective militaiy forces would oc- 
cupy in Germany. Folloioing is a Department 
statement and the English text of the agreement. 


During recent jiionths it has been evident that 
representatives of the East German regime have 
been endeavoring to implant through various 
propaganda means the notion that Berlin is "part 
of" or "on" the territory of the zone of occupation 
allocated to the Soviet Union and hence "part of" 
or "on" territoiy of the regime in Eastern 

Since the matter of the nature and definition of 
the areas of Germany to be occupied by the Allied 
Powei-s has thus been made a matter of public is- 
sue, there is released herewith a photogi-aphic 
reproduction of the original English and Rus- 
sian ^ texts of the agreement between the United 
States, United Kingdom, and the U.S.S.R. con- 
cerning the areas which their respective military 
forces would occupy in Germany. The documents 
make clear that the Berlin area was not "part of" 
or "on" the territory to be occupied by any of the 
powers under the agi'eement. Rather, the agree- 
ment clearly indicates that Berlin was designated 
as a separate area to be jointly occupied. The 
Allied military forces have remainetl in Berlin 
without relinquishing the rights derived from the 
military defeat of Nazi Gei-many. There is, there- 
fore, no basis for suggesting that Berlin has some- 
how been mysteriously merged with or placed on 
the territory of one of the occupation powers. 

The documents and accompanying map ^ were 

signed in London by John G. Winant for the 
United States, by Sir William Strang for the 
United Kingdom, and by F. T. Gousev for the 
Soviet Union. 

(Note: Blanks in paragraphs of the agreement 
describing two zones and two sectore were filled 
in with "United Kmgdom" and "United States 
of America" on November 14, 1944. On July 26, 
1945, the agreement was amended to include the 
French Republic. The American and British 
sectors of Berlin and zones in "Western Germany 
were subdivided to provide appropriate areas for 
French forces. Neither action affected sector or 
zonal boundaries between Western and Soviet 



between the Governments of the United States of 
America, the United Kingdom, and the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics, on the zones of occupation In Ger- 
many and the administration of "Greater Berlin". 


' For background on the problem of Berlin and the 
question of the rights of the Allied Powers, see Bulletin 
of Aug. 24, l!».-".l, p. li(ir>. 

' Not printisl hero. 

" Not printed here; copies (jf the map are availatile upon 
request from the Office of Public Services, Department of 
State, WashinRton 2.^), D.C. 

The Governments of the United States of America, the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, 
and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have reached 
the following agreement with regard to the execution of 
Article 11 of the Instrument of Unconditional Surrender 
of Germany :- 

1. Germany, within her frontiers as they were on the 31st 
December, 10.37, will, for the puriioses of occupation, be 
divided into three zones, one of which will be allotted to 
each of the three Powers, and a special Berlin area, which 
will be under joint occuiMition by the three Powers. 

2. The boundaries of the three zones and of the Berlin 
area, and the allwation of the three zones as between 
the U.S.A., the U.K. and the U.S.S.R. will be as follows :- 

Eastern Zone (as The tenitory of Germany (in- 
slieicn on the an- eluding tlie i)rovince of East 
)ii\r>(l map "A") Pru.ssia) situattnl to the East of 

a line drawn from the i»oint on 
Liibeck Ba.v where the frontiers 
of Sclileswig-Holstein and Me<-k- 
lenburg meet, along the western 
frontier of Mecklenburg to the 
frontier of the province of Han- 
over, thence, along the eastern 
frontier of Hanover, to the fron- 
tier of Brunswick ; thence along 
the western frontier of the Prus- 
sian province of Saxony to the 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

Xortli-Wcstcrn Zone 
(as ulivini on the uii- 
nercd map "A") 

Soiitli-Wc^tcni Zone 
{an sheicn on the an- 
nexed map ''A") 

Berlin Area (ag 
shewn on the an- 
nexed 4 sheets of 
map "B") 

western frontier of A ii li ;i 1 I ; 
thence iiloiiu the western fron- 
tier of Aniiiilt ; tlience iilon« llie 
western frontier of tlie I'rus- 
siiiu province of Siixony inul 
the western frontier of Thu- 
ringlii to wliere the latter meets 
the Biiviiriiin frontier: tlience 
eastwards along the northern 
frontier of Havaria to the 1!>37 
C'zecliosliivakian frontier, will he 
(H'cnpitMl by arnitnl forces of the 
r.S.S.R.. with the exception of 
the Berlin area, for which a 
special system of occupation is 
provided below. 

The territory of (Jeniuiny situ- 
ated to the west of the line 
detined above, and bouudetl on 
the south by a line drawn from 
the point where the western 
frontier of Tliuringia meets the 
frcmtier of Bavaria : thence west- 
wards along the southern fron- 
tiers of the Prussian provinces 
of Hessen-Xassau and Rhein- 
provinz to where the latter meets 
the frontier of France will 
be occupied by armed forces 

All the remainiuK territory of 
Western Germany situated to the 
south ()f the line definetl in the 
description of the Xorth-Western 
Zone will be occupied by armed 
forces of 

The frontiers of States (Lauder) 
and Provinces within CJermaiiy, 
referred to in the foregning de- 
.scriptions of the /.ones, are those 
which existiMl after the coming 
into effect of the de<-re<» of 2."ith 
June, 1!»41 (published in the 
Reichsgesetzblatt, Part I, Xo. 72, 
3rd Jul.v, V.Hl). 

The Berlin arcii (l)y which ex- 
pression is understood the terri- 
tory of "Greater Berlin" as 
detined by the Law of the 27th 
April, 1920) will be jointly occu- 
pied b.v arme<l forces of the 
U.S.A., U.K., and I'.S.S.R., a.s- 
signed by the respective Com- 
manders-in-Chief. For this 
purpose the territory of "Greater 
Berlin" will be divided into the 
following three pjirts: — 

Xorth-Eastcrn part of "Greater 

Birlin" (districts of Pankow, 
Prenziaucrlierg. Mitte, Weis- 
sense<', Fricilrii'lishain, I>ich- 
tenberg, 'IYei)tow, Kiipenick) 
will be (M-cupie<l by the forces 
of the r.S.S.U. ; 

Xorth-Western part of "Greater 
Berlin" (districts of Reinick- 
endorf. Wedding. 'I'icrgarten, 
Charlottenburg. SfKindau, Wil- 
mersdorf) will be occupied by 
the forces of 

Southern part of "Greater Ber- 
lin" (districts of Zehlendorf, 
Steglitz, Schfineberg, Kreuz- 
berg, Tempelhof, Xeukiilln) 
will be occupied by the forces 
of •. . . 

The boundaries of districts 
within "(Jreater Berlin", referred 
to in the foregoing descriptions, 
are those which existed after 
the coming into effect of the de- 
cree published on 27th March, 
1938 (Amtsblatt der Reichshaupt- 
stadt Berlin Xo. 13 of 27th 
March, 1938, page 215). 

3. The occupying forces In each of the three zones into 
which (Jermany is divided will be under a Commander- 
in-(Miief designated by the (jovernment of the country 
whose forces occupy that zone. 

4. Kach of the three Powers may, at its discretion. in<-lude 
among the forces as.>;igned to occupation duties under 
the command <if its Commander-in-Chief, auxiliary con- 
tingents from the forces of any other Allied Power which 
has participated in military operations against Germany. 

5. An Inter-Allied Governing Authority ( Komcndatura) 
consisting of three Commandants. appointe<l by their re- 
spective Conunanders-in-Chief, will be establishetl to 
direct jointly the administration of the "Greater Berlin" 

(!. This Protocol has been drawn up In triplicate in the 
English and Russian languages. Both texts are authen- 
tic. The Protocol will come into force on the signa- 
ture by Germany of the Instrument of Unconditional 

The above text of the ProtiKol lH'twe«>n the (Govern- 
ments of the United States of America, the United King- 
dom and the Union of Soviet SiX'ialist Republics, on 
the zones of occupation in Germany and the adminis- 
tration of "Greater Berlin" has been i)rei)are<l and unanl- 
mou.sly adopted by the Kuroi>ean .Vdvisory Commission 
at a meeting held on 12th September, 1944, with the 
exception of the allocation of the Xorth-Western and 

April 11, 1960 


South-Western zones of occupation in Germany and the 
North-Western and Southern parts of "Greater Berlin", 
which requires furtlier consideration and joint agreement 
by the Governments of the U.S.A., U.K. and U.S.S.R. 

Lancaster House, 
London, 8.W. 1. 
nth September, 19U. 

Representative of the Government of 
the U.S.A. on the European Advis- 
ory Commission : 

John G. Win ant 

Representative of the Government of 
the U.K. on the European Advisory 
Commission : 

William Strang 

Representative of the Government of 
the U.S.S.R. on the European Ad- 
visory Commission: 

F. T. GousEV 

President To Visit Portugal 

White House press release dated March 17 

The White House announced on March 17 that 
President Eisenhower has accepted an invitation 
from the President of the Portuguese Kepublic, 
Americo Eodrigues Tomas, to visit Portugal. 
The President's stopover in Lisbon, during which 
he will be the guest of the President of Portugal, 
will take place on his return trip from the sum- 
mit meeting, which opens at Paris on May 16. 

U.S. Protests Imprisonment 
of Bishop Walsh 


Press release 138 dated March 18 

It is with the deepest regret that I have learned 
of tlie sentencing of Bishop [James P^dward | 
Walsh to 20 years' imprisonment by a Chinese 
Communist court in Sliangliai. Risliop Walsli 
served the Chinese people for 30 years. The 
charges that he also served in any way as an 
American spy are totally false. His sentencing 
is inexcusable. 

I find it difficult to emphasize sivfficiently the re- 
vulsion that I, personally, and the United States 
Government feel today. I am instructmg our 
Ambassador at Warsaw to lodge the strongest 
possible protest with the representative of the 
Cliinese Communist regime at their next meeting, 
Tuesday, March 22. 

I am certain that the rest of the world will 
join me in condemning this action taken against 
an innocent citizen of the United States and a dis- 
tinguished member of the Catholic clergy. His 
only mission was religious, and his personal de- 
votion to the spiritual welfare of his fellow Cath- 
olics was so deep as to compel him to remain on 
the Chinese mainland despite the pereecution of 
his church by a godless regime. 


Press release 144 dated March 22 

Ambassador Jacob D. Beam in today's meeting 
[March 22] at Warsaw with Chinese Communist 
Ambassador Wang Ping-nan strongly protested 
the trial and sentencing on March 18 of Bishop 
James Edward WaLsh of the MarvknoU Fatliere 
to 20 years' imprisonment for alleged esjiionage. 
He told Ambassador Wang that the accusation 
that Bishop Walsh was a spy for the United 
States Government was totally false and that the 
Government and people of the United States felt 
deep revulsion and indignation at this inexcusable 

Ambassador Wang attempted to defend the 
Communist actions by repeating charges of espio- 
nage M'hich had already been broadcast by the 
Chinese Communist official news agency. Char- 
acterizing these charges as a tissue of falsehood, 
Ambassador Beam accused the Chinese Commu- 
nists of sliowing complete indifference to hmnani- 
tarian ]>rinciples and callous disregard of tlie 
universally accepted standards of international 
law and behavior among civilized nations. He 
pointed out that for 17 months the Chinese Com- 
munist regime had held Bishop Walsh incom- 
municado, refusuig repeated requests made at the 
War.snw mootings for information concerning liis 
heallli and the details of tlie charges against him. 
Ambassador Beam described the treatment of 
Bishop Walsh as one more step in tlie systematic 
persecution of religion in Communist Cliina. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Polish Deputy Prime Minister 
Visits United States 

Tho Depuitiuont of Stnte iinnounccd on 
Miircli 1(> (press release 12^) that Piotr Jarosze- 
wicz, Deputy Prime Minister of Poland, accom- 
l)anie(l by Stanislaw Miernilc, Vice Minister in 
tho Polish Ministry of Cheniioal Industry, Boh- 
dan I>ewando\vski. Deputy Director in the Polish 
Ministry of Foi-eijrn Affairs, and Bohdan Suchow- 
iak. Director of tlie Central Board of Heavy 
MachineiT Construction, was scheduled to arrive 
in the United Staters March 2:^. The group came 
on the invitation of the U.S. Government under 
the leader program of the International Educa- 
tional Exchange Service, Department of State. 

The group will spend approximately 2 weeks 
in tho United States. They will meet with high 
U.S. officials in Washington and will travel to 
various parts of the country. Their travel 
will include visits to a number of manufac- 
turing plants illustrative of America's industrial 

ing TT.S.S.R. forceps. I have heard little disagree- 
ment with this evaluation. 

Critics of the program generally question 
whether our deterrent will continue to 1m^ effective 
in (lie future. If we were to remain static, without 
improving our military strength for several years, 
I do not doubt that the U.S.S.R. could seriously 
challenge us. However, we are continually im- 
proving our military posture. New weapons sys- 
tems are l)eing added to the Strategic Air Com- 
mand, and this effex-tiveness is iK'ing improved. 
Hound Dog air-to-ground missile is an example. 
Polaris-carn'ing nuclear submarines, with their 
inherent mobility and concwilment, are l>eing 
built. Tlio Atlas missile is l>eing deployetl, and 
the Titan and Minutenian missiles are progress- 
ing rapidly in their development. A missile early- 
warning-system, BMEWS, will soon begin its op- 
eration. Thor and Jupiter missiles are being de- 
ployed to our allies, our deployed Army, Navy, 
Air Force, and Marine Corps, and their readiness 
wherever located plus our planned strategic- 
weapons systems insure that there is and will be 
no deterrent gap. 

Secretary Gates Answers Questions 
on National Defense 

Following are the replies of Secretary of De- 
fense Thomas S. Gates to questions on national 
defense submitted by the television neiosreels. 
They were filmed on March 10 and released later 
the same day. 

Q. Some antics of our defense program, say the 
administration is gambling with our very survival 
by limiting defense spending. Are you person- 
ally satisfied that this country now has the neces- 
sary arsenal to deter a poasihle aggressor, and will 
we continue to have it in the years to come? 

A. Nobody is gambling with our survival. We 
and our critics are one in our determination to 
maintain a first-class defense. Tho oi>jective is 
to provide proper defense most efficiently and 
without waste. 

The T'..*^. twlay has such great military power 
and long-range striking capability that no nation 
or combination of nations could afford to attack 
us. This judgment is based upon the known state 
of our own forces and an assessment of the exist- 

The Nation's Defenses 

Q. Could we improve the Nation''s defenses by 
adding a couple of billion dollars to the budget? 

A. The U.S. must be prepared for both general 
and limited war. The best judgment of those of 
us wjio are ])lanning for the defense of our coun- 
try, incUiding the President of the United States, 
is that at this time our present program provides 
the amount of militaiy power required for na- 
tional security. New developments can change 
this picture at any time, and I will never hesitate 
to recommend increases when events warrant, 
eitlier a change in the threat or a teclmological 
breakthrough on our part. 

Q. Could a sneak attack of 150 Russian ICBWs 
and 150 IRBM''s destroy our ability to counter- 

A. This arithmetic has been used in di.scussing 
strictly hypothetical situations. I would say that 
any implication that our total deterrent strength 
would ever be so vulnerable is unrealistic. 

This hypothesis was based upon a number of 

1. It assumes tliat our strategic retaliatory 

April M, I960 


forces would all be located at 100 unprotected 
fixed bases at whatever time in the future the Kus- 
sians had the prescribed number of missiles and 
that the Russians would know exactly where each 
of these bases was. 

2. It assumes that they could prepare to launch 
all these missiles— in other words, go to war- 
without any intelligence of this being acquired by 
the free world. 

3. It assumes that they could get off all of these 
complex missiles with such success on launching 
and such accuracy on arrival that they would land 
on targets simultaneously in many parts of the 
world — with no warning. 

The hypothesis ignores among other factoi-s the 
micertainties of warning, accuracy, reliability, 
and salvo capabilities— and the state of our forces 
at any given hour. Moreover, it ignores the Po- 
laris submarines, which we will begin to deploy 
this fall, each equipped with 16 nuclear missiles, 
the nuclear punch of our Navy carrier aircraft 
deployed at sea, and Air Force deployed fighter 
bombers. It ignores the development of the mis- 
sile early-warning system. We will have some of 
this warning capability this fall. It also ignores 
our capability to institute airborne alert. We 
have no intention of permitting our deterrent 
strength to decline to such a position where the 
U.S.S.R. could even contemplate such action. 

Q. Should loe have a M-hoiir airborne alert of 
SAC hombers? 

A. A considerable portion of our strategic 
bombers are held in a position of ground alert- 
able to take off on 15 minutes' warning. This 
would provide an adequate measure of immunity 
from surprise attack in the face of the current air- 
borne tlii-eat. The danger of attack without warn- 
ing will increase as missiles become available. We 
must be ready to adjust to it in order to maintain 
our deterrent ability. 

One action we could take would be to keep a 
sizable number of bombers continuously airborne 
at such times as the Joint Chiefs of Staff' sec a 
need for such action. Some $140 million has been 
provided to prepare for this alert capability this 
year and $90 million more is in the new budget. 
Additional money would bo made available if 
needed. The Joint Ciiiefs of Staff confirm that 
there is no need for an airborne alert at this time. 

Q. The Army has urged more money for the 

Nike-Zeus antimissile frogram. WiU thi^s be 
granted, and ivhat is the general status of this 

A. The Nike-Zeus has promise as an antimissile 
system. We do not want to start a production 
program on a point defense system totaling many 
billions of dollars without greater confidence that 
it can contribute some solution to the missile de- 
fense problem. Several exhaustive detailed stud- 
ies have been undertaken and a full-scale test 
arranged, costing several hundred million. 

These studies provide only partial answers to 
certain significant doubts about this system. De- 
finitive information will be obtained from the 
test program. 

The need for better answere is the reason pro- 
duction of Nike-Zeus was not authorized by the 
Department of Defense at this time. 

This is not to he construed as a criticism of 
Nike-Zeus. The Army and its contractors are to 
be commended for their effective exploitation of 
the most difficult scientific and engineering tech- 
niques inherent in this weapons system. 

We intend to continue research, development, 
and test at liigh priority. 

U.S. Military Assistance Program 

Q. Will you give us your views as to the neces- 
sity of our foreign military aid? 

A. Tlie tremendous military might of the Sino- 
Soviet bloc requires free-world military forces 
strong enough to deter aggression. No nation 
can alone maintain these forces. Contributions 
to the common defense are required by e\cry mem- 
ber nation in free-world alliances. Our military 
assistance is the cement for these alliances. We 
provide the equipment and training wliich the 
countries cannot provide for themselves. The 
military assistance program makes possible the 
maintenance of adequate common defense. 

I know of no more forceful way to emphasize 
tliis than to cite tlie Joint Cliiefs of Staff, who 
said tliat they would not want one dollar added 
to the Defense budget for 1961 if that dollar had 
to come out of our recommended military 
assistance program. 

Q. What will recipients of military aid contrib- 
ute toward the secunty of th^ free xoorld? 

A. The benefits wliicli we receive from military 

Deparfmenf of S/ofe Bu//efin 

assistance to over 40 free-world allies fall into 
two major catefrories. The lirst is made iij) of all 
that those allies eoiitrihiite to the forward force 
which is an integral part of our total stratejry. 
The armies of the countries to which we are piving 
aid have increasetl from ."U/o million to ;") million; 
their navies have increased from ahout 1,2(K) to 
1,800 comhatant ships: their air forces have in- 
creased from al)out IT.tKH) to over 20,000 airplanes, 
al)out half of which are jet; and all of these 
forces are now better trained and better e(iui])j)ed. 

The second beneKt is what our allies contribute 
to the deployment of our own forward forces in 
overseas bases and forces to protect them. "With- 
out access to our installations abroad, our own 
deten-ent power could be seriously weakened. 

As our allies grow in military and economic 
strength, they contribute more to the collective 
effoi't. For example. Germany, the United King- 
dom, and Canada are iKuuing the entire cost of 
their contribution to the defense of the North 
Atlantic Treaty ai-ea and of the free world. They 
also are furnishing military aid to other countries. 

Other countries have joined with us in bearing 
the cost of defense. Cost-sharing arrangements 
for tlie production of missiles have been conchulcd 
in the European area, and negotiations continue 
concerning the joint production of modern air- 
craft and naval vessels. 

Q. Serious questions have been raised about our 
inteUigence estimates and why certain informa- 
tion did not go in to the Chairman of the Joint 
Chiefs. Can you clarify this? 

A. Neither General [Nathan F.] Twining nor 
I has been deprived of essential elements of in- 
telligence, nor do I believe that our testimony 
indicates that we have been deprived of such 
essential elements. 

Knowledge available this year made it possible 
to introduce an additional factor in preparing 
the National Intelligence Estimate concerning So- 
viet ICBM's. In this year's estimates the intelli- 
gence communit}' therefore presented one set of 
figures regarding numbers of Soviet ICBM's 
■which reflected this factor. 

The CIA [Central Intelligence Agency] re- 
cently prepared for Congress a chart that applied 
this factor to the figures of a year ago. General 
Twining said he had not seen this chart. There 
was no reason why he or I should have seen it, 
since it represented merely the application of this 

additional factor tu last year's figure for com- 
parative purposes alone and did not in any way 
alter the NIK for last yeai-. 

The flow of intelligence information and its 
assessment by the intelligence experts is a continu- 
ous process. General Twining and I are kept 
constantly informed on imjiortant developments 
in tiiis area. 

The intelligence community of this Government 
has a solid rec-ord of seeking and interpreting the 
facts without fear or favor. 

U.S. To Send Grain to Lebanon 

Press release 154 dated March 24 

The Department of State announced on March 
24 that the United States will send ■H),(m) tons of 
wheat and feed grains to Lebanon to alleviate 
sliorlages which ha\e resulted from drought and 
insect infestation. 

The grain will be provided by the International 
Cooperation Administration under emergency 
provisions of title II, Public Law 480, the Agri- 
cultural Trade Development and Assistance Act. 
ICA is now making ari-angements to ship the 
grain to Lebanon at the earliest possible time. 

Trade Talks With Venezuela 

Press release 124 dated March 15 

U.S. representatives will begin consultations 
with the Government of Venezuela on March 22 
to study the effect of certain import restrictions 
recently imposed by the Government of Venezuela 
on traditional U.S. export trade with that coun- 
try. These consultations will be held at Caracas 
and have be*n requested by the United States 
under tlie provisions of article XVII of the 
bilateral trade agreement.' The restrictive meas- 
ures date, for the most part, from July and 
Noveml)er 1959 and affect, among other things, 
cigarett&s, wheat flour, automobiles, cameras, 
canned food products, copper cable, and numer- 
ous luxury and semiluxury tyixi goods. Similar 
restrictions applying to imports of radios, phono- 
graphs, and television receivers have recently 
been lifted. 

These consultations do not involve any revision 
or modification of the existing bilateral trade 

TA Stat. 2375; Treaties and Other International Acta 
Series 2565. 

April 11, 1960 


U.S. Announces National Program for Expansion of Export Trade 

On March 17, in a special message to the Con- 
gress, President Eisenhower announced a national 
program, to promote an increase in the volume of 
United States exports. Following is the text of 
the President^ message and statements made on 
March 17 at a jrress conference at the Department 
of Commerce hy Under Secretary of State Doug- 
las Dillon and Under Secretai'y of Commerce 
Philip A. Ray, together with the report of the 
Interagency Export Promotion Task Force. 


To the Congress of the United States : 

Because inci-eased exports are important to the 
United States at tliis time, tlie acbninistration lias 
developed a program to promote the growth of 
our export trade. "V^Hiile most of the public steps 
to be taken with this end in view can be accom- 
plished under existing legislative authority, the 
cooperation and support of the Congress are vital 
to the success of this program. 

Expanded exports can add substantially to the 
millions of jobs already generated for our people 
by export trade. At the same time, our export 
surplus contributes significantly to our capacity 
to sustain our expenditures abroad for investment, 
private travel, maintenance of U.S. military 
forces, and programs of foreign economic coopera- 
tion. To support these essential activities, which 
are reflected in our international balance of pay- 
ments, we must, as I pointed out in my state of 
the Union message,'' promote a rising volume of 
exports and world trade. 

Unlike the sellers' markets of early postwar 
years, when productive capacity abroad was lim- 
ited, world markets have recently become highly 

'H. Doc. 359, 8Gth Cong., 2d sess.; transmitted on 
Mar. 17. 
" Bulletin of Jan. 25, lOGO, p. 111. 

competitive. To expand exports in these circum- 
stances demands a more vigorous effort by both 
Government and business to improve our capacity 
for international competition. 

Through the trade agreements program we shall 
continue to work with other countries toward the 
removal of unnecessary obstacles to international 
trade and payments. The discriminatory restric- 
tions that other countries imposed at a time when 
they had serious balance-of-payments difficulties 
have been especially burdensome to our exports. 
Economic improvement in many countries has 
removed the justification for such barriers and, 
with the assistance of the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade and the International Monetary 
Fund, much has been accomplished in eliminating 
those restrictions. We shall continue to seek the 
elimination of the discriminatory restrictions that 
still remain; we shall also continue to seek the 
general reduction of quantitative controls. 

To assist our exporters to meet current interna- 
tional competition in export financing arrange- 
ments, the Expoi-t-Import Bank will inaugurate 
a new program of guarantees of noncommercial 
risks for short-term export credits. The Bank will 
also expand and improve its existing credit facili- 
ties for medium-term export transactions. These 
steps, which can be taken under existing statutory 
authority, sliould improve the ability of our ex- 
porters to compete in %vorld markets. These ar- 
rangements will be designed and adiniiii.'^tered to 
encourage full i^articipation of commorical banks 
and other private sources of credit and guarantees. 

To lielp our exporters in the development of 
tlieir foreign sales, we should improve tlie numer- 
ous Government services now available to business 
firms and especially useful to our smaller pro- 
ducer. These services have been available all 
along, but we must infuse them with a new purpose 
and strengthen them with additional resources. 
Accordingly, I have directed comprohonsive 
steps — 


Department of State Bulletin 

To strenptlien tlio trade promotion services of 
the Department of Commerce, including: its (ield 
offic<?s kx-uted tliroui.diont tlie United States; 

To expand and {rive higher priority to tlie com- 
mercial activities of the Foreijni Service; 

To oxpuiid the a^rii'ultural trade promotion ac- 
tivities of the Department of Agriculture; 

To place greater emphasis on the prompt re- 
porting of information useful to American 

To establish new overseas trade centers ; 

To make fuller use of international trade fairs, 
trade missions, and other promotional means to 
stimulate the interest of foreign buyers in U.S. 
products while continuing to emphasize the basic 
objectives of the special program for international 
understanding; and 

To emphasize the promotion of tourist travel to 
the United States. 

Tlie details of this program will be presented 
during the congressional hearings soon to be held 
on the expansion of U.S. trade and in connection 
•with a forthcoming request for the supplemental 
appropriations necessary for rapid progress in the 
export promotion program. Government promo- 
tion, however, can be effective only to the extent 
that it stimulates and encourages private business 
efforts to expand .sales abroad. Government can 
help enlarge export opportunities, but it is Ameri- 
can business that must supply and sell the goods 
that world markets demand. 

To this end I have asked the Secretary of Com- 
merce, in cooperation with other department 
heads, to enlist the efforts of the business com- 
munity. Consultations have already been held 
in connection with the preparation of this pro- 
gram. In addition, a group of business leaders 
will be asked to organize an export drive by busi- 
ness, to enlist the active support of existing na- 
tional and local business groups, to discover the 
sectors in which better results can be obtaii:ed, to 
assist and encourage businessmen newly entering 
the export field, to strengthen contacts with busi- 
ness groups abroad, and to develop an organiza- 
tion structure adequate to these purposes. 

The individual steps in this export program are 
modest ones. Their cumulative effect, however, 
will be substantial if Americiin enterprise will 
make the ne<*ssary effort. With the support of 
the Congress, this Government can both facilitate 
and give continued impetus to the expansion of 

April 11, 1960 

644864—60 3 

our exports as free world economic progress con- 
tinues to eidarge the potential for international 
trade. The rising tide of [)ro<luctivity and pros- 
perity in many nations creates a timely oppor- 
tunity for mutual benefits from expanding world 
trade. By pursuing this opportunity, we can pro- 
mote vigorous economic growth both at home and 

DwiGiiT D. Eisenhower 

The WnrrE House, 
March 17, 1960. 


Press release 129 dated March 17 

Until very recently we ha\-o not felt that our 
foreign policy, the forwarding of our worldwide 
interests, carried with it a requirement for greatly 
increased efforts to maximize our exports. Today 
the situation is quite different. A substantial ex- 
port surplus is now vitally important in the na- 
tional interest. It is for this reason in particular 
that we in the Department of State are joining 
wholeheartedly with our friends and associates in 
the Department of Commerce in a common effort 
to stimulate and increase our exports. 

Today any businessman who works to sell 
American-made products abroad should know 
that he is contributing directly and importantly 
to the national interest and the national good. 
Because of this we have no hesitation in asking the 
full suppoi-t of American business in this effort. 
Once the situation is fully understood we are con- 
fident that business will respond to the very best 
of its abilities. 

Tlie maintenance of substantial American 
military forces abroad and the continued opera- 
tion of our economic foreign aid programs are 
essential to our national security. Both of these 
are an absolute necessity today if stability and 
progress are to be maintained in the free world. 
Both of these require for their proper fulfillment 
a continued and substantial United States export 

In the years immediately following the war 
there was no problem about exports because we 
were the only large-scale producers and our sales 
were limited only by the availability of dollars in 
other countrias. Today the industrialized free 
world has recovered. Our friends in Europe and 


Japan provide strong competition for our efforts. 
In some areas their prices are much lower than 
ours; in many others this is not the case. But 
they work day and night to increase their ex- 
ports. Tliis is the normal situation for an in- 
dustrialized country such as ours. The time has 
come for us to give exports the same sort of 
priority and atteiition as others do. In addition, 
of course, we must also consider that we are 
faced by an increasing aggressiveness on the part 
of international communism in the field of foreign 

In the field of trade, during the past year, our 
friends and allies dismantled their barriers 
against dollar imports to a considei-able degree. 
This trend is continuing, and by the end of this 
year quota discriminations against dollar imports 
should be almost a thing of the past. This opens 
up substantial opportimities for additional 
exports. But the day is past when our goods will 
simply sell themselves. Botli Go\'ernment and 
business must make additional efforts if we are 
to obtain the beneficial results which are promised 
by the ending of dollar discrimination. 

We can be confident that other countries are 
workmg with us today in this great effort. We 
no longer stand alone. But unless we as a na- 
tion reestablish and maintain a substantial ex- 
port surplus, we will fuid it extremely difficult to 
continue the efforts we must make to keep the free 
world free — efforts, mind you, that are essential 
to our own freedom. Today, as never before, we 
need to increase our exports not solely for com- 
mercial reasons but as a means of retaining our 
position as a leader of the free world. Our goods 
sold abroad not only act as ambassadors of the 
American way of life but will do yeoman serv- 
ice in helping us to meet the political, military, 
and economic challenges that lie ahead. This is a 
task for American private business; we in Gov- 
ei-nment intend to do everything possible to help. 


A national program (o promote an increase in 
the volume of United States exports was an- 
nounced by the President in a special message to 
the Congress today. 

A rising tide of prosperity abroad has created 

'Mr. Ray is chairman of the Interagency Export Pro- 
motion Task Force. 

new opportunities for the sale of American goods. 
The President's message initiates new action by 
the executive branch — especially the Departments 
of State and Commerce and the Export-Import 
Bank — in a series of coordinated measures to im- 
prove and expand Government services to private 
industry in the development of world trade and to 
enlist increasing cooperation between Government 
and business in finding new markets overseas. 

We expect the program will stimulate more 
production, more sales, more jobs, and more im- 
petus to economic growth. Our exports also 
should help raise the level of living of our foreign 

Characteristics of the program include high 
priority in Government policy henceforth to be 
given to export expansion, a higher plateau of 
interest and activity by respective Government 
agencies, and a broader participation in export, 
promotion by private enterprise on a sustained 

Government can assist — and will assist more 
than ever — but in the last analysis, business itself 
must make and sell the goods. 

The program is the result of several months of 
intensive survey and study by the executive branch 
of current trade problems and foreign trade 

Reports and suggestions were received from 
authorities on trade in the private sector and from 
Government officials at home and abroad. From 
preliminai-y research stemmed the establishment 
of an Interagency Export Promotion Task Force, 
wliich continued studies and consultations with 
private and goveriunental experts and recom- 
mended specific plans for a step-by-step program 
to increase United States export sales. Detailed 
research and proposals for the task force also were 
developed by an Intei-agency Steering Committee. 

The interagency task force, under whose direc- 
tion the program was developed, consists of the 
following members: Under Secretary of Com- 
merce, chairman; Under Secretary of State; Un- 
der Secretary of the Treasury; Director of the 
Bureau of tlie Budget; Ciiairman of the Council 
of Economic Advisers; Chairman of the Council 
on Foreign Economic Policy ; and President of the 
Export-Import Bank. 

Its recommendations have been accepted by the 
pertinent executive branch agencies, and they now 
are the basis for the national export expansion 
program, which the President announced today. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 


A National Pkoq&am To Expand United States Exports 

The program Is the result of several months Intensive 
survey ami study by the Exin-utive liraiich of curront 
trade problems and attractive overseas sales opportuni- 
ties. Reiwrts and suggestions were received from author- 
ities on trade in the private seetor and from government 
officials at home and abroad. 

The Interagency Task Force under whose direction the 
program was develope<l consists of the following members: 
Under SecTetary of Commerce, Chairman ; Director of the 
15ureau of the Budget; Under Swretary of State; Under 
Secretary of the Trea.sury ; Chairman of the Council of 
Economic Advisers; Chairman of the Council on Foreign 
Economic Policy ; and, President of the Export-Import 

In addition, other interested departments and agencies 
of the Executive Branch were consulted. Tlie detailed 
research and planning together witli recommendations for 
action were devel<)pe<i for the Task Force by an Inter- 
agency Steering Committee, with the As.sistant Secretary 
of Commerce for International Affairs as Chairman. 

To the extent possible parts of the program have al- 
ready been put into effect. In order to make further toward a fully effective program as rapidly as 
possible, however, a supplementary appropriation request 
will be forthcoming. 

The program recognizes that business development is 
essentially the responsibility of private enterprise. 

With this in mind, the Executive Branch has consulted 
with a broad cross-section of the United States business 
community. Moreover, it is projwsed that there l>e est;il>- 
lished a compact organizing group of business leaders to 
plan and promote an export drive by business, to enlist 
the active support of existing national and IcK'al business 
groups, to find sectors in which better results can be 
obtained, to assist and encourage business groups abroad, 
and to develop an organizational structure adequate for 
these purposes. 

Fundamentals of the Program 

Progress toward the achievement of an expansion of 
United States exports in growing world marliets is de- 
pendent on vigorous, imaginative and enthusiastic under- 
takings at home and abroad. United States business and 
industry must bear the principal responsibility for a more 
vigorous and effective commercial effort but, at the same 
time, the United States Government can and should en- 
courage private enten>rise to undertake the effort and 
provide facilities and services to promote their success in 
the national interest. 

Our studies and field reports clearly show that addi- 
tional U.S. Government efforts in the export promotion 
field can be fully effective only if private enterprise can 
be stimulated to take a much more active interest in the 
export field. It is believed that the recommendations in 
this repfirt collectively provide real hoi>e for the future 

and represent a course of action which should be initiated 

The following are the fundamentals : 

1. The Esccutivv Branch loilt give priority to the pro- 
motion of V.S. cdportu ax hcintj in tlic national interest. 
A sense of urgency, national puri>ose and dedication of 
intellectual and physical resources to this end is required. 
The Departments of Commerce and State will accord this 
program high priority. 

2. An integrated export promotion drive, at home and 
abroad, would be initiated immediately and developed a« 
rapidly as possible. 

a. The Department of Commeree would undertake to 
.stimulate the interest of V.S. business in eicport trade 
through a variety of vigorous promotion programs. To 
achieve a major increase in exports, firms new to the 
trade and those already exiwrting should be made aware 
of the value of export markets, the importance of ex- 
panded exports to the national growth of tlie United States 
and of the facilities made available by the Government to 
assist them. United States businessmen should be so 
stimulated and oriented toward foreign market oppor- 
tunities. Particular attention would be paid to the needs 
of medium-sized and smaller business firms. 

b. The Department of Commeree would improve and 
expand its export trade serviees. Included in this pro- 
posed improvement and expansion are : The preparation 
and dissemination of foreign market surveys on a specific 
product and country basis ; improved techniques for dis- 
semination of trade opportunity leads, analysis of major 
competitive weaknesses of U.S. exports, information on 
foreign economic and trade conditions and practical ad- 
vice designed to help American firms get into the export 
business ; and increased efforts to improve personal con- 
tact with American businessmen through domestic field 
oflices. A significant increase in Department of Com- 
merce personnel will be required to carry out these 

c. The Department of State would a vigorous 
re-emphasis upon trade promotional activity on the part 
of the Foreign Service. Greater efforts would be devoted 
to assisting U.S. business to find and comiwte for export 
markets. To this end. Commercial Ofliccrs have been 
directed to travel more widely in their area of assign- 
ment, give more personal attention to visiting business- 
men, attend bid openings to the extent practicable, and' 
encourage use of U.S. standards and specifications. 

d. The Department of State would effect significant 
expansion in the number of Commercial Officers and staff 
assigned to export promotion work as required. Such 
expansion would be kept in balance with development 
of the program in the United States, domestic facilities 
for dissemiuatioa of Foreign Service reports and the 
increasing demands for services abroad. I'ersonnel for 
this program would be recruited among exiierienced busi- 
nessmen, the present Foreign Service, and younger men 
and women wishing to qualify for a Foreign Service 

e. The Export-Import Bank would provide export 
guaranties of noncommercial risks for short term trans- 
actions. Additionally, the Bank will undertake the ex- 

April J J, I960 


pansion and improvement of existing credit and compre- 
lieusive guaranty facilities for medium-term export 
transactions. Tliese new facilities are needed to facil- 
itate an expansion of U.S. exports and will be supplemen- 
tary to and will not compete with private banking 
institutions. The details of the new program are to be 
announced by the Bank. 

f. The Department of Agriculture would expand its 
agricultural trade promotion activities to increase the 
sale of farm products abroad. 

3. Promotion of travel to the United States will he 
given additional emphasis. 


The revival of free world industrial strength, particu- 
larly in Western Europe and Japan and the increase in 
the participation of these nations in the world's com- 
merce, together with necessary expenditures abroad to 
meet the national security and foreign policy objectives 
of the United States, have resulted in a large deficit in 
the U.S. balance of payments. 

It is now U.S. policy .to bring the balance of payments 
situation into "reasonable equilibrium", and possible cor- 
rective action is being explored on many fronts. It seems 
highly improbable that our present balance of payments 
deficit can be reduced to an acceptable level without an 
energetic and sustained export drive by private enter- 
prise, with the help of the U.S. Government. 

These circumstances present a new challenge to U.S. 
interest in international trade. The economies of the 
industrially advanced countries have not only recovered 
but have reached unprecedented heights. Increasingly, 
their products have entered the international market in 
competition with those of the United States. Further, 
recently intensified efforts to encourage greater trade 
liberalization by countries abroad have had a salutary 

If the U.S. is to maintain and increase its exports in 
growing world markets, it is in the U.S. interest to embark 
upon a national program to increase our trade. Foreign 
policy, fiscal policy, and business reasons require, in our 
national interest, that we place high priority on selling 
United States products and services abroad. In this way 
U.S. business can be encouraged to meet this increasing 
competition and to take advantage of new export oppor- 
tunities now ari.sing as a result of the general elimina- 
tion of trade and currency restrictions on American 
products. The encouragement of tourist traffic to the 
United States is of similar importance. 

It is to this end that the Executive Branch of the 
Government has developed a program for Government 
action to assist in the expansion of U.S. exports which 
will enable the Government to fulfill its responsibility in 
this respect to American business and industry and to 
the nation as a whole. 

The principal burden of preparation and implementa- 
tion of tills program devolves upon the Departments of 
Commerce and State. 

The program calls for joint efforts at home and abroad 
and requires an integrated and coordinated effort. The 
program will be initiated immediately, first efforts di- 

rected toward major markets having convertible curren- 
cies, and continued on a sustained basis over the longer 

Bearing in mind the consequences of our export efforts 
upon friendly countries, the proposed program has been 
designed to : 

1. Maintain the United States position as a leader in 
the promotion of mutually beneficial international trade; 

2. Strengthen the balance of payments position of the 
United States to assure its continued ability to purchase 
supplies from abroad ; 

3. Extend the benefits of trade to the American people 
generally, by stimulating in U.S. industry an increased 
interest in export trade ; 

4. Assure for American industry the full opportunity to 
share in the expanding market in the industrially devel- 
oped countries of the free world ; 

5. Increase private U.S. business participation in the 
economies of less developed countries, and thus assist these 
countries in their development efforts ; 

6. Enable U.S. business, both large and small, to in- 
crease their sales abroad and thereby add to the growth 
of the economy. 

As presently constituted the Government's services to 
business are designed i^rimarily to iirovide information re- 
lating to domestic and foreign trade and to facilitate com- 
merce. Activities have been primarily factual, analytical, 
and of a service character rather than advisory with re- 
spect to foreign commerce. Resources have been inade- 
quate to permit the undertaking of programs designed 
primarily to enable U.S. industry to enter into competition 
for export markets. The Government's role has been 
primarily one of facilitation. 

The U.S. will continue to press for trade liberalization 
actions by other governments. It is expected that the 
U.S. program to increase the number of countries with 
which it has Treaties of Friendship, Commerce and Navi- 
gation will also serve to infiueuce favorably the position 
of the American exporters. 

Description of Program 

The purpose of this section is to present the Task 
Force's conclusions as to the major features of the pro- 
gram and how the program should be launched and car- 
ried into effect. Detailed budget justifications for the 
supplemental appropriations required for the full devel- 
oi)ment of the program are being prepared and will be 
submitted to the Congress in the normal manner. 

1. Utilization of Present Resources 

The Task Force concludes that the importance of the 
export program requires maximum effort in tlie use of 
existing resources of the Department of State and of the 
Department of Commerce so that the program would not 
be unduly delayed until new funds might bo appropriated. 
To this end a number of steps have already been laken or 
are in the process of being put into effect. 

Until additional funds become available these efforts 
should produce a number of tangible benefits to United 
States exporters. It is the opinion of the Task Force that 


Department of State Bulletin 

the recnstiufc of existing programs is of great importance 
but that this alone cannot provide resources necessary 
for an effective export program of the magnitude envis- 

2. Stimulatiny Business Interest in Export Markets 

In order better to alert U.S. Industry to the opportuni- 
ties for prolital)le business in foreign markets, exti>nsive 
efforts to stimulate interest in experts should be under- 
taken throughout the country inimcdiately. 

This calls for careful planning so tliat the promotional 
work can be undertaken in those cities of the United 
States where goods are produced that are likely to prove 
attractive for marketing abroad. Contact with U.S. busi- 
ness already is indicating the types of services by the De- 
partment of Commerce and the Foreign Service of greatest 
value in expanding trade. 

The stimulation of business Interest in exports is a 
day-to-day function of the Department of Commerce. 
The export program contemplates that additional direc- 
tion and support will be given to such efforts, and that 
primary emphasis would be placed on personal contacts 
between the staff of the Department and businessmen and 
trade association leaders. 

To the maximum degree possible business, trade groups, 
banks. Chambers of Commerce, etc., will be urged and 
equippecl to point out the opportunities in foreign trade 
and otherwise to play an increasingly important role in 
the national export program. 

3. Improving Trade Services 

Improvement in U.S. Government trade services for 
U.S. business involves three main lines of effort — (a) bet- 
ter quality, greater depth, and more specific detail of a 
practical character on a product basis; (b) wider dis- 
semination of trade leads, together with greater "pin- 
pointing" of opiMJrtunlties for U.S. firms likely to be able 
to use the leads; and (c) increased output of the Foreign 
Service in terms of trade leads developed, representa- 
tional efforts to be undertaken on behalf of U.S. business, 
and related services to assist active foreign sales efforts 
by U.S. business. 

4. Foreign Service Trade Promotion Activity 

The program envisaged by this report calls for an ex- 
pansion of Foreign Service commercial activity and an 
increase in the effectiveness of existing activities. For- 
eign Service OflBcers engaged in commercial activity will 
work in close and frequent association with business, 
trade and industrial groups, as well as with similar offi- 
cials of other governments. 

5. Increased Participation in Trade Fairs and Trade 

Past experience has demonstrated that U.S. participa- 
tion, both by private industry and Government, in trade 

fairs and trade missions can have Inunedlate and prac- 
tical results as a means of stimulating U.S. exjwrts. 

Greater emphasis, however, now will be placed upon 
the i)romotlou of United States exports than has been 
the case in the past. With additional emphasis on follow- 
up efforts to assure exploitation of trade leads generated 
by trade fairs and trade missions, the results in terms of 
new business should be further enhanced. An expaiidcHl 
trade fair and trade missions program will be a siguiUcaut 
factor in a successful export drive. Trade fair participa- 
tion by the U.S. Government therefore would be pro- 
gressively increa.sed and the number of trade missions 
would be expanded. 

6. Pilot U.S. Trade Centers 

There would be established on a pilot basi.s, two per- 
manent type U.S. trade centers to operate as an intensified 
extension of the Foreign Service commercial activities : 
one to be located in an industrially advanced country ; 
the other in a less developed country. The exhibit opera- 
tion would be under the direct management of the De- 
partment of Commerce exhibit manager, and provide a 
means of displaying U.S. products on a continuing basis. 
This is designed to provide an ever-varied display of U.S. 
products of interest to potential foreign customers. 

7. Improving Overseas Gommercial Facilities 

With a view to improving the trade promotional ad- 
vantages of commercial libraries and reading rooms at 
posts abroad, it is proposed that they will be better 
equipped, better staffed, and better located where needed 
so as to serve business. 

8. Expanding Promotion of Travel to the United States 
Increased emphasis would be placed upon promoting 

travel to the United States, with programs and materials 
being prepared in the United States and increased activ- 
ity undertiiken at home and abroad to forward the pro- 
gram. A detailed program is being prepared by the 
Interagency Travel Committee. 

9. Supporting Activities 

The export program being recommended herein by the 
Task Force has taken into accotmt the need for improved 
supporting services, such as recruiting and training of 
new Commercial Officers to be assigned overseas and 
Department of Commerce trade specialists to serve in 
Washington and the field offices in the United States. 
These services would be phased in accordance with the 
substantive requirements of the programs they are de- 
signed to serve. Present Department of Commerce and 
Foreign Service personnel would be given training to 
supplement their background and knowledge relating to 
trade promotion. Improved communleatlona between 
overseas posts and the Commerce Department have been 
planned and already partially put into effect 

AprW 11, 1960 



The Mutual Security Program for Fiscal Year 1961 

Following are statements made hy Secretary 
Herter, Under Secretary Dillon, and International 
Cooperation Administration Director James W. 
Riddleberger before the Senate Committee on 
Foreign Relations in support of the Mutual Secu- 
rity Program, for fiscal year 1961} 


Press release 146 dated March 22 

I am pleased to be here as you inaugurate your 
annual review of the Mutual Security Program. 
It is indeed fitting that we jointly engage in this 
periodic assessment of our national interests 
abroad, of the factors for good and for evil which 
confront us, and of the policies and programs 
which we should pursue in these circumstances. 
The examination of executive branch conclusions 
and proposals from the perspective of our elected 
representatives in the legislative branch is a 
healthy process and one which has proven its value 
many times. 

I would like to speak briefly this morning with 
regard to our assessment of the international scene 
and the importance of the Mutual Security Pro- 
gram as an essential instrument of our foreign 

As you know, we face in the coming months a 
period of negotiations of critical importance. The 
extent or degree to which these negotiations may 
succeed in reducing international tensions or the 

" For texts of President Eisenhower's message to Con- 
gress on the Mutual Security Program for 1961 and state- 
ments by Secretary Ilerter and Mr. Dillon before the 
House Committee on Foreign Affairs, see Bulletin of 
Mar. 7, 19C0, p. 360; for statements by Mr. Riddleberger 
and Vanoe Brand, Managing Director of the Development 
Loan Fund, see ihid., Mar. 21, 1960, pp. 445 and 453. 

burden of military expense cannot be predicted. 
We must and we shall continue to demonstrate our 
will for peace and the peaceful solution of inter- 
national conflicts. 

The fact of discussions, of negotiations, is of 
course a hopeful portent. However, it is not a 
fact which of itself alters the basic conflict of ideas 
and ideologies. Nor does it warrant any relaxa- 
tion of oiu" efforts to safeguard ourselves and our 
friends and allies from the menace of international 

Goals of Communism Unchanged 

For we must look at the world as it is and 
at the realities with which we are confronted. 
The harsh and basic fact is tliat we live in a 
world ill which but a fraction of the world's 
peoples enjoy both freedom and prosperity. 
The harsh and basic fact is that approximately 
a third of the people of the world live imder 
tlie domination and control of a Communist dic- 
tatorship. The harsh and basic fact is that out- 
side the Communist bloc hundreds of millions 
of people in the world today are struggling to 
rid themselves of the curse of poverty and that 
these peoples are greatly concerned to find the 
shortest and most effective way to imjirove their 
material conditions. 

Most important, there can be no doubt that 
the goal of conuniuiisra remains unchanged. 
The Communists believe that it is inevitable that 
the capitalistic system must collapse and that 
it must be succeeded by classless, socialist socie- 
ties. They believe that those who understand 
this principle of historic inevitability have a 
right and an obligation to impose their views 
on others for the furtherance of the cause. 
These men believe that any action which advances 


Department of State Bulletin 

thoir cause is mot ally right. They believe tliat 
totalitarian government under the control of the 
Conununist Party of the Soviet Union is the 
right, necessiiry, and natm-al form of government 
until the capitalist states of the world have been 
brought into the fold and capitalisni eliminated 
from their livens and minds. Ultimately, they 
believe, a world of freedom and plenty for all can 
bo attained in a statele^^s and classless Communist 
society. No Commimist leader denies this creed; 
on the contrary, its promulgation is constantly 

We are also seeking to employ the program to 
promote achievement of international understand- 
ing and cooperation and thus to relieve tensions. 
A settlement of the long dispute between India 
and Pakistan over the complex question of the 
use of Indus basin waters is being greatly en- 
couraged by the asstirance of our willingness to 
join with other nations in helping to finance the 
development of the Indus basin.'' 

The Communists do not just talk about their 
ci-eed. They use the resources, human and mate- 
rial, of a great empire controlling a third of the 
people of the world. They have great military 
strength; they are well organized; their progress 
in educating and developing their people has been 
truly remarkable. These very real powers sup- 
port and are fully employed to advance the cause 
to which they are dedicated. This powerfiil, cru- 
Siwling, and dedicated force is indeed a threat to 
our security which we cannot ignore without the 
gravest peril. We must continue and strengthen 
our efforts in union with other free men to safe- 
guard our right to progress within institutions of 
our own free choice. 

U.S. Responsiveness to Needs of the Times 

Our belief tliat the Mutual Security Program is 
an essential instrument for peace and progress 
does not mean that we should or do assume it is 
an instrument of either a static or perfect design. 
Every effort must be made to assure its responsive- 
ness to the needs of the times and its effectiveness 
in meeting these needs. 

Thus, for example, we find it possible to adjust 
our assistance downward as the capacity of recipi- 
ent nations to pro\nde for themselves increases. 
Economic assistance to most of Europe is a thing 

of the past; military assistAuce is no longer rc- 
(piired by a numl>er of our NATO partners. In- 
deed to an increiusing degree those nations which 
have benefited from our help in the past are not 
only assuming a greater share of the common 
defense costs but are also aiding in the meeting of 
tiie needs of other nations for economic 

Similarly, the Congi-ess has urged and we agree 
that our prognuns must be and are dynamic in ivd- 
justing the flow of resources to those areas where 
the requisite determination and capacity to em- 
ploy them fruitfully exists. The program is and 
must be responsive and selective in this respect. 

In Africa the program proposes a new response 
to the needs of the emerging nations for educa- 
tion and training. Through a special fmid, iden- 
tified with the region of tropical Africa rather 
tlian with specific national states, it is our hope 
and belief we can foster and help common ap- 
proaches to the meeting of basic needs for devel- 
oping human skills. 

We have also given and continue to give atten- 
tion to the wisdom and necessity of providing 
grant economic assistance to other nations. The 
amendment of the Mutual Security Act stemming 
from this committee — section 503(c) — was a wel- 
come stimulus to a careful and objective reap- 
praisal of these programs. Our report of plans 
for progressive reduction and eventual termina- 
tion of grant economic aid,' where practicable, has 
been provided to you, and Mr. Dillon will be pre- 
pared to discuss these plans with you in such de- 
tail as you may wish. 

Wliile it is not necessary for this committee to 
authorize funds this year for military assistance, 
I believe you will be interested in the fact that 
we envisage a lov^er level of deliveries of military 
equipment in the future than the average delivery 
levels of the past several years. Also of interest 
to you is the fact that programing of military 
assistance is being revised to assure more effective 
foreign policy guidance and a greater degree of 
participation and responsibility on the part of our 
ambassadors abroad. Both of these actions re- 
flect responsiveness to the expressed views of this 

' For background, see iXnd., p. 442. 
April 11, 1960 

' For text of a general snmmnry report on grant eco- 
nomic assistance relating to defense supijort and special 
assistance programs, see ibid., p. 4C0. 


In sum, while the detail of the program and of 
its coordination can be best provided you through 
other witnesses, I am personally satisfied that it 
is being continuously improved in both concep- 
tion and administration, that it is a dynamic and 
flexible program, and above all an essential one 
for the protection and promotion of our interests. 

Reasons for Mutual Security Program 

In the world today, the fi-ee nations are faced 
with both the threat of communism and the ap- 
peal of communism. Those nations which enjoy 
any measure of prosperity and freedom are 
threatened with its loss. Those nations which 
have little are promised easy and rapid advance. 
The objective of international communism is the 
same in either case, to bring them under Commu- 
nist control. 

Against the threat of Communist expansion by 
force or threat of force we and other free peo- 
ples have constiiicted a barrier of defensive 
strength. The preservation and maintenance of 
that barrier is a matter of fundamental and pri- 
mary importance to our security. Tlie Mutual 
Security Program is essential to this task. 

Military strength is an imperative not only to 
prevent expansion by force but to create and main- 
tain an atmosphere of security and confidence 
within which the basic problems of human bet- 
terment can be tackled. 

The United States is a prosperous and for- 
tunate nation. Yet few, if any, in this coimtry 
would deny the need and opportunity for im- 
provement in the status of millions of our own 
people. How much greater the need and the op- 
portunity for improvement of the status of the 
many hundreds of millions of people outside the 
Commimist bloc who are struggling to rid them- 
selves of the cm-se of a poverty we find difficult 
to imagine. 

Why is the welfare of other peoples a matter 
of concern to us ? It is true, of course, that ignor- 
ing their problems and their needs would inev- 
itably leave them no alternative but recourse to 
the Communists. It is also true that their absoi-p- 
tion into the Communist fold would confront us 
with a grim, if not hopeless, security position. Of 
these aspe<!ts we are well aware and must take 
measures accordingly. 

Yet our interest in the welfare of human beincs 

has a deeper and more meaningful basis and justi- 
fication tlian merely protecting our own posses- 
sions and fi'eedom. 

Our efforts to defend our way of life, to pre- 
vent the spi-ead of Commimist power, are not 
efforts to impose our views on others or to require 
a conunon fealty to the United States. The ef- 
foi-ts we make to help others to defend themselves, 
to achieve progress, are basically and fundamen- 
tally a part of our own creed. 

We believe in the right of all peoples and na- 
tions freely to choose their own ways of life; we 
believe in cooperation, based on respect, with other 
nations ; we believe in the dignity, rights, liberties, 
and importance of the individual man, the sub- 
ordination of the state to the interests and will of 
its citizens; we believe in decision by discussion 
and dissent, in tolerance, in governments of laws, 
not of men, and in peace with justice. 

These are the beliefs on which ovir Nation was 
founded, on which it grew strong and great, and 
on which its future strength and gi*eatness depend. 
It is these beliefs which motivate us to join with 
others in the defense of them. It is because we 
believe in these concepts that we wish to assure 
that other men may have the opportunity to enjoy 
the blessings of life in a free society. 

Thus our efi'orts in the Mutual Security Pro- 
gram have high purposes. We seek to defend our- 
selves and to assure our own security; we seek 
equally to support the right of every nation freely 
to determine its own system of government; we 
seek equally to help in the progressive betterment 
of human beings. It is for these reasons that we 
have had a Mutual Security Program; it is for 
these reasons that we should and must continue it. 


Press release 145 dated March 22 

It is always a pleasure to ai)pear before this 
committee and particularly at this early stage in 
your consideration of the Mutual Security Pro- 
gi-am for fiscal year 1961. 

We are asking reenactment of the basic Mutual 
Security Act, with relatively few modifications. 
These are intended to facilitate effective admin- 
istration and to relax certain requirements which 


Department of State Bulletin 

hainix»r our capacity (o cope witli such s])ccilic 
challiMif^es as the luilus Kiver basin development 
aaid tlie needs of tlie Palestine refugees in the 
Near East. 

The sum requested is $4.17.") hillion. Altli()ii<;;li 
it is a somewhat larger amount than was sought 
last year, it will merely permit expenditures to \» 
maintaineil at about current levels. The bulU of 
the increase is concentn^ted on the military as- 
sistance program, which has been squeezed to the 
point where exiJenditures in the current fiscal 
year will decline to about $1.8 billion — 25 percent 
less than the average annual rate of the past 5 

I shall confine my discussion to certain elements 
of the program whicli I feel will be of particular 
interest to this committee. They are: 

Fii-st, the prospect for reducing gnmt aid; 

Second, the possibility of accelerating the eco- 
nomic development of Taiwan; 

Third, the opportunity for progress in South 

Fourth, the need to make a start toward dealing 
with the requirements of tropical Africa; 

Fifth, the situation of the Palestine refugees; 

Finally, the impact of the program on the 
United States economy. 

The Prospect for Reducing Grant Economic Aid 

A report was transmitted to the Congress 
March 4 on "Grant Economic Assistance Relat- 
ing to Defense Support and Special Assistance 
Programs." Prepared in accordance with section 
503(c) of the act, it is the condensed result of a 
4-month review which enlisted the elforts of coun- 
try experts in Wa.shington, as well as country 
teams abroad. 

The purposes of the review were: first, to in- 
sure that proposed grant aid programs were at the 
minimmn level consistent with United States na- 
tional security and foreign policy objectives; 
second, to meet those objectives through loans 
rather than grants wherever feasible and apjiro- 
priate: third, to insure that the programing of 
grant aid for the coming fiscal year represented a 
firm step toward a definite longer range goal. 

Most of our present grant aid programs were 
created to meet political and military emergencies 
in the Far East and Near East — either in response 

lo direct (^)inmunist aggression or to crises at- 
tending the birth of newly independent nations in 
conditions of instability and insecurity. 

The situations which led to the inauguration of 
our pi-ograms are still largely with lis. Tiiey 
constitute valid and compelling reasons for con- 
tinuing grant aid. However, improving condi- 
tions and rising national incomes will permit 
most of the recipient nations to finance more of 
their needs out of their own resources. Tliey are 
making suilicient progress to warrant our envision- 
ing progressive reductions in grant aid without 
jeopardizing our objectives. 

Tlie plans for such reductions presume that 
rising national incomes can be maintained in 
recipient countries. They also presume tliat grant 
aid will be continued where essential needs cannot 
be met out of rising incomes. However, where aid 
contributes directly to economic development and 
thus generates income with which to repay 
borrowing, it is presumed that essential needs will 
be met increasingly through loans. 

These plans are designed to accelerate progi'ess 
by providing more development assistance and by 
encouraging recipient countries to make better 
use of their own resources. They do not con- 
template either the abandonment of our foreign 
policy objectives or the substitution of loans for 
grants where loans would not be appropriate. 

We therefore seek continued authority for grant 
aid, although we shall strive to keep such pro- 
grams to a minimum. The committee will note 
that reductions are proposed for fiscal year 1961 
in 12 out of 22 existing grant aid programs, in- 
cluding of the 12 defense support progi-ams. Of 
the remainder, 3 are proposed at tiie current level. 
Minor increases are proposed for 3 others. The 
situation in 4 special cases requires increases. 

As for future years, these plans envisage pro- 
gressive reductions in most of the present grant 
j>rograms. "We have based thase plans on what we 
now consider to l)e reasonable anil realistic pre- 
sumptions, but many of their elements are dif- 
ficult to predict. Among these elements ai'e po- 
litical factors, economic policy adjustments, the 
state of export markets, progi-ess in improving 
internal administration, plus other intangibles 
which are beyond our control and frequently 
beyond the control of t he governments of the re- 
cipient countries. "We expect to carry out these 

April 7 J, J 960 


plans to the best of our ability. But we would be 
less than candid if we did not clearly point out 
that future developments could invalidate the 
presmnptions underlying these plans. 

In short, we are completely in accord with the 
objectives of section 503(c). The program pro- 
posed for fiscal year 1961 represents substantial 
advances toward these objectives. "We shall con- 
tinue to exert every effort to reduce grant aid. 
But it is obvious that a prerequisite for progress 
in this field is the availability of adequate financ- 
ing for economic development purposes. We 
have presumed that our friends in other indus- 
trialized countries whose economies are showing 
such marked progress will make increasingly 
heavy contributions toward economic develop- 
ment. "We also presume that the United States 
will do its share by increasing its appropriations 
for the Development Loan Fund. Accordingly, 
we are requesting an appropriation of $700 million 
in 1961 for this purpose — an increase of $150 

The Economic Development of Taiwan 

In preparing this year's program, we concluded 
that Taiwan's ability to progress economically 
might be significantly accelerated. Harassed by 
repeated military attacks — and contributing pro- 
portionately more out of a low income to defense 
than almost any other free-world country — 
Taiwan nevertheless offers one of tlie most hope- 
fvil prospects for economic growth of any newly 
developing country bordering on the Sino-Soviet 
empire. Taiwan has achieved a significant rate of 
growth in national income, thus enabling us to 
progressively reduce our grant aid over the past 
several years. 

The Government of China has recently pro- 
posed a program of economic reform to reinforce 
and enhance the material progi-ess of the people 
of Taiwan and has solicited our cooperation. We 
propose to respond by maintaining next year's de- 
fense support program at apjiroximately the cur- 
rent level, earmarking a portion of tlicse funds 
for the supi)ort of Taiwan's rapidly expanding 
private industries. We also propose to expand 
the financing of projects in Taiwan out of De- 
velopment Ijoan Fund resources. 

Taiwaii pre.sents tlie free world with a challeng- 
ing opportmiity to demonstrate that a high rate 

of economic growth can be maintained in Asia 
without the oppressive and inhuman excesses that 
characterize Conrmunist China's forced-draft 
economic programs. The major effort will, of 
course, be made by the people of Taiwan them- 
selves. The contribution expected of us is rela- 
tively modest. It is, nonetheless, a critical one. 

The Needs of South Asia 

An equally promising opportunity exists in 
South Asia. Here, two heavily populated coun- 
tries, India and Pakistan, achieved independence 
in the early aftermath of World War II and have 
struggled ever since to provide a better life for 
their impoverished peoples. These governments 
and peoples are as dedicated to maintaining their 
independence and freedom as they are to improv- 
ing living standards. The eyes of the entire 
world, and particularly of the people of other 
newly developing countries, are focused on their 
attempts to attain economic progress in freedom. 
The need to help them in their struggle has been 
accepted as an important responsibility by a num- 
ber of the free world's more industrialized 

Tlieir efforts have been hamjiered in the past by 
a conflict arising out of the conditions under 
which they attained independence. Only i-ecently 
have prospects arisen for resolving that conflict. 
The International Bank was thus recently able to 
announce significant progress toward an agree- 
ment on a major program to develop the Indu? 
basin for the benefit of l)oth India and Pakistan. 
The resources of the Bank will be supplemented 
by contributions from a ninnber of ]irospering 
free-world countries, including tlie Ignited States. 

For fiscal year 1961, the Congress is asked to 
support this enterprise and to authorize certain 
exceptions from nornuil jirocedures to permit our 
full participation. Such United States financing 
as may be needed before the end of fiscal year 1961 
will be provided bj^ the Development Ivoan Fund. 

In addition to this dramatic project botli India 
and Pakistan are embarked on major long-range 
economic devel(>i)menl programs. These pro- 
gi'ams are about to be accclei-ated. Tlicir success- 
ful advancement must continue as a major foreign 
policy objective for us and for our allies, manj' 
of whom are making .substantial contributions. 
Expanded efforts will lie required of all. Our 
capacity to play our pi-o])er pai-t next year in lieli)- 


Departmenf of State Bulletin 

inji tliose uiul otlu-r coiiiitrii-s of Soulli Asia de- 
pends on the avnilability of ailc<|iiaii' t'liiuls in ilio 
Di'velopiiuMit Loan Fund. Any ivdiicdon in tin- 
$7(K> million i-equestoil for tlu' Did"' will sciionsly 
circumscribe our abilit}' to help. 

Tropical Africa 

That pari of Africa whicli lies south of tlie 
Saliara has not in the past played a prominent role 
in international atVaii-s. In the decade of the six- 
ties its role may be critical. Africa is essentially 
a continent of newly emergrinfr states, some of 
which have oidy recently attained independence. 
Othei-s will do so this year. More will achieve 
self-jrovernment in the yeare inunediately ahead. 
Nowhere has independence been tlie occasion for 
higher hopes. Nowhere will the difliculties be 
{Ti-eater in satisfying human aspirations. The 
Conininnist bloc is well aware of the fertile field 
offered by this ai-ea in achieving its annoimced 
goal of world domination. Africa has been made 
a major target ai-oa by the Connnunists, who are 
stepping up their propaganda and aid programs 
and seeking to heighten frustration and increase 
tensions in order to block sound progi-ess under 
free institutions. 

For some years this area has been the scene of 
major efl'orts by the industi-ialized countries of 
Western Europe to promote economic improve- 
ment. In 1959 assistance from European public 
budgets approximated $500 million. As inde- 
pendence is achieve<l, the new countries look in- 
creasingly to the United States to assist them in 
securing their independence on solid economic 
foundations. "\Miile the requirements of the area 
for development capital — and the need for us to 
pro\-ide such capital can be anticipated — can be 
expected to mount, the urgent need now is to de- 
velop human skills and to create additional tech- 
nical capacities as a prerequisite to significant 
growth. Therefore, a special ])rogram for Africa 
is l>eing projx)sed under the special assistance title 
of the act. which would provide $20 million during 
fiscal year 1961 as an initial contribution. The 
amount is but a small fi-action of the Mutual 
Security Program propose<l for fiscal year 1901. 
It maj', however, be the most significant proposal 
offered for your consideration. The problems of 
the ai"ea are so enormous that we must tread 
cautiously in finding the most appropriate form 
and technique for our assistance. The simi may 

1h' regarded as a denionstraticju of (jur delermina- 
tion to help the peoples of Africa to coi)e with 
their pi-oblems. 

The Situation of the Palestine Refugees 

The sitiuition of the Palest ine refugees continues 
as a stM-ious potential source of in.stabilily in the 
Near East. Despite every effort to carry out con- 
gressional intent that foreign aid funds be used 
to resettle these unfortunate iiinnan beings, it has 
not l)een practicable for the I'nited Nations Relief 
and Works Agency to can-y out a major program 
of resettlement because of the ])olitical realities 
in the area. We have succx-oded in having the 
Palestine Conciliation Commission reconvene*!,* 
and we hope that it will make possible a niore 
fundamental attack on the refugee problem. 
Meanwhile, these people are in desperate straits 
and must be provided with the minimum necessi- 
ties of life. 

As a i"esult of a proviso in section 407 of the act, 
limiting tlie use of 10 percent of the appropriation 
for tliis program to resettlement, some $6^2 "ul- 
lion made available by the Congress has been 
effectively immobilized. Again this year we shall 
need to contribute $25 million to this work. If 
the Congress will accept our proi)osed amendment, 
thus fi-eeing this money, our need for new funds 
will only l)e$18i/^ million. 

Impact on the United States Economy 

I am sometimes asked whether we can affoixl 
this progi-am. It is a question that our friends 
of the newly developing areas hear with consider- 
able amazement, when they consider our priv- 
ileged position in the world. Yet it is sufficiently 
prevalent in our own country to merit serious 

The i>roposed Mutual Security Progi-am for 
fiscal year 1901 woidd consume about eight-tenths 
of 1 percent of the gross national product of the 
I'nited States, a gross national product that is, 
on a per capita basis, by far the highest in the 
world. Projjosed exj^nditures luider the program 
would represent less than 5 percent of the ex- 
penditiwes proposed for our Feileral Government. 

Although it is unfortunately true that some of 
our citizens still do not fully comprehend the 
urgent need for continuiuir nuitual security at ade^ 

' Fur liackKTouiuI. spo ihiil., .Tan. 4. IIM'.O. i>. 31. 

Apri7 7 7, 7960 


quate levels, it is my belief that the vast majority 
of the American people look upon mutual security 
as a direct investment in their own future safety 
and well-being. 

Mutual security has been the subject of con- 
siderable misunderstanding. This past year a 
new element of misunderstanding has been intro- 
duced. I refer to concern over our balance-of- 
payments situation and foreign-exchange reserves. 
Certainly the balance-of -payments developments 
are properly a matter of deep concern to all of us, 
even though recent statistics suggest that substan- 
tial improvement is already in sight. For ex- 
ample, our January commercial export surplus of 
$35-t million compares with a surplus of only $94 
million in January 1959. 

However, the relation of the Mutual Sex:urity 
Program to balance-of-payments ti'ends has been 
considerably misinterpreted. Sight is lost of the 
fact that total expenditures imder the Mutual 
Security Program are currently about a third 
lower than they were between 1953 and 1955, 
when our balance of payments was not a matter 
of conceni. 

Actually, the recent deterioration in our balance 
of payments is essentially a result of fluctuations 
in our exports. "We consider that increased ex- 
ports ai-e the appropriate correlative. Accord- 
ingly, we are energetically working with other 
interested agencies of the Government in a joint 
effort to help our exporters achieve a higher rate 
of sales in the months and years ahead.^ 

It is frequently overlooked that some 90 percent 
of the military assistance program and about half 
of all expenditures under the. economic assistance 
programs are made directly in the United States. 
The volume of indirect expenditures ni the United 
States stemming from the program is less readily 
measured. But it is considerable, and it swells our 
export total. Several hundred million dollars of 
militai-y equipment is purcliased eacli year by na- 
tions that once received inilitary assistance but 
are now in a position to pay for their maintenance 
and replacement costs. One measure of the pro- 
gram in tenns of oiu- own economy is the fact that 
many countries are buying goods in the United 
States today whicli they could not conceivably be 
buying witliout the economic improvement made 
possible by mutual security effoits of the past. 

" See p. 5C0. 

"We confidently anticipate that, as more and more 
of the newly developing countries acliieve expand- 
ing economies with our assistance, they will be- 
come increasingly important customers of the 
United States and will eventually make important 
contributions to our own economic growth through 
normal channels of trade. 

It is ray personal belief that we not only can 
afford to set aside a fraction of our national in- 
come for mutual security but that we cannot af- 
ford not to channel this small portion of our re- 
sources mto a program which is designed to 
protect our own best interests. 

The proposal for fiscal year 1961 is a minimal 
program adapted to clianging conditions, modi- 
fied to reflect recent development, adequate to the 
situations we foresee, and flexible enough to take 
advantage of new opportunities for significant 
progress as they arise. Its purpose is to help us 
to sui-vive in peace and freedom and prosperity by 
helping our friends and allies to do the same. It 
is a ])rogi'am and a jiurpose worthy of the con- 
tinued support, of the Congi-ess and th& people 
of the United States. 


Press release 149 dated March 23 

I welcome the opportunity to appear before you 
this afternoon in my capacity as Director of the 
International Cooperation Administration to sup- 
port those elements of the fiscal year 1961 Mutual 
Security Program authorization request wliich 
are the responsibility of ICA. These include de- 
fense support, special assistance, technical coop- 
eration, and the ICA administrative expenses. 

This committee has actively participated in the 
development of the program we are discussing 
this afternoon. This help has been provided both 
in forward-looking policy suggestions and in 
terms of critical surveillance of those operations 
designed to carry out foreign policy. For ex- 
ample, the Subcommittee on State Department 
Organization and Public Atlaii-s has jirovided 
helpful and constructive criticism in its thought- 
ful report on tlie United States aid program in 

In a constantly changing world scene it is not 
easy to achieve the most effective balance between, 
for example, Eui'ope and Asia, military and eco- 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

iioniic needs, pi-ants niul loans, short-nni impiict 
ami lon<;-ran<2:e henelits, niilitjirj' allies and neu- 
trals, major projects and diversified small projects, 
and efl'u'iont adniinistratioii while iiisurinji; ac- 
complishment of broad policy objwtives in crises 
situations. At no time have these divergent inter- 
ests been i<rnoi-ed. However, it is certainly pos- 
sible for i-easonable and mature minds to reiich 
ditferent conclusions on what is the proper bal- 
ance. With the benefit of hindsifrlit we can all see 
where a ditl'ei-ent emphasis in particular situations 
might have been more effe<"tive in achieving a 
specific result. I jiei-sonally Ix-lieve that the sliifts 
in emphasis and the changes in the program 
which the executive branch is proposing to you 
this year, and which ICA is, in part, charged to 
execute, i-epre,sent a significant forward step. 

The Fiscal Year 1961 Program 

The fiscal year 1961 program features new ele- 
ments and sliifts in emphasis. President Eisen- 
hower's nuitual security message and the presenta- 
tions of Secretary Herter and Under Secretary 
Dillon Ijefore this committee reflect an increased 
concentration of assistance for economic growth 
in certain countries. The Indus program, the 
accelerated growth program in Taiwan, and the 
special program for tropical Africa are included 
for the first time. The fiscal year 1961 program 
recommends a decrease in defense support. It 
recognizes the role of increased contributions by 
other industrialized free nations. 

The fiscal year 1961 program contemplates con- 
tinued building and strengthening of the defen- 
sive shield along the Sino-Soviet arc. New 
emphasis is given to selecting and developing 
free- world economic strong points. 

South Asia 

Botli India and Pakistan are embai-ked on major 
development programs whicli are l)eing acceler- 
ated. Expanded assistance will be required of the 
principal industrialized nations. Major United 
States capital assistance to South Asia will be 
provided primarily through the Development 
Ijoan Fund. The program administered by the 
ICA can l>e properly judged only in relation to the 
other parts of the Mutual Security Program and 
related programs. 

Increased DLF a.ssistance to the India capital 
resources program forms an integral and essen- 

tial pari of our total response to the problems of 
econoniic (leveloi)nii'n( in this country. Our 
largest technical cooperation and Public Law 480 
l)rograms are in India. To coordinate our heavy 
responsibilities in India and to integrate all U.S. 
economic activities in India, we have established 
the position of Economic Minister. Mr. C. Tyler 
"Wood, whom many of you know, is the incumbent 
of this position. 

In Pakistan our response to the requirenient for 
a hea\'j' flow of resources will be made through the 
provision of defense support to finance imports of 
commodities and a Public Law 480 program of 
agricultural surpluses, as well as DLF lending. 

The Indus Kiver basin program will substan- 
tially assist both India and Pakistan. It reflects 
identification of mutual interest. It forebodes 
important cooperation for the economic stability 
and progress in the sul)continent. 

I believe that the Indus settlement is significant 
and has great prospects. It exemplifies three prin- 
ciples of foreign assistance stressed by this com- 
mittee, namely: self-help, regional cooperation, 
and coopei-ative action by other developed nations. 

The Republic of China 

Turning now to Taiwan, I would like to quote 
briefly from President Eisenhower's mutual 
security message : 

The vigorous and skilled population on Taiwan, the 
rword of growth in investment and output, the very real 
potential for acceleration, offer a prospet't for a convinc- 
ing demonstration that under free institutions a pace and 
degree of achievement can eventually be obtnine<l in excess 
of that resulting under totalitarianism. For this pur- 
pose, we envisage the full employment of both grant and 
loan assistance to hasten the day of ultimate viability and 
self-sustaining growth. 

The \itality of this economy is impressive. In- 
dustrial production has more than doubled. The 
number of private entrepreneurs has mushroomed. 
Some 20,000 manufacturers are now producing 
goods ranging from small household items to 
heavy capital equipment. Agriculture has been 
expanded and diversified. Yields per acre are 
now among the world's highest. 

The Govenmient of free China has prepared a 
l)lan for acceleration of economic growth. This 
plan has been transmitted to U.S. representatives 
for consideration. The plan includes many sig- 
nificant Chinese actions on such problems as tax 

April 71, I960 


reforms, iioninflationary fiscal and monetary 
policy, more liberal foreign exchange controls, 
and transfer of public-owned industries to private 
hands. The many proposed activities should 
stimulate the private sector and induce an in- 
creased level of domestic investment. The Mutual 
Security Program, through an appropriate com- 
bination of grants and loans, can assist in meeting 
the foi'eign exchange costs of this investment 

The achievement of rapid growth, largely 
through the vigor of the private sector, should 
have a significant impact in other Far Eastern 

Concentration of Assistance — Eligibility Criteria 

Some persons may well ask, as I am sure a niun- 
ber of our stanch allies in the underdeveloped 
areas will ask, "Why are we suggesting an in- 
creased concentration of development assistance 
for economic growth in Taiwan and South Asia 
but not in other countries?" 

The answer is essentially twofold: first, that 
economic development cannot occur solely as a 
product of external assistance. Keal develop- 
ment, which yields its broad range of benefits to 
the general population, must mainly be the result 
of a country's own efforts. Development in the 
long nni cannot be given, or lent, or forced by an 
outside nation. 

The provision of te<?hnical or capital assistance 
cannot induce dynamic progress unless the people 
themselves are prepared to make the difficult eco- 
nomic, social, and political decisions required in 
the allocation and administration of their own 
resources. Foreign aid can be an indispensable 
part of accelerated progress. Foreign aid can in 
no sense substitute for fully determined, dis- 
ciplined self-help. 

Second, there must be an institutional and 
humnii-resourc&s base upon wliich rapid growth 
can be built. 

Wlien these two conditions are met, namely, full 
determination and disciplined self-help, plus an 
institutional and human base capal»le of acceler- 
ated growtli, then the United States stands px-e- 
pared to utilize a variety of tools and techniques 
in increased measure to help accelerate economic 

There must be, howevei-, a selective judgment 
by the United States in choosing when and where 

to concentrate assistance. This requires the 
United States to make certain qualitative judg- 
ments on the opportunities for success. The re- 
cipient must deal realistically with such things 
as the tax policy, trade policy, and investment 
policy. This Government believes that properly 
guiding its own actions on such judgments does not 
constitute interference in the internal affairs of 
other states. 

The policies of tliis Government must and do 
proceed with the recognition that our acts can 
stimulate and can help but cannot substitute for 
elfective self-help. The magnitudes are too great 
to be fulfilled by external aid alone. Other na- 
tions must — and many do — recognize that it is in 
their national interest to plan and carry the major 
portion of their own programs for economic 

There is a third reason Mhy it is in the U.S. in- 
terest to help those comitries which attempt to 
solve their problems with realistic and courageous 
policies and decisions. I call this reason the "re- 
vei"se domino" effect. We all know the danger of 
the chain reaction in Communist aggi-ession. This 
has been called the "domino" effect. One small 
free countiy is invaded or subverted by the Com- 
munists. The drive of the Communists in knock- 
ing down this first countiy may serve to knock 
down a series of neighboring small countries like 

The reveree-domino effect comes when a country 
proceeds toward self-sustaining growth. This 
provides guidance and inspiration to other less 
developed comitries farther behind in the growtli 

We are witnessing a major reverse-domino ef- 
fect in the form of increasing efforts by Western 
Europe to assist the development of Asian and 
African countries. We are also witnessing on a 
smaller but still impressive scale Israel's efforts by 
sending technicians to assist in Ghana, Nigeria, 
Burma, and other countries. We see the reveree- 
domino effeft in Indian aid to Nepal, situated 
precariously within arm's grasp of Red China. 
We see it as Taiwan and the Philippines extend 
technical assistance to free Viet-Nam. These ex- 
amples will be multiplied in the years to come. 

I believe one significant residt of the assistance 
described above will be that free peoples every- 
where will prefer to continue free if, through 
freedom, economic progress to the stage of self- 


Department of State Bulletin 

sustnining: growili is a discernible and realizable 

Finally, I do not mean to imply that tliose gov- 
ernments whose countries are not yet in a position 
to qualify for intensive develojinient assistance 
should be cut otl from assistance required by their 
special ciivumstances. They may also require as- 
sistance to help establish the institutional and 
human-resoui-ce base capable of accelerated eco- 
nomic growth. The main point of the proposal is 
the recognition that increased concentration of 
development assistance will pay the greatest divi- 
dends if chiefly given to countries ready and 
willing for dynamic growth. 

Magnitudes of Assistance Requested 

The Presidents budget message," his recent 
mutual security message, and the statements of 
Seci-etaiy Ilerter and Under Secretary Dillon 
have set l)efore you the amounts required and the 
purposes for which they will be used. The 
amounts requested of the Congi-ess are the amounts 
needed for an effective program. We are request- 
ing less funds in defense support for fiscal 1961 
than are at present progi-amed for fiscal 1900, 
more for special assistance and more for technical 
coojjeration than is available for the present year. 
The amount for administrative expenses is in- 
creased primarily to meet requirements for tiie ex- 
panded operation in Africa and other relatively 
inflexible requirements such as automatic pay 

Defense Support and Special Assistance 

Congi-css enacted last year section no.'Uc) of the 
Mutual Security Act. Tliis called for the execu- 
tive branch to present plans by country for reduc- 
tion and elimination where possible of grant 
economic assistance in the categories of defense 
support and special assistance. This legislative 
emphasis provided by this committee on long- 
range planning in the future of grant economic 
assistance is particularly welcome. 

AVe are prepared to discuss these plans in detail. 
Todaj' I would like to make a general observation. 
Our program presentation could convey to you the 
impression that our total defense support and 
special assistance programs are merely a summa- 
tion of resjwnses to individual country situations. 

' For excerpts, see Bulletin- of Feb. 8, lOfiO, i>. 202. 
April 11, I960 

It may appear ilial. witli some work and good 
luck, (liese indivichial situations can be ivniedied 
and tlien the United States can get out of the 
economic iissistance business. 

In part, this is a true representation. It would 
l>e necessary to add that defense support and spe- 
cial assistance magnitudes are a function of the 
general slate of intei-nalioiial political and mili- 
tary relationships. 

In the long nni (he Icm'I of :ii)propriations re- 
quired will de|Tend in large part on events l)eyond 
the control of either the United States or of our 
friends and allies. Requirements for defense sup- 
pori and special assistance over the next several 
yeare may possibly go down significantly, or they 
could go up. 

To illustriite my point, there are a number of 
signs indicating that Conminnist China, a decade 
from now, will have grown in economic strength 
to the point where its external power potential 
may equal, or even exceed, that of Russia at the 
l)eginniiig of World AVar II. I do not mean by 
this that Communist China will by that time rank 
with the most powerful nations, but it may com- 
mand economic resources which will have greatly 
increased its capability for armed aggression and 
economic penetration. 

The Communist conquest of mainland China 
caused a tragic power shift in Asia. It threw to 
the Communist side the vast human and material 
resources of Asia's largest country. We can only 
assume that the Communists will continue to ruth- 
lessly exploit these resources to the full and that 
their war machine will continue to grow in 
strength. We must also assume that they will 
make full use of their growing economic power in 
intensifying tlieir ]>oliticoe('()nomic offensive 
against the free nations along the peripheiy of 

In this situation grant economic assistance in 
present or modified amounts and kinds will play a 
key role in thwarting Connnunist attempts to 
overwhelm or unilermine the coimtries along the 
arc of free Asia from Afghanistan to Korea. De- 
fense supi>ort funds are needed to maintain their 
military jiosture. 

Defen-se Support 

Defense support is economic assistance pro- 
vided to 12 countries which are contributing mili- 
tary forces and forward military bases essential 
to the security of the free world. Eleven of the 


12 defense-support countries either border di- 
rectly on, or are separated by narrow strips of 
water from, the Sino-SoA'iet bloc. 

Defense support, by supplementing their eco- 
nomic resources, assists the recipients to make the 
militai-y contribution we and they agree is neces- 
sary but wliich they could not otherwise make 
without incuiTing economic instability or inviting 
serious internal morale problems. These 12 na- 
tions span half the globe, from Spain to Korea, 
and constitute a vital part of our forward defense. 
All 12 are in vaiying degrees economically imder- 
developed. To increase their future economic 
self-reliance and defense capabilities, it is in our 
interest to help them develop greater internal eco- 
nomic strength. 

From an assessment of these considerations we 
are requesting $724 million for these 12 defense- 
support countries, as compared with last year's 
request of $835 million and a program this cur- 
rent fiscal year of at least $765 million. Thus a 
significant reduction has been possible, particu- 
larly in Europe and the Middle East, while main- 
taining our security posture around the periphery 
of the Sino-Sovietbloc. 

As compared to the amounts allocated for fiscal 
year 1960, in fiscal year 1961 the program calls 
for decreases in eight countries, increases in three 
countries, and in one country there is no change. 
83 percent of the total request is earmarked for 
covmtries on the periphery of Communist Cliina. 

Special Assistance 

Special assistance is economic aid that is neces- 
sary to achieve political, economic, hmnanitarian, 
or other objectives in any counti-y where the 
United States is not providing military assistance 
in support of significant military forces and 
wliere tlie needs for such assistance cannot ap- 
propriately or fully be provided under technical 
cooperation or from tlie Development I^an Fund. 
Special assistance is also the source of funding 
for certain regional or worldwide prograjns, such 
as that for malaria eradication, which serve im- 
portant United States interests and which are not 
appropriate for financing under other categories 
of assistance. 

Special assistance may conveniently be divided 
into four categories : (1) major country programs, 
(2) the special program for tropical Africa, (3) 
functional programs, and (4) special activities. 
$268.5 million is requested, as compared with last 

year's request of $272 million and a program this 
current fiscal year of at least $259.6 million. 

The 10 major countiy programs total $179.75 
million, or 67 percent of the total. These coun- 
tries are Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Berlin, Af- 
ghanistan, Israel, Jordan, Burma, Haiti, and 
Bolivia. The amounts for these countries are, in 
general, extremely fimi and are not susceptible to 
significant reduction without material loss in 
terms of the attainment of United States foreign 
policy objectives. 

The special program for tropical Africa is $20 
million. With reference to the probable future in- 
crease in special assistance programs in Africa, 
Pi'esident Eisenhower said of the special program 
for tropical Africa in his mutual security message : 

It is my belief that this initial effort must grow sig- 
nificantly in the immediate years ahead and complement 
similar efforts on the part of other free world nations so 
that the capacity of the new and other developing na- 
tions in Africa to manage and direct their development 
can be strengthened and increased rapidly and 

We do not want, nor is it possible, to turn our 
back on this continent four times the size of the 
United States, with more tlian 200 million people. 

I believe this committee will agree that the de- 
gree of our involvement in the African Continent 
can be expected to increase rather than decrease. 
I believe you will further agree that we are fac- 
ing a situation in Africa wherein grant assistance 
rather than loan assistance will continue to be a 
necessary tool in our response to many of the 
African needs, such as education and training. 

Current political developments, as was percep- 
tively discussed in the report of this committee 
last year, are tending toward a fragmentation of 
the continent into many separate units. The 
African leaders themselves are concerned with 
the problem. They are seeking ways to estab- 
lish closer ties between tlieir countries. We pro- 
pose that a portion of the program be used for 
activities to encourage the separate African politi- 
cal units to work together on common problems 
of economic and technological development. We 
plan to support nuilticoimtry planning, confer- 
ences, workshops, and other related activities. 

The functional progi-ams include malaria eradi- 
cation, community water supply development, 
international medical research, aid to American- 
sponsored schools abroad, investment incentive 
fund, and the voluntary contribution to the 


Department of Sfofe Bulletin 

United Xiitions EmorgiMicy Force. Those func- 
tional profrnuns account for 18 percent of the 

The si:)ecial activities catej^ory includes a vari- 
ety of essential activities, such as modest projects 
to complement technical cooperation, eiifrineer 
construction unit projects in Latin America, and 
support of the Central Treaty Orpmization civil 
aviation project. These activities account for 
8 percent of the total. 

Technical Cooperation 

Technical cooperation needs no detailed exposi- 
tion before this connnittee, which has over the 
yejii-s been instrumental in evolving its purposes 
and identifying its capabilities. 

For the bilateral jjrogram we are requesting 
$l7i* million for fiscal year 19G1, an of $12 
million over the program for this current fiscal 
year. Approximately one-third of (lie increase 
occui-s In-cause of expansion of oju'ralioiis in Af- 
rica, with tiio balance of the increase. Ijeing for 
selected purposes in other parts of this worldwide 


In conclusion may I restate my conviction that 
the program being presented to the Congress is 
responsive to the instructions of the Congress and 
will enable us to advance toward the objectives 
and purposes to which we are all dedicated. ' 


Development Assistance Group 
Agrees To Hold Further Talks 

Following is the text of a communiqite issued 
by the Development Assistance Group ^ on March 
11 at the close of its first meeting, which con- 
vened at Washington March P, together tcith a list 
of the members of the participating delegations. 


Press release 122 dated March 14 

The Development Assistance Group which con- 
vened on March 9 under the Chairmanship of 
Ambassador [Egidio] Ortona of Italy has com- 
pleted its first meeting. The participants were: 
Belgium, Canada, France, the Federal Republic 
of Germany, Italy, Japan, Portugal, the United 
Kingdom, the United States, and the Commission 
of the European Economic Community. The 
terms of reference, as agreed in Paris on January 
U, 19G0, are attached. 

' For background, .see Bulletin of Feb. 1, 1960, p. 139, 
and Mar. 21, lOCO, p. 440. 

All the members recognized the great impor- 
tance of an increase in the total flow of develop- 
ment assistance to the less developed areas and 
indicated their intention to continue to work ac- 
tively towards this objective within (lie limits of 
their resources. A major step in this elfort was 
recognized to be the elaboration of individual gov- 
ernment measures which might facilitate the ex- 
tension of development financing. The Group 
also discussed various aspects of improving avail- 
able information from the membere and from ap- 
propriate international organizations which would 
be helpful in making development assistance most 

During its session the Group explored a num- 
ber of questions relating to forms and types of 
finance made available by the participating coun- 
tries and the European Economic Community to 
the less developed areas. At this fii-st meeting 
primary attention was directed towards methods 
and means of improving the flow of bilateral aid. 

The Group agreed that its efl'orts should not 
involve discussion of amounts of financing for 
particular regions, countries, or projects. 

Apn\ n, I960 


The Group heard reports from the International 
Bank, the IMF [International Monetary Fund], 
and the OEEC [Organization for European Eco- 
nomic Cooperation] Secretariat on aspects of 
their activities relevant to questions of economic 

Eepresentatives of the participating countries 
and the EEC Commission reported on their re- 
spective approaches to the question of ways and 
means of extending financing to the less developed 

Representatives of United States agencies re- 
ported in some detail on the experience of the 
United States and the scope and form of United 
States activities in promoting economic develop- 
ment in the less developed areas. 

The Group agreed to discuss further the prin- 
ciples of development aid at its next meeting. 
The Group also invited the members to submit 
proposals for improving the exchange of infor- 
mation and methods of consultation and coordi- 
nation. It agreed on the usefulness to it of the 
current work of the OEEC in clarification of the 
various types of capital flows to the less developed 

The Group decided that similar informal and 
consultative meetings could usefully be held pe- 
riodically and accepted the invitation of the Gov- 
ernment of the Federal Republic of Germany to 
meet in Bonn in about three months time. 

Resolution on Development Assistance 

Tlic Special Economic Vmntnittee 

Hari»(/ hecn informed of the desire of the GoTeniments 
of Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, 
the United Kingdom, and the United States, and the Com- 
mission of the European Economic Community, who, in 
addition to their contribution to international organiza- 
tions, are making available or may be in a position to 
make available a significant flow of long term fimds to 
underdeveloped areas, to discuss among themselves the 
question of te(hni(|ues to facilitate such flow of funds, 
taking into consideration other means of assistance to 
developing countries ; 

Notes that these eight goverinnents and the Commission 
of the Eurojiean Economic Conunuuity intend to meet to- 
gether to discuss various aspects of cooperation in their 
efforts, and to invite other additional capital exporting 
countries to participate in their work or to meet with 
them as may from time to time appear desirable, and to 
consult with such multilateral organizations as the In- 
ternational Bank for Reconstruction and Development 
and I lie European Investment Bank. 


Press release 111 dated March 9 


Andr6 van Campenhout, Executive Director, Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund and International Bank for Re- 
construction and Development 

Jean-Paul van Bellinghen, Second Secretary, Embassy of 
Belgium, Washington 

Jean Valley, Counselor to the Permanent Delegation to 
the European Communities 


A. F. W. Plumptre, Assistant Deputy Minister of Finance 
O. E. Ault, Administrator of International Economic and 

Technical Cooperation Division, Department of Trade 

and Commerce 
Sidney Pollock, Director, International Programs and 

Contributions, Department of Finance 
D. R. Taylor, Chief, Economic II Division, Department 

of External Affairs 
George Watts, Special Assistant, Research Department, 

Bank of Canada 
V. L. Chapin, Assistant Director, International Trade 

Relations Branch, Department of Trade and Commerce 
C. L. Read, Alternative Executive Director, IBRD, and 

Financial Counselor, Embassy of Canada, Washington 
James Langley, First Secretary, Embassy of Canada, 



Herv6 Alphand, Ambassador of France, Washington 
Jean Cottier, Financial Counselor, Embassy of the 

French Republic, Washington 
Olivier Manet, Counselor, Embassy of the French Repub- 
lic, Washington 
Jean-Pierre Brunet, Foreign Office 
Claude-Pierre Brossolette, Insi)ector of Finance 
Rene Larre, French Administrator of IBRD 

Federal Repiihlic of Germany 

Guenther Harkort, Chief of the Commercial Policy De- 
partment, Foreign Oflice 

Dietrich Keller, Foreign Oflice 

Ernst vom Hofe, Chief of the Section for Private Banking 
and Stock Exchanges, Jlinistry of Economics 

Kurt Feldman. Ministry of Finance 

Albert F. Ernecke, Commercial Counselor, German Em- 
bassy, Washington 

Karl-Gerhard Seeliger, First Secretary, German Embassy, 

O. Donner, Executive Director, IBRD 


Egidio Ortona, Italian Ambassador to the United Nations 

Luciano Giretti, Dei)uty Director of General Economic 
Affairs, Dei)artment of External Affairs 

Giorgio Cigliana-Piazza, Bank of Italy, and Deputy Gov- 
ernor of IBRD 

Giovanni Luciolli, Counselor, Embassy of Italy. Wash- 

Carlo Gragnani, Executive Director. IMF 


Department of State Bulletin 

Mario Mngliiino, Deimrtinciit ot Kxtonml Afliiirs 
Itnlo Jamnu-i'lli, Department of Foreinn Trade 


SliiKenulm Shima, neput.v Vloe Minister for Foreign 
AfTairs. ForeiKii Otllce 

(leuKo Suzuki, Fiiiaiuial Minister, Kmbassy of Japan, 

Seiiehi Sato, Commercial Minister, Kmbassy of Japan, 

Hideniichi Kira, First Secretary, Embassy of Jupan, 

Masiio Sawaki. Thief, Economic Cooperation Section, Bu- 
reau of Kcononiic Affairs. Foreign office 

Shogo Yonezawa. Kcononiic Cooperation Division, Foreign 

Iliroaki Fujii. Attacht'-, Embassy of Japan, Washington 


Albano Pires Fernandes Nogueirn, Assistant Director 
General for Economic Affairs, Foreign Office 

Albino Cabral Pessoa, Financial Counselor, Portuguese 
Embassy, Washington 

Armenio Fonseca Li)i>es, Secretary General, Bank of 

Rlcardo Faria Blanc, Ministry of Finance 

Jose Brito Guterres, Ministry of Overseas Provinces 

United Kingdom 

Denis Rickett, Third Se<Tetary, Her Majesty's Treasury 
Robert Hall. First Economic Adviser to the Treasury 
L. Thompson-McCausland, Adviser to the Governor, Bank 

of England 
The Karl of Cromer, E>?onomic Minister, British Embassy, 

Geoffrey M. Wilson, Financial Attach^, British Embassy, 

John Chadwick, Counselor, Foreign Office 

United States 

Douglas Dillon, Under Secretary of State 
T. Graydon Upton, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury 
Edwin M. Martin. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State 
Avery Peterson. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State 
Ivan B. White, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State 
Alfred von Klemperer, Assistant to the Secretary of the 

Manuel Abranis. Department of State 
Donald W. Curtis, Department of the Treasury 
Ruth Kupinsky. Department of State 
Philip P. Schaffner, Department of the Treasury 
William V. Turnage, Department of State 
George H. Willis, Department of the Treasury 

European Economic Community 

Robert I.emaigiien, Member of the fominission 

Franco Bobba, Director General, Economic and Financial 

Helmut Allardt, Director General, Associated Overseas 

Countries and Territories 
Robert Faniel. Director. General External Relations 
Frederic Boyer de la Giroday. Financial Ex[>ert 

April 7 1, 1960 

PAHO and SEATO Designated 
Public International Organizations 


Whito House press rclonsp (Intcd February 18 

White House Announcement 

The President on February 18 issued an Execu- 
tive order desijrnatinj; the Pan American Health 
Orpaiiiziition (PAIIO) as a public inteniational 
organization entitled to the benefits of liie Inter- 
national Organizations Immunities Act of Decem- 
ber 20, 1945. 

The International Organizations Immunities 
Act provides that certain privileges, exemptions, 
and immunities shall be extended to such public 
international organizations as shall have been des- 
ignated by the President through appropriate 
Executive order, and to their officers and em- 
ployees and to the representatives of member 
states to such organizations. 

The act grants designated international organi- 
zations immunity from suit and judicial i)rocess 
and exempts them from customs duties and in- 
ternal revenue taxes imposed upon goods and ef- 
fects imported by the organizations for their 
ofRcial use. In addition, the organizations are 
granted juridical personality thereby enabling 
them to enter into contracts and to acquire and 
dispose of real and personal property. The or- 
ganizations are exempt from including as gross 
income for income tax purposes the income they 
derive from investments in the United States. 
Representatives of foreign governments in or to 
designated international organizations and the 
officers and employees of such organizations are 
granted immunity from suit and legal process re- 
lating to acts performed by them in their official 
capacity and falling within their functions as 
such representatives, officers, or employees. Rep- 
resentatives of governments and nonresident alien 
officers and employees of designated organiza- 
tions may exclude from gross income for income 
tax purposes the salaiy paid them by the employ- 
ing government or international organization. 

The Pan American Health Organization had its 
origin in a resolution adopted at the Second Inter- 
national Conference of American States held in 
1901-02, whicii recommended the convening of 


periodic public health conferences of representa- 
tives of the American Republics and the creation 
of a permanent international sanitary bureau in 
Washington. As a result of this resolution, the 
First General International Sanitaiy Conference 
of the American Republics was held in Washing- 
ton in December 1902 ; this Conference established 
the International Sanitary Bureau and defined its 
functions. The name was changed to "Pan 
American Sanitary Bureau" in 1923, and in 1924 
a revised Pan American Sanitary Code was em- 
bodied in a new convention which broadened the 
scope of the Bureau's activities. In 1947 the 
name "Pan American Sanitary Organization" was 
adopted when a reorganization plan was ap- 
proved. At this time the Organization was des- 
ignated to serve as the regional office of the World 
Health Organization in the Western Hemisphere. 
In 1958 the Organization's name was again 
changed to the "Pan American Health Organi- 
zation" to reflect more accurately the activities 
and purpose of the Organization. The name 
"Pan American Sanitary Bureau" will be con- 
tinued and will apply to the secretariat, or admin- 
istrative organ, of the PAHO. 

The functions and objectives of the Organiza- 
tion include a continuing attack on disease at its 
sources, reduction or elimination of the necessity 
of costly quarantines, and the stimulation and sup- 
port of national health authorities in the Americas 
in their efforts to control disease. 

All of the 21 American Republics are members 
of the PAHO. 

The Organization is governed by an executive 
committee composed of seven members which are 
elected by the Directing Council or the Confer- 
ence when it convenes. A general conference of 
the entire membership is held every 4 years. 

Executive Order 10864 > 

Designating the Pan American Health Organization 
AS A Public International Organization Entitled to 
Enjoy CEatTAiN Privileges, Exemptions, and 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 1 of 
the International Organizations Immunities Act, ap- 
proved December 29, 1945 (59 Stat. 6C9), and having 
found that the United States participates in the Pan 
American Health Organization pursuant to the authority 
of the Pan American Sanitary Convention ratified by the 
President on March 28, 1925, with the advice and con- 

sent of the Senate given on February 23, 1925 (44 Stat. 
2031, TS 714), I hereby designate the Pan American 
Health Organization as a public international organiza- 
tion entitled to enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and 
Immunities conferred by the International Organizations 
Immunities Act 

The designation of the Pan American Health Organiza- 
tion as a public international organization within the 
meaning of the International Organizations Immunities 
Act is not intended to abridge in any respect privileges, 
exemptions, and immunities which that organization may 
have acquired or may acquire by treaty or congressional 

The designation of the Pan American Health Organ- 
ization made by this order shall be deemed to include the 
designation of the Pan American Sanitary Bureau. The 
designation of the Pan American Sanitary Bureau made 
by Executive Order No. 9751 of July 11, 1946, is hereby 
superseded, and that order is amended accordingly. 

The White House, 
February 18, 1960. 

/J (.JL^y Li~iUO-<jL^ A/u.>'>^ 

' 25 Fed. Reg. 1507. 


White House Press release dated Fcbrnary 20 
White House Announcement 

The President on February 20 issued an Execu- 
tive order designating the Southeast Asia Treaty 
Organization (SEATO) as a public international 
organization entitled to the benefits of the Inter- 
national Organizations Immunities Act of De- 
cember 29, 1945. 

The International Organizations Immunities 
Act provides that certain privileges, exemptions, 
and immunities shall be extended to such public 
international organizations as shall have been 
designated by the President through appropriate 
Executive order, and to their officere and em- 
ployees and the representatives of member states 
to such organizations. 

The act grants designated international organ- 
izations immunity from suit and judicial process 
and exempts them from customs duties and in- 
ternal revenue taxes imposed upon goods and 
effects imported by the organizations for their 
official use. In addition, the organizations are 
granted juridical personality thereby enabling 
them to enter into contracts and to acquire and 
dispose of real and personal property. The or- 
ganizations are exempt from including as gross 

Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

income for income tax purposes tlie income they 
derive from investments in the United States. 
Representatives of foreigia governments in or to 
designated international organizations and the 
ollicers and employees of such organizations are 
granted immunity from suit and legal process re- 
lating to acts j>erforme<l by tliem in their official 
capacity and falling witliin their fxuictions as such 
representatives, officere or employees. Repre- 
sentatives of governments and nonresident alien 
officers and employees of designated organiza- 
tions may exclude from gross income for income 
tax purposes the salary paid them by the employ- 
ing government or international organization re- 
spectively. These individuals are exempt also 
from the application of the Social Security Act, 
the Federal Insurance Contributions Act, and the 
Federal Unemployment Tax Act. 

The United States joined Austi^alia, France, 
Nevr Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thai- 
land, and the United Kingdom on September 8, 
1954, in signing the Southeast Asia Collective De- 
fense Treaty.- This treaty, which established the 
Southeast Asia Ti-eaty Organization, came into 
force on Febniary 19, 1955, when it had been 
ratified by the eight signatory countries. The 
headquarters of the Organization is at Bangkok. 

In signing the Southeast Asia Collective De- 
fense Treaty, the parties declared their faith in 
the purpose and principles set forth in the United 
Nations Charter, their belief in the principle of 
equal rights and self-determination of all peoples, 
their sense of unity in providing for the preserva- 
tion of peace and security, and their desire to pro- 
mote through indi\'idual and collective efforts the 
economic well-being of all peoples in the treaty 

Executive Order 10866 ' 

Desionatino the Southeast Asia Tbeatt Oboanizatior 
AS A Public International Oeoanization Entitled 
To Enjoy Cesitain Pbivileoes, Exemptions, and 

By virtue of the authority vested In me by section 1 of 
the International Organizations Immunities Act, approved 
December 29, 1945 (59 Stat. 069), and having found that 
the United States participates In the Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization pursuant to the authority of the 
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty ratified by the 
President on February 4, ig.^S, with the advice and con- 

sent of the Senate given on February 1, 1955 (0 UST 81, 
T.I.A.S. ;U70), I hereby designate the Southeast Asia 
Treaty Organization as a public international organiza- 
tion entitled to enjoy the privileges, exemptions, and im- 
munities conferred by the International Organizations 
Immunities Act. 

The designation of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza- 
tion as a iiublic international organization within the 
meaning of the International Organizations Immunities 
Act Is not Intended to abridge In any respect privileges, 
exemptions, and Immunities which that organization may 
have acquired or may acquire by treaty or congressional 

The White House, 
February 20, 1960. 

X-) i.JL>y Cj'SCJO-tL.L^ Art<j^ 

" For text, see Bulletin of Sept 20, 1954, p. 393. 
• 25 Fed. Reg. 1584. 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

U.N. Commission on Status of Women 

The Department of State annoiuiced on March 
24 (press release 153) the meml>oi-s of the U.S. 
delegation to the 14th session of tlie Commission 
on Status of Women of the U.N. Economic and 
Social Council, which will convene at Buenos 
Airas March 28. 

Lorena B. Hahn will head the delegation in her 
capacity as U.S. Representative on the Commis- 
sion. She will lie assi.sted by Mary B. Goodliue, 
meml)er of the law firm of Goodhue and Liebowitz, 
Mt. Kisco, N.Y. : Alice A. Morrison, cliief. Divi- 
sion of Women's Labor Law and Civil and Politi- 
cal Status, Women's Bureau, Department of 
Labor; and Julian L. Nugent, Jr., U.S. Embassy, 
Buenos Aires, as advisers. 

The Commission is an advisory body to the Eco- 
nomic and Social Council. It was establi.shed in 
194C for the purpose of preparing recommenda- 
tions and reports on promoting women's rights in 
political, economic, civil, social, and educational 
facilities. It also makes recommendations to the 
Council on urgent problems in line with the ob- 
jectives stated in the United Nations Charter, 
which reaffirms faith in the equal rights of men 
and women. 

Matters to be discus.sed at this session include 
the political rights of women, equal pay for equal 
work, economic opj^ortunities, and elimination of 
diild marriages. 

AprW I J, I960 



U.S. and The West Indies 
Sign Financial Agreement 

Press release 1-13 dated March 22 

The Department of State announced on March 
22 the signing of an agreement with The West 
Indies to increase the financial resources of the 
new Caribbean federation's Development Loan 
and Guaranty Fund. The U.S. Government 
agreed to provide, through the International Co- 
operation Administration, $2.5 million to be added 
to moneys already appropriated by The West 
Indies for the newly established development fund. 

The fund is designed to fill urgent needs in the 
investment field in Tlie West Indies by encourag- 
ing greater private participation in the process of 
economic development, facilitating the greater 
use of available loan capital at reasonable terms 
and interest rates, and attracting additional in- 
ternal and external capital. 

The federal Development Loan and Guaranty 
Fund will assist in carrying out development 
measures on a regional basis (particularly in 
small- and medium-sized industry and tourism) 
which could not be started for lack of internal 
financial resources or of investment institutions 
extending long-term credits. 

The agreement was signed at the diplomatic 
reception room of the Depai-tment of State by 
Roliert Bradshaw, Federal Minister of Finance 
of The West Indies, and Rollin S. Atwood, ICA 
Regional Director for Latin American Operations. 

Current Actions 


Automotive Traffic 

ConvciifKiii coiici'i-ning cTistdiiis facilities for touring. 

Done at New Yorli .Tune 4. 10.")4. Entered into foree 

September 11, 1!).".". TIAS .3S7!). 

h'atifinitidn driionitcfl : Bulgaria, October 7, l!).".'.); I'liil- 
ilipines. February !», 1!M!(). 
Customs convention on temporary importation of iirivate 

road veliicles. Done at New York .Iiuie 4. I'.ri4. Kn- 

tered into force Dwember 15, 11>.')7. TIAS 3!»43. 

h'dtiflcation dcponitcd: Philippines, February 9, 1960. 

Cultural Property 

Convention for the protection of cultural property in the 
event of armed conflict and regulations of execution. 
Done at The Hague May 14. 1954. Entered into force 
August 7. 1956.' 

Accession deposited: Dominican Republic, January 5, 


Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime 
of genocide. Done at Paris December 9, 1948. En- 
tered into force January 12, 1951.' 
Ratification deposited: Peru, February 24, 1960. 


Amendments to articles 24 and 25 of the ^\'o^ld Health 
Organization Constitution of July 22. 1946 (TIAS 
1808). Adopted by the 12th World Health Assembly, 
Geneva May 28, 19.59." 

Acceptances deposited: Federation of Malaya, Febru- 
ary 4, 1960; Libya and Paraguay, February 8, 1960; 
El Salvador, February 10. 1960; Bulgaria, Febru- 
ary 11, 1960; Pakistan, February 12, 1960; Poland, 
February 18, 1960 ; Honduras and India, February 
23, 1960; Canada, February 25, 1960. 


Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) annexed 

to the international telecommunication convention of 

December 22. 19.52 (TIAS 3266), with appendixes and 

tinal protocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 1958. 

Entered into force January 1. 1960. TIAS 4390. 

Notification of approval: Ethiopia, January 29, 1960; 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, February 6, 

1960; Netherlands (with reservations) and Pakistan, 

February 10, I960. 

Trade and Commerce 

Declaration on the provisional accession of Israel to the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Done at 
Geneva May 29. 1959. Entered into force October 9, 
1959; for the United States December 19, 1959. TIAS 
Sigtiature: Chile, February 1, 1960. 


Germany, Federal Republic of 

Agreement extending agreement for the lease of air navi- 
gation eiiuipment of August 2, 19.55, as extended (TIAS 
34(54 and 4(K>2). Effected by exchange of notes at 
Bonn November 3, 19.59, and January 8, 1960. Entered 
into force January 8. 1960. 

Agreement relating to the return of the Emden-Cherbourg- 
Horta submarine telegraph cable to German ownership. 
Effected by exchange of n()tes at AVasbingtou Novem- 
ber 4, 1959, and .March 16. 1960. Entered into force 
March 16, 19<>0. 


Agreement relating to radio communications between 
amateur stations on behalf of third parties. Effecte<l 
by exchanges of notes at Tegucigalpa October 26, 19.59, 
and Febru.iry 17 and 19, 1960. Entered into force 
JIarcb 17, IIKJO. 


Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities 
November 13. 19.59. as suiiplemeuted 

agreement ot .m»*i'iiuh:i j.j. ii».»i', .»?. >iiiJi'n-iiiruit-»i 
(TIAS 4.!.54 and 4400). EffiHted by exchange of notes 
:il V.'ashington March 21, 1960. Entered into force 
JIarch 21. 1960. 

' Not in force for the United States. 
^ Not in force. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

April 11, 1900 


Vol. XLII, No. 108S 

American Republics. I'AHo and SE.VTO Desis- 
nntcd I'lililic Internntionnl Orgauiziitlons (texts 
of Kxecutive orders) 


Atomic EnerRv 

PresidiMit and Mr. Marmillnu Discuss Nuclear Test 

Negotiations (Haperty) "'-17 

StHTctary Herter's News Conference of March i") ri47 

Brazil. Secretary Herter's News Conference of 

-March 2."» •">■!" 

China, Communist. U.S. Protests Imprisonment of 

Bishop Walsh (Herter) 5.56 

CoHKress, The. The Mutual Security Program for 
Fiscal Year ISKJl (Herter. Dillon. Kiddle- 

Cuba. Secretary Herter's New.s Conference of 
March 25 

Cultural Exchange. Polish Deputy Prime Minister 
Visits I'nitetl States 

Disarmament. Secretary Herter's News Confer- 
eiue of March 2.") 



Economic Affairs 

Development Assistance Group .\grees To Hold 
Further Talks (text of commuuiiiue, delegation) . 

Trade Talks With Venezuela 

U.S. Auuouures Naticmal Proirram for Expansion 
of Kxport Trade (Eisenhower, Dillon, Ray, and 
report of interagency task force) 


Secretary Herter's News Conference of March 25 
United States Releases Document Defining Special 
Status of Berlin ( text of 1944 agreement ) . . . 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Development Assistance Group Agrees To Hold 
Furtlicr Talks (text of commiuiiiiue. delegation) . 

PAHO and SE.\TO Designated Public International 
Organizations (texts of Exet'utive orders) . . 

U.N. Commission on Status of Women (delega- 
tion ) 


Iran. Letters of Credence 

Lebanon. U.S. To Send Grain to Lebanon . . . 

Military Affairs. Secretary Gates Answers Ques- 
tions on National Defense 

Mutual Security 

The Mutual Se<-urity Program for Fiscal Year 1961 
(Herter. Dillon, Riddleberger) 

Secretary Gates Answers Questions on National 

U.S. and The West Indies Sign Financial Agree- 

U.S. To Send Grain to Lebanon 






Poland. Polish Deputy Prime Minister Visits 

United States 557 

Portugal. President To Visit Portugal .... 5.56 

Presidential Documents 

PAHO and SE.\TO Designatwl Public International 

Organizations .579 

U.S. .Announces National Program for Expansion of 

Export Trade 560 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 582 

U.S. and The West Indies Sign Financial Agree- 
ment 582 

I'liitcd States Releases I>x-ument Defining Special 

Status of Berlin ( text of ltM4 agreement) . . . .5.^ 

I'nion of .South Africa. Secretary Herter's News 

Coiifercni'e of .March 25 .54V 


Secretary Herter's News Conference of .Manli 25 ,54/ 

United States Releases Document Dctining SiKK'ial 

Status of Berlin (text of 1944 agreement) . . . .5.54 

United Kingdom 

President and .Mr. Macmillan Discuss Nuclear Test 

Negotiations (Hagerty) 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of March 25 

Venezuela. Trade Talks With Venezuela . . . 

West Indies, The. U.S. aud The West Indies Sign 
Financial Agreement 

Xame Index 

Dillon, Douglas 561, 

ELsenhower, President .5(50, 

Gates, Thomas S 

Hagerty, .Tames G 

Herter, Secretary ,547, ,5,56, 

Ray, Philip A 

Riddleberger, James W 





Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. I'AHO and 
SEATO Designated Public International Organ- 
izations (texts of Executive orders) 


Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: March 21-27 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington 25. D.C. 

Releases issued prior to March 21 which appear 
in this i.ssue of the Bui.i.eti.v are Nos. Ill of 
March 9, 122 of March 14, 124 of March 1.5, 128 
of March l(i, 129 of March 17, and 138 of March 18. 


Revisions in program for visit of Span- 
ish Foreign Minister. 

I-K)an to Morocco. 

Financial agreement with West Indies. 

Imprisonment of Hishoi) Walsh liy 
Communist China. 

Dillon : testimony on 1961 Mutual Se- 
curity Program. 

Herter : testimony on 1961 Mutual 
Security Program. 

Iran credentials (rewrite). 

Herter, Castiella : arrival of Spanish 
Foreign Minister. 

Riddleberger : testimony on 1961 Mu- 
tual Security Program. 

Program for visit of Polish Deputy 
Prime Minister. 

U.S.-Spaiu communique. 

Legal status of Berlin (with map) 
( rewrite). 

Delegation to I'.N. Couuni.ssion on 
Status of Women (rewrite). 

FiHxl grains sent to Lebanon. 

Herter : news conference. 

Wilcox : "The New Africa and the 
United Nations." 

*.\ot printetl. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bxilletin, 































United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 






A Summary Presentation 




Proposed mutual security programs for fiscal year 1961 are out- 
lined in this 125-page pamphlet prepared jointly by the Depart- 
ment of State, Department of Defense, International Cooperation 
Administration, and the Development Loan Fund. The booklet 
is a summary of the annual request for fimds submitted to Con- 
gress for its consideration and includes the text of the President's 
message to Congress on the program. 

Part I of the pamphlet reviews proposals for major aspects of 
the program, including military assistance, defense support, spe- 
cial assistance, the Development Loan Fund, teclmical cooperation, 
tlie contingency fund, and other programs. Part II discusses the 
program by regions. Part III deals with such related matters 
as free-world cooperation in assisting less developed areas, the 
surplus agricultural commodity program, stimulation of private 
investment in the less developed areas, and the impact of the 
Mutual Security Program on the U.S. economy. 

The pamphlet is illustrated with charts, graphs, and plioto- 
graphs. Copies may be purchased from the Superintendent of 
Documents, U.S. Govei*nment Printing Office, for 55 cents each. 

Order For)n 

Supt. of Dorumcnts ■ 
Covf. Prinlins t)fllio 

\\ ;i>hin>»(on 2."i. D.C. 

EnclDHfd find: 

( ciiah , checlc.or inont ii 
order pnfiublc to 

Supt. of I)(ICH.) 

Please send me copies of The Mutual Security Program, Fiscal Year 

1961, A Summary Presentation. 


Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 


Vol. XLII, No. 1086 

AprQ 18, 1960 











by Assistant Secretary Wilcox ^89 

on Regional Programs Before the House Foreign Affairs 

AFRICA: by Assistant Secretary Satterthicaite 603 


Secretary Jones "*" 

EUROPE: by Assistant Secretary Kohler 618 

LATIN AMERICA: by Assistant Secretary Rubottom . . 623 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUN 1-1960 

DEPOSITORY For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLII, No. 1086 • Publication 6977 
April 18, 1960 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Qovemment Printing Offlea 

Washington 2fi, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.26 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approvc<l by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1968). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained heroin may 
be reprhitod. Citation of the Department 
or State Bulletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on de- 
velopments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Depart- 
ment of State and the Foreign Service, 
The BULLETIN includes selected press 
releases on foreign policy, issued by 
the White House and the Department, 
and statetnents and addresses made 
by the President and by the Secretary 
of State and other officers of the De- 
partment, as tcell as special articles on 
various phases of international affairs 
and tlie functions of the Department. 
Information is included concerning 
treaties and international agreements 
to which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of general 
international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

President Eisenhower and Prime iVIinister Macmiilan 
Discuss Nuclear Test Negotiations 

President Eisenhower and British Prime Min- 
ister Harold MacmiUan met at Camp David, Md., 
March 28 and 29 to discuss the present state of 
negotiations at the Geneva Conference on the 
Discontinuance of Nuehar Weapons Tests. Fol- 
lowing are texts of a statement by President Eisen- 
hower released jointly by the United Kingdovn, 
and the United States on March 28, a joint decla- 
ration of March 29, and a welcoming statement 
nuule by Secretary Herter on March 26, when 
Prime Minister Macmiilan arrived at Andrews 
Air Force Base. 


White House (Camp David) press release dated March 28 

The Prime Minister and I have agreed upon tlie 
following statement as vre begin our conversations 
at Camp David: 

The main object of this meeting, of course, is to 
consider tlie present state of the negotiations in 
Geneva for the suspension of nuclear tests. We 
will be studying the various aspects of the most 
recent Soviet proposal ^ and wjiat this proposal 
means to the free world. 

This Geneva Conference has rightly attracted 
the attention of the entire world. It is dealing 
witli a subject of interest to all people and not just 
the three countries engaged in the negotiation. 

Certainly both of us are aware of the impor- 
tance of arriving at a properly safeguarded agree- 
ment with the Soviet Union on the suspension of 
nuclear tests, lx)th because of the intrinsic impor- 
tance of this objective and because of the impetus 
which it might give to progress in tlio broader 
Held of the reduction and control of armaments. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Apr. 11, 19C0, p. 547, 
footnote 1. 

We are confident that out of our talks here will 
come agreement on how we proceed as partners in 
this all-important task of helping to bring a true 
and just peace to the world. With this explanation 
of the purpose of the meeting we are sure you will 
not expect to get too much in the way of spot news 
during the course of our discussions. 


White House (Camp David) press release dated March 29 

President Eisenhower and Prime Minister Mac- 
miilan have discussed the present position of the 
nuclear tests conference at Geneva between the 
United States, United Kingdom and the Soviet 

It has been, and remains, the earnest desire of 
both the United States Government and Her 
Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom to 
achieve, by international agreement, the total pro- 
hibition of all nuclear weapons tests, under effec- 
tive international control. 

Wlien the Geneva Conference began seventeen 
months ago, there was reason to hope from the 
preliminary scientific discussions which had pre- 
ceded it that there would be no insuperable tech- 
nical or scientific difficulties in establishing an 
effective control system capable of detecting nu- 
clear tests of all kinds. Subsequently, however, 
it appeared from further scientific research that 
in our present state of knowledge there are great 
technical problems involved in setting up a con- 
trol system wliich would be effective in detecting 
underground nuclear tests below a certain size. 
It is, however, the sincere hope of the President 
and the Prime Minister that an agreed program of 
coordinated scientific research, imdertaken by the 
three countries, will lead in time to a solution of 
tliis problem. 

April 18, 1960 


Meanwhile, the President and the Prime Min- 
ister believe that progress can be made toward 
their ultimate objective of a comprehensive agree- 
ment. They have agreed that much has been 
accomplished in these Geneva negotiations toward 
this objective. They point out that in the effort 
to achieve the early conclusion of a treaty there 
are a number of important specific problems to 
be resolved. These include the questions of an 
adequate quota of on-site inspections, the compo- 
sition of the Control Commission, control post 
staffing, and voting matters, as well as arrange- 
ments for peaceful purposes detonations. They 
believe that negotiation on these points should be 
speeded up and completed at the earliest po.ssible 
time. The Prime Minister and the President have 
agreed that as soon as this treaty has been signed 
and arrangements made for a coordinated research 
program for the purpose of progressively improv- 
ing control methods for events below a seismic 
magnitude of 4.75, they will be ready to institute a 
voluntary moratorium of agreed duration on 
nuclear weapons tests below that threshold, to be 
accomplished by unilateral declaration of each of 
the three powers. In order to expedite progress, 
the President and the Prime Minister have agreed 
to invite the Soviet Government to join at once 
with their two Goverimients in making arrange- 
ments for such a coordinated research program 
and putting it into operation. 

It is to be undei-stood that once the treaty is 
signed, ratification will have to follow the con- 
stitutional processes of each country. 

The President and the Prime Minister have 
agreed to give instructions to their delegates at 
Geneva in accordance with the spirit of tliis 



Press release 150 dated March 28 

Mr. Prime Minister, I welcome you to Wash- 
ington on behalf of the President. Your coming 
here is in accord with the longstanding practice 
of frequent consultation between the leaders of 
our two countries. We are glad to have you with 
us and are looking forwai'd to exchanging views 
with you on the problems which are of such im- 
portance to the peace and security of the world. 


United Nations Day, 1960 


Whereas the establishment of a just and enduring 
peace throughout the world is essential to the survival 
of civilization ; and 

Whereas the United Nations is a powerful instrument 
for guarding mankind against the calamity of war and 
for establishing the rule of law among nations ; and 

Whereas the United Nations has demonstrated its 
ability to assist in the orderly progress of dependent 
peoples toward self-government ; to help those who live in 
underdeveloped areas to become self-sustaining ; and to 
drive back the forces of disease and poverty wherever 
found ; and 

Whereas the United States supports the United Nations 
with unswerving loyalty as it works to advance the eco- 
nomic, social, and spiritual well-being of all peoples ; and 

Whereas the General Assembly of the United Nations 
has resolved that October twenty-fourth, the anniversary 
of the coming into force of the United Nations Charter, 
should be dedicated each year to making known the pur- 
poses, principles, and accomplishments of the United 

Now, therefore, I, DwiGHT D. Eisenhower, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby urge the citi- 
zens of this Nation to observe Monday, October 24, 1960, 
as United Nations Day by means of community programs 
which will demonstrate their faith in and support of the 
United Nations and contribute to a better understanding 
of its aims, problems, and achievements. 

I also call upon the officials of the Federal and State 
Governments and upon local officials to encourage citizen 
groups and agencies of the press, radio, television, and 
motion pictures to engage in appropriate observance of 
United Nations Day throughout the land in cooperation 
with the United States Committee for the United Nations 
and other organizations. 

In witness whereof, I have hereimto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 

Done at the City of Washington this thirty-Hrst day 
of March in the year of our Lord nineteen 

[seal] hundred and sixty, and of the Independence 
of the United States of America the one 
hundred and eighty-fourth. 

I$y the President : 
Christian A. Uerter, 
Secretary of Slate. 

' No. 3341 ; 25 Fed. Reg. 2831. 

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

The New Africa and the United Nations 

by Francis O. Wilcox 

Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs ^ 

I returned from Africa ^ profoundly impressed 
by the far-reacliing changes that are taking phice 
there. Tliese changes, which involve the transfer 
of political power to African leadership, consti- 
tute one of the most important developments of 
the 20th century. 

The whole continent is astir as the march to- 
ward self-government and independence continues 
with amazing speed. In most countries there is 
no longer any question as to whetlier independence 
will come; the only question is how soon. It is 
fairly safe to say that more new sovereign states 
will be created in Africa during the next few 
years than have ever been created before during 
any comparable period in world history. The 
1960's may well be the African decade. 

The challenge presented by these developments 
is of major importance to the United States and 
to the United Nations. I would like to examine 
with you tonight the main elements of that 

The Challenge of Africa 

The sheer size of Africa staggers the imagi- 
nation, confounds the scholar, and, I have had oc- 
casion to discover, wearies the traveler. It is as 
large as the United States, Western Europe, India, 
and the Chinese mainland put together. Within 
its borders live over 200 million people, including 
virtually all the races and religions of mankind. 
There are some 700 indigenous languages cur- 

' Address made at the University of Kentucky, I/exing- 
ton, Ky., on Mar. 2.5 (press release 157 dated Mar. 24). 

' Mr. Wilcox was in Africa from Jan. 21 to Feb. 19 ; he 
visited Tunisia, Kenya, Tanganyika, the Union of South 
Africa, the Republic of Congo, Nigeria, Ghana, and 

rently in use, with many of the educated leaders 
having mastered at least one modem European 

This world witliin a world is so diversified that 
one is tempted to describe it by paradox. It is 
the home of the world's shortest and tallest human 
beings, the Batwa, or pygmies, and Batutsi, who 
live side by side in the Tmst Territory of Ruanda- 
Urundi. The continent is burgeoning with nat- 
ural resources ; it is a treasure trove of diamonds, 
gold, and scarce minerals, and oil has been dis- 
covered in large quantities in the middle of one 
of the most desolate spots on earth, the Sahara. 
Despit« these riches you can find there some of the 
world's worst slums and abysmally low living 
standards. Over large areas of the continent there 
is acute race conflict, but at the same time a 
number of white Europeans, nominated and 
elected by black Africans, are now serving in legis- 
latures and cabinets in the self-governing st<ates 
of former French West and Equatorial Africa. 
Illiteracy is widespread; but there is a fervent 
desire for education, and most of the newly inde- 
pendent countries are devoting large proportions 
of tlieir time, effort, and money to teaching their 

Is anything certain in all this enormous, com- 
plex region? I think so. Africa is on the march. 
The achievement of political independence and 
economic growth is the burning aspiration of the 
overwhelming majority of the people of the con- 
tinent. From the outside this appears as the last 
stage of an important historical process, inevita- 
ble and a little disorderly, but for the people con- 
cerned it is a matter of great urgency. 

As more and more African states become inde- 
pendent, they tend to look to the United States 

April 18, I960 


and the United Nations for assistance in solving 
the prodigious problems which confront them. I 
believe that the future position of the United 
States and the free world is closely tied up with 
the success of their efforts. Certainly the failure 
of these people to achieve economic and social 
progress under free governments of their own 
choosing would be a serious setback to free-world 

Wliere does the United States stand with respect 
to these developments? Some critics have at- 
tempted to claim that our position has been marred 
by ambiguities and reservations; others have ac- 
cused us of going too far too fast. It seems to 
me that our attitude has been clear. There is no 
wavering in our conviction that the orderly transi- 
tion from colonial rule to self-government or inde- 
pendence should be carried resolutely to 
completion. We have said so repeatedly, and I am 
happy to say it again. Our history and traditions 
could not pennit us to react otherwise. 

Everywliere I went in Africa I found an en- 
couraging reservoir of good will for America. 
The people of Africa look upon the United States 
as a friend and as a nation that can naturally 
sympathize with their aims and aspirations. They 
would be greatly surprised and deeply disap- 
pointed if we did not extend a helping hand in 
their hour of need. 

Importance of African States in United Nations 

It is inevitable that the rapid evolution of what 
could once be described as the Dark Continent 
should have a profound effect on the United Na- 
tions. One measure of Africa's place in the world 
organization is that nearly one-third — 35 in all — 
of the 123 resolutions adopted by the 14th General 
Assembly last fall dealt specifically with African 
affairs. These resolutions ranged from such diffi- 
cult problems as French nuclear tests in the 
Sahara and race conflict in South Africa to less 
difficult but basic questions such as tJie training 
of indigenous civil servants in the trust 

If the United Nations has come to devote more 
and more time to discussion of African problems, 
world problems in general have been influenced 
increasingly by the presence in the U.N. of Af- 
rican states. There are now 10 African states in 
the United Nations: Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, 

Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia, the 
United Arab Republic, and the Union of South 
Africa. They will be joined later this year by 
at least five and possibly six or more new members : 
Cameroun, Togo, the Belgian Congo, Somalia, and 
Nigeria, and probably by the Mali Federation and 
the Malagasy Republic (Madagascar), whose 
leaders are now negotiating in Paris for full inde- 
pendence within a modified French Community. 

Not only is the continent of Africa on the move ; 
this revolution has called forth corresponding 
movement within the United Nations itself. It 
seems clear that within a very few years African 
states will become the largest single regional group 
in the United Nations. You will remember that 
there were 51 original members of the United Na- 
tions. There are now 82, and in anotlier few yeare 
membership will probably total over 100, with per- 
haps as many as 30 coming from tlie African 

There are some who argue that the prospective 
enlargement will mean that the United Nations 
will no longer be a useful instrument for jDromot- 
ing the national interests of the United States or 
promoting the cause of world peace. This strikes 
me as an unduly pessimistic view. That the Gen- 
eral Assembly will become more unwieldy is un- 
deniable. That the future growth of the United 
Nations will strengthen the anticolonial forces is 
likewise quite apparent. That the drive of the 
underdeveloped countries for a greater voice in 
international affairs and greater benefits to them 
will be enhanced is also evident. 

But there is no real cause for alarm. In practice, 
while there is a tendency for the African and 
Asian states to band together on certain issues, 
the states of Asia and Africa do not regularly 
vote together as a bloc. The so-called "Asian- 
African bloc" — which is a misnomer — is made up 
of states with differing interests arising from di- 
versity of history, culture, traditions, and geo- 
graphic location. 

There is great opportunity within the frame- 
work of the United Nations for cooperative efforts 
between ourselves and the African states to ad- 
vance our mutual interests. True, African mem- 
bers tlius far liave been mainly jireoccupied with 
colonial problems and the support of iiidepend- 
ence for the remaining dejiendent areas in Africa. 
They have tended to keep out of the controversies 
which liave divided the West and the Conmiunist 


Department of State Bulletin 

bloc. However, we can expect that the African 
states will focus their attention increasingly on 
problems of worldwide concern as the remaining 
dopondcncies attain sovereignty. 

We must not assume that the addition of numer- 
ous African states means that the United States 
will be outvoted in the United Nations. On issues 
vital to our interests and those of the free world, 
widespread support will continue to be forthcom- 
ing. There is, in fact, a broad identity of common 
interest which we share with the states of Africa. 
If we take into account in sufficient measure the 
aspirations and the objectives of so many of the 
newly emerging states, we can utilize the United 
Nations for constructive leadership. The United 
Nations has demonstrated time and time again a 
remarkable capacity for flexibility and adjustment 
in the face of new circumstances. 

In the expanded United Nations there will be 
more than ever before a premium on constructive 
policies. It is up to us to continue to bring for- 
ward such policies. We should not forget that the 
United Nations is in many ways a mirror of our 
political influence in the world, a barometer of 
relations among states. 

I am confident that with patience and resource- 
fulness our position in the United Nations, this 
j-ear and in the future, will continue to promote 
our interests and serve the cause of world peace. 

Challenge of African Issues in United Nations 

Since its beginning the United Nations has 
been deeply involved in the consideration of co- 
lonial and trusteeship questions in Africa and 
throughout the world. For our part we have 
sought to participate constructively in these dis- 
cussions. Since the days of Woodrow Wilson the 
United States has been largely responsible for 
universal acceptance of the idea that administer- 
ing powers should be accountable to the interna- 
tional community. I am convinced that the 
trustee.ship system has had a major impact on 
the development of the African Continent. It has 
set the sights of the administering powers on 
higher international standards of administration. 
It is no accident that five of the seven Afi-ican 
trust territories will have become independent by 
March 1961 and that important progress will also 
have been made by the non-self-governing 

In stating this, I do not wish to detract from 
the solid achievements of the United Kingdom, 
France, Belgium, and Italy in bringing their de- 
pendent peoples to the stage of independence. 

If colonialism is now rejected by virtually all 
Africans, one may well ask wliether its role has 
been lacking in constructive achievement. Some 
observers of African affairs insist that it has. It 
seems to me that the reverse is true. It is becom- 
ing more and more apparent that the system has 
played a necessary role in the political, social, 
and economic development of the continent. It 
has provided one of the essential channels through 
which the knowledge and skills of the more de- 
veloped countries could be made available to the 
peoples of Africa. In a recent statement former 
Ambassador Charles T. O. King of Liberia ex- 
plained that Liberian poverty stemmed from the 
fact that his country had always been independent 
and had therefore never reaped the material bene- 
fits of colonialism. The difference, he continued, 
was comparable to that between the home of a 
man who has had to accomplish everything by his 
own sweat and toil and that of a man who has en- 
joyed a large inheritance. 

There inevitably comes a time when a dependent 
people wishes to manage its own affairs. Once 
this stage is reached — and it has been attained in 
large areas of Africa — the wise administrator 
looks for a new relationship. That a modem and 
mutually beneficial relationship has been created 
so oft«n is indeed a tribute to the good sense of 
both partners. 

It is, of course, essential that any future rela- 
tionship between Africa and the Western nations 
be freely chosen by the African nations them- 
selves. Nevertheless, it is our earnest hope that 
the people of Africa will recognize the affinity of 
interests which they share not only with the 
United States but also with former administering 
powers of Western Europe. In other words, we 
hope that the colonial relationship can be replaced 
by a new relationship of friendship and coopera- 
tion based upon equality, mutual respect, and 
mutual benefit. 

One example among many is the new relation- 
ship being evolved between France and the Mali 
Federation, which I recently had occasion to ob- 
serve. After the independence of Mali in 1960, 
France will itself propose Mali's candidacy to the 

April 18, 7960 


United Nations. It appears to me that this prom- 
ises well for Mali's future, because it is a reflec- 
tion of the sentiments of mutual good will and 
imderstanding which characterize relations be- 
tween France and Mali. 

Algerian Question 

I would be less than candid if I did not admit 
that there were a number of other questions not 
so easily resolved and which cause us great con- 
cern. The Algerian question is a case in point. 
In Algeria a minority of European extraction lives 
amid a Muslim majority. These two communi- 
ties, which almost literally cannot survive without 
each other, find it difficult to live side by side under 
the tenns which have prevailed in the past. A 
Muslim nationalist movement has for the past 6 
years been fighting for the ultimate goal of Alger- 
ian independence. France denies that the nation- 
alist organization speaks for the mass of Algerians 
and, while trying to adapt the administration of 
Algeria to the changing times, is fighting to pre- 
vent the severance of Algeria's ties with France. 
In these circumstances, clearly, no solution is pos- 
sible without good faith and restraint by all 

We have great sympathy for and much in com- 
mon with France, our oldest ally. At the same 
time we believe it is important that effect be given 
to the aspirations of the people of Algeria by 
peaceful means. We are anxious to see an end to 
violence and bloodshed. We favor a just, peace- 
ful, and democratic solution. 

The bitterness of conflict, the shadow of fear, 
and the gnawing woiTy of uncertainty, all add to 
the inherent complexities of the problem. Last 
September President de Gaulle made a far-reach- 
ing and significant declaration concerning the 
problem of Algeria. In this declaration the prin- 
ciple of self-determination was recognized specifi- 
cally as being applicable to Algeria. We wel- 
comed this declaration, in the words of President 
Eisenhower, "containing explicit promises of self- 
determination for the Algerian peoples." ^ While 
recent difficulties in Algeria have not enhanced 
the prospects, the United States nevertheless con- 
tinues to hope that circumstances will evolve in 
such a way that a just, peaceful, and democratic 
solution for Algeria will soon be realized. 

Race Question in South Africa 

A quite different problem exists on the southern 
tip of the continent. 

The race question in the Union of South Africa 
is basic, extremely complex, and undoubtedly rep- 
resents one of the United Nations' thorniest prob- 
lems. The i)resent population of the Union is 
estimated at nearly 14 million, divided into 3 mil- 
lion Europeans, about 9 million Africans, ly^ mil- 
lion "coloreds," i.e. descendants of mixed 
marriages, and around V2 million Indians. The 
Union Govermnent lias officially espoused the doc- 
trine of apartheid, or separate development. In 
theory, apartheid eventually will be made fully 
effective by the removal of the Africans to their 
own self-administered reserves, but in the mean- 
time the black man is subject to a number of dis- 
criminatoi-y practices. 

This racial discrimination has been extensively 
debated at the United Nations, and for the last 2 
years resolutions critical of the Union's policy were 
adopted by overwhelming majorities.^ "Wliat is 
most serious in this situation is that the policy of 
apartheid is buttressed and formally approved by 
statute. Wliile recognizing the shortcomings of 
the Union of South Africa in the field of human 
rights, we have always been reluctant to smgle 
it out for criticism when so many other nations in 
the world, including our own, have not been be- 
yond reproach. 

We need all the understanding possible to cope 
with the problems found on the opposite tips of 
the continent. On the one hand, the sentiments 
of those who feel oppressed and discriminated 
against are easy to midei-stand. On the other 
hand, one can appreciate the feelings of people 
who established themselves in a new land at a time 
when our ancestors were doing the same thing on 
the soil of America but who now find tliemselves 
a minority in a restlessly stirring continent. But 
understanding need not mean approval, and I 
doubt that any policy based upon the long-range 
domination of one racial group by another can 
very long endure. 

This calls to mind the fundamental principle 
wliich was stated so well by the New York Tim^s 
not long ago: "If all God's chillun don't have 
wings, as the old spiritual says they do, then none 
of them have wings." 

" For texts of statements by President Eisenhower and 
Secretary Herter, see Bulletin of Oct. 12, 1959, ji. .^OO. 

' For background, see ibid., Nov. 24, 1958, p. 842, and 
Dec. 28. 1959, p. 948. 


Department of State Bulletin 

These are not the only areas in which racial 
conflict exists or can l)e foreseen. But tlie grati- 
fying tiling to mo is that it is so little prevalent. 
Over vast stretches of the continent the white man 
is accepted without hitterness or hatred and indi- 
viduals are judged in accordance with their per- 
sonalities and intentions. This surely speaks well 
for the character and personality of the peoples of 

Challenge of Assistance to New African States 

Otlu'r major African problems were aptly de- 
fined by IT.N. Secretary-General Hammarskjold 
recently. Following his 24-country African visit, 
the Secretary-General told a news conference on 
Februaiy -t: 

On the continent of Africa, there is the problem of per- 
sonnel. There is the problem of money. There is the 
problem of education, and there is the problem of, let 
us say, moral support in the reshaping and shaping of 
a nation. 

Wliat can the United States and the United 
Nations do to assist in these fields ? 

The requirement for trained personnel is acute 
in many parts of Africa. Civil services have un- 
til recently been staffed largely by trained Euro- 
pean administrators and technicians. Inevitably 
many of these will leave, once the countries they 
have helped to administer become independent. 
Even when they are willing to continue on the 
job, the new African governments have a per- 
fectly understandable desire to staff their bureauc- 
racies with indigenous personnel as rapidly as 
feasible. In those rare cases such as Guinea, 
where the attainment of independence was abrupt 
and angrj', prodigious problems can be posed for 
the African administrations. 

It has been argued that personnel shortages in 
Africa stem from shortcomings of the educational 
systems provided by the administering powers. 
This is only part of the truth. It seems that 
everyone, African and European alike, under- 
estimated the rapidity of political developments 
on the continent. European educators therefore 
usually stressed quality rather than quantity of 
education. The attitude of everyone concerned 
has been changing radically, and there is an in- 
tense desire on the part of Africans everywhere 
for education and a willingness on the part of 
Europeans to provide it. 

With few exceptions there is everywhere in 
Africa a clear lack of capital development and 

even of funds for basic government operations. 
The United Nations, for example, has long been 
concerned over the budgetary deficit which So- 
malia will face after independence, a deficit 
amounting to approximately $.5 million a year for 
at least the next 10 yeare. The problem of So- 
malia has been extensively debated and is gen- 
erally known because it was a U.N. trust territory, 
but the fact is there are a good many other 
African countries in similar financial straits. 

Until very recently United States assistance to 
African countries was but a minute proportion of 
our total world commitments. The emergence of 
so many independent African states presents us 
with real challenges, and to meet them the United 
States and the United Nations are actively plan- 
ning new programs of assistance. 

One approach is to expand our bilateral assist- 
ance. Congress has been asked to include in its 
appropriation for ICA for 1961 the sum of $20 
million for a special program for tropical Africa.' 
This sum would be over and above the normal ex- 
penditures of the International Cooperation Ad- 
ministration in Africa for technical assistance and 
capital development. We plan to use most of 
these funds in assisting African leaders with basic 
educational planning and program development, 
teacher training, language training, vocational 
and agricultural training programs, and related 
fields. It would also be used to encourage 
regional cooperation for the development of 
Africa's resources. 

United Nations Assistance 

We are also encouraging and supporting the 
utilization of the United Nations as a constructive 
force in the advancement of Africa. 

In 1959, for example, the U.N. sent over 600 
technical experts to Africa. It also gave fellow- 
ships to over 400 Africans, enabling them to study 
abroad in order to acquire tlie know-how that will 
help Africa to provide its own experts in the 
future. I believe this program should be sub- 
stantially increased. 

In addition, the United Nations Special Fund, 
established in 1959, launched in its first year of 
existence seven projects for Africa, with a total 
value of $5.5 million. These projects in Ghana, 
Nigeria, Guinea, Libya, and Egypt, together with 
one regional project, will help encourage further 

• See also p. 603. 

April 18, 7960 


investments of public and private funds on the 

Another new program, and one that is still in 
its experimental stages, is generally known as the 
OPEX program. This program will provide ex- 
perienced operational and executive personnel 
from abroad to serve as government officials in 
new countries where such assistance is requested 
because of a dearth of experienced people. Many 
requests for this type of assistance have been re- 
ceived by the United Nations from Africa, and it 
is expected that this program will be of real value 
to those countries. 

The specialized agencies of the United Nations 
are also doing increasingly important work in 
Africa. I might mention in particular the 
World Health Organization, the International 
Bank for Eeconstruction and DeveloiDment, the 
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul- 
tural Organization, the International Labor Or- 
ganization, and the Food and Agriculture 
Organization. There are still others besides these 
which put their specialized knowledge and skill to 
work to solve the pressing problems of under- 

More and more coimtries have been increasing 
their contributions to the United Nations assist- 
ance programs, but still greater contributions will 
be required if the U.N. is to meet the expanding 
needs in Africa. We have hopes that the neces- 
saiy financial resources will be forthcoming. We 
are sure that, if the U.N. can play its full role in 
assisting the development of the young countries 
of Africa, the benefits will accrue not only to 
Africa but to the U.N. and to ourselves and the 
world in general. 

"\^^lat is equally important to define and im- 
plement is what Mr. Hammarskjold called "moral 
sujjport in tlie reshaping and shaping of a nation." 
I think it can be explained by citing the words of 
one Ghanaian statesman: "What we want from 
(ho United States is sympathy for our aspira- 
tions, and understanding for our mistakes." 

U.S. Understanding of African Problems 

It has seemed (o me Unit (he United States was 
uniquely equipped (o understand African prob- 
lems and aspirations and to lend this moral sup- 
port. For example, there has been considerable 
discussion in this country recently about Africa's 
capacity to sustain democratic governments. 

I would like in this connection to quote briefly 
from an article entitled "Will Democracy Work 
in Africa?" by the outstanding Tanganyika po- 
litical leader, Mr. Julius Nyerere. Mr. Nyerere 
points out : 

A country's struggle for freedom . . . leaves no room 
for dififerences. ... It is this nationalist movement 
which fights for, and achieves, independence. It, there- 
fore, inevitably forms the first government of the inde- 
pendent state. It would surely be ridiculous to expect 
that a country should voluntarily divide itself for the 
sake of conforming to a particular expression of "democ- 
racy" which happens to be seen in terms of a government 
party and an opposition party ; and to expect a country 
to do this in midstream and during a struggle which calls 
for the complete unity of all its people. 

Mr. Nyerere's statement may well recall some 
of our own experiences after the American Rev- 
olution, when for a short period we had only one 
political party in our country. I would hope, 
however, that the one-party system where it exists 
in Africa will be designed to serve as a transition 
to a more advanced stage of democratic govern- 

Most of the political forces iii Africa today — 
the urge for independence, the attempt to form 
representative governments, and the campaign for 
African unity — can be illuminated by a return to 
our own history. There is something of a parallel 
here which has not escaped many African states- 
men, who often speak in terms of a "United States 
of Africa" or who otherwise mention the Ameri- 
can experience to throw light on their own diffi- 
culties. Nothing would disillusion the African 
more than to find that the lessons he has learned 
in American imiversities have been forgotten by 

There is another factor, apart from shared his- 
torical experience, that should facilitate under- 
standing between the Africans and ourselves. 
That is the very important fact that 10 percent of 
the American population is of African origin. 
Indeed, there are more people of African origin 
in the United States than there are in any otlier 
comitry or territory in the world except Nigeria. 
It is understandable that our people have watched 
African developments with strong interest. 
Among our own Negro fellow citizens tliere are 
many men and women who can play useful roles 
in building bridges between the United States and 

As I have pointed out above, there has been 


Departmenf of Sfafe Bullefin 

a pjreat deal of interest in the idea of a federated 
Africa or a "Unitwl States of Africa." Most 
African leadei-s witli whom I talked expresseil 
the view tiiat this is an ideal that does not have 
much practical sis;ni(icanco at the present time. In 
fact, eacli emerjiing state is now confronted with 
a formiilable array of urjicnt domestic problems 
which it must resolve. These matters must take 
I)riority over the complicated issuas involved in 
a united Africa. Consequently, even though there 
may be a tendency for certain states in particular 
regions to federate, or at the very least to work 
closely together on problems of mutual interest, 
I doubt very much if any significant progress to- 
ward a united Africa can be made in the near 

Special Problems of New Africa 

In looking to the future of Africa there are 
several very real dangers wliich the new countries 
will face and which most responsible African 
leaders readily acknowledge. Let me refer briefly 
to each of these. 

First of all, there will be the temptation not to 
use to the fullest the administrative competence 
and the technical know-how available among the 
white elements of the population. We can all 
recall just how much political appeal the maxim 
"Throw the rascals out" had during certain periods 
in our own history. By the same token, political 
extremists in Africa, disregarding their nation's 
welfare, may well insist upon the premature with- 
drawal of white men from positions of 

Such a trend could have disastrous conse- 
quences. It could result in lower standards of 
administration when better government should be 
the goal. It could engender hostility and animos- 
ity instead of the teamwork between the Europeans 
and the Africans that is so desperately needed. 
It could create instability and thus discourage 
foreign aid and private investment, both of which 
are essential to real progress. 

Another danger lies in the ever-present threat 
of Communist subversion and intrigue. It is true 
that in the countries I visited I heard few reports 
of any effective Communist activity. Indeed, at 
the present time there are relatively few individ- 
ual Communists or organized Communist parties 
on the continent. Such Communist parties as do 

exist in the independent African stat«s are small 
and severely circumscribed by governments jealous 
of their newly won independence. I am convinced, 
however, that in the future Communist leaders 
will redouble their efforts to increase their in- 
fluence among the young people, in the trade union 
movement, and in other strategic segments of the 
African population. 

The major Communist threat to Africa at the 
moment is an external one. By that I mean the 
pei-sistent attempts of international communism 
to penetrate and subvert the newly emerging na- 
tions of Africa. Although African governments 
generally are aware of the problem and seem de- 
termined to curtail subvei-sive activities, we must 
not imderestimate the ability of a few dedicated 
Communists to cause serious trouble. It is clear, 
if this threat is to be met, that necessary steps 
must bo taken to avoid the kind of political and 
economic instability that so often leads to Com- 
munist subversion. 

Finally, there is a danger that some of the new 
African states, encouraged by a spirit of intense 
nationalism and by intertribal rivalries, might en- 
gage in a competitive arms race that would lower 
their economic vitality and increase the risk of 
wars on that continent. Now arms control is very 
much like weight control, as every Western nation 
should admit. It is much easier to stay thin than 
it is to take off excess weight once it has been 

It is, of course, the right of every sovereign 
state to deteiTnine the ends for which its produc- 
tive energy and its resources will be used. It 
would be a tragic thing, however, if these new 
states, whose resources are so meager, were to em- 
bark upon the kind of arms competition that 
would divert their productive capacity from con- 
structive ends. 

This is something which the African states will 
have to decide for themselves. It is possible, how- 
ever, if they only have the courage to grasp the 
nettle while there is still time, the United Nations 
might be helpful in finding an answer to their 

Concluding Comments 

The challenge put to us by current African de- 
velopments is formidable. Almost evciywhcre 
Africans are boldly assmning their increased re- 

April 78, I960 


sponsibilities. It seems to me there are several 
courses of action we should follow in order to be 

First, I think it is imperative that we increase 
our own knowledge and imderstanding of the 
problems of Africa. This is a job not only for the 
press, radio, and television, which during the past 
year have done much to focus public attention on 
the developing African scene, but also for our 
great universities. Unless the news is presented 
against a solid background of information, it is 
likely to be misinterpreted and misunderstood. 

It is in this connection that the work of Ameri- 
can universities in the past decade has been so out- 
standing. Ten years ago only 2 universities in 
the entire United States offered courses on Africa ; 
there are now 29, of which 6 have major African 
area studies. The new African Studies Associa- 
tion now boasts over 600 members. Books, 
learned articles, and speeches have been produced 
in large quantities and in excellent quality, but 
much more is needed. 

We have a great deal to learn, and time is grow- 
ing short. Africans who travel in the United 
States still find fixed in the American mind cer- 
tain stereotypes evoked by words such as "witch- 
craft" and "primitive." It is true, of course, 
that there is much in Africa that is still primi- 
tive, but cities like Salisbuiy, Dakar, and Leo- 
poldville are as modem as many American cities. 

Secondly, if we need to know much more about 
Africa, it is at least as true that Africans need 
to learn much more about the United States. Cer- 
tainly there is little awareness in Africa of our 
attempts to solve our own race problems and far 
too much emphasis on the materialistic rather 
than the human side of our culture. Frequently, 
too, one encounters a rather unrealistic belief 
in American omnipotence, followed by disillu- 
sionment when we fail to measure up to their 

There are a numl)er of ways by wliich we can 
attempt to solve this problem. We can do this in 
the long run most effectively by expansion of our 
student exchange program. In 1955 there were 
851 students from sub-Saharan Africa studying in 
American universities; by 1959 the number had 
risen to 1,190. Does this sound impressive? 
There were, in 1959, 47,245 foreign students in 
American universities, of which the Afiican share 

was less than 2 percent. This is much too small 
a nmnber, althougli we have managed so far to 
substitute quality for quantity. Among the more 
illustrious graduates of American imiversities are 
the Prime Minister of Ghana and the former 
Premier of the Eastern Region of Nigeria. 

Thirdly, although education of the young is the 
most pressing job, we should also expand our 
leadersliip grants to outstanding African states- 
men, administratoi"s, and technicians. We have 
done a good deal in this field, but the need far out- 
weighs available resources. 

Fourth, a step-up in the tempo of our informa- 
tion activities in Africa is also essential. We now 
have an impressive number of centers operated by 
the United States Information Service in Africa. 
There are currently 15 central posts, 9 branch 
posts, and 3 reading rooms, working through 
local public information media and telling the 
United States story through films and libraries. 
In some countries, USIS carries on English-lan- 
guage teaching and in many other ways extends 
African knowledge of America. 

Fifth, it is important to expand the economic 
assistance which can be made available for Africa. 
We are convinced that it is in the United States 
interest to increase direct assistance to Africa, and 
a sum of $20 million has been requested by ICA 
for this purpose for next year. 

I believe that our own efforts can be comple- 
mented in an important way by an expansion of 
United Nations activities in Afi-ica. There is 
growing support in Africa for the kind of 
assistance made available by the United Nations. 
The Secretary-General stated that this was his 
impression following his recent 24-country tour; I 
foimd the same sentiment everywhere I traveled. 
Multilateral aid has much to recommend it. It 
is easier for experts representing the world com- 
munity to give advice on economic matters that 
will require a country to take inipopular political 
measures — increasing taxes, for example. More- 
over, multilateral aid tends to mitigate some of 
the worst features of the shopping between East 
and West that some countries have learned to 
carry on. It cannot replace bilateral assistance, 
but we believe it has unique qualiti&s which make 
it peculiarly adaptable to African comitries. 

Increased aid through the United Nations 
would have a beneficial political aspect as well. 
We can expect a certain amount of unrest in 


Department of State Bulletin 

Africa. Frontiers wore often established arbi- 
trarily bj' Eiwopean powci-s without much regard 
to etlmic or linguistic factors. For example, de- 
spite prolongetl United Nations efforts, there is no 
mutually accepted frontier between Ethiopia and 
the new state of Somalia. As a result, Africa, 
like other continents, will be beset by many 
formidable political and economic problems. The 
United Nations can be of great assistance in their 
solution. I believe that a U.N. presence, primarily 
to furnish economic and technical advice and 
assistance in particular cases, can be an element 
of considerable political stability as well. 

Finally, I would like to sum up my impressions 
in the following way. As one travels through 
Africa today, one can vi\ndly sense the spirit 
which gave rise to our own Declaration of Inde- 
pendence with its ringing concepts of human 
dignity and equality. Fortimately the transition 
to independence is nearly everywhere being car- 
ried out with the assistance and the approval of 
the administering powers. 

The new political and economic responsibilities 
which the emerging African nations have assumed 
are notliing short of staggering. Many of their 
problems seem almost insurmountable. Thei-e 
will be some mistakes made. Tliere will be some 
stumbling done. But let us be hopeful and chari- 
table in our attitude, and let us remember our own 
halting beginnings. 

I returned from Africa awed, disturbed, and 
optimistic. I was awed by the size and complexity 
of the giant that is moving onto the world stage, 
disturbed by the magnitude of the problems that 
remain to be resolved, and encouraged by the 
growing amount of racial harmony that T en- 

No one can doubt that the newly emerging states 
of Africa have an extremely difficult task ahead. 
A new state cannot be built in a day. It will take 
time — and energy and money — and sweat and 
blood and tears. But as they move on toward 
their goal of himian betterment, they know they 
have the sympathetic interest and the support of 
the Government and the people of the United 

I am confident that the peoples of Africa will 
succeed in establishing their rightful place in the 
family of nations and that they will make a sig- 
nificant contribution to the United Nations and 
the cause of world peace. 

U.S. and Spain Conclude Talks 
on Matters of Mutual interest 

The Foreign Minister of Spain, Femamdo 
Maria Castiella y Maiz, made an official visit to 
Washington March 22-2^ at the invitation of 
Secretary Ilerter. Following is the text of a joint 
communique issued on March 23 at the conclu^on 
of talks between Secretary Herter and Seiior 
Castiella and their exchange of greetings on Senor 
Castiella's arrival, togetlier with a list of the 
members of the Foreign Minister's party. 


Press release 151 dated March 23 

The Seci'etary of State has the pleasure of 
having as his official guest for three days Ilis Ex- 
cellency Fernando Maria Castiella, the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of Spain. The Minister's visit to 
Washington has afforded the opportunity for 
him to hold conversations on matters of mutual 
interest with the President, the Secretary of 
State and other officials of the United States 

During these conversations, the progress made 
in carrying out the Mutual Defense and Economic 
Aid Agreements signed by Spain and the United 
States on September 26, 1953 ' was reviewed. 
Great satisfaction was expressed over the very real 
contribution which the joint Spanish-U.S. efforts 
in the implementation of these agreements have 
been making to the defense of Western civilization. 

A broad review was also made of other matters 
of mutual interest between Spain and the United 
States. Impressions of the recent trip to Latin 
America of the President,- on which he was ac- 
companied by the Secretary of State, were con- 
veyed to the Foreign Minister. The Foreign 
Minister reviewed Spain's traditional ties with the 
nations of Latin America. A general discussion 
was also held of preparations for the Paris Sum- 
mit Meeting. The increasingly important role 
being played by Spain in international affairs was 
noted with satisfaction. The American side com- 
mented with favor on the appreciable economic 
pi'ogress made by Spain since the Stabilization 
Plan went into effect last July.' 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 5, 1953, p. 435. 

' Ibid., Mar. 28, 1960, p. 471. 

' For background, see ibid., Aug. 10, 1959, p. 210. 

April 18, 1960 


The conversations were conducted in a cordial 
and friendly atmosphere. They have served to in- 
crease the mutual understanding between Spain 
and the United States and to strengthen the ties 
of friendship and cooperation which exist between 
the two countries. 


Press release 148 dated March 23 

Secretary Herter 

Your Excellency : It gives me great pleasure to 
welcome you, Senora de Castiella, and the members 
of your party to the United States. When you and 
I met in London last August for some fruitful and 
pleasant discussion, I expressed the hope tliat you 
might find time in your busy schedule to visit 
Washington.^ We are delighted that it has been 
possible for you to do this. 

I am sure, Mr. Minister, that you will find here 
a warm and sympathetic welcome from the Ameri- 
can people. Americans have a deep appreciation 
of the role which your nation has played in the 
discovery and development of our land. 

Looking at the schedule which we have set for 
ourselves these next few days, I regret that you 
vfiW not be able to stay with us longer. I hope 
nevertheless that you will have time to perceive, in 
some of its many manifestations, the high esteem 
in which we of the United States hold the people 
of Spain. I trust that this visit will be as pleasant 
and rewarding for you as I know it will be for us. 

Senor Castiella 

I am very happy to come to the United States. 
It is always a gi-eat pleasure to visit again tliis 
great country. I am honored to be here now as 
the guest of your Government. 

I hope that my conversations with the Ameri- 
can authorities may help to strengthen and im- 
prove still more the relations between the United 
States and Spain. Of all these interviews I 
specially look forward to the one I am to have 
with the Secretary of State, Mr. Herter, who was 

so kind as to invite me to pay this visit when we 
met in London last smnmer and whose kind words 
of welcome are a happy omen of a pleasant and 
fruitful stay. I consider it a special privilege to 
be able to have the opportunity of paying, once 
more, my respects to your distuiguished President, 
Mr. Eisenhower. The echo still lingers in the 
streets of the Spanish capital of the enthusiastic 
and unanimous applause given a short time ago to 
your President by all its inliabitants, which had 
assembled to greet one of the greatest men of our 

The importance of our mutual relationship is 
such that a frequent exchange of visits by the 
officials of both our countries is becoming more 
and more necessai-y. Spain is a loyal friend of the 
United States. With American aid and coopera- 
tion we are developing a program of economic 
reconstruction, and this will be of great assistance 
in further increasing the strength of the Western 


The Department of State announced on March 
18 (press release 136) that the following persons 
would accompany Foreign Minister Castiella dur- 
ing his visit to the United States: 

Senora de Castiella 

Jos6 M. de Areilza, Count of Motrico, Ambassador of 

Countess of Motrico 

RamOn Sedo, Director General of Political Affairs 
Adolfo Martin Gamero, Director General of the Office of 

Diplomatic Information 
Juan Jos6 Rovira, Director General of the Office of Eco- 
nomic Cooperation 
Francisco Javier Elorza, Marques de Nerva, Director of 

the Office of Multilateral Economic Relations 
Jaime de Pini6s, Director of the Office of North American 

Political Affairs 
Gabriel Cafiadas, Second Secretary, Technical Cabinet of 

the Minister 
Alfonso de la Serna, First Secretary, Office of Diplomatic 

Juan Lugo, Third Secretary, Office of North American 

Political Affairs 

* Secretary Herter accompanied President Eisenhower 
to Europe Aug. 26-Sept. 7, during which time talks were 
held with the Spanish Foreign Minister ; for background, 
see ibid., Sept. 21, 1959, p. 404. 

" President Eisenhower visited Spain on Dec. 22 during 
his 11-nation tour to Europe, the Middle East, South Asia, 
and Africa ; for text of a joint communique, see ibid., 
Jan. 11, 1960, p. 50. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Greek Costumes and Embroideries 
To Be Exhibited in U.S. 

Press release 161 dated Marcb 30 

Tlie Departinent of State notes with plcasui-e 
the announcciueiit of the loan exhibition of Greek 
costumes and embroideries wliich will be shown in 
the Smithsonian's Museum of Modern History 
from April 9 through May 1. The exliibit is 
sponsored by His Excellency, Greek Ambassador 
[Alexis S.] Liatis and Mrs. Liatis and is under 
the pati-onage of Her Majesty Queen Frederilca. 

The exhibit is a comprehensive survey of the 
Greek craftsman's work applied to ai-ticlcs of 
daily use in the 18th and 19th centuries. Highly 
developed teclmique, combined with inspiration 
and dedication, demonstrates the deep roots of 
Greek popular civilization. 

The exhibit, which is also appearing in other 
cities in the United States, was chosen from the 
noted collection of the Benaki Museum in Athens, 
the world-famous Greek ethnological museum. 
The loan of portions of tliis valuable collection for 
an American exhibition is a reflection of the close 
cultural ties between the Greek and American 

U.S.S.R. Expresses Thanks for Rescue 
of Soviet Soldiers by U.S. Navy 

White House press release dated Marcb 22 

The "Uliite House on March 22 made public the 
following exchange of messages between President 
Eisenhower and Nikita S. Khrushchev, Chair- 
man of the Council of Ministers of the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics. 

Message of President Eisenhower 

Mabch 21, 1960 

Dear Mr. Cifairmax : Thank you for your 
thoughtful message regarding the rescue of four 
Soviet soldiers by the men of the USS Kearsarge. 
I am grateful for the happy outcome for these 
courageous men and am glad that our Xa\-y was 
in a position to rescue them from the risks and 
hardships they had undergone. 

DwiOHT D. Eisenhower 

■Message of Chairman Khrushchev 

MAKon 16, 1960 

DicAB Mr. President : Permit mo to e.xpr&ss to you, to 
the Goverumcut of the USA, and to the American Naval 
Command llio feeling of deep gratitude for the rescue of 
four oouniBt>ous Soviet soldiers who in the course of many 
days miinfully struggled against the elements and hard- 
ships ill tlic t'xiianst's of the Pacific Ocean. 

Tlio Soviet iH'ople see in tlie noble conduct of American 
sailors and the .solicitous attitude toward Soviet young 
men on the part of American authorities the expression 
of an attitude of friendship which is developing between 
our two countries. It is to be hoped that this may serve 
the cause of further developing the relations between our 
two countries to which you and I have devoted no little 
time during the course of our recent conversations in the 
USA and for wtuch, I hope, we will both spare no effort 
during our forthcoming meetings. 

N. Ehbushcbev 

The Ebemon, Moscow 

Yugoslav Atomic Energy Officials 
Conclude Discussions in U.S. 

Press release 165 dated April 1 

A delegation from the Yugoslav Federal Com- 
mission for Nuclear Energy, which has been in 
the United States at the invitation of the U.S. 
Government,^ left the United States on April 1 
after holding discussions with U.S. representatives 
on cooperation between Yugoslavia and the United 
States in the field of peaceful uses of atomic 
energy. The delegation, headed by Slobodan 
Nakicenovic, Under Secretary of State in the 
Yugoslav Federal Commission for Nuclear 
Energy, also visited numerous scientific and edu- 
cational establisliments in the United States in- 
cluding installations of the Atomic Energy 
Commission where research is being done in the 
peaceful application of nuclear energy. 

During the talks which were held between the 
Yugoslav delegation and representatives of the 
Department of State and the Atomic Energy Com- 
mission, understandings were reached on further- 
ing cooperation between Yugoslavia and the 
United States in the development of atomic energy 
for peaceful uses. In this connection tlie repre- 
sentatives of both Yugoslavia and the United 
States emphasized the importance of the Inter- 

RuLLETix of Mar. 14, 1960, p. 410. 

Apn\ 18, J 960 


national Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna in 
promoting and facilitating international coopera- 
tion in this field and agreed to make full use of 
the Agency in developing programs for mutual 

The liead of the Yugoslav delegation, Mr. 
Nakicenovic, on behalf of Aleksandar Eankovic, 
Chairman of the Yugoslav Federal Commission 
for Nuclear Energy and Vice President of the 
Federal E.xecutive Coimcil of the Federal People's 
Kepublic of Yugoslavia, extended to the Chair- 
man of the United States Atomic Energy Com- 
mission, John A. McCone, an invitation to visit 
Yugoslavia with a niunber of his coworkers. Mr. 
McCone has accepted the invitation and would 
hope to work out a mutually convenient time for 
his visit in the near future. Tlie Yugoslav dele- 
gation also invited the United States Atomic 
Energy Commission to send a delegation of ex- 
perts to Yugoslavia. In response to this invita- 
tion a group of U.S. experts will travel to 
Yugoslavia soon. 

U.S. and Morocco Exchange Messages 
on Agadir Earthquake 

White House press release dated March 23 

El-Mehdi Ben Aboud, ]\Ioroccan Ambassador 
to the United States, called on President Eisen- 
hower on March 23 to deliver a message from 
Mohammed V, King of Morocco, in response to 
the President's message of sympathy in coiinec- 
tion with the earthquake at Agadir, Morocco, on 
the night of February 29-March 1, 1960. 

Message of President Eisenhower 

Santlvgo, March 2, 1960 

I have been deeply saddened by the news of the 
terrible earthquake which has caused so much loss 
of life and suffering at Agadir. Please accept the 
smcere condolences of tlie American people and 
myself in this great tragedy. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 

Message of King Mohammed V 

His Excellency Dwioht D. Eisenhower 
President of the United States 
The White, House 

We were particularly touched by the message of 
sympathy Your Excellency transmitted to us in your own 

name and that of the American people in connection with 
the disaster in Agadir. 

We wish to express to Your Excellency and to your 
country, our friend, sincere appreciation for your deep 
concern over this tragic occurrence. 

Mohammed V, 
King of Moroeco 
March 12, 1960 

U.S. Lends Morocco $40 Million 
for Economic Development 

Press release 142 dated March 21 

The Department of State on March 21 an- 
nounced the signing of loan agreements totaling 
$40 million to contribute to the Government of 
Morocco's economic development program. The 
loans will represent the major portion of the fiscal 
year 1960 Mutual Security Program of economic 
assistance to Morocco. 

The Mutual Security Program loans were ne- 
gotiated through the Export-Import Bank, acting 
on behalf of the International Cooperation Ad- 
ministration. Samuel C. Waugh, President of the 
Bank, signed for the United States, and the Am- 
bassador of Morocco, El-Mehdi Ben Aboud, signed 
for liis Government. 

U.S. Sends Flood Relief to Brazil 

Press release 162 dated March 31 

The United States has made up to $300,000 in 
Mutual Security Program funds available for 
emergency flood relief in northeast Brazil, tlie 
Depai-tment of State announced on March 31. 

The funds were made available to alleviate suf- 
fering resulting from floods, including the col- 
lapse on March 27 of the Oros Dam in northeast 
Brazil. Approximately 150,000 persons are home- 
less in the Jaguaraibe Valley, and another 150,000 
are in distress elsewhere. 

The U.S. assistance is cliiefly in the form of 
urgently needed transportation facilities for food 
and medical and other supplies and in rescue 
work. The Air Force is sending two C-124 trans- 
port planes with rubber boats and two helicopters. 
In addition (he U.S.S. Glacier^ which was at Rio 
de Janeiro when the floods became acute, is pro- 
ceeding to the distress area and will assist, along 
with its two helicopters. 



Department of State Bulletin 

Also, Capt. Edward A. Anderson, Medical 
Corps, U.S. Xavy, flew to Brazil on March ;U witli 
jet-injection vaccination equipment to start an 
emergencj' program to inununize flood victims 
against typlioid fever. Four IT.S. injection ma- 
chines and 2(10,000 doses of typhoid vaccine are 
being provided for this emergency inidertaking. 
This amount of vaccine will innnunize approxi- 
mately 100,000 persons. Capt. Andei-son carried 
with him part of the jet equipment and approxi- 
mately 70,000 doses of the vaccine to get the inocu- 
lation program under way on his arrival. 

Fortaleza, Brazil, will be the center of the 
emergency relief operation. 

U.S. Accepts Declaration on GATT 
Relations With Switzerland 

Press release IW) dated March 30 

On March 30 in Geneva the United States ac- 
cepted the declaration of November 22, 1958, gov- 
erning the provisional accession of Switzerland to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 

Under tlic arrangements for Swiss accession to 
the GATT, Switzerland, with certain exceptions 
relating to articles XI and XV of the General 
Agreement, and other contracting parties accept- 
ing the declaration undertake to apply the provi- 
sions of the GATT to each other. United States 
acceptance of the declaration does not involve the 
modification of any United States tariff conces- 
sions. The United States does, by acceptance, 
acquire direct rights to the tariff concessions ne- 
gotiated between Switzerland and other contract- 
ing parties (not including the United States) in 
1958. In return, Switzerland acquires direct 
rights to the existing United States schedule of 
tariff concessions in the GATT. Public notice 
regarding United States acceptance of this dec-la- 
ration was issued on September 9, 1959, together 
with the text of the general provisions of the dec- 
laration.^ A published statement of the results of 
the 1958 tariff negotiations with Switzerland may 
be purchased from the Contracting Parties to the 

GATT, Villa Bocage, Geneva, Switzerland, and 
may l)e consulted at the Division of Trade Agree- 
ments, Department of State, and tlio Bureau of 
Foreign Commerce, Department of Commerce, in 
Washington, and at field offices of the Department 
of Commerce. 

United States-Swiss trade relations are also 
governed by a bilateral trade agreement nego- 
tiated in 193G and since subsequently supple- 
mented several times. The bilateral agreement 
will continue in foire between the United States 
and Switzerland outside the framework of the 
GATT. However, on March 29 in Washington 
the United States and Switzerland concluded an 
exchange of notes which provides that the con- 
tinuance in force of obligations under the' bi- 
lateral trade agreement will not prevent either 
country from taking action permitted under an 
exception, reservation, or waiver of the GATT. 

The most recent prior supplementary agree- 
ment was an exchange of notes of December 30, 
1959, relating to the entry into force of the new 
nomenclature of the Swiss schedule of tariff con- 
cessions to the bilateral agreement.^ This modifi- 
cation was limited to changes in tariff numbers 
and descriptions of tariff items but did not involve 
any changes in rates of duty or other changes in 
substance of the concessions granted by Switzer- 
land to the United States. United States tariff 
concessions granted to Switzerland under the bi- 
lateral agreement were not affected by the ex- 
change of notes. 


Text of United States Note 

March 29, 1960 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to conversations 
which have been held between representatives of the 
Government of the United States of America and of the 
Government of the Swiss Confederation with respect to the 
Declaration for Provisional Accession of the Swiss Con- 
federation to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade, done at Geneva November 22, 1958. 

It is the understanding of the United States Govern- 
ment that the Governments of the United States and of 
the Swiss Confederation agree. In accordance with para- 

iBULLBmx of Sept. 28, 19o9, p. 450. 
April 18, I960 

2 For text of exchange of notes, without the revised 
Swiss schedule, see ihitl., Jan. 18, lOCO, p. 87, or Foreign 
Commerce Weekly, Jan. 11, 19C0; for the entire exchange, 
Including the schedule, see Treaties and Other Interna- 
tional Acts Series 4379. 


r.4.';630— 60 

graph 7 of the Declaration of November 2, 1958, that the 
trade relations between the United States and the Swiss 
Confederation should be governed by the terms of that 

It is also the understanding of my Government that, so 
long as the provisions of the General Agreement apply 
between the United States and the Swiss Confederation 
pursuant to the Declaration of November 22, 1058 or 
otherwise, the provisions of the Bilateral Trade Agree- 
ment between the United States and the Swiss Confedera- 
tion, signed at Washington January 9, 1936, as supple- 
mented, shall not prevent either country from taking 
action which it is permitted to take pursuant to an ex- 
ception, reservation, or waiver under the General Agree- 
ment. One specific application of this understanding 
would be that, in the case of a product subject to a con- 
cession under the Trade Agreement of 1936 and also 
to a concession under the General Agreement providing 
for more favorable customs treatment, the continuance 
of obligations in the Bilateral Trade Agreement shall not 
preclude the application, as a result of action taken pur- 
suant to the escape clause (Article XIX) in the General 
Agreement, of customs treatment less favorable than that 
provided for in the bilateral. 

The Government of the United States would appreciate 
receiving confirmation that the understanding set forth 
above is also the understanding of the Government of the 
Swiss Confederation. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my high- 
est consideration. 

For the Secretary of State : 

Edwin M. Martin 
His Excellency 


Ambassador of Switzerland. 

Text of Swiss Note 

Mabch 29, 1960 
Sib: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your 
note of today's date in which you set forth the under- 
standing of the Government of the United States of 
America of the conversations which have been held be- 
tween the representatives of the Government of the Swiss 
Confederation and the Government of the United States 
with respect to the Declaration for tlie Provisional Acces- 
sion of the Swiss Confederation to the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade, done at Geneva November 22, 1958, 
and which reads as follows : 

[text of U.S. note] 
In reply, I am happy to inform you that tlie Govern- 
ment of the Swiss Confederation cimcurs in the under- 
standing as set forth in your note. 

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my liighest 


The Honorable 
Christian A. Herteb 
The Seerctary of State 
Washington 25, D.O. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography^ 

Security Council 

Letter Dated IS February 1960 From the Acting Perma- 
nent Representative of the United Arab Republic Ad- 
di-essed to the President of the Security Council Con- 
cerning Resolutions Adopted by the Syrian-Israeli 
Jlixed Armistice Commission. S/4268. February 19, 
1960. 5 pp. 

Report by the Chief of Staff of the United Nations Truce 
Supervision Organization on the Recent Incidents in 
the Southern Sector of the Demilitarized Zone Created 
by Article V, Paragraph 5, of the Israel-Syrian General 
Armistice Agreement. S/4270 and Corr. 1. February 
23, 1960. 08 pp. 

Letter Dated 25 February 1960 From the Acting Per- 
manent Representative of Lsrael Addressed to the Presi- 
dent of the Security Council Concerning S/4264. S/ 
4271. February 25, 1960. 6 pp. 

Letter Dated 2 March 1960 From the Acting Permanent 
Representative of India Addressed to the President of 
the Security Council Ct>ncerning S/4259. S/4273. 
March 2, 1960. 4 pp. 

Letter Dated 24 March 1960 From the Permanent Bepre- 
.sentative of Pakistan Addressed to the President of the 
Security Council Concerning S/4249. S/4278. March 
25, 1960. 2 pp. 

General Assembly 

International Law Commission. Co-operation With Other 
Bodies. Report by Dr. Yuen-li Liang, Secretary of 
the Commission, on the proceedings of the fourth 
meeting of the Inter-American Council of Jurist-s. 
A/CN.4/124. February 5, 1960. 62 pp. 

International Law Commission. Fifth Report on Inter- 
national Responsibility. Responsibility of the state for 
injuries caused in its territory to the person or property 
of alien.s — measures affecting acquired rights and con- 
stituent elements of international responsibility. 
A/CN.4/125. February 9, 1960. 76 pp. 

Second United Nations C(mferenee on the Law of the Sea. 
Supplement to the Bibliographical Guide to the Law 
of the Sea (A/CONF. 13/17) prepared by the Secre- 
tariat. A/CONF. 19/6. February 16, 1960. 27 pp. 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. Report on the Implementation of General 
Assembly Resolutions 1286 (XIII) and 1389 (XIV) on 
Assistance to Refugees From Algeria in Morocco and 
Tunisia. A/AC.96/59. February 24, 1960. 8 pp. 

Addendum to the Report of the Negotiating Committee 
for Extra-budgetary Funds. A/4267/Add. 1. February 
29, 1960. 9 pp. 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. First Report on the Mental Health of Special 
Cases Among Refugees in Austria and Germany. 
A/AC.96/62. March 7, 1960. 16 pp. 

International Law Commission. Ad Hoc Diplomacy. 
Report by the special rapporteur. A/CN.4/129. March 
11, lt»60. 21 pp. 

International Law Comini.ssion. Fifth Report on the Law 
of Treaties (Treaties and Third States). A/CN.4/130. 
March 21, 1960. 114 pp. 

' Printed materials may be secured In the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2900 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may 
be consulted at certain designated libraries in tlie United 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 


The Mutual Security Program in Africa 

Statement hy Joseph C. Satterthwaite 
Assistant Secretary for African Affairs * 

Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, 
I am glad to have tliis opportunity to appear be- 
fore you again to discuss the Mutual Security Pro- 
gram and recent developments in Africa. 

The changes in the map of Africa since I ap- 
peared before this committee a year ago dramat- 
ically illustrate the pace of events on the African 
Contment. By the end of 1960 the political map 
of Africa will be so changed that gazetteers will 
find it difficult to differentiate between the depend- 
ent areas and the independent countries created 
since World War II. The mapmakers have been 
ha%ang a time with Africa, and during 1960 their 
job will not become easier. Between April and 
October there will be at least four more independ- 
ent countries — Togo, Congo, Somalia, and Nigeria. 
Cameroun achieved independence on January 1, 
1960. Negotiations now under way with France 
may result in independence during 19G0 for the 
Federation of Mali (Senegal and Soudan) and 
the Malagasy Republic (Madagascar) . 

As a writer on Africa recently stated, "The 
whole continent is on fire, but it bums with an 
uneven flame." Below the Sahara there is no 
uniformity of language, of custom, of civilization. 
Its multitudinous tribes now being released from 
colonial controls have one common denominator, 
opposition to colonialism; one common character- 
istic, political ferment; one common goal, self- 
realization in their own, not in any other people's, 
image. In vast areas of Africa the people are 
vaulting in one generation from the neolithic to 
the nuclear age. 

'Made before the House Foreign Affairs Committee 
on Mar. 9. 

Indeed, the Africa we see today is a land where 
evei-ything is happening at once — constitutional 
struggles, endless quest for economic and social 
advancement, civil strife, the conflict between de- 
mocracy and commmiism, colonialism and na- 
tionalism, equality and racism. 

Of no less importance than the swift pace of 
political developments on the Africa scene is the 
pressmg need for accelerating the sluggish rate of 
economic growth and improving living standards. 
Africa's economic and social structures are not 
developing at a pace comparable to its political 
evolution. It is fairly easy to recognize that the 
political revolution is at hand, and by and large 
its pressures are irresistible. It is essential that 
the pace of economic development match or at 
least not fall further behind the rate of political 
change now sweeping the African Continent. 
Very few of the emerging countries are economi- 
cally viable, and their leadere very quickly rec- 
ognize the impoi-tance of economic development 
and a higher living standard as necessities to sus- 
tain and fortify their political independence. 

Countries are becoming politically independent 
without adequately trained leadership and techni- 
cal skills and without the basic economic and social 
institutions and systems which provide the foun- 
dations for seciu'e, confident, African-led nations. 
Present U.S. foreign assistance programs are not 
adequate in scope or size to be responsive to tlie 
dramatic changes taking place. The facts of this 
situation, and U.S. sympathy for the newly in- 
dependent or about-to-be independent countries, 
are compelling recommendations for a new and 
creative U.S. approach. 

April 18, 1960 


Background References on MSP for 1961 

For hackgrovnd on the Mutual Security Program 
for 1961, see the following documents published in 
recent issues of the Bulletin: 

President Eisenhower's message to the Congress, H. 
Doc. 343, February 16, 1960, Buxletin of March 
7, page 369. 

Statement by Secretary Herter, House Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, Febraary 17, 1960, ibid., page 

Statement by Under Secretary Dillon, House Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, February 18, 1960, 
ibid., page 380. 

Statement by ICA Director James W. Riddleberger, 
House Committee on Foreign Affairs, March 1, 
1960, ibid., March 21, page 445. 

Statement by DLF Director Vance Brand, House 
Committee on Foreign Affairs, March 1, 1960, 
ibid., page 453. 

Summary Report on Grant Economic Assistance 
Relating to Defense Support and Special Assist- 
ance Programs, ihid., page 459. 

Statement by J. Graham Parsons, Assistant Secre- 
tary for Far Eastern Affairs, House Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, March 8, 1960, ibid., April 4, 
page 532. 

Statement by Secretary Herter, Senate Committee 
on Foreign Relations, March 22, 1960, ibi4., April 
11, page 566. 

Statement by Under Secretary Dillon, Senate Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations, March 22, 1960, 
ibid., April 11, page 568. 

Statement by ICA Director Riddleberger, Senate 
Committee on Foreign Relations, March 23, 1960, 
ibid., April 11, page 572. 

Special Program for Tropical Africa 

The executive branch is, therefore, proposing to 
the Congress a special program for tropical 
Africa with an mitial appropriation of $20 mil- 
lion within the special assistance category. In 
preparing this request we have sought to find a 
way properly responsive to the African aspira- 
tions. We have a fresh situation; we are at- 
tempthig to meet it in a fresh manner. There 
are a number of general criteria which guided 
us. First, we wanted something which would pro- 
vide a close identification of the United States 
with the African people. Second, we wanted to 
find some way of encouraging closer cooperation 
and interchange between the many African coun- 
tries. Third, knowing that Africa's need for eco- 
nomic help is almost unlimited, we wanted to con- 
centrate on a key problem area, one which stands 
as a major block to development. Fourth, we 
wanted to avoid competition with large-scale as- 
sistance from Europe but serve rather as a catalyst 
for stimulating an even higher level of this assist- 
ance. Fifth, we wanted as much as possible to 

avoid getting into a position of annual aid-level 
negotiations with many new countries pressing for 
external assistance. Finally, we wanted a pro- 
gram which would provide sufficient flexibility to 
permit efl'ective adaptation to a very fluid situ- 

The purpose of this program would be to pro- 
vide assistance in those areas which constitute the 
greatest impediments to sound, long-run social 
and economic development m Africa. There can 
be little argument that this development depends 
in the first instance on a major improvement in 
the education and training of Africa's human re- 
sources and their productive use. In my travels 
in Africa I have found one of the principal con- 
cerns of the responsible leaders to be the lack of 
experienced African civil servants, entrepreneurs, 
technicians — in general, the need for skills and 
professional knowledge which are so vital to 
modem national economies. 

A major conclusion of the National Academy 
of Sciences report on "Eecommendations for 
Strengthening Science and Teclmology in 
Selected Areas of Africa South of the Sahara," ^ 
which was undertaken at ICA's request, was tliat 
"the future development of sub-Sahara Africa 
depends, in the first instance, upon the rate at 
which progress can be made in strengthening edu- 
cation. . . . Every other consideration is subordi- 
nate to that of education. ..." A major portion 
of the funds requested will be applied in a maimer 
which will help to accelerate the training of 
Africans for the numerous essential administra- 
tive and technical jobs their countries require. 
Similarly, the importance of upgrading African 
skills in general has convinced us that this pro- 
gram should be broad enough to provide special 
trainmg to those who will not have the opportu- 
nity for formal education. We thus propose to 
support training activities in such areas as agri- 
cultural extension, community development, and 
public health. 

It is also clear that longrun stability and the 
most effective framework for the improvement of 
human resources are to be found in closer associa- 
tion of the African nations and the development 
of multicountry planning and cooperative effort 
in order to solve their common problems. The 

' Copies of the report are available from the Office of 
International Relations, National Academy of Sciences, 
2101 Constitution Ave., Washington 25, D.O. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

whole quostion of re<]rioimIisin in Africa is a com- 
plex and difficult subject. As I noted earlier, the 
variety of forces on the continent — the different 
status of political evolution, the intense national- 
ism, the competition among African leatlers for 
preeminence — make it extremely difficult to find 
an approach which will reverse the trend toward 
further fra<i;inentation of the African Continent. 
While I believe that closer associations of African 
countries will develop, it will be a long process. 

Much can be done now, however, to help en- 
courage cooperative approaches to the many com- 
mon developmental problems which confront all 
the African countries. "We are thus proposing to 
use a portion of the funds requested to support 
and sponsor multicountry conferences, work- 
shops, and seminai'S as training programs in them- 
selves and as a means of developing cooperative 
approaches to special developmental problems 
such as, for example, the tsetse fly, which closes 
large parts of the continent to livestock develop- 
ment. A training gi-ant program which will per- 
mit Africans from several countries to attend the 
various African schools and colleges now operat- 
ing is also being proposed. This interchange of 
students between African countries should serve 
to facilitate the efficient use of available African 
institutions as well as promote friendships and 
ties between Africans from several countries. 
Other activities in this category include a regional 
English-language training program, educational 
research, and an educational materials and docu- 
mentation center. 

As I noted previously, one of the important 
criteria we had established for this program is 
that it should not become a competitor to or sub- 
stitute for assistance from other fi-ee-world 
sources. It is our hope, rather, that it may serve 
to help encourage an increase in assistance from 
other free-world countries and international and 
national organizations. This area of tropical 
Africa is now receiving over $500 million annually 
from European countries for major development 
projects. Increasing amounts of technical and 
other forms of assistance are coming from a 
number of private organizations. A number of 
U.S. foundations are making important contribu- 
tions in a number of fields. The U.N., through 
its technical assistance program and its Special 
Fimd, is stepping up its assistance to this conti- 
nent. It is our intention to seek the participation 

of these various organizations and countries on 
specilic projects where feasible. We also antici- 
pate that out of the multicountry conferences will 
come i)roposals for joint efforts on important de- 
velopment problems. 

We are proposing that assistance under this 
program be on a grant basis. Because of the na- 
ture of the activities to be undertaken and the 
limited resources of many of the African coun- 
tries, grant assistance appeai-s to be the most ef- 
fective means for accomplishing our objectives. 
It is important to not«, however, that we intend 
to operate this program on a project-by-project 
basis to avoid the difficult problems which often 
stem from situations where countries come to ex- 
pect certain levels of assistance tied to what has 
been provided in previous years or related to levels 
received by neighboring countries. 

All of Africa will be included under the pro- 
gram except for the northern tier of Morocco, 
Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt, and the Union 
of South Africa. 

The sjDecial program would not replace bilateral 
technical cooperation, although it is anticipated 
that it would be closely related to technical co- 
operation pi-ograms. Tlie essential character of 
the special program for tropical Africa wliich dif- 
ferentiates it from the technical cooperation pro- 
gram lies in its intensive concentration on key 
education and training problems and on regional 
activities. A major portion of the funds will be 
used to help finance the expansion of existing 
institutions or the establislunent of new ones. The 
financing of construction, equipment and supplies, 
and staffing contracts will absorb the bulk of the 
funds. The technical cooperation programs, in 
contrast, will continue to emphasize demonstra- 
tions and advisoiy services and training of Afri- 
can counterparts. 

The United States and the European countries 
have a great reservoir of good will and common 
interest built up in tropical Africa. Most of the 
educated Africans have studied in Western schools 
and universities; many have grown up with West- 
ern political institutions and principles and with 
the Western private and public This 
reservoir provides the United States with a valu- 
able relation.ship on which to build our new ties 
with the African people. The Africans are look- 
ing to the United States to see how it will respond 
to their needs and problems. The special program 
for tropical Africa, I believe, can have an impor- 

April 18, 1960 


tant role in demonstrating that the United States 
is willing in word and deed to identify itself 
with the aspirations of the African people. 

The question might well be asked whether the 
magnitude of this request is sufficient to meet the 
problems of Africa. It is the view of the executive 
branch that this is sufficient for the first year of a 
new xerogram in education and training. I am 
convinced, however, that an expanded progi-am 
will be necessaiy in subsequent years. As the 
President has stated in Ms mutual security mes- 
sage to Congress : ^ 

It is my belief that tliis initial effort must grow signifi- 
cantly in the immediate years ahead and complement 
similar efforts on the part of other free world nations so 
that the capacity of the new and other developing nations 
in Africa to manage and direct their development can be 
strengthened and increased rapidly and effectively. 

There are, of course, other major African needs, 
especially for capital development. It is expected 
that the Development Loan Fund will increase its 
activities in tropical Africa. The rate at which 
this can be accomplislied, however, will depend in 
large measure on the volume and quality of pro- 
posals presented. As the preparation of develop- 
ment projects advances and the supply of techni- 
cal skill grows, we expect that the flow of proposals 
will expand and that, increasingly, more external 
investment funds from all sources will be avail- 
able. The Export-Import Bank has already made 
substantial loans to Africa and has indicated it 
expects to increase its activity. The International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development now 
has m process a number of country and project 
economic surveys which should lead to more loans 
for Africa in addition to those already made. 

As this committee is well aware, the pace of 
events in Africa has been so rapid it has been diffi- 
cult to plan witli any degree of precision. It is 
for this reason that I consider the availability of 
the contingency fund, in the amount requested, of 
particular importance in order to provide the ad- 
ministration with tlie flexibility we will need as 
new countries emerge and we are required to re- 
spond to new situations. 

Bilateral Special Assistance 

In certain countries we have been able to iden- 
tify the problems we face in fiscal year 1961 
which cannot be met through the special program 

° For text, see Bulletin of Mar. 7, 19C0, p. 369. 

for tropical Africa or through other economic in- 
struments of U.S. foreign policy, and therefore we 
are programing bilateral grant special assistance. 
The countries for which this bilateral special 
assistance is programed are Somalia, Ethiopia, 
and the Sudan. These three countries in the east- 
ern part of the continent, bordering on the Eed 
Sea and its approaches, are important and of im- 
mediate concern to the United States. During the 
past year we have observed major changes in their 
political and economic situation. 

Full independence will be granted to Somalia 
on July 1st. Somalia sutlers from a chronic and 
serious deficit in its operating budget and has no 
capital resources available for economic develop- 
ment. It is almost completely dependent upon ex- 
ternal assistance to maintain and possibly increase 
its level of economic activity. This is particularly 
important in bolstering its political stability dur- 
ing the early period of independence. We are 
now discussing with the Italian Government pos- 
sible arrangements by which they could continue 
their major role in support of the Somali econ- 
omy. Just how these discussions will end up it is 
too early to predict, but I believe our approach in 
this situation is indicative of our general effort to 
encourage the continuance of assistance from our 
European friends to African countries. Our pro- 
posal for bilateral special assistance is designed 
to supplement the Italian effort. 

Ethiopia has hitherto been a firm supporter of 
free-world interests and has made important con- 
tributions as a moderating influence in African 
and Afro-Asian conferences. It has been a partic- 
ularly strong supporter of the principle of col- 
lective security. Ethiopia's recent acceptance of 
the $100 million credit from the Soviet Union 
may temper this position somewhat ; however, 
U.S. relations witli Ethiopia continue to be close, 
in part a result of the effective work carried out 
under our economic programs. The special assist- 
ance for Ethiopia will lielp to meet requirements 
for important development projects in agricul- 
ture, health, and education and strcugtlien our 
activities during this period when the Govern- 
ment is facing serious budgetary and foreign-ex- 
change problems. 

The political and economic situation in the 
Sudan lias imju-oved markedly. The balance-of- 
payments crisis has now j^assed. Tlie present 
regime has provided an effective government, 
friendly to the United States. We are gratified 

Department of State Bulletin 

over the prompt iiiippoveinent in I ho Siuhin's eco- 
nomic condition. Wi» iwo<;nize, however, tliat 
progre,'«ive economic betterment will be required 
over the long run if the Sudan is to evolve a 
he;ilthy and We^torn-oi-iented political life. 
Soviet-bloc activity in Ejrypt and Ethiopia should 
forewarn us of the <ireater vulnerability of this 
ar«i which also serves as a bridge to other parts 
of Africa. The bilateral special assistance we are 
proposin>r for liscal year 1061 will provide aJi im- 
ix>rtant meuns for strengthening key areas of the 
Sudan's economy. 

Technical Cooperation 

Our proposals for the continuation of technical 
cooi^eration programs in Africa are an essential 
element of the TT.S. response to Africa's problems. 
"We are requesting $24.3 million for this program, 
which is an increase of about 20 percent over the 
level for fiscal year 1960. The major portion of 
the increase is for programs in the area south of 
the Sahara. There are now teclinical cooperation 
programs in l.'i African coimtries and territories, 
and we ex^ject to initiate programs in 3 or 4 othere 
within the year. A number of newly independent 
and emerging countries are requesting technical 
assistance and are particularly desirous of the help 
American teclinicians can give them. The in- 
creased amoimt will permit an expansion of our 
programs, for example, in Xigeria, Somalia, and 
in the territories of East and Central Africa and 
will provide a small amoimt for the three or four 
new pi-ogi'ams we anticipate will get under way. 

I have been impressed with how well our techni- 
cal coofjeration programs have been received. In 
Ghana, for example, the Parliament passed a reso- 
lution praising our program activities in agri- 
culture and expressing appreciation for our aid. 
In Ethiopia our technical cooperation program 
has made a major contribution in helping to es- 
tablish a broad base of educational institutions 
and training programs so es.sential to that coun- 
try's future development. The Imperial Ethiopia 
A. and M. College and the Haile Selassie I Public 
Health Center at Gondar are most noteworthy 
institutions, established under our program. In 
Tunisia U.S. technical assistance has helped es- 
tablish agricultural schools at which young 
Tunisian farmers receive training. I understand 
that over 400 farmers have completed the course 

and have retununl to their farms. Also in 
Tunisia, U.S. advisers have helped set up an in- 
dustrial loan fimd which has made 50 loans for 
small private enterprises so important to Tunisia's 
dove]o[)nient. The growth of self-con(idence and 
the development of rural action committees for 
self-Iielp i)rojects among the Libyan people is 
largely the result of ideas generated by our tech- 
nicians working in agricultural extension, sanita- 
tion, and community development projects. 

The work of American universities under con- 
tract with ICA has also been most noteworthy. 
We have a iumil)er of university contracts now 
operating in African countries and several addi- 
tional contracts mider negotiation — Oklahoma 
State ITniversity and the Univei-sity of Utah, in 
Ethiopia; Ohio University and Micliigan State 
University, in Nigeria; and Cornell University, in 

"We will have, by the end of this year, about 
780 U.S. technicians in all of Africa, including 
contract personnel, and expect this number to in- 
crease to about 1,000 in fiscal year 1961. Training 
progi'ams are being arranged for over 800 African 
participants this year, with an expected increase 
to about 1,000 during fiscal year 1961. 

North Africa 

I would like now to tuni to the three Xorth 
African countries, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia. 
About three-fourths of the special assistance and 
about 20 percent of the technical cooperation pro- 
posed for Africa for fiscal year 1961 is for these 
three countries. In relation to the rest of Africa, 
this amount tends to appear disproportionate. 
The question is often asked, as it was last year : 
""Why so much for North Africa compared to 
Afi'ica south of the Sahara?'' The reasons, I be- 
lieve, which help to explain this situation and pro- 
vide a basis for our proposals for fiscal year 1961 
lie in tlie special political and military interests 
the United States has in this area and the major 
economic problems these countries face. 

In Morocco there is, as you know, a complex of 
U.S. air and comnmnications bases. Agreement 
was recently reached on the evacuation of these 
facilities by the end of 1963.* The continued and 
effective operation of these facilities for the re- 
mainder of the period should, of course, be con- 

'Ibid.. Jan. ll.lDCn, p. 57. 

April 78, I960 


sidered within the fi-amework of the increasing 
political and social tensions whicli accompany 
Morocco's efforts to become a modern nation. 

Althougli Morocco is relatively rich in fertile 
lands and mineral resources, the loss of French 
technicians and financial assistance since the 
achievement of independence in 1956 has led to 
serious economic problems. Extensive miemploy- 
ment and the resultant political unrest are grave 
concerns. Business inactivity seriously afi'ects the 
ability of the Government to obtain domestic rev- 
enues. At the same time the almost complete 
absence of private investment makes economic re- 
covery and political stability dej^end in large part 
on the success of the Moroccan Government's de- 
velopment program. It is apparent that consider- 
able foreign assistance will be required in fiscal 
year 1961 to finance the large development pi-o- 
grara necessaiy to achieve these aims. 

In the last fiscal year the Mutual Security Pro- 
gram enabled the Moroccan Government to import 
badly needed commodities for sale to the people of 
the country. The Moroccan currency obtained 
from sucli sales financed approximately 50 per- 
cent of the Government's development program. 
United States assistance in fiscal year 1961 will 
also contribute substantially to the Moroccan 
Government's efforts to relieve the widespread 
economic distress. 

United States military facilities in Libya rep- 
resent a total investment of over $100 million. 
Tlie Wlieelus Air Base is most valuable as a 
training and staging center. The Libyan Gov- 
ernment, which continues to cooperate with the 
"West, looks forward to the achievement of eco- 
nomic independence as a result of oil devel- 
opments. Its desire to avoid foreign entangle- 
ments and to maintain its independence is now 
reinforced by the prospects of substantial income 
from oil revenues within the next 5 or 6 years. 
Until such time, however, U.S. economic assist- 
ance, by contributing to Libya's economic devel- 
opment, is an important factor in the continued 
acceptance of the American militai-y installations. 

United States economic assistance has been de- 
voted largely to stimulating agriculture, raising 
educational levels, impro\'ing health, and provid- 
ing vital communications facilities. A Libyan 
agricultural extension service has been developed. 
Improved water utilization and soil conservation 
are helping to increase the amount of land under 

cultivation. School enrollment has been increased 
fi-om 43,000 in 1952 to about 125,000 in 1959, and 
the physical plant and equipment of Libyan 
schools have been expanded. Over 2,000 miles of 
essential i-oads have been restored and maintamed. 
The United States has financed construction or 
repair of a nmnber of hosjjitals, dispensaries, and 
similar health facilities. 

In Tunisia we are fortunate in having a vigor- 
ous and progressive Arab government wliich alines 
itself courageously with the Western World. The 
Bourguiba govermnent is relying heavily on co- 
operation with the West to acliieve its political 
and economic goals. The Tunisian economy, 
which was so intricately and intimately inter- 
twined with the French economy, has suffered 
greatly with the departure of French technicians 
and administrators and private and public invest- 
ment. With independence, the Tunisian Govern- 
ment found itself with an expensive, well-devel- 
oped social and physical overhead but without 
the capital resources and technicians necessary to 
put it into operation. An immediate consequence 
was unemployment, which today approximates 
about 25 percent of the labor force. This imem- 
ployment problem is a large and critical trouble 
spot and gives rise to greater pressures on the 
Government for increases in its developmental 
programs. The Tunisians have tightened their 
belts and are making a disciplined and energetic 
effort to tackle their difficult economic problems. 
The Bourguiba government's success in this en- 
deavor will have vitally important consequences 
for the neighboring Arab areas as well as for 
many African countries. U.S. economic and tech- 
nical assistance has been a basic element in shormg 
up the Tunisian economy and will conthuie to 
play a key role in helpmg the Tunisian Govern- 
ment to achieve its goals. 

In sum, we are requesting $115 million in spe- 
cial assistance and $24.3 million in teclinical co- 
operation, plus $20 million for the special program 
for tropical Africa for fiscal year 1961. I con- 
sider these amounts conservative and minimal. 
With tliese amounts, hoM'ever, I believe we can 
demonstrate our sympathy with (lie newly 
emerging African countries and respond to the 
varied and complex demands the African Con- 
tinent makes in this first year of a new and 
epochal decade for Africa. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Military Assistance 

Tiiiiiiug brielly to military assistance programs 
in Africa, I must emphasize that our approach 
hero is dill'ercnt from tiiat in other areiis. The 
African states, especially those that are just enter- 
ing into independence, have only small military 
forces. None of these states is linked to the United 
States by collective security arrangements, and 
we would not expect any of them to play a major 
role in a global war. Our small militaiy assist- 
ance? programs in Africa are designed for ditl'orent 
and essentially political puiposes. 

It is essential that the continent of Africa re- 
main free from domination by the Sino-Soviet 
bloc. It is essential that the African states remain 
free to develop their own political, economic, and 
social institutions in cooperation with the rest of 
the free world. It is also essential for the United 
States to retain its rights to operate certain key 
bases in Africa and that the United States and 
its allies have continued access to a wide range 
of important materials in Africa, principally 

To achieve these strategic and political objec- 
tives, the United States has undertaken to assist 
a few of the African states in providing equip- 
ment and training for the maintenance of their 
internal security. The small, lightly armed forces 
of the African nations which are receiving mil- 
itary assistance will not be expected to make a 
substantial contribution of forces in support of 
our worldwide strategy in the event of a global 
war. However, the support of these forces is 
essential to the degree of security and political 
stability required to maintain a pro-Western 

The military assistance program for Africa is 
the smallest of all the regional programs. Cumu- 
lative programs through fiscal year 1960 have 
amounted to $57.8 million, whereas actual deliv- 
eries under these programs through June 30, 1959, 
have totaled $44.8 million. 

For fiscal year 1960 we reque.sted funds totaling 
$7.4 million. The fiscal year 1960 presentation of 
the Mutual Security Program to the Congi-ess con- 
templated only one country program in the Afri- 
can region. In addition to a program for Ethi- 
opia in fiscal year 19G0, other programs were 
developed during the fiscal year for Liberia, Libya, 

Morocco, and Tunisia. After making the neces- 
sary adjustments to take into consideration these 
four additional country programs, our area figui-e 
for li.scal year 1060 is $13.1 million instead of the 
$7.4 million which the executive brancii proposed 
liist year. For fiscal year 1961 we are i-equesting 
funds totaling $18.2 million. The di (Terence be- 
tween tlio adjusted fiscal year 1960 program and 
the proposed fiscal year 1961 program is accounted 
for by a slight increase in the proposed fiscal year 
1961 programs for Ethiopia, Liberia, and Morocco. 
This request will enable us to meet new require- 
ments in Africa and to strengthen the internal 
security of five countries — Ethiopia, Libya, Li- 
beria, Morocco, and Tunisia — whose independence, 
political stability, internal security, and continu- 
ing friendship are important to us. 

The $18.2 million requested in fiscal year 1961 is 
composed as follows: $12.6 million for force im- 
provement, $3.2 million for force maintenance, and 
$2.3 million for training and for transportation 
and other services. 

It is my conviction that these modest programs 
repi-esent a sound investment important to the de- 
fense of this counti-y and for the security of the 
free world. Africa is moving forward at incredi- 
ble speed. Several states there face urgent prob- 
lems of internal security; they have legitimate 
needs for better equipment or training, which for 
various reasons cannot be completely met from 
other free-world sources. Assistance to these 
countries, on a sales or lil)eral repayment basis, 
contributes to the acliievement of our political 
objectives. In certain states we have military 
bases that are essential to our overall strateg}\ 
This part of the military assistance program rep- 
resents a highly satisfactory method for achieving 
our foreign policy goals m Africa. 

To sum up, Mr. Chairman, Africa is entering 
upon a new chapter in its history. As independ- 
ence approaches, in some areas with a speed un- 
dreamed of a few short yeare ago, the awesome 
responsibilities of self-government come suddenly 
into focus. In other areas Africans, seeing the 
progress of their neighbore, grow increasingly im- 
patient. There is a growing awareness of the need 
for reconciling the insistent upsurge of national- 
ism with means for an orderly transition from past 
to future. 

April 18, I960 


The IVIutual Security Program in the Near East and South Asia 

Statement hy G. Lewis Jones 

Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs ' 

Through the years the Congress has provided 
funds for the Mutual Security Program. As a 
career Foreign Service officer who has served in 
the Near and Middle East, it has been my privilege 
to observe at first hand the operation of the Mu- 
tual Security Program. I think that you gentle- 
men, as representatives of the American people, 
have reason to be proud of your role in this suc- 
cessful program which, while we should try con- 
stantly to better its implementation and reduce its 
burden upon the American taxpayer, must be 
resolutely pursued if we are to maintain and en- 
hance our security and welfare in this shrinking 

The broad outlines of the Mutual Security Pi'o- 
gram have been set forth by the President, Secre- 
tary of State Herter, and Under Secretary Dillon. 
In his message of February 16 the President em- 
phasized the need for "steadfast, undramatic, and 
patient pereistence in our efforts to maintain our 
mutual defenses while working to find solutions 
for the problems which divide tlie World and 
threaten the peace." The following day Secretary 
Herter used the phrase "vital to our security and 
an indispensable instiinnent of our foreign policy" 
in describing the Mutual Security Program. 

Both the President and Secretary Herter 
stressed the needs and demands of free people for 
economic security and a decent standard of living. 
They noted the force generated by the deep de- 
sire and determination of underdeveloped peoples 
to ini])rove tlieir lot. Mv. Herter said, 

In these circumstances, it is clear that if the appeal 
and pressure of communism are to be resisted, it is 

' Made before the House Foreign Affairs Committee 
on Mar. 1.5. 

essential that there be a choice available to these na- 
tions — an alternative to communism which is more than 
the preservation of the status quo. 

Area Problems and United States Objectives 

In my area of resixjnsibility, gentlemen, tliere 
is a goodly sliare of the peoples of the world aspir- 
ing to remain free while confronted by limited 
resources and the blandishments offered bj^ masters 
of the Communist world. Fifteen nations are in- 
volved, differing widely in many respects but 
having in common one thing — the desire to remain 
free from outside control and to choose their own 
way of life. Some of these countries have enjoyed 
independence for centuries ; others achieved inde- 
pendence only since "World War II ; but all want 
to stay independent. 

Upon all of these countries the United States 
has had, since World War II, a profound in- 
fluence — economically and politicallj'. This influ- 
ence has been an influence for good. The 
American people have helped to a great degree to 
establish the climate of relative calm and stability 
in which these countries are progressively working 
out their destinies. 

The United States contribution has taken the 
form of botli military and economic assistance. 
In addition to the mutual security programs — 
administered through tlie Department of Defense, 
ICA [International Cooperation Administration], 
and the DLF [Development Loan Fund] — 
assistance has been extended under P.L. 480 
[Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act] and llirough the Export-Import Bank. 

For fiscal year 1961 we are requesting $457.9 
million in militai*y assistance funds and $345.3 


Department of Stafe Bulletin 

million in economic assistance other tlian tlie DLF 
for the Near East and Soutli Asia regions. This 
request includes contributions to UNRAVA 
[United Nations Eelief and AVorks Ajrency for 
Palestine Refugees] and UNEF [United Nations 
Emergency Force]. This proposal of $803.2 mil- 
lion represents an increase of $2();5.1 million for 
military purposes and a reduction of $15 million 
for economic assistance from the estimated 1960 

Our presentation this year reflects several new 
themes and changes of emphasis. Firstly, South 
Asia is receiving special attention in the form of 
incre^ised loans for economic development in that 
area and substantial contributions to the financing 
of the Indus waters project. I shall return to 
these subjects later. 

A second major theme of our presentation is 
the expectation that increased contributions to the 
countries of this region will be forthcoming from 
certain advanced European countries and Japan, 
i.e. the U.S. will not be alone or nearly alone in 
extending a.ssistance. Under Secretary Dillon has 
already outlined the consultations which have oc- 
curred on this subject. Turkey has received sub- 
stantial assistance from the OEEC [Organization 
for European Economic Cooperation] countries; 
Greece has received significant credits from Ger- 
many; certain Commonwealth countries and Ger- 
many are joining with the United States in the 
planned financing of the Indus waters project; 
consultations are currently underway regarding 
increased aid to India and Pakistan by other 

AYe feel, therefore, that our proposals are re- 
sponsive to many of the thoughts expressed by 
this committee in former years : that we encourage 
increased contributions from the improving econ- 
omies of the more developed nations, that we 
concentrate assistance where it can be most effec- 
tively utilized, that we administer aid in such a 
way as to help reduce tensions between free-world 
countries, and that we encourage increased re- 
gional cooperation. 

Setting an Example 

Our political contribution is that we have set 
an example of a nation whose people have found 
a way to live in freedom under law and who at the 
same time are prepared to work with and help 
those of a like mind and purpose to achieve the 

sanui thing. Our unswerving support for (he 
principles of the United Nations Charter is part 
of this contribution. 

The people of the imderdeveloped areas do not 
give their trust readily, but they are coming in- 
creasingly to realize that wlien we speak of the 
dignity, rights, and liberties of the individual 
man we are not using tlie hollow words of propa- 
ganda ; we mean what we say. 

A Diverse Region 

It is difficult to decide the best way to present to 
you the political and economic problems of the 
part of the world for which I bear some responsi- 
bility. The countries and people, let alone their 
problems, do not fall readily into pat groupings 
and categories. Once it has been said that all of 
these countries desire to maintain their own way 
of life in freedom, the diversities present them- 

The sum of $206 million is being requested for 
the defense support of Greece, Turkey, Iran, and 
Pakistan. These countries have in common a firm, 
unswerving, and announced posture agamst Com- 
munist enci'oachment of any kind. Nevertheless 
the internal prol)lems of each are veiy different. 

The "Arab countries" (principally U.A.R. 
[United Arab Republic], Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan, 
Saudi Arabia, and Yemen) might be considered 
a homogeneous group except that some are poor 
and some are oil-rich ; some have a talented edu- 
cated class and some are lacking in this respect. 
Unresolved differences exist among all the coun- 
tries of this group. 

Israel, with its dynamic, hard-working people, 
is a special case in almost every sphere of its na- 
tional life and activity. Special assistance to Is- 
rael is an essential supplement to resources re- 
ceived from private contributions, German rep- 
arations, and Israel's own efforts. In addition 
Israel continues to receive aid from the Develop- 
ment Ix)an Fund, Export-Import Rank, and P.L. 
480 sources. 

It is hard to detect common denominators in the 
manifold problems of Afghanistan except, per- 
haps, tlie menace of Communist pressure from the 
north, wiiich it shares with Nepal. 

Nepal, like Afghanistan, is a remote country 
exposed directly to the menace of communism in 
adjoining territory. As in Afghanistan spet^'ial 
assistance serves the vital function of offering an 

April 18, J 960 


alternative to greater economic dependence on 
the Soviet bloc. Nepal, too, is determined to main- 
tain its full independence. 

Pakistan, the largest Muslim country in the 
world and a sturdily anti-Communist member of 
both CENTO [Central Treaty Organization] and 
SEATO [Southeast Asia Treaty Organization], 
is again a special problem in many respects. 

Largest by far in my area of responsibility 
stands India with its 410,000.000 people, who again 
have an outlook differing in various ways from 
those of their neighbors. 

The diversities between these countries which 
I liave just cited explain, we think, the necessity 
for flexil)i]ity in the components of the "indispen- 
sable instrument of our foreign policy" — the Mu- 
tual Security Program. 

Exjierience has shown that each component of 
this i)rogram lias its role in advancing TTnitcd 
States interest — militai-y assistanre, defense suji- 
port, special assistance, Development Loan Fund, 
technical cooperation, and the contingency fund. 
These are the instnunents wjiich you gentlemen 
supply and with which we work, clioosing like a 
surgeon the instrument best suited to the opera- 


The Amei'iran ]ienp]e have achieved stature in 
the world by steadfastly and unselfishly support- 
ing a careful, exjierience-proven assistance, pro- 
gi'am during the past decade or more. This eii- 
liglitened self-interest on the part of our iieo]ile 
is proini)ted by their desire to secure, in company 
witJi otiii'i- free peojjles, the peaceful world upon 
wliicli so much depends. The knowledge abroad 
tlial we ))ropose to hew imfalteringly to this 
coui-se is a psycliological asset of tlie gi'eafest iui- 

C()ni|)ar('d to tlie situatiou wliich existed after 
A\'orId ^X•.\\^ IT the coiiiil ries of tlu' area for whicii 
I lia\(> soirie I'espousiliilily iia\'e all niiule progress. 
Lately I lie i-atc of ])i' in sonic countries has 
been considerably accelerated, llianks in important 
measure to I lie \il al margin of addit iotial resources 
iiiad(( a\iiilable (liroiigli Cnitcd Slates aid pro- 
gi'ams. 'I'his is no t inic for us to i-elax : i f \\c did 
so this would be intei'prctcd m broad 1)\' our eiiciiiics 
as ;i (li<pl:iy (>( lack of faitli in the future of I he 
countries concernc(| ;iiii| in the hojie of their some 
day achieving economic and social dcvclopnieiil . 

We should remember that United States aid is 
more than dollars and surplus conunodities; it 
symbolizes to recipient countries United States 
faith that the receiving coimtry has the capacity to 
achieve better things. Our aid gives rise to greater 
determination and gi-eater efforts by the recipients. 

All of us have pushed a car to get it started. 
The hardest part is getting the car to move at all. 
As the car begins to move forward even slightly, 
the pushing becomes easier. But it is folly to 
stop pushing when we hear the engine make its 
first tentative cough. A number of the countries 
witli which I am concerned have fired one or two 
cylinders. We liope that their engines will soon 
really start turning over and will take over the 
jol), Init we must keep pushing now. 

I make this ap]ieal as one of those to whom the 
Mutual Security Program and our other means 
of aid are indispensable means to achieve the ad- 
vancement of United States interests. I am con- 
fident that we will maintain, in conjunctio!i with 
our friends, the momentum already achieved. 

In the year since my jiredecessoi- aiijieared be- 
fore you, there have been both good and bad de- 
velopments in the Near East and South Asian 
area, but fortunately they have been more on the 
good side than on the bad side. 

Arab-Israeli Relations 

On the bad side Arab-Israeli tensions continue 
to exist, although no major military clashes took 
place during the year. A most importaTit 
element of this many-faceted problem continues 
to be the care and future of the Palestine i-efngees. 
AVe would be deluding ourselves were we to say 
that there is any hope for an early solution for 
this lu'objem. Despite the efl'orts of the United 
States, which have been consistent if not always 
obvious, and dcs]iile the erjually sincere eli'oi't,s of 
other members of tlie United Nations, ni>ither the 
.Vi'ab Slates nor Israel have shown the degree of 
willingness to n(>gotiate or coinpi'ouiise which is 
necessary to insure a ]>caccful and lasting setlle- 
inent of this pi'oblclii. 

'I'lie United Nat ions debated the Palestine refii- 
ge(v ]irobK'iii al some Icnirlh during late \o\(>mber 
and early 1 )ecembei-. .Much of this debate cen- 
tered around tlie coni inual ion of PXRWA as the 
;igency iiroxiding i-elicf and I'clialiilitat ion assist- 
ance to ilie refugees. In llu> coui-se of that debate 
the United .States stressed tliat action limited to 


Department of State Bulletin 

the mere extension of UNRWA after June 30, 
19C0, \v!is not, in its view, a satisfactory way to 
serve tho long-term interests of tlie le I'ugees. The 
General Assembly, on December 19, 1959, finally 
adopted Kesohition 1456, which extended 
L'NKAVA for a period of 3 yeai-s, to be reviewed 
at the end of 2 years.^ The resolution also called 
on tlie Ignited Nations Palestine Conciliation 
Couunission to explore the possibilities of repa- 
triation and compensation and urged host govern- 
ments to take steps to rectify refugee relief I'olls. 
Since there was clearly no acceptable alternative 
to the extension of UNRWA, the United States 
voted for this resolution. Had I'NRWA gone out 
of existence, this would have created serious in- 
ternal security problems for all of the Arab host 
governments and would have been a blow to the 
general stability of the Near East, adversely af- 
fecting the security of Israel. We regard the 
resolution as a modest but distinct step toward 
breaking the impasse that has so long obtained 
on the Palestme refugee problem. 

The Congress is accordingly being asked to au- 
thorize $18.5 million in new money and permit the 
reappropriation of $6.5 million unused funds as 
the United States contribution to UNRWA for 
the continued care of the Palestine refugees. As 
in past yeai-s we do not envisage that our con- 
tribution will exceed 70 percent of total govern- 
ment contributions to UNRWA. 

The executive branch is requesting that the ear- 
marking of any part of these funds specifically 
for repatriation or resettlement not be included in 
the legislation this year. There are two main 
reasons for making this request. 

The first and obvious one is that the require- 
ments for assistance to refugees will continue at 
the same or a higher level during the forthcoming 
years. A 10 percent earmarking of the $25 million 
fund would place the United States delegation at 
the next General Assembly session in a position 
of having to pledge less than it has for the past 
3 years. Were we at all hopeful that other na- 
tions would increase their contributions, a reduc- 
tion in the amount pledged by the United States 
might be warranted, but such a development is not 
now in prospect. The Palestine refugees and the 
Arab host governments would interpret a reduc- 
tion in the United States contribution as an etfort 

' For U.S. statements and test of the resolution, see 
BtnxETiN of Jan. 4, 1960, p. 31. 

to force a settlement of the refugee problem 
through financial pressure. This, hi our best 
judgment, would run counter to our continuing 
etl'orts to progress toward solving this problem. 

A second consideration which warrants the at- 
tention of this committee is that the specific ear- 
marking of funds in the past has not produced 
the desired results. There is no immediate pros- 
pect that any Arab host government will be pre- 
pared to cooperate in the use of such funds for 
repatriation and resettlement purposes unless and 
until it is satisfied that the refugees' rights have 
been fully protected. The fundamental right as 
the refugees see it, and as has been consistently 
and specifically reconfirmed by the United Na- 
tions, is that they should be offered the option of 
choosing between repatriation or compensation. 
This option is something which Israel and the 
Arab host governments themselves must primarily 
assure. Our role is to assist them through the 
United Nations toward the resolution of this 

During most of 1959 the frontier areas between 
Israel and its Arab neighbors were relatively 
quiet. Some incidents, however, did occur in the 
demilitarized zone south and east of Lake Tiberias 
late in January 1960. U.A.R. troops subsequently 
moved to the Sinai area in what was described 
as defensive precautions. Fortunately the up- 
surge in tension caused by these developments 
appears now to be ssubsidmg. In our view both 
sides should continue to cooperate fully with the 
United Nations and its subsidiaiy organizations, 
the United Nations Troop Supen-isoiy Organiza- 
tion (UNTSO) and the United Nations Emer- 
gency Force (UNEF). Tlie diligent service of 
these U.N. units is in large measure responsible for 
monitoring and controlling border tensions. The 
United States continues to contribute able ofTicei-s 
to UNTSO and to render substantial financial and 
logistic support to UNEF. 

Suez Canal Problem 

A particularly difficult and continuing problem 
in Arab-Israeli relations is the question of the 
restrictions imposed on the transit of Israeli sliips 
and cargoes through the Suez Canal. The United 
States has consistently maintained its support for 
the principle of fi-eetlom of transit through Suez. 
In addition to ourselves, some 23 other states 
made statements in support of this principle dur- 

April 18, 1960 


ing the recent United Nations General Assembly.^ 
We continue to believe that the United Nations 
channel affords the best prospect for achieving 
progress on this problem and are actively support- 
ing the Secretary-General's endeavors. It is our 
hope that his efforts to achieve a solution between 
the parties directly concerned will be brought to 
an early and successful conclusion. As Secretary 
Herter pointed out during his remarks on this 
subject at the last United Nations General As- 
sembly, ". . . If those immediately concerned 
seek to reconcile their differences in a spirit of 
mutual accommodation, progress can be made to- 
ward a solution." * 


During 1959 the United States continued to 
manifest its friendship for Jordan by extending 
substantial economic assistance. With its present 
resources Jordan is not a ^^able economic entity. 
Assistance under the Mutual Security Program, 
the UNRWA refugee relief program, and, on a 
smaller scale, from the Government of the United 
Kingdom has assured its continued existence. In 
this way funds voted by your committee have con- 
tributed substantially to preserving the political 
stability and the development of the economy of 
this small but strategically located countiy. 

Other Problems of the Area 

Wlien my predecessor appeared before you last 
year the Iraqi revolution was only 8 months old 
and the internal political situation in that country 
was a difficult one. In the interim Ii-aq has con- 
tinued to have severe political and economic prob- 
lems, but we are confident that the Iraqi people 
themselves have the capabilitj^ of deciding what 
best suits them as a form of government. 

Mention should be made of two unresolved and 
stubborn riparian problems. Iraq and Iran dur- 
ing the past year have been disputing over their 
respective rights along tlie Sliatt-al-Arab, the 
estuary which forms part of their conunon fron- 
tier. Similarly there have been diiferences be- 
tween Iran and Afghanistan over water rights in 
the lower reaches of the Helmand River. We 
hope that reason and quiet diplomacy will be able 
to bring both problems to a solution satisfactory 
to tlie parties. 

' For n statement by Secretary Herter, see ibid., Oct. K, 
lO.^.O, p. 467. 
' Ihid. 

Hopeful Signs 

Having spoken of the debit side, I would like to 
mention some favorable evidence wliich has de- 
veloped during the past year wluch indicates that 
tlie climate of increasmg stability, in part en- 
gendered by our aid efforts in collaboration with 
those of our allies and with the states concerned, 
has begun to pay off. 

Last year Mr. Pilcher ^ asked cogently, "Have 
we more friends than 10 years ago ?"' I think that 
the number of our friends has increased to a note- 
worthy extent in the past 12 months. For this 
the President's trip '^ last fall made a great con- 
tribution — particularly in India and Pakistan — 
but there were other reasons which contributed to 
the enhancement of our prestige. The invitation 
to Mr. Khrushchev to visit the United States ' was 
seen as a gesture evincing our moral strength — a 
display of willingness on our part to discuss East- 
West differences without compromising our own 
position or that of our allies. The fact of our 
prompt withdrawal from Lebanon — bOls paid and 
leaving friends behind — increasingly was appre- 
ciated as giving the lie to those who talk about the 
"imperialist designs" of the United States. The 
most striking development of all was the India- 
wide reaction to the incursion of the Chinese Com- 
munists, which, coupled with the President's %asit, 
caused many Indians to see their international 
position with new and clearer eyes. 

As regards Greece and Tm-key, the outlines of 
the Cyprus agreements wliich were woi'ked out at 
Zurich and London just about a year ago have per- 
mitted a real strengthening of the relations be- 
tween those two countries and their, and our, 
NATO ally. Great Britaua. Although these 
agreements are not yet fvdly consummated, they 
mark a significant development in Greek-Turkish 
relations and hence a contribution to the peace and 
tranquillity in the eastern Mediterranean. Eco- 
nomically both Greece and Turkey have made 
progress. Turkey's stabilization program, which 
was instituted with international cooperation over 
a year ago, is still moving forward. Greece is cur- 
rently endeavoring to formulate a much-needed 
development program. Since the economies of 

" Representative John L. Pilcher, member of the House 
ForeiKU ACfairs Committee. 

' BuiXETiN Of Dec. 28, 1959, p. 931, and Jan. 11, 1960, p. 

' Hid., Oct. 5, 1959, p. 476, and Oct. 12, 1959, p. 499. 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

both of these NATO countries are still unable to 
bear the cost of necessary defense, it is planned 
to continue to each some defense support assistance, 
althoufxh its scale is slightly reduced. The hope 
of the situations in Greece and Turkey has caused 
other Euroj)ean countries to become actively inter- 
ested in participatinji in the economic development 
programs of Greece and Turkey. Applications of 
l>oth countries for an appropriate relationship 
with the developing economic institutions of Eu- 
rojw are being sympathetically considered by the 
more developed countries of the European 

In the last year three of the countries of the area, 
Turkey. Iran, and Pakistan — all membei-s of the 
Central Treaty Organization, or CENTO, the new 
name for the Baghdad Pact — continued their ef- 
forts to provide for their collective security 
through united action. We plan to continue giv- 
ing CENTO our close support, through economic 
activities designed to further the trend toward 
gi-eater regionalism. The CENTO area's criti- 
cally inadequate internal communications — rail, 
road, and telecommunications — are being im- 
proved. We are also complementing our bilateral 
agi-eements by giving tecluiical assistance to activi- 
ties which can be more effectively carried out 
through regional action. 

Iran under the leadersliip of the Shah continues 
to be imixjrtant to free-world and United States 
security interests. Despite a hostile and abusive 
propaganda campaign conducted by the Soviet 
Union and its allies starting in 1959 and despite 
Soviet tlireats, Iran has refused to i-enounce its 
agreements with the free world and has continued 
fo maintain common cause with the other free 
nations of CENTO and with the United States. 
Iran has made headway during the past year in a 
number of economic fields and is currently at the 
halfway mark in a major 7-year economic devel- 
opment program. In addition, with United States 
help it has improved its armed forces. Recently 
there has been a disturbing inflationary tendency 
with which the Iranian Government is attempting 
to deal. 

South Asia 

We are placing special emphasis on South Asia 
in an effort to concentrate our resources on a vital 
area of the world, whose countries have notably 
demonstrated a will and a capacity to help tliem- 

selves. This is in accord with the report of tliis 
connnitteo last year, which stressed the nee^l to 
ma.\iniizo development assistance where it could 
be most effectively utilized. 

Afghanistan, with i(s long frontier with Russia, 
continues to be a target of Russian expansionism. 
The Sino-Soviet economic, military assistance, and 
cultural offensive, which began in 1954, started 
with a program in Afghanistan, wliich now looks 
increasingly to the U.S.S.R. for both trade and 
aid. Afghanistan desires to maintain its inde- 
pendence and remain free of the political or eco- 
nomic domination of any country. We hope that 
Afghanistan will l)e able to achieve this. The 
funds requested for Afghanistan in fiscal year 1961 
will enable us to carry forward certain essential 
projects begun in prior years. Particular empha- 
sis is being placed on transportation and education. 
Afghanistan's relations with Pakistan continue to 
be strained as a result of a dispute regarding the 
status of the Pushtu-speaking tribes on both sides 
of the Pakistan- Afghanistan border. 

As a member of both CENTO and SEATO, 
Pakistan maintained its solidly anti-Communist 
policy and at the same tune made economic prog- 
i-ess. It remains clearly in the United States 
interest to mauitain our support for tlie inde- 
pendence of our stanch ally Pakistan by en- 
hancing Pakistan's economic and military 
strength. Pakistan is a good example of the way 
we can cooperate through the Mutual Security 
Program with a strong and friendly government 
and can advance the interests of both by contribut- 
ing to the achievement of economic development, 
defensive military strength, and political stability. 
Pakistan continues to accord our policies its co- 
operation and support. 

In 1959 Pakistan, under President Ayub Khan, 
consolidated its internal position, instituted re- 
forms, checked inflation, and improved go\eni- 
ment operations and fiscal management. An ex- 
port incentive scheme and effective restrictions on 
imports helped rwluce a seriously adverse balance 
of payments. Large landholdings in West Pak- 
istan are being redistributed among landless 
peiusants, and incentives to agricultural pi'oduc- 
tion are being adopted. 

Important advances wore made during the past 
year toward reducing India-Pakistan tensions. 
The two countries made progress during the year 
toward solving some of their differences, includ- 
ing frontier problems, and appear on the thresh- 

April 18, I960 


old of an agreement regarding the use of the 
waters of the rivers of the Indus basin. 

The people of India continued their efforts to 
make economic progress and pushed ahead with 
their program of economic development designed 
to double the per capita real income of the Indian 
people in the 25 years 1951-76. This develop- 
mental effort is within the fi-amework of a series 
of 5-year plans, the third of which is to begin 
April 1, 1961. 

United States aid for India in all its forms 
clearly promotes the United States political ob- 
jective of insuring tlirough economic progress the 
continuation of democratic institutions and the 
basically friendly orientation of the Indian people 
toward the West. 

The success of the development efforts of the 
democratic Government of India will demonstrate 
not only to the people of India but to those of 
other countries of Asia and Africa, who are closely 
watching the respective efforts of India and Com- 
munist China, that such a government is capable 
of obtaining the desired results, that essential 
economic progi'ess can be acliieved through demo- 
cratic institutions and with the preservation of 
human freedoms. 

Indus Waters 

Since the partition of India in 1947 one of the 
two major disputes which have embittered rela- 
tions between India and Pakistan has involved the 
use of the waters of the Indus River system. 
Throughout all recorded histoi-y the Indus basin 
lias been the breadbasket of Pmijab and midivided 
India. During the two centuries of British i-ule 
a vast network of irrigation canals were installed 
which made this the greatest irrigation system in 
the world. The present dispute arose from the 
fact that the border demarcation between India 
and West Pakistan cut across the six major rivers 
of the Indus River system, giving control of the 
upstream waters of those rivers to India. India 
wished to exj^and its use of these waters ; Pakistan 
was fearful that its supply of these waters might 
be oit off or seriously curtailed by Indian action. 
Tlie two Govermnents started negotiating under 
auspices of the International Bank for Recon- 
struction and Development in 1952 and in the 
summer of 1959 agreement in prmciple was finally 
reached on a Bank plan designed to insure the 
supply of water to both parties. 

The two Governments are now engaged in 
negotiating a definitive water treaty. The Bank 
is hopeful that within 2 months India and 
Pakistan may be able to agree on all outstanding 
points. Construction of the system of works 
proposed by the Bank will require about 10 years 
and cost on the order of the equivalent of $1 billion. 

Together with Australia, Canada, Germanj', 
New Zealand, and the United Kingdom, the 
United States proposes to participate in the inter- 
national financing plan which the World Bank 
will administer.^ The contribution proposed by 
the Bank for the United States consists of $177 
million in gi-ant aid, $103 million in loans, and 
$235 million in local currencies to be derived 
from the operation of various United States pro- 
grams in Pakistan. 

Subject to future appropriations, the Govern- 
ment of the United States proposes to assist this 
project financially not only because it would lessen 
tensions between India and Pakistan but also 
because of our interest m f urthermg cooperatively 
a project upon which will depend the futui-e wel- 
fare of some 40 million people living in the Indus 
basin. When completed, the entire system of 
works will be by far the largest integrated irriga- 
tion project in the world. 

I consider that the solution of this serious issue 
will constitute a major step forward in promoting 
peace in the area and that the cooperative contri- 
bution to the cost of the program on the part of 
the other countries is an ideal way to finance the 
solution the World Bank is proposing. It is im- 
portant to the success of the Bank's solution, how- 
ever, that the Congress should grant the 
President's request for flexibility in the applica- 
tion of regulations normally applied to bilateral 

Military Aid 

The strong defensive posture of the Greeks, 
Turks, Iranians, and Pakistanis vis-a-vis the 
Communist world is no artificial creation. These 
countries have had a long experience with their 
neighbors to the north and east, and even if no 
free-world aid were available they would strain 
their resources to maintain what they consider 
they need in the way of defense forces. They 
are stalwart, resolute people who share our detesta- 
tion of Commimist imperialism and with whom 

' Ibid., Mar. 21, 1960, p. 442. 


Department of State Bulletin 

our mutual defense arrangements are practical 
and mesuiingful. This built-in attitude suits our 
own defense requirements, but, just as we cannot 
do at home, we cannot permit defense require- 
ments to wreck the economies of our friends. We 
try to achieve a balance in our aid between mil- 
itary and economic aid. 

Our militarj' assistance elTort in this region is 
used to strengthen the free-world collective se- 
curity system. Our expenditures, both in effort 
and substance, are therefore direct contributions 
to the security of the United States. All but 2 
percent of our military assistance program for 
this region is devoted to the support of military 
forces in Greece, Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan. 
These countries are members of, and major coii- 
tributors to, one or more of the defense organiza- 
tions of NATO, CENTO, and SEATO. 

The success of our military assistance to Greece 
in her hour of trial in 1948 was spectacular. We 
have reason to believe that our military assistance 
to other countries has been equally successful if 
less spectacular. It is not by chance that these 
coimtries so close to the power center of interna- 
tional communism in the Soviet Union have failed 
to succumb to Soviet threats and blandishments. 

We are requesting $457.9 million for fiscal year 
1961 to be devoted to military assistance. We feel 
that this sum is required to maintain the mo- 
mentum of our military assistance program and 
that the appropriation of a lesser amount would 
entail risks to the security of the area which the 
Soviet Union would be pleased to see us take. 
Of the total being requested $159 million is pro- 
gramed for force maintenance, $246.7 for force 
improvement, and the balance of $52.2 is to be 
used for packing and shipment of materiel and 
other services. More than half the amount re- 
quested for force improvement is required to im- 
prove the forces of Greece and Turkey, who are 
members of NATO and whose military defenses 
are planned by that organization. In this con- 
nection the Soviets have amply demonstrated by 
economic and military assistance penetrations 
into the general area that they are eager to inject 
themselves to our detriment in any area which 
offers them an opportunity. 

Communist Aid Programs 

The success of United States aid efforts has been 
so impressive to the Communist bloc that it 

started a rival aid program in 1954 and has been 
pushing hard in this field ever since, with partic- 
ular concentration on Afghanistan, India, Iraq, 
and both the Syrian and Egyptian regions of the 

The need for aid is so great that no one country 
or group of countries can preempt the aid field. 
It makes little sense to attempt to outbid the Com- 
munist bloc in the aid field — to attempt to match 
ruble aid with dollar aid. Moreover it would be 
inconsistent for us to say that a dam in the U.A.R. 
or steel mill in India would not be an addition to 
the country's economy simply because Communist 
loans financed them and Communist engineers 
built them. This, of course, we do not say. We 
warn, however, with good reason that Commu- 
nists are imbued with a driving faith in tlieir 
credo of world revolution and seek always to make 
converts. We advise the receiving states to be 
wary and vigilant lest a byproduct of the Soviet 
aid they accept turns out to be the seed of the 
destruction of their freedom. 

Such aid as the United States can offer comes, of 
course, without political strings of any kind and 
is given to the extent possible in the spu'it of co- 
operatively helping people to help themselves. 
This contrast in approach is becoming more and 
more widely known and understood as the Com- 
munists insinuate themselves more and more into 
the underdeveloped areas as sharers of the burden 
of economic development. The willingness to ac- 
cept aid from both sides is an article of faith of 
the unalined countries and they will continue to 
seek aid from the Communist bloc, but if the same 
volume and terms of assistance could be obtained 
from Western sources, the recipient countries 
would probably, all matters being equal, prefer 
to have it from the West. 

There are no grounds for complacency on our 
part, however. Wliere Communist aid is pre- 
ponderant, as in Afghanistan, the U.A.R., Iraq, 
and Yemen, or on a large scale, as in India, it is 
usually characterized by an influx of bloc person- 
nel — technicians, advisers, and even skilled labor. 
The Communists in most cases literally take over 
the projects from the planning stage through to 
completion, soliciting a minimum of help from the 
recijiient country. The United States, on the other 
hand, makes cooperation with llic receiving coun- 
try an important part of its aid program. It 
utilizes to the maximum degree indigenous skills, 
both technical and administrative, thereby at- 

April 18, I960 


tempting to make a partner of the underdeveloped 
country. This procedure not only preserves the 
dignity of the receiving counti-y but, what is 
equally important, it provides increased training 
and experience for local officials. 

Secretary Herter alluded, however, to one form 
of the Communist challenge with which it is some- 
times hard to deal — the extra inducements which 
the Communist countries have incorporated in 
their aid programs. He said : ® 

A feature of the bloc camiiaign which has had great ap- 
peal to the recipients is the apparent willingness to pro- 
vide types of projects which an underdeveloped country 
wants without requiring economic justification for the 
project or attempting to secure governmental reform of 
various economic ijolicies. Nor does the bloc appear to 
require the various accounting checks which are involved 
in United States programs. 

Low interest rates, repayment in commodities, 
and the "ask and get" formula are undoubtedly 
highly attractive features of Soviet aid, particu- 
larly in the case of governments racing to make a 
show of progress to their people and yet lacking 
trained individuals who can intelligently plan and 
execute a rational and properly phased develop- 
ment program. 

In our determination to see to it that our aid is 
properly used we must beware of arrogating to 

ourselves omniscience regarding the needs of for- 
eign countries, particularly those m severe need 
and exposed position. It is natural for the people 
who live in these countries to feel that they laiow 
best what they want. However, our friends, nota- 
bly in South Asia, are coming more and more 
to understand that the rigid justifications and 
engineering standards we insist upon are elements 
which in the long run will protect them against 
ill-considered projects. 

Where special circumstances require it, we 
should be prepared to show flexibility, but we have 
reason to believe we are fundamentally on the 
right track in our aid methods. 

During the last decade the Mutual Security Pro- 
gram and its predecessors have contributed sub- 
stantially to the peace and stability of the Near 
East and South Asia. It has deterred aggression 
and preserved the freedom of independent states 
menaced by Communist subversion. Step by step 
it has created in the minds and hearts of millions 
of people throughout the area an image of the 
United States as a nation dedicated to the cause 
of world peace. We think tliat the American 
people have been well served by the Mutual 
Security Program and that in the conduct of our 
foreign affairs it is essential to continue its 
important role. 

The n^utual Security Program in Europe 

Statement hy Foy D. Kohler 

Assistant Secretary for European Affairs ^ 

The Mutual Security Program for Europe in 
fiscal year 1961 is almost entirely military. Its 
purposes, as in the past several years, are to en- 
courage and assist our European allies in develop- 
ing the military forces required for the common 
defense of the West. 

I have always considered it unfortunate that, in 

» IhUL, Mar. 7, 1960, p. 375. 

^ Made before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on 
Mar. 16. 

newspaper and public discussions, our contribu- 
tions to the European NATO [North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization] forces should be lumped 
under the general heading of "foreign aid." These 
contributions represent mutual security in the 
t rnest sense of the word. As has been made clear 
by spokesmen of the Defense Department who 
have appeared before you, our ability to deter and 
resist Soviet aggression does not depend upon 
United States military power alone. It depends 
upon the combined military power of the free 


Department of State Bulletin 

world as a whole. Our allies in Western Europe 
are making a subsUintial contribution to supple- 
menting and supporting the military defenses of 
the United States, and our own security requires 
that we help to make their military elTorts mean- 
ingful and adequate. 

We have often heard certain fellow citizens 
emphasize the ti-emendous threat represented by 
international connnunism and have also heard 
some of them argue that United States defenses 
are not adequate to meet this threat. It seems 
liighly anomalous to hear some of these same cit- 
izens advocate the elimination or drastic reduc- 
tion of foreign niilitaiy assistance. The 
Communist threat is indeed serious, and the need 
for adequate defense is imperative. But we de- 
lude ourselves dangerously if we ignore the fact 
that the defensive power wliicli really counts is 
the total defensive power of the United States 
and other free nations. And in this total pic- 
ture nothing would be more shoi'tsighted than to 
deny ourselves the enonnous dividends we receive 
from our investments in the military programs of 
our European allies. 

Negotiating With the Soviet Union 

The past year has been one of intense diplo- 
matic activity. This will be intensified in the 
near future as we undertake a series of negotia- 
tions of perhaps fateful importance. The main- 
tenance of the strength and effectiveness of the 
Western alliance will be more imjjortant during 
this i>eriod than at any time since the alliance 
was founded. 

Within a few days we shall be sitting down 
with representatives of the Soviet bloc to talk 
about the possibilities of disarmament, and the 
United States Government is hopeful that the 
world may at last be on the threshold of genuine 
progress toward that goal. But there is one fact 
that we must keep clearly in mind. We can never 
expect to obtain a safe and workable disarmament 
agreement if we are so foolish as to make sub- 
stantial reductions in our own armaments while 
we are attempting to negotiate such an agreement. 
If the Soviet Union could succeed in inducing the 
West to disann itself while retaining the essence 
of its own military power, a genuine disarmament 
agreement would become a pipedream. We cer- 
tainly intend to negotiate with the Soviet Govern- 

ment in good faith, but we do not intend to give 
them something for nothing. 

Within a few weeks the Heads of Government 
of the United States, France, the United Kingdom, 
aTul tiie Soviet Union will meet in Paris.- At that 
meeting we, the United Kingdom, and France will 
continue our longstanding efforts to make prog- 
ress toward a resolution of some of the outstand- 
ing points at issue between oiu-selves and the 
Soviet Union. 

No one can now predict what will be the out- 
come of these discussions. No one knows whether 
any real progress will be made toward a just solu- 
tion of the problem of Germany, which, due to 
Soviet intransigence, remains divided; of Berlin, 
whose people are determined to remain free and 
maintain their links with the West; and of genu- 
ine, controlled disarmament. There is, however, 
one thing that can be said with absolute cer- 
tainty. Solutions to these problems on a basis 
compatible with elementary considerations of jus- 
tice and consistent with basic principles from 
which we cannot deviate and still retain our free- 
dom and dignity will not be promoted by any 
weakening of our posture or our wUl. 

We might, in fact, take a lesson from the oppo- 
sition in this regard. It is true that the time- 
phased Soviet ultimatum of last year has been 
withdrawn, and an intent to seek settlements by 
peaceful means through negotiations has been pro- 
claimed. However, Mr. Khrushchev has recently 
been making it clear that there is no alteration in 
the basic Soviet positions on Berlin and Germany 
and that the threat of unilateral Soviet action at 
some time remains. And while Soviet propa- 
ganda has been trying to make capital of the So- 
viet announcement that it planned to reduce armed 
force personnel over the next 18 months or so to 
a level approximating that of the United States 
Armed Forces, he declared to the Supreme Soviet 
on January 14 that "the Soviet Army now has 
combat means and firepower never before pos- 
sessed by any army" and "would be able to literally 
wipe the country or countries which attack us off 
the face of the earth." Moreover, during the 
recent Asian tour he has been proclaiming that 
"the Soviet Union is the world's most powerful 
nation in the military sense." 

^ The four powers will meet at Paris on May IG ; for an 
exchange of inessages between President Eisenhower and 
Premier Khrushchev, see Bulletin of Jan. 18, 19G0, p. 77. 

April 18, 7960 


Thus I would repeat that, as we enter into tlie 
period of renewed negotiations with the Soviet 
Union, the unity and the strength of the free 
world are of the greatest importance. Solutions 
to outstanding problems will not come easily. 
They will take a long time to accomplish. Wliile 
we continue to seek these solutions, as we have in 
the past, it would be folly to weaken our collective 
military posture in the uncertain period ahead. If 
we are not serious about our defenses now, we will 
never be able to convince anyone of the serious- 
ness of our intentions in what may well be a pro- 
longed periofl of negotiations. 

Military Assistance for Europe 

Military assistance proposed for European 
country programs for the next fiscal year totals 
$459 million. The total for NATO countries, in- 
cluding Greece and Turkey, is $740 million. In 
addition there are certain regional programs — in- 
ternational military headquarters, infrastinicture, 
mutual weapons development, weapons produc- 
tion, the NATO Maintenance Supply Services 
Agency- — intended to support activities entirely or 
almost entirely within the NATO area. Includ- 
ing these regional programs there is a total of a 
little over $1 billion in military assistance pro- 
gramed for the NATO area. 

Military assistance proposed for Europe for 
fiscal year 1961 is approximately the same amount 
as that proposed last year. It is an increase over 
the amount finally programed for the area in fiscal 
year 1900. Reduced appropriations in fiscal year 
1960 as well as in fiscal year 1959 necessitated de- 
ferral of a number of important NATO require- 
ments. Consequently increased allocations are 
now necessary to help offset the reduced appro- 
priations of prior years which have resulted in a 
serious depletion of the pipeline. The executive 
branch is gravely concerned over the weakening 
effects on NATO's military strength which will 
follow unless steps are taken to remedy this steady 

The progi-am which is now submitted for fiscal 
year 1961 is considered to be the minimum re- 
quired to support a level of expenditures adequate 
to finance items which are of critical importance, 
to NATO plans in the next few years and which 
our NATO allies would be unable to procure 
themselves except at the expense of other im- 
portant sectors of their NATO defense effort. 

The fiscal year 1961 program for our NATO 
allies is primarily designed to improve their air- 
defense capability. Approximately 50 percent of 
the program is earmarked for this effort. Another 
30 percent is devoted to missiles other than for 
air defense, to minelaj'ers, and to antisubmarine- 
warfare ships and aircraft. The remaining 20 
percent of the program provides maintenance and 
support for previously programed equipment and 
selected conventional equipment to modernize 
NATO-committed forces in Denmark, Italy, Nor- 
way, Greece, and Turkey. A substantial portion 
of the progi-am for NATO countries, Greece and 
Turkey excepted, is made up of items involving 
cost-sharing projects designed to induce increased 
and more effective country contributions to the 
NATO defense effort and to provide an incentive 
for greater countiy efforts toward essential mod- 
ernization of NATO-committed forces. But in 
addition to modernization it should be noted that 
most European NATO countries are facing grow- 
ing problems of replacing obsolescent conven- 
tional equipment of their armed forces, and the 
procurement of more modern items of major 
equipment in this area will absorb substantial 
parts of their defense budgets over the next few 

Need for Continued U.S. Assistance 

There is certainly more agreement on the neces- 
sity for building up our defenses today than there 
is on the question which logically follows from it, 
namely, how this is to be accomplished. The ques- 
tion which is uppermost in the minds of many 
concerned with our common defense is this: 
Granted that our Western defenses must be 
strengthened, are all NATO allies making as sub- 
stantial a contribution to tliis end as they should, 
or is the United States carrying a disproportion- 
ately heavy share of the Western defense burden ? 

The recently improved international payments 
and reserve position of Western European coun- 
tries, coupled with a decline in United States re- 
serves, has pi-ompted the proposal that European 
NATO membere might now take over entirely the 
burden of meeting their military requirements. 
However, examination of the nature of military 
assistance to the European area shows that this is 
not essentially a problem of balance of payments. 
Indeed, as the committee knows, most of the 
money appropriated for military iissistance is 



Department of State Bulletin 

spent in the United States. Furtliermore, mili- 
tary assistance to Europe ^neratcs purcliuses in 
the United States of spare parts and maintenance 
material which exceed the value of aid money 
spent in Euroije. Last year such purchases were 
$3()0 million alwve Unitexi States military assist- 
ance funds expended in Europe. I think it is ac- 
cordini^ly clear that drastically reducing or closing 
out our military assistance to Europe would not 
solve this country- 's balance-of-puyments problem. 

To the more general question as to why our 
European allies, in view of their remarkable eco- 
nomic progi-ess, cannot be expecte<l to l)ear the 
entire cost of their military programs, the answer 
is also clear. Our European allies would \ye able 
to pay their own defense costs, provided we and 
they were willing to accept a substantially lower 
level of total defensive power. Our contributions 
are dasigned to maintain a level of defensive 
strength which is much greater than could be ex- 
l>ected from Europe's efforts alone. 

It is true that our European allies have made 
general economic progress. However, they con- 
tinue to suffer a numl^er of serious economic limi- 
tations. Living standards in most NATO 
countries are still from one-tliird to one-half as 
high as American living standards. At the same 
time tax rates in other NATO countries, on the 
average, are higher than United States tax rates 
despite the relatively deeper cut this means into 
consumption levels. Several European countries 
have joined us in extending substantial economic 
assistance to the underdeveloped areas of the 
woi'ld. Also the governments of these countries 
encounter some of the same political obstacles to 
increased defense efforts with which we are famil- 
iar in our own country. Since modem weapons 
are incredibly expensive, some of our allies simply 
cannot afford to equip their forces with these 
weapons and at the same time bear the heavy main- 
tenance costs they have already undertaken. 

In view of the very real financial limitations of 
our Euroi^ean allies, as well as the ever-present 
political pressures for arms reduction, an elimina- 
tion or drastic cutback of United States assistance 
would almost certainly provoke a downward chain 
reaction throughout the NATO area. The allied 
goverimients and peoples would say, in effect, "If 
the United States Govermnent no longer considers 
our defense programs important, why should we 
strain our economy to maintain these programs?" 
In other words, if we are unwilling to accept the 

concept that total defense is what really counts, if 
wo make the mistake of accepting the idea that 
each country nmst finance its own defense program 
tlirough its own resources, then we must face the 
fact that the net result will be a dangerous reduc- 
tion in the combinetl defensive power of the free 

European Contributions to Common Defense 

Having made these cautionary remarks, I am 
glad to Ije able to report certain positive steps that 
ai'e being taken to increase European contribu- 
tions to the common defense. 

In the first place the economies of some NATO 
coimtries have improved to the point where they 
are considered financially capable of purchasing 
their own military equipment needs, and grant 
materiel assistance is not presently programed for 
these countries. For all other coimtries military 
grant aid is extended only after careful examina- 
tion to determine whether the country can pur- 
chase the materiel and how the assistance can 
elicit a gi-eater or more effective effort by the 
coimtry itself. In addition certain items such as 
spare parts and other conventional maintenance 
requirements of the European NATO countries, 
which were formerly covered by the military as- 
sistance program, are now financed for the most 
part, by the countries themselves. 

We think the record shows that we have had a 
very considerable measure of success in eliciting 
increased contributions from our NATO allies for 
our common defense; in fact, considering the 
political and other impediments involved we are 
surprised at the favorable showing ourselves. 
The total of defense expenditures for the Euro- 
pean NATO countries last year was $13.6 billion, 
an increase of 11 percent over the $12.2 billion 
spent in 1958 and more than double the 1950 

Furthermore, the trend toward significantly in- 
creased defense expenditures is expected to con- 
tinue. The Netherlands is planning to increase 
its defense budget by 9 percent in 1961 : the United 
Kingdom has announced a 7.6 percent increase; 
the Italian Government has already put into effect 
a 4 percent progressive annual increase; the Bel- 
gian defense budget for 1960, which has just lieen 
submitted to Parliament, represents a 6 percent 
increase over 1959. Following the resolution of 
certain problems of training sites and types of 

[ April 18, I960 


equipment German defense expenditures rose 
steeply by 68 percent from the 1958 level of $1.6 
billion to $2.7 billion in 1959. Let us not ignore 
the fact that in 1953 the United States was paying 
about 28 percent of the total defense costs of our 
European allies; today we are paying about 8 

An abrupt termination of all grants of military 
equipment would seriously weaken the alliance 
system upon which the security of the United 
States depends. The actions of the United States 
in this field in the last analysis must be directed 
to the buildmg of stronger allies who will make 
progressively larger contributions to the common 

We all know, of course, that the threat of inter- 
national communism is not military alone, that the 
contest between the fi'ee world and the Soviet 
system is waged on many fronts. Our freedom 
and security are always endangered by Soviet 
capture of the territory, population, and resources 
of other nations. Tliis is true whether the cap- 
ture results from direct military aggression or 
whether it results from internal subversion, crea- 
tion and exploitation of social chaos, political 
pressures, or economic blandishments. Tliis 
means that we must continue to assist the lesser 
developed nations of the world in securing a 
greater measure of stability and well-being. 

Economic Assistance and Special Projects 

At present economic assistance from tlie United 
States to Europe has practically disappeared, ex- 
cept for a few small programs designed to deal 
only with special situations. Far more important 
is the contribution which our European allies are 
themselves making to the social and economic de- 
velopment of vast areas of Asia and Africa — a 
contribution which adds significantly to our own 
etforts and which we hope will increase in future 
years. We should recognize that these grants and 
loans by European governments for purposes of 
helping the lesser developed areas contribute to 
our common defense just as truly as their military 
expenditures do. Meanwhile, I would like to com- 
ment briefly on our special economic projects 
within Europe itself, which are rapidly diminish- 
ing in size but which are nevertheless important 
to our national security. 

Wo believe defense support for Spain has been 
insti'umental in luiiiiitaining the spirit of coopera- 

tion which has made possible the construction and 
effective utilization of the air- and sea-base com- 
plex jointly operated by the United States and 
Spain. This program provides resources to cover 
Spanish import requirements which contribute to 
economic stability in Spain. Defense support was 
also an element in the Spanish economic stabiliza- 
tion program, which has brought about sounder 
fiscal and monetary policies and so far revereed 
the serious loss of foreigii exchange. A small 
technical cooperation program is contributing to- 
ward modernization of Spain's civil aviation sys- 
tem and improvement in its agricultural and 
industrial productivity. 

The Federal Republic of Germany is now pro- 
viding the help necessary to maintain Berlin's 
economic well-being. United States special as- 
sistance for Berlin, although modest in amount, 
underlines our undiminished interest in the city's 
survival in freedom and is a support to the gov- 
ernment and the people of the city in their re- 
sistance to the unrelenting Commmiist pressures 
to which they are subjected. American aid is 
being used jointly with West German and West 
Berlin financing for the construction in Berlin of 
a medical teaching center. The center, when com- 
pleted in 1964, will not only help to relieve the 
present hospital-bed shortage but will stimulate 
the training of medical personnel and will intro- 
duce American research techniques while at the 
same time generally furthering development of 
German medical research. 

The program for Yugoslavia for next year is 
limited to a small amount of technical cooperation. 
This assistance is designed to familiarize Yugo- 
slav technicians with modern American methods 
in agriculture, industry, mining, transportation, 
and public administration. The fact that we are 
continuing assistance to Yugoslavia does not imply 
approval of the Yugoslav political or economic 
system. It should bo regarded rather as a demon- 
stration to the satellites of Eastern Europe and to 
the uncommitted nations of the world (hut the 
United States is ready to support tlie cll'orts of 
any counti-y which needs help in prosen'ing its 
iiidependence from Soviet domination. 

The fourth program of economic assistance is 
for NATO science and the multilateral programs 
of the Organization for European Economic 
Cooperation (OEEC). The NATO science pro- 
gram, now in its third year, supports fellowships, 
research institutes, and research projects aimed at 


Department of State Bulletin 

increasing the overall eflfectiveness of the scientific 
potential of NATO count lies. Of the OEEC pro- 
grams the United States is particularly concerned 
with those projects with the objective of increas- 
ing the number and quality of scientists and 
te<.'hnicians of the Atlantic Community, as well 
as those of assistance to areas of the world in the 
process of development. 

In summary I would like to call attention again 
to the negotiations we are about to begin with the 
Soviet Union. These negotiations will present us 
simultaneous!}- with a tremendous opportunity 
and a tremendous challenge. Our ability to make 
progress toward a secure and peaceful world will 

depend in large measure upon the strength, unity, 
and detcnuination displayed by the Western 
A\'oi-I(l as a whole. 1 do not need to stress the 
dangerous consequences that could follow if the 
Soviet Union, or even our friends, gained the mis- 
taken impression that United States support for 
NATO was slackening at this critical time. I am 
convinced that tlie Mutual Security Program is 
one of the surest and most clFective means of mo- 
bilizing our strength in NATO. It is for this 
reason that I believe favorable congressional ac- 
tion on the Mutual Security Program is of great- 
est importance in carrying out our defense and 
foreign policy objectives. 

The Mutual Security Program in Latin America 

Statement by R. R. Rubottom, Jr. 

Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs^ 

It is my privilege to appear before you today 
in support of the Mutual Security Program for 
Latin America for fiscal year 1961. 

In proposing our program we have had to rec- 
ognize that basic changes in the course of the 
social, political, and economic development of 
Latin America are now taking place. Many of 
these changes result in demands of one kind or 
another upon this Government and upon this 

The geographic situation of the American Ke- 
publics, their separation from other land areas, 
has fostered a mutuality of attitudes and of ac- 
tions. This same separation has resulted in many 
cases in sensitivity of one American Rei)ul)lic to 
developments in another. We also continue to 
share a common Western political heritage — free- 
dom for the individual under truly democratic 
governments. This common heritage is but one 
of the bases for the tradition of inter-American 
cooperation, and tiie provision of technical co- 
operation and economic assistance to Latin 

' Made before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on 
Mar. 15. 

America is part of our basic foreign policy. Its 
continuing objective is to further the development 
of a strong, friendly, and independent group of 
nations, united to protect the democratic way of 

The present recognition of the need for develop- 
ment of resources, divei"sification of economies, 
improvement of fiscal policies, and attraction of 
increased investment, both foreign and domestic, 
is a vital force throughout the area, just as is the 
strong desire among the great mass of the people 
to enjoy a better standard of living, improved 
health conditions, and greater educational 

Almost every aspect of our national life is af- 
fected, in one way or another, by events occurring 
in Latin America; and it is vital that we have 
a clear awareness of the depth and the magnitude 
of the Latin American revolution, which is pro- 
ducing important changes in the social, political, 
and economic structures of the various countries. 
These changes in turn produce long-lasting 
stresses which lie at the root of political explo- 
sions and continuing instability which make the 

Apri\ ?8, 7960 


headlines. Because the changes in the social 
makeup of the area are deep and far-reacliing, 
we must he prepared, I believe, for further tran- 
sition and continued instability during the com- 
ing years. This, of course, will require both 
attention and action by the United States by vir- 
tue of our inter- American partnership. Our pro- 
gram of technical cooperation and economic 
assistance is specifically aimed at improvement of 
economic and social conditions throughout the 

Every effort must be made to check Communist 
infiltration and subversion in the hemisphere and 
to improve unhealthy economic and social condi- 
tions, upon which communism feeds. One of the 
important tools wliich we can utilize to combat 
this infection is an effective technical and economic 
assistance program such as we are proposing. We 
believe that in Latin America, as everywhere in 
free societies, improved living conditions and so- 
cial standards can be attained without sacrificing 
the dignity of the individual, the right to free- 
dom, and the protection of social minorities. At 
tlie same time the Communist world advocates an- 
other way to the fulfillment of the people's aspira- 
tions, preaching dangerous doctrines of repressive 
action which they claim are a shortcut to the goal. 

The overwhelming majority of the people of 
Latin America has rejected the Communist way, 
seeing it as a contradiction of their own traditional 
philosophies; but we must not complacently ex- 
pect the inter- American community to be able to 
defend itself against Communist blandishments, 
threats, and subversion imless all of its members, 
including the United States, devote their energies 
and resources to demonstrating the effectiveness 
of our way of reaching desired economic and po- 
litical objectives and to blocking the Communists' 

The importance of increased trade and invest- 
ment in the expanding economies of Latin 
America cannot be too strongly stressed, and it 
continues to be our strong conviction that the 
aspirations of tliese countries to better the condi- 
tion of their people can best be fulfilled through 
United States support and encouragement of the 
free-enterprise system. The economic interde- 
pendence of the Americas is one of the dominant 
facts of life within the hemisphere. About 22 
percent of our total exports go to Latin America. 
At the same time we buy approximately 45 per- 
cent of the goods exported by that area. About 

one-third of our private direct investments abroad 
are made in Latin America, these now totaling 
over $9 billion. These investments have been in- 
creasing at an annual rate of approximately $600 
million over the past few years. The continuing 
cooperation of U.S. private capital in Latin Amer- 
ican development, on tei'ms fair and equitable to 
all, is of the greatest importance to the economies 
of these nations and to our own. 

Without minimizing in the slightest degree the 
importance of trade and investment in the de- 
velopment of the Americas, we nevertheless rec- 
ognize that there are gaps which these elements 
cannot fill. 

There is a continuing and increasing need for 
loans for such purposes as transportation, port 
development, public utilities, and the like, to which 
private capital is not attracted, by such lending 
institutions as the Export-Import Bank, the De- 
velopment Loan Fund, the IBRD [International 
Bank for Eeconstniction and Development], and, 
in due course, the recently created Inter- American 
Development Bank. 

Another equally significant gap is the need for 
development of technical skills wliich must be im- 
parted if agricultural, industrial, and other 
technological development, as well as social ad- 
vancement, are to keep pace with the countries' 
needs. In these fields the Latin Americans have 
recognized the value of our experience and know- 
how and are increasingly seeking our cooperation 
in making them available. 

Proposed Fiscal Year 1961 Nonmilitary Aid Level 

We are proposing to tlie Congress a bilateral, 
nonmilitary program for Latin America for fiscal 
year 1961 totaling $39.5 million for technical co- 
operation and $23.1 million for special assistance. 
Compared with the actual fiscal year 1960 pro- 
gram, $2 million more is proposed for tet'hnical 
cooperation; but $1.7 million less is proposed for 
special assistance, or a net overall increase for all 
of Latin America of $300,000 over the current im- 
plementational level. With respect to technical 
cooperation the committee will note that our re- 
quest for fi.scal year 1001 is actually $1.2 million 
below our original request to the Congress for fis- 
cal year 1960, while our current request for special 
assistance is $4.5 million below last year's. 

In addition we are likewise proposing our cus- 
tomary annual pledge of $1.5 million for the mul- 


Department of State Bulletin 

tilatei-al technical cooperation piognun of the 
Organization of American States, our actual con- 
tribution being subject to the proviso tiiat it will 
be limited to 70 percent of total contributions by 
all member countries. 

Technical Cooperation 

The major objective of technical cooperation in 
Latin America is the development of Imnian re- 
sources through demonstration and training. In 
most, if not all, of tlie countries in Latin America 
a principal impediment to economic progress is 
tiio acute shortage of skilled human resources nec- 
essary to make effective use of available physical 
resources. This shortage is due in large part to 
tlie lack of adequate tcclmical training institutions 
and servnces. To help overcome these deficiencies, 
technical coopenxtion assists the host comitries to 
identify their himian resources problems and to 
formulate progi^ams aimed at their solution. 
Once the initial recognition of a deficiency in hu- 
man resources has taken place, there remains the 
long and arduous t^ask of establishing and staffing 
institutions necessary for the development of hu- 
man resources. A concentrated attack can then 
be made on tlie problem of increasing the nvmnber 
and quality of skilled technicians, managers, and 
administrators who are essential to economic de- 
velopment. Institution building is thus one of 
the most effective ways of making available to 
the peoples of countries less teclmologically ad- 
vanced than our own the accumulated stock of 
technical knowledge that we have available. For 
tills reason teclmical cooperation, like all educa- 
tional endeavors, is a long-term program. 

Economic aid, on the other hand, is intended to 
supplement the physical resources of a given coun- 
try, in order to assist in speeding up its economic 
growth. Witliin the ICA [International Coop- 
eration Administration] program, economic aid to 
Latin America is made available on a very lim- 
ited scale in the form of special assistance. 

Technical cooperation and economic aid must be 
clearly distinguished from each other, although in 
some countries both are needed and are carefully 
coordinated for maximum effectiveness. It is the 
job of technical cooperation to help a countrv' 
realize the need for balance in its economic and 
social development, the need for a better invest- 
ment climate, and the need for planning and 
budgeting for such development. Economic aid, 

however, is also necessary in several of tlie coun- 
tries if this development is to take place in the 
next few years at a rate at all responsive to the 
aspirations of the people. A clear distinction 
should be made between ICA economic aid and 
credits provided by a growing list of national and 
international lending institutions. 

Special Assistance 


Bolivia experienced a profound social revolu- 
tion in 1952, as a result of which the traditional 
structure of Bolivian institutions was severely 
shaken and the coimtry's economic situation was 
on the verge of chaos. U.S. assistance, wliich 
began in 1953, softened the effects of this eco- 
nomic crisis and lessened further political and so- 
cial uplieaval which could have affected the 
security of the entire hemisphere. At first grant 
aid insured that minimal food requirements were 
provided in order to alleviate the sufferings of 
the Bolivian people. Since 1956 our aid, together 
with that of the IMF [International Monetary 
Fund], has helped make it possible for the Boliv- 
ian Government to carry on a program of eco- 
nomic stabilization. 

In spite of progress achieved under this pro- 
gram the country has not reached the point where 
it can be considered self-supporting. Bolivia's 
economy is dependent almost entirely for its for- 
eign exchange income upon minerals, with tin 
accounting for the major portion. The enactment 
of a fair petroleum code has encouraged the entry 
into Bolivia of private foreign investment, and 
petroleum holds out a hope for improvement in 
the country's economic situation. This hope, how- 
ever, is still to be realized, for the expansion of 
petroleum production is just beginning. 

The basic problems of a low standard of living 
and low economic activity have been complicated 
by preelectoral maneuvering, in which the extrem- 
ists have created problems for the Government in 
the maintenance of law and order. A new ad- 
ministration is to take over the reins of govern- 
ment later this year and will have the task of 
continuing the effort to prevent political excesses 
and to improve economic conditions. The period 
of economic and political instability is not over 
yet, and it is apparent that in order to give Bo- 
livia time to develop a self-sustaining economy we 
shall have to continue our aid for the time being. 

AprW 18, 1960 



Special assistance for Haiti dates from the 
aftermath of a devastating hurricane in the fall 
of 1954, which was followed within the next 2 
years by severe drought conditions in the north, 
extensive floods in the southern portion, a disas- 
trous coffee crop in 1956 (coffee normally ac- 
counts for about 70 percent of Haiti's export 
earnings), and the fall of the Magloire adminis- 
tration, wliich bi-ought with it a protracted pe- 
riod of political and economic crises. 

In consultation with the IMF a stabilization 
program was put into effect in Haiti in mid-1957, 
shortly before the present Duvalier administra- 
tion took office. Special assistance has been an 
indispensable factor in this progi'am, in arresting 
the economic and financial deterioration and pro- 
viding a firmer basis for responsible government. 
It has enabled Haiti to maintain a free exchange 
system and to assure the inflow of essential im- 
ports. Concurrently, despite economic strains 
and political pressures, the Government has taken 
steps to restore equilibrium through severe budget- 
ary austerity and credit restrictions. 

Tlirough the special assistance program and 
DLF [Development Loan Fund] credits, projects 
are being put into effect which within a relatively 
short time should yield substantial results in pro- 
duction for domestic use and for export. As a 
result of the austerity program there has been a 
modest improvement in Haiti's monetary reserve 
position. We feel that it should be possible to 
terminate special assistance for Haiti within the 
relatively near future. 

West Indies and Eastern Caribbean 

The proposed program for special assistance to 
the new federation of The West Indies is a case 
of U.S. identification with the aspirations of a 
people evolving from colonial to dominion status 
in an area of strategic and economic importance 
to the United States. Special assistance requested 
would serve to strengthen the federation at its 
weakest point through the construction of educa- 
tional and training facilities in the poorer islands. 
In addition a small part of the program would be 
devoted to the acquisition — from U.S. surplus 
stocks wherever possible — of transportation and 
roadbuilding equipment for the construction of 
farm-to-market roads. The special assistance 

program serves to complement major technical co- 
operation efforts in education, transportation, 
public administration, and agriculture. 

Military Assistance 

During the last year some Slembers of Con- 
gress have seriously questioned the desirability of 
continuing the program of grant military assist- 

Foreign Relations Committee Studies 
on U.S.-Latin American Relations 

The Senate Foreign Relations Comtnittee was 
authorized hy the Senate on Jithj 2S, 195S, and in 
continuing authorization on February 2, 1959, to 
have its SiiVcommittee on American Republics en- 
gage selected research organizations in an inquirii 
into U.S. relations with the other American Repub- 
lics. Following is a list o/ the studies now pub- 
lished as committee prints. 

Post World War II Political Developments in Latin 
America. University of New Mexico School of 
Inter-Ainerican Affairs. No. 1. November 19, 
1959. 72 pp. 

Commodity Problems in Latin America. Interna- 
tional Economic Consultants, Inc. No. 2. De- 
cember 12, 1959. 96 pp. 

The Organization of American States. Northwest- 
ern University. No. 3. December 24, 1959. 87 pp. 

United States Business and Labor in Latin America. 
University of Chicago Research Center in Eco- 
nomic Development and Cultural Change. No. 4. 
January 22, 1960. 103 pp. 

United States and Latin American Policies Affect- 
ing Their Economic Relations. National Plan- 
ning Association. No. 5. January 31, 1960. 
133 pp. 

Problems of Latin American Economic Develop- 
ment. University of Oregon Institute of Interna- 
tional Studies and Overseas Administration. 
No. 6. February 11, 1900. 140 pp. 

Soviet Bloc Latin American Activities and Their 
Implications for United States Foreign Policy. 
Corporation for Economic and Industrial Re- 
search. No. 7. February 28, 1960. 172 pp. 

ance we are conducting in Latin America. Sim- 
ilar adverse comment has appeared in the press 
and in some of the studies which private research 
institutions have prepared on various aspects of 
our foreign policy at the request of the Senate 
Foreigit Relations Committee. From tliis criti- 
cism three principal charges emerge: first, that 
our military program has stimulated Latin Amer- 
ican countries to make heavy expenditures on 
armament; second, that tlie program has the effect 
of maintaining dictators in power; and tliird, that 


Department of State Bulletin 

it is a costly, wasteful, and otherwise undesirable 
approach to the real necessities of hemispheric de- 
fense, wliicii could he met by creutinj; a small, 
collective inter- ^Vmeriaui defense force, which 
coidd be used, in accordance with agreed multi- 
lateral arrantrements, to maintain peace against 
threats arising inside the hemisphere. 

With respect to the first charge I would like to 
make clear that this program is not designed to 
encourage participating countries to undertake 
heavy military expenditures. The program does 
not constitute U.S. endorsement, direct or implied, 
of the present size and ciiaracter of Latin Amer- 
ican military establishments. Although Latin 
American countries have the sovereign right to 
determine their own militaiy requirements, we 
believe that most of them coidd reduce their mili- 
tai-y expenditures without jeopardizing their se- 
curity. We have made clear to countries 
participating in the grant program that U.S. mili- 
taiy interests in the program do not extend beyond 
those units which they have consented, in agree- 
ments with the United States, to maintain for 
regional defense under the Eio Treaty. In no 
Latin ^Vmerican countiy do the local military units 
receiving U.S. grant aid constitute more than one- 
sixth of the total personnel strength of tlie local 
armed forces. From this maximum the percent- 
age of local forces supported by the U.S. program 
for regional defense purposes ranges downward 
to a low of 2 percent. By giving primary em- 
phasis within their military establislmients to 
that very small fraction of their total forces 
deemed by military' authorities to be an essential 
regional defense requirement, participating coun- 
tries should be able to effectuate real savings in 
their annual defense expenditures. 

In the absence of international agreements in 
which Latin ^Vmerican countries consent to limit 
their armed forces to agreed levels, each country 
obviously is free to maintain forces additional to 
those maintained for regional defense pursuant 
to agreements with the LTnited States. While we 
do not, under section 105(b) (4) of the Mutual Se- 
curity Act, provide grant assistance for such addi- 
tional forces, Latin American countries are eligible 
to purchase equipment for that purpose through 
our military sales program. In considering each 
request for the purchase of aiTnament we reserve 
to ourselves the right to deny the sale. We feel 
particularly disposed to exercise our right of de- 

nial when we believe that the equipment would 
contribute to acute political tensions, such as those 
now existing in the Caribbean area. Under nor- 
nuil circumstances we counsel Latin American 
countries to forgo purchase when we consider the 
armament to be militarily unnecessary or to rep- 
resent a serious drain on their economic re.sources. 

However, experience has shown that, when de- 
nied the opportunity to purchase U.S. equipment, 
Latin American countries usually are able to pro- 
cure it elsewhere. In acquiring non-U.S. arma- 
ment tlicy have a choice of procurement from 
numerous free- world suppliers or from the Soviet 
bloc. It does not follow, in consequence, that 
the United States should respond favorably to 
eveiy Latin American request for amis of what- 
ever type or quantity. Nevertheless, the sovereign 
right of each country to determine its own mili- 
tary requirements and the availability of arms 
from numerous non-U.S. sources, including the 
Soviet bloc, are factors that remove the problem 
of Latin American arms limitation beyond the 
eiTective range of unilateral U.S. arms control 

Any reduction of Latin American arms ex- 
penditures must be brought about by decisions 
taken individually or collectively by the Latin 
Americans themselves. We have wholeheartedly 
supported the Latin American proposal for an 
item on the agenda of the 11th Inter- American 
Conference which will raise for consideration at 
Quito the desirability of holding a special inter- 
American meeting to discuss Latin American arms 
limitation. We likewise have welcomed the re- 
cent initiative taken by President Alessandri of 
Chile and President Prado of Peru to have the 
problem discussed in some inter-American forum 
prior to the Quito conference. During any inter- 
American discussion of the subject, we are pre- 
pared to make the most helpful contribution 
possible. We also are prepared to make our own 
programs and policies consistent with any arms 
limitation arrangements agreed to by the Latin 
American countries that are not incompatible with 
our own interests. 

In commenting on the second charge made 
against the grant program, namely, that it has 
helped to maintain dictatorial regimes in power, 
I should like to recoimt briefly the history of our 
military relations in Latin America since the com- 
mencement of World War II and also to note the 
parallel development of constitutional government 

April 18, 1960 


in the area. Because of World War II, Korea, 

and the aftemiath of the cold war, U.S. militai^ 
cooperation with Latin American countries is now 
more extensive than at any time in our history. 
We have available in the Rio Treaty an arrange- 
ment for regional defense. In the Inter- American 
Defense Board we have a regional organization 
engaged in military planning for the common de- 
fense. We maintain military training missions 
in 17 countries. Since 1952 we have concluded 
mutual defense agreements with 12 countries 
which have agreed to maintain small fractions 
of their total armed foi'ces for the performance 
of regional defense missions. Through fiscal 
year 1959 approximately 10,600 courses of instiaic- 
tion have been completed by Latin American mil- 
itary personnel at U.S. military schools and 
training centers in the United States and the 
Canal Zone. In addition to maintaining our his- 
toric military facilities at Guantanamo and in the 
Canal Zone, we are now utilizing facilities located 
in two countries for essential downrange tracking 
of intercontinental missiles. We may have a fu- 
ture requirement for similar Latin American sites 
in connection with our rapidly expanding satellite 
and space programs. 

During this period of extensive U.S. military 
relations with Latin American countries, there has 
been a notable increase in the number of consti- 
tutional regimes in the area. In the majority of 
countries in which democratic governments have 
replaced dictatorial regimes the local military has 
presided during the difficult period of transition 
immediately preceding the establisliment of or- 
derly, constitutional government. In such coun- 
tries the local military is continuing to support 
the new government and to provide it with that 
degree of security from antidemocratic acts of 
subversion and violence which is prerequisite to 
the functioning of the democratic process. These 
developments in constitutional democracy in Latin 
America tend to refute the allegation that our 
military program has impeded the growth of free 
political institutions in the area. 

U.S. military personnel assigned to Latin 
America scrupulously adhere to the policy of non- 
intervention which underlies all U.S. foreign 
aid activities. Nevertheless, as U.S. and Latin 
American militai-y personnel are brought into 
close professional association through our military 
programs, whether in MAAG's [Militaiy Assist- 
ance Advisory Groups], military schools, training 

missions, or the Inter-American Defense Board, 
they gain not only a better understanding of the 
problems of hemispheric defense but also a deeper 
appreciation of the democratic ideals which we 
and Latin American nations share in freedom from 
Soviet domination. As a result of these contacts 
we believe that there is increasing emulation in 
Latin American military circles of the nonpoliti- 
cal role played by the U.S. soldier in our national 

It was proposed last year that we terminate our 
grant program — or drastically curtail it — and put 
the proceeds into support provided an inter- Amer- 
ican defense force to be utilized, when determined 
necessary by the Council of the Organization of 
American States, to maintain the security of the 
hemisphere against internal threats to the peace. 
The feasibility of establisliing such a force is now 
under study within the executive branch of the 
Government. However, if we should decide that 
the establishment of such a force would be in the 
best interests of the inter- American system and 
the United States, the political and military merits 
of the proposal would have to be considered fully 
and favorably by other members of the Organi- 
zation of American States. Such a force could 
not be established within existing inter- American 
arrangements but would require the conclusion of 
new international agreements at an appropriate 
inter- American conference. Taking into account 
the political and military complexity of establish- 
ing a force acceptable to all members of the inter- 
American community, I frankly see very little 
prospect of tlie proposal being adopted and put 
into effect during fiscal year 1961. 

It should te recognized that the units we are 
assisting Latin American countries to develop 
through the grant aid program constitute regional 
forces in being which may be utilized, with the 
authorization of their government and pursuant 
to procedures prescribed in the Rio Treaty, to 
assist in maintaining peace from threats inside the 
hemisphere. These units are adaptable to being 
utilized in connection with any inter- American de- 
fense force the L^nited States and Latin American 
nations may decide to establish. Tlieir utility 
was demonstrated recently in Banyan Tree II, in 
which a number of them participated with U.S. 
forces in a military training exercise designed to 
test their capability for defense against a mock 
attack in the Canal Zone area. 


Deporfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

Proposed Fiscal Year 1961 Level of Military Aid 

The Joint Chiefs of StulT hiivo conchided tliat 
lliere is a valid military requireinont for Latin 
American participation in measures important to 
the defense of the Westorn Hemisphere and that 
it is necessary for the United States to render mil- 
itaiy assistance to those countries with which the 
United States has concluded bilateral military 

In support of U.S. policy objectives wo plan 
for fiscal year 1961 a i)rogram of grant assistance 
requirinfr appropriations totaling about $49 mil- 
lion. In addition we require a total of $18 mil- 
lion for financing credit sales of equipment under 
section 103 of the Mutual Security Act. This 
money will be repaid to the United States with 

Of the total of about $49 million needed for 
grant assistance, $16 million is for training and 
miscellaneous services, leaving only about $33 mil- 
lion for materiel. Over 50 percent of the total 
materiel money is required for the third increment 
of the 4-year program we have agreed to provide 
Rrazil in connection with the U.S. missiles track- 
ing facility located on Brazilian territory. After 
meeting the materiel requirements of the fiscal 
year 1961 Brazilian program, we will have less 
than 50 percent of $33 million to use in meeting 
the materiel requirements of nine coimtries. 

We are requesting no fiscal year 1961 funds for 
Cuba or the Dominican Republic. No materiel 
has been delivered to Cuba subsequent to January 
1059. The only military assistance provided 
Cuba since that date has consisted of training pro- 
vided a very small number of Cuban militai-y per- 
sonnel to complete training in the United States 
commenced in 1958. The last of these students 
will complete their courses in July. In view of 
the political tensions now existing in the Carib- 
I>pan area, we have delivered no grant materiel 
to the Dominican Republic during the current fis- 
cal year except a small amount of equipment pre- 
viously approved for the Dominican program in 
May 1959. None of this equipment included 
planes, vessels, weapons, or ammunition. 

The military assistance we plan to provide in 
fiscal year 1961 is required by the Latin American 
countries included in this program. The partici- 
pation of the recipient countries in measures di- 
rectly relating to the common defense of the "West- 
em Hemisphere is required and important to the 
security of the United States. 



The Senate on Marrli 18 confirmed the following nomi- 

Theodore C. Achilles to be Counselor of the Department 
of State. (For biographic details, see Department of 
State press release 54 dated February 9.) 

Selden Chapin to be Ambassador to Peru. (For bio- 
Kraphic details, see Department of State press release 71 
dated February 17.) 

Thomas C. Mann to be the representative of the United 
States to the 16th session of the Economic Conmiission 
for Asia and the Far Kast of the Economic and Social 
Council of the United Nations. 

Current Actions 


Automotive Traffic 

Customs convention on temporary importation of private 
road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 1954. En- 
tered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 3943. 
Accession deposited (with reservation) : Bulgaria, Oc- 
tober 7, 1959. 


Articles of agreement of the International Finance Cor- 
poration. Done at Washington May 25, 19.5.5. Entered 
into force July 20, 1956. TIAS 3620. 
Hiynature and acceptance: Spain, March 24, 19G0. 


Amendments to articles 24 and 25 of the World Health 
Organization Constitution of July 22, liMG (TIAS 1.S08). 
Adopted by the 12th World Health Assembly, Geneva, 
May 28, 1959.' 

Acceptances deposited: Viet-Nam, September 7, 1959; 
Denmark and Switzerland, January 15, 1960. 


Convention on the Intergovernmental Maritime Consulta- 
tive Organization. Signed at Geneva March (!, 1948. 
Entered into force M;irch 17, 1958. TIAS 4044. 
Arrtiitanrr dcitdnitvd: Yugoslavia, February 12, 1960. 


Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 19.58) annexed 
to the international telecommunication convention of 
December 22, 19.52 (TIAS .3266), with appendixes and 
final [irotiicol. Done at Geneva November 29, 195S. 
Entered into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 4390. 
Xotiflcation of appnndl: Rumania, February 15, 1960. 

' Not in force. 

April 18, 7960 


International telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes and final protcxol. Sisned at Geneva December 
21, l!t50. Enters into force January 1. IIKU. 
Sigiintiires: Afglianistan," Alliania,"-^ ArKentiua,^'' Aus- 
tralia," Austria," Belgium, ^Beli;ia.u Congo and Territory 
of Ruanda-Urundi."-' B(jlivia, Brazil, East Af- 
rica. BulR^iria,^' ^ Burma, Bj'eloru'ssian Soviet Socialist 
Eeiiulilic,"- ' Canada,^ Ceylon, China,' Colombia," Costa 
liica." Cuba." Czi'choslovakia,'"' Denmark,- Dominican 
Republic, El Salvador." Ethiopia. Finland, France," 
Overseas States of the French Community and French 
Overseas Territories," Federal Republic of (iermany," 
Ghana," Greece,^ Hunsary,"^ Iceland, India," Indo- 
nesia,^ Iran." Iraq,' Ireland, Isr;iel." Italy," Japan," 
Jordan.^ Korea, Kuwait," Laos, Lel>anoii,' Libya,'' Lux- 
embourg, Federation of Malaya, Mexico," Monaco," 
Jlorocco,' Nepal, Netherlands,' New Zealand," Nica- 
ragua, Norway," Pakistan," Paraguay," Peru." Philip- 
pines," Poland,"' Portugal," Portuguese Overseas 
I'rovinces,^ Kumania,"' Saudi Arabia.' S)iain." Sudan.' 
Sweden," Switzerland," Tliailand. Tunisi.-i," Turkey," 
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Iteiiublic," ' Union of South 
Africa and Territory of South-West Africa," Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics.' United Arab Reiiulilic,' 
Ignited Kingdom of Great Britain .and Northern Ire- 
land including the Chaiuiel Islands and Isle of Man,"' 
Overseas Territories for the international relations 
of which Government of United Kingdom are respon- 
sible. UiHted States,-' Uruguay, Vatii-.-in City, Vene- 
zuela,' Viet-Nam, Yugoslavia," December "Jl. Iliri'.l. 
R.-idio regulations with appendixes and additional jirotocol. 
Signed at Geneva December 21, l!)."i!1. Enters into force 
May 1, I'.Kil. 

SifriiiiUircs: Afghanistan. Albania,"' Argentina,^ Aus- 
tralia, Austria, "'■' Belgium,' Belgian Congo and Ti'rri- 
tory of Uuanda-Urundi," I'.olivia. Brazil, British East 
Africa. Bulgaria." Burma, Byelorussian Soviet So- 
cialist Republic' Cambodia, Canada, Ceylon,^'* China,' 
Colombia," Costa Rica, Culia,' Czechoslovakia,' Den- 
mark.' Dominican Republic. El Salvador, Ethiopia, 
Finland. France,' French Overseas States of the 
Frencli Conmnmity and French Overseas Territories, 
Federal Rejiublic of (Germany,' Ghana,' Greece,' Hun- 
gary,' Icel.and, India,' Indonesia,''* Iran,' Iraq, Ire- 
land, Israel.' Italy. Jai)an.' .lordan,* Korea.' Kuwait, 
Lebanon, Liliya, Luxembourg, Federation of JIalaya, 
Mexico.' .Monaco. Morocco.' Ne]ial. Netherlands.' New 
Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway,' Pakistan,' Paraguay, 
Peru, Philippines, Poland,' Portugal,' Portuguese 
Overseas Provinces, Rumania,' Saudi .Arabia. Spain,' 
Sudan, Sweden,' Switzerland,' Thailand, Tunisia,' 
Tui-key,'' Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic,' TInion 
of South Africa and Territm-y of South-West Africa, 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.' United Arab Re- 
public,' TIniled Kingdom.' < )verse:is Terriliu'ies for the 
international relal ions of which Goveriunenl of United 
Kingdom are resjionsible. United Slates, Untguay, City, Venezuela, Yugoslavia. Deeember 21, 
1 !».-)■ I. 

Trade and Commerce 

Declar.Mlion on provisional .accession of tlic Swiss Con- 
federation to the General .\greement on 'I'arilTs and 
Trade. Done at Geneva .November 22. I'.I.'.S. KlTcctivi" 
l)el\veen Swil/.erlaiul and any contracting p.-irty on ,'!iitli 
day following acceptance, by sign.-ilure or otherwise, on 
beli.alf of Switzerland and of that contractin;; party. 
Enters into force for the United States Ajuil 2!), VM\(l 

Sir/natures: Austria,^ Federal Republic of Germany,'' 
Ital.v,^ Norway, and Switzerland I including Princi- 
pality of Liechtenstein)," November 22, 1115.'^; Fed- 
eration of Rhodesia and Nyasalaud. February 20, 
lO.'O ; I>einnark,° February 27, 1!).")9 ; Sweden,'' March 
2, i;i.-i;t; France," April <;, Canada, May 4. l'jr.9; 
Belgium," Luxenibinirg," and Netherlands, May 13, 
lit.".'.): Unite<l Kingdom. Mny I'.l. llKjit; Indonesia, May 
211, nr.'.t: Finland. .May 2!l. l'.i.-.;»; Ceylon, May 30, 
VXi'.); India. July 2. lH.".!): Czechoslovakia. July 2.3, 
Itri'.*: Peru. November Hi. 1'.p."i!(: Urugua.v, November 
17, r.«t: Chile, January 2>,t, I'.HJO; Turkey, February 
'.». V,m): United States. March 30. ItXlO. 

Rali/icatioiin (h panitcil : Sweden. May 2'.l. Itl.l'.l: I'el- 
giiim. ,Iune 2."i. l'.l.";i; Luxembourg. July 31. lli."i'.): 
Austria and Switzerland. I)ecend)er 2. l!l."!i: France, 
Janu.-iry .". VXM. 

Aei-rjitaiicf ill iKisiliil : Dt-nm.-irk. Ocfoher 2(>, I'.CiO. 



Agricultural coniiiMidilies agreement under title I c>f the 
Agricultural Trade Development and .\ssistauce Act of 
10.",4, as amemled KIS Stat. -i'C,: 7 U.S.C, 1701-1705)), 
with exch.ange of notes. Sigtu'd at Helsinki March 23, 
ItHiO. Entered into force March 23, llKiO. 


Agreement for financing certain educatiomil exchange pro- 
grams. Signed at Lisbon March 10, VMM). Entered into 
force :March 10. lOf.O. 


Agreement, and three exchanges of notes, relating to 
tinancial questions with respect to settlemeid of claims. 
Signed at W.-ishiUL'ton ^Llrcb .30. VMM). Entered into 
force Jlarch 30, lOGO. 


Agreement for establishment and operation of a trackin.g 
and communications facility on the Island of Gran 
Canaria (Pro.iect Mercury). Effected by exchange of 
notes at Madrid March 11 and 1\ VMM). Entered into 
force March IS, l<)i;(t. 


Agreement confirming the understanding that so long as 
the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade ajiply b(>tween the United St.ates and Switzer- 
band iivirsuant to the Declaration of November 22, 10.">S, 
or otherwise, the trade agreement of January !), 10,3(t, 
as supjilemented (10 Slat. 3017; ,"1 Stat. 2li;i : TIAS 
2S11. 332S. 4370), shall not lu'cvent action permitted 
pursuant to an exception, reservation, or waiver umier 
the General .\greemenl. I'.ffecled by exchange of notes 
at W.asbinu'ton March 20, lOOO. i:ntered into force 
March 2!1. lOC.O. 

' With reservation. 
"With ile<-laration. 
' Wilhst.ateMient. 
" Subject to rntificntion. 
* Subject to acceptance. 


I'.riiiiiN of April 4. 
Itolivia was incorrei-tly 
L.alin American Free 
seven members of the 
Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paragu.ay, Peru, and Uruguay. 

10C.0. p. 


22. footnolt 

> 8: 

listed as 


member of 








are Argentina, 


Department of State Bulletin 

April 18, 1960 


e X 

Vol. XLII, No. 1086 


The Mutual Sei-urity Program in Africa (Satter- 

thwaite) 603 

The New Africa and the United Nations (Wilcox) . 589 

American Republics 

Foreign Uelations Couiniittee Studies on U.S.- 
Latin American Relations 626 

The Mutual Security Program in Latin America 

(Rubottom) 623 

Asia. The .Mutual Security Prt>gram in tlie Near 

Ktist and South Asia (Jones) 610 

Atomic Energy 

President Kisenhoxver and Prime Minister Mac- 
millun Discuss Nuclear Test Negotiations (Eisen- 
hower, Herter, Macmillan, and text of joint dec- 
laration) 587 

Yugoslav Atomic Energy Otficials Conclude Dis- 
cussions in U.S 599 

Brazil. U.S. Sends Flood Relief to Brazil ... 600 

Congress, The 

Foreign Relations Committee Studies on U.S.- 
Latin American Relations 626 

Statements on regional mutual security programs 

(Jones, Kohler. Rubottom, Satterthwaite) . . 603 

Cultural Exchange. Greek Costumes and Embroi- 
deries To Be Exhibited in U.S 599 

Department and Foreign Service. Confirmations 

(Achilles, Chapiu, Maun) 629 

Economic .\ffairs. U.S. Accepts Declaration on 
GATT Uelations With Switzerland (tests of U.S. 
and Swiss notes) 601 

Europe. The Mutual Security Program in Europe 

(Kohler) 618 

Greece. Greek Costumes and Embroideries To Be 

Exhibited in U.S 599 

Middle East. The Mutual Security Program in 

the Near East and South .\sia (Jones) .... CIO 


U.S. and Morocco Exchange Messages on Agadir 

Earthquake 600 

U.S. Lends Morocco $40 Million for Economic 

Development COO 

Mutual Security 

The New Africa and the United Nations (Wilcox) . 589 

Statements on regional programs (Jones, Kohler, 

Rubottom, Satterthwaite) 603 

U.S. Ivends Morocco $40 Million for Economic 

Development COO 

U.S. Sends Flood Relief to Brazil COO 

Peru. Chapin conlirme*! as Ambassador .... 629 

Presidential Documents 

President Eisenhower and Prime Minister Mac- 
millan Di.scuss Nuclear Test Negotiations . . . 587 

U.S.S.R. Expresses Thanks for Rescue of Soviet 

Soldiers by U.S. .Navy 599 

United Nations Day, liXiO 588 

U.S. and Morocco Exchange Messages on Agadir 

Earthquake 600 

Spain. U.S. and Spain Conclude Talks on Matters 
of Alutual Interest (Ca.stiella, Herter, and text 
of communique) 597 

Switzerland. U.S. Accepts Declaration on GATT 
RtMations With Switzerland (texts of U.S. and 
Swiss notes) 601 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 629 


President Eisenhower and Prime Minister Mac- 
iiiilhui Nucle.'ir Test Negotlatiims (Eisen- 
hower, Herter, MacmlUau, and text of joint dec- 
laration) 587 

U.S.S.R. Expresses Thanks for Rescue of Soviet 

Soldiers l)y U.S. Navy 599 

United Kingdom. President Eisenhower and 
Prime Minister Macmillan Discuss Nuclear Test 
Negotiations ( Ei.senhower, Herter, Macmillan, 

and text of joint declaration) 587 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 602 

The New Africa and tlic United Nations (Wilcox) . 589 

United Nations Day, 1960 (text of proclamation) . 588 

Yugoslavia. Yugoslav Atomic Energy Officials 
Conclude Discussions in U.S ' 599 

Name Index 

Achilles. Theodore C 629 

Castiella y Maiz, Fernando Maria 597 

Chapin, Selden C29 

Eisenhower, President 587, 588, 599, COO 

Herter, Secretary 588, 597 

Jones, G. Lewis 610 

Khrushchev, Nikita S 599 

Kohler, Foy D 618 

Macmillan, Harold 587 

Maun, Thomas C 629 

Mohammed V 600 

Rubottom, R. R., Jr 623 

Satterthwaite, Joseph C 603 

Wilcox, Francis O 589 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: March 28-April 3 

Press releases may bo obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to March 28 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 136 of March 
18, 142 of March 21, 148 and I.-jI of March 23, and 
157 of March 24. 


Herter: arrival of Prime Minister 

U.S.-Rumanian trade relations. 

Financial agreement with Rumania 

GATT relations with Switzerland. 

Greek costumes and embroideries ex- 

Flood relief to Brazil. 

Renegotiation of certain textile con- 
cessions by Canada. 

Visit of President of Colombia (re- 

Visit of Yugoslav atomic energy offi- 

(Colombia credentials (rewrite). 

tHeld for a later i-ssue of the Bulletin. 




















United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 






A Summary Presentation 




(Jrrlcr Form 

Siipt. of Dorumenis 
Com. I'rintinj; Oflicc 
\V;i>hlnK(on 2,"., D.C. 

ICricloHed lind: 

{cniili, check. or maiu // 
order payable to 
SltJ>t. of DocH.) 

Proposed mutual security programs for fiscal year 1961 are out- 
lined in this 125-page pamphlet prepared jointly by the Depart- 
ment of State, Department of Defense, International Cooperation 
Administration, and the Development Loan Fund. The booklet 
is a siunmary of the annual request for funds submitted to Con- 
gress for its consideration and includes the text of the President's 
message to Congress on the program. 

Part I of the pamphlet reviews proposals for major aspects of 
the program, including military assistance, defense support, spe- 
cial assistance, the Development Loan Fimd, technical cooperation, 
the contingency fund, and other programs. Part II discusses the 
program by regions. Part III deals with such related matters 
as free-world cooperation in assisting less developed areas, the 
surplus agricultural commodity program, stimulation of private 
investment in the less developed areas, and the impact of the 
Mutual Security Program on the U.S. economy. 

The pamphlet is illustrated with charts, graphs, and photo- 
graphs. Copies may be purchased from the Superintendent of 
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, for 55 cents each. 

Please send me copies of The Mutual Security Program, Fiscal Year 

1961, A Summary Presentation. 


Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 


ij ^ 

Vol. XLII, No. 1087 

AprU 25, 1960 







by Secretary Uerter 635 


APRIL 8 641 


of U.S. and Chilean Letters 648 

GRATION RESTRICTIONS • Message of the President 
to llw Congress 659 

CITIZENS BY CHOICE • by John W. Hanes, Jr. ... . 660 


ments by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge and Text of 

Resolution i^.J^U'-.^ K^^^'i^ l-'^^^'^H 667 

Superintendent ot Documents 

.orfp'' index see inside back cover 



Vol. XLII, No. 1087 • Pcbucation 6980 
April 25, 1960 

For sale by the Superlntonrtent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Offlce 

Washington 26, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 ccnls 

The printing of this puWIcallon has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1968). 

Note: Contents ot this publication are not 
copyrlghte<l and Items contained herein may 
be reprhited. Citation of the Depahtment 
O? State Bulletin as the source will bo 

The Department of State BULLETI!^, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, proriiles the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government ivith information on de- 
velopments in thejield of foreign rela- 
tions and on tlie work of tlie Depart- 
men t of State and the Foreign Service. 
The BVLLETIIS includes selected press 
releases on foreign policy, issued by 
the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made 
by the President and by the Secretary 
of State and other officers of the De- 
partment, as icell as special articles on 
various pluises of international affiiirs 
and the functions of the Department. 
Information is included concerning 
treaties and international agreements 
to which the United States is or may 
become a ptirty and treaties of general 
international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Year of Progress Toward Peace 

Address by Secretary Herter ^ 

Radio and television serve the United States 
well in informing the American people of the ob- 
jectives and development of our foreign policy. 
AVe also make very extensive use of radio and TV 
in our effort to increase undei"standing of this 
country on the part of peoples abroad. The con- 
sistent high level of cooperation which has been 
given us by American commercial broadcasters is 
most gratifying. 

The television industry overseas is now under- 
going the same great expansion it saw in this 
country 5 or 6 years ago. The United States 
Information Agency is equipping itself to make 
full use of the TV medium to increase world 
understanding of this counti-y. I have every con- 
fidence that we will enjoy from the television 
industry the same generous and useful coopera- 
tion which has been extended by the radio 
broadcasters, so that the world can see us more 
clearly as we are. 

"We also know of the fine cooperation that the 
broadcasters have given and continue to give to 
private organizations such as the Crusade for 

Here also I want to record with thanks the 
generous support we always enjoyed from the late 
Harold Fellows, your president. His ability was 
matched by his patriotic willingness to serve, and 
we share your sorrow at his loss. 

It is now almost a year since I took office as 
Secretary of State. Therefore I should like to 
re^new the main trends of American foreign 
policy and to express some thoughts on what lies 

' Made at the 38th annual convention of the National 
Association of Broadcasters at Chicago, 111., on Apr. 4 
(press release 107). 

The primary purpose of United States policy 
is to safeguard the freedom and security of the 
American people. To do this in today's world 
we must solve a problem that mankind has not yet 
been able to master: the problem of peaceful 
change. We must prevent the use of military 
force to accomplish change, and devise means of 
achieving needed change in peaceful ways. 

The United States seeks to reduce the possi- 
bility of violent action, and to assure that needed 
adjustments will be peacefully made, in five 
principal ways: 

One: We strengthen the collective security ar- 
rangements that deter aggression. 

Two : We strive for agreement on arms control 
measures which would reduce the risk of war. 

Three: We are negotiating with the Soviet 
Union to promote the settlement of political issues 
which divide us. 

Four: We are strengthening our program for 
helping the less developed countries to achieve 
needed progress. 

And five: We support the United Nations in 
efforts to promote the orderly solution of prob- 
lems, thus reducing the chance of conflict. 

Collective Security 

If tlio use of force was deterred in Europe last 
year over the question of Berlin, and in the Far 
East in connection with Formosa and the King- 
dom of Laos, it was in part because of free-world 
defensive might and a clear evidence of readiness 
to api)ly that might if necessary. This strength 
has been confirmed and increased by recent steps 
including the signing of a new security treaty 
between the United States and Japan,^ improved 

' For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 8, 1960, p. 184. 

April 25, 7960 


coordination and cooperation in SEATO [South- 
east Asia Treaty Organization] and CENTO 
[Central Treaty Organization] , and the strength- 
ening of the mter- American system through the 
Foreign Ministers Meeting in Santiago.^ 

The first bulwark created in our system of col- 
lective security was the Nortli Atlantic Alliance, 
which celebrates its 11th anniversary today. 

In dealing with such major issues as disarma- 
ment, the future of Germany, and the freedom of 
Berlin, the cohesion of the North Atlantic Alli- 
ance has been strengthened and made manifest 
through consultation and cooperation in the North 
Atlantic Council. Never before in history has 
there been in time of peace a system for political 
consultation among sovereign nations so success- 
ful as the one we have in NATO today. 

Even with the increasing contribution of the 
alliance to the development of new habits of coop- 
eration among like-minded peoples, the military 
strength of NATO remains the core of its 
existence, essential to the Western negotiating 

This military strength continues to grow. Ger- 
man defensive rearmament is proceeding satis- 
factorily and is devoted entirely to the obligations 
for collective self-defense assumed by the Federal 
Kepublic in NATO. A number of European 
NATO countries have decided or are planning to 
increase their defense budgets. The presence of 
American forces on the continent of Europe, 
alongside those of the United Kingdom and Cana- 
da, is visible evidence of our recognition that 
American security is inseparable from tlie securi- 
ty of Western Europe. And great progress is 
being made in equipping the American and Euro- 
pean forces of the NATO shield with the modern 
weapons which will be essential to the security of 
the treaty area until dependable, controlled dis- 
armament has been achieved. 

But even though progress has been substantial, 
important tasks remain aliead. The ground, sea, 
and air forces of NATO require still furtlier 
strengthening. We and our allies seek also to 
promote further growth within NATO of cooper- 
ation and consultation vital to tlie continued well- 
being of the Atlantic Community and essential in 
this age of interdependence. 

The United States will continue to move for- 
ward with its NATO partners in meeting both 
military and nonmilitary objectives. It was my 
privilege to propose at the North Atlantic Coimcil 
Ministerial Meeting last December * a program of 
long-range NATO planning for the period of the 
1960's. The Council adopted that proposal, and 
this country will work closely with the other mem- 
bers in promoting its success. 

As the world enters on an era when the threat 
of overt aggi-ession may appear to recede, there 
might be a temptation to take NATO and other 
collective security arrangements for granted, to 
assume that the priority of policy lies elsewhere. 
I cannot overemphasize that in future years as in 
the past — until controlled general disarmament is 
achieved and an international peace force estab- 
lished — the military strength of NATO and our 
other collective arrangements will remain a corner- 
stone of this country's policy, an essential founda- 
tion of a just peace. 

Arms Control 

While worldng to deter aggression through col- 
lective security, the United States also seeks to 
reduce the risk of war and the burden of arma- 
ments expenditures through safeguarded arms 

In the short run, agreements to control arms 
could reduce the chance tliat war would be caused 
by miscalculation. They could also help to pre- 
vent the spread of nuclear weapons into irrespon- 
sible hands. 

In the long run, the Western nations hope grad- 
ually to obtain the universal adoption of a more 
adequate body of international law, and machinery 
for its enforcement. Within this framework it 
would then be possible to undertake more general 

To fulfill our short-run goal the United States 
and the United Kingdom have over the past 17 
months negotiated steadily with the Soviet Union 
for a discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests. 
Such a test suspension would not only inhibit the 
spread of nuclear weapons and allay worldwide 
concern over fallout but would set an important 
control precedent for the vaster problem of 

"For background, see Hid., Aug. .'5], lO.TO, p. 209, and 
Sept. 7, 1950, p. ,342. 

* For texts of C(immuni(iuos issued liy the Xortli Alhiutie 
Council, see ibid., Jan. 4, 19C0, p. 3, and Jan. 11, 1960, p. 


Department of State Butletin 

Significant progress has now been achieved in 
bruiging tlie Soviet and Western positions on test- 
ing closer toixotliiT. I^;ist wiM>k I'rosidpiit Eisi'ii- 
howcr and I'rime Minister Macmiilan made a 
proposal ' which opens the possibility of a great 
forward stride toward the desired objective of a 
controUetl, comprehensive cessation of all nuclear 
weapons tests. If this proposal is accepted, it 
would mean that a safeguarded treaty could be 
reached which would halt tests in the atmosphere, 
in the oceans, and in the higher altitudes, and 
under ground for large explosions, and bring into 
effect a temporary voluntary moratorium on small 
tests which we believe cannot now be reliably de- 
tected and identified. 

By this joint response the United States and the 
United Kingdom have brought within reach an 
agreement which could well be a historic turning 
point in the quest for the agreed arms control 
measures which would lead to a far greater degree 
of international peace and securit}'. 

Now it is up to the Soviet Union. It is their 

The developments in the Geneva test-ban nego- 
tiations are of extreme importance ; but our larger 
objective is general, controlled arms limitations. 

Last month the Allied Powers presented to the 
Ten-Xation Disarmament Conference a three- 
phase safeguarded arms reduction program which 
would lead to the goal of general disarmament.® 
It is our conviction that this program offers a 
feasible, practical approach, whereas the broad 
and vague provisions of the Soviet proposal have 
not so far demonstrated their practicality. 

The first and second phases of the Western 
program include proposals which would promote 
our short-run goal of reducing the risk of miin- 
tended war. Proposals in this phase include ad- 
vance notification of the launching of objects into 
outer space and other safeguards against surprise 
attack. We also propose cutoff of production of 
fissionable materials for weapons purposes, which 
would check the spread of nuclear weapons. 

The third phase of the Western program would 
fulfill our ultimate goal of general disarmament. 
It provides for very drastic reductions in armed 
forces and for a parallel buildup of machinery 
for effective enforcement of international la.w. 

" For text, see ibid., Apr. 18, 1060, p. .587. 
• For text, see ibid., Apr. 4, 1960, p. 511. 

Progress toward these goals will require an 
increasing readiness on the part of the Soviet 
leadersliip to accept the practical step essential 
to eU'eclivo arms limitation. 

Nuclear destruction is no respecter of nation- 
ality. There is no ideological coloration to sur- 
vival. The hunger of peoples to devote their 
resources to economic development and social ad- 
vancement, rather than the production of arms, 
is the monopoly of neither side. Genuine progress 
toward safeguarded arms control would promote 
the best interests of both sides, without sacrifice 
of position or principle by either. 

Reaching any sort of agreement will not be 
easy. But it is necessai-y, more necessary each 
day. And as Secretary Dulles used to say, "We 
must accept as our working hypothesis that what 
is necessary is possible." 

Political Negotiation 

We are earnestly seeking to reduce the risk of 
war by negotiating with the Soviet Union about 
political disputes as well as arms control. 

Our immediate goal in these continuing nego- 
tiations is to clarify the positions of both sides 
and to reduce the danger of conflict over the po- 
litical issues that divide us. 

Our long-term objective is to lay the basis for 
eventual resolution of these issues. 

Clearly, one of the key issues before us is the 
problem of the division of Germany. Not only 
does this unnatural division represent a gi'ave 
injustice to the German people, but, what is 
equally serious, the continued division of Ger- 
many, if not resolved, will inevitably result in 
jeopardizing the peace of the world. 

In recent months Mr. Khrushchev has repeat- 
edly suggested in public statements that, if the 
Western Powers do not agree to settle the German 
problem on his terms, he may proceed unilaterally 
to conclude a separate treaty with the East German 
recrime. While he has been careful not to be too 
precise in his statements on this subject, the rep- 
etition of this threat cannot help but complicate 
the situation and affect adversely the interna- 
tional atmosphere. 

Mr. IQirushchev has also said recently in ref- 
erence to Asia that "every people has the right of 
self-determination." But it is clear from the 
Soviet record with respect to Germany that Mr. 
Khrushchev is not prepared to see this principle 

April 25, J 960 


applied in the case of the 17 million people under 
Communist control in East Berlin and East 

The Western Powers, by contrast, through a 
long series of postwar negotiations, have insisted 
that the principle of self-determination be hon- 
ored. More specifically, we believe that reuni- 
fication should be achieved on the basis of free 
plebiscites and that a final peace settlement should 
be concluded with the German government formed 
on the basis of such plebiscites. 

The Berlin question can also be expected to 
figure prominently in the forthcoming Paris 
Heads of Government discussions. The division 
of Berlin is but a reflection of the larger problem 
of the division of Germany. 

In the coming summit conference the Western 
Powers are determined to protect the freedom 
and security of the people of West Berlin. We 
made this position clear at the Foreign Ministers 
Conference at Geneva.^ President Eisenhower 
reaffirmed it at Camp David.* We and our allies 
agreed as recently as the Heads of Government 
meeting at Paris in December* to continue to 
stand firm on West Berlin. In tlius making sure 
that the Soviet leaders do not misjudge our firm- 
ness, we reduce the chances of rash action which 
would greatly increase tensions. 

Wiile reaffirming our fundamental rights and 
responsil)ilities with respect to Berlin, we are 
sincerely willing to enter into negotiations to solve 
this problem in the context of the German problem 
as a whole. 

While I am discussing the German problem I 
should like to take this opportunity to say a few 
words about the new Germany — the Federal Re- 
public of Germany. I have noted in recent months 
many hostile attacks of Soviet origin, some from 
Mr. Khrushchev himself, labeling the Govern- 
ment of the Federal Republic as "militaristic." 
These charges are completely without foundation. 

' For a statement by Secretary Herter at the closing 
session on Aug. .''), together with texts of a Four Power 
coinnuinifiue and a declaration on disarmament, see ibid., 
Aug. 24, 1959, p. 2G5. 

' For text of a joint communique issued at Camp 
David following tjilks between President Eisenhower and 
Xikita S. Khrushcliev, ("hairnian of the Council of 
Ministers of the tl.S.S.R., see ihid., Oct. 12, l'.)59, p. 49y. 

°/&/fZ., Jan. 11, 1900, p.43. 

They are clearly designed not only to discredit 
Chancellor Adenauer's government but also to 
sow the seeds of suspicion and disunity among 
the members of the free- world alliance. During 
the first decade of its existence the Federal Re- 
public, under the constructive leadership of Chan- 
cellor Adenauer, has reestablislied in Germany 
a democratic order dedicated to the principles of 
freedom and justice. Within the framework of 
such arrangements as the European Community 
and NATO, both of which have received unstint- 
ing German support, the Federal Republic has 
effectively contributed to the development of 
political and economic stability in Western Eu- 
rope and to the maintenance of free-world se- 
cui-ity. It has proved itself in every way a worthy 
and respected ally. 

At the summit meeting next month in Paris 
the West will continue to make clear the free 
world's determination to defend essential rights. 
At the same time it will continue to seek to ex- 
plore all avenues, particularly anns control, which 
would reduce the risk of war. 

We can hardly move forA\ard confidently in 
negotiating new arms control agreements with the 
Soviet Union, however, if our existing agreements 
with them about Berlin are meanwhile being 
violated or threatened with violations. There is 
a clear relation between these two crucial issues. 

Tliree Western Foreign Ministers meetings at 
Washington, at Istanbul, and at Paris will precede 
the summit conference, providing opportunity for 
reviewing the preparatory work imdertaken in 
working groups and for consulting and coordinat- 
ing views. On the basis of these preparations we 
and our allies will work at the summit to reduce 
the degree of misunderstanding between the 
So^^et Union and ourselves and the chance of 
Soviet miscalculation of our strength or our in- 
tentions. We will strive to make progress toward 
practical working agreements in areas of greatest 
danger. And we will explore carefully the pos- 
sibility of future negotiation. 

These, of course, are limited purposes. If any- 
one looks for dramatic achievements at the simi- 
mit, he may bo disap])ointed. But if the Western 
allies stand firm by tlieir lioliefs and commitments, 
while they pursue steadily the aim of preventing 
tlie East-West contest from exploding into war, 
then we can and we do hope for progress. 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

Less Developed Areas 

Efforts to deter tlie use of force through col- 
lective security arrangements luul to temper un- 
resolved issues tlirough negotiation will not alone 
insure peace. We must seek also to promote con- 
structive and peaceful change in areas where it is 

If the countries of Africa and Asia cjvnnot at- 
tain the progress they seek through orderly 
metliods, tlien despair will surely generate the 
seeds of conflict. It is in our vital interest that 
they should grow in freedom and gain in strength. 

This country's Mutual Security Program lielps 
them do just that. This program requires each 
year less tlian 1 percent of America's gi'oss na- 
tional pro<.luct. Yet without it the great Afro- 
Asian arc, with its vast populations and resources, 
coidd perhaps not he saved from the announced 
intentions of Mr. Klirushchev and Mr. Mao Tse- 
tung to conquer the world by all means short of 

Increasingly we are seeking to provide funds 
for economic development not as gifts but as 
loans. The President's current request to the Con- 
gress for $700 million in new capital for the De- 
velopment Loan Fund '" is an important step to 
this end. These resources are needed if the Fund 
is to play its part as a key instrument of United 
States development financing abroad. 

In the period ahead the United States will seek 
increasingly to concentrate our development fi- 
nancing in countries which have shown the capac- 
ity for determined, disciplined self-help. Thus 
concentrating our efforts demonstrates to all the 
growing nations that rapid growth can be achieved 
imder conditions of freedom. It also provides 
incentive for those nations which seek outside help 
to demonstrate that they are willing and ready 
to help themselves. And it forwards the time 
when the nations we assist will, in turn, be able 
to provide help to their neighbors. 

The industrialized nations of Western Europe 
and Japan, because of the improvement in their 
economic condition whicli our aid helped them 
bring about, are now increasingly able and willing 
to help the developing nations. This is a major 

demonstration of the present and future dividends 
of past economic assistance. 

The energies of private should in- 
creasingly bo mobilized for the development task. 
Your Government continually searches for means 
by whicli (liis great resource can make its full 
contribution to free-world growth, stability, and 

In addition to offering assistance, this country 
seeks to build a bridge of understanding to the 
emerging nations. The most important and dra- 
matic steps of recent years to this end have been 
the good-will trips of President Eisenhower to 
Asia and Latin America." These trips have 
dramatized and increased the vast reservoir of 
good will toward the United States which exists 
in those areas. They have released a welcome out- 
pouring of latent friendship toward the United 

The United States is making particular efforts 
to build closer relations with the new African na- 
tions. The welfare and security of these peoples 
is of very great concern to us, as they assume the 
responsibilities of independence. It is our hope 
that they can devise regional arrangements to in- 
sure the peaceful settlement of disputes and to 
avoid a wasteful and dangerous arms race. This 
would indeed be a forward step toward insuring 
peaceful change. 

Progress Toward World Order 

Great demands have been made, and will con- 
tinue to be made, upon the United States by the 
recurring stresses of a world of change. Neces- 
sary as are the contributions of individual nations, 
however, there is no substitute for the work of in- 
ternational organizations if this process of change 
is to remain within peaceful limits. The contribu- 
tions of the United Nations and its specialized 
agencies, as well as the Organization of American 
States and the Colombo Plan, are also needed. 

Great demands have been made on the United 
Nations, and increasingly it has met them. In 
the process it has grown. The authority of the 

'° For test, see ihid., Mur. 7, 1960, p. 3(i(); for statements 
by SecretJiry Herter, Under Secretarj' Dillon, and Inter- 
national Cooperation Administration Director ,Iames W. 
Riddleberger, see ibid., Apr. 11, 19C0, p. 5G6. 

" I'resident Eisenhower visited 11 countries in Europe, 
tlie .Middle East, South Asia, and Africa Dec. 3-22; for 
background, see ibid., Dec. 28, 1059, p. 931, and Jan. 11, 
1960, p. 46. On Mar. 7 he returned from a 2-week trip 
to 4 countries in Latin America; for background, see ibid., 
Mar. 28, 1960, p, 471. 

April 25, 1960 


office of the Secretary-General lias been strength- 
ened. The concept of the United Nations Emer- 
gency Force has been tested successfully. In 
various crises what might be described as the "fire- 
fighting" equipment of the United Nations has 
undergone organic growth through meeting the 
demands made upon it. In addition the General 
Assembly has continued to serve as a town meet- 
ing — a safety valve — for the world. 

The United States will assist continuing prog- 
ress along these lines. We will support Secretary- 
General Hammarskjold's efforts to create standby 
arrangements for United Nations forces or other 
forms of United Nations presence which may be 
needed in troubled areas. We will consult about 
such measures at the next session of the United 

Our proposal to the Ten-Nation Disarmament 
Conference, that the gradual development of a 
more adequate body and machinery of interna- 
tional law and enforcement should accompany, 
and thereby make possible, a general reduction 
in world armaments, reflects our Iiopes for and 
our faith in the United Nations. 

The proposal for an internal ional police force 
is a major difference between our disarmament 
proposal and that of the Soviet Union. Small na- 
tions in particular have a vital interest in this 
diiference. General disarmament as proposed by 
the Soviet Union would leave these nations even 
more defenseless than before, in the face of the 
substantial forces that their larger neighbors 
would be allowed to retain for internal security. 

The development of an international peace force 
is provided by the United Nations Charter. All 
the nations that are members of the United Na- 
tions subscribed to this idea wlien they assumed 
the obligations of membership. The Soviet 
Union, however, by repeated use of the veto, has 
prevented any progress toward its realization. 
We shall continue to press for measures whicli 
will make this part of the charter a living reality. 

The Future 

I do not claim that the performance of the 
United States in all these fields of foreign policy 
has necessarily been perfect. Yet I do assert that 
we have made substantial — I say significant — 
progress in our main lines of effort. 

Formidable obstacles remain. But the efforts 

are well launched; the free nations know where 
they are going. And we have every intention of 
continuing to move toward our goal of peace with 
justice and progress. 

The outcome will depend on the strength and 
unity of the free world. The more uimiistakable 
our strength, moral and physical, and the more 
pronounced our unity, national and international, 
the less likely there will be serious danger of war. 

As long as the military and economic elements 
of our strength are equal to our task — and they 
ai"e and will continue to be — tlie rest will depend 
on our courage, our determination, our dedication 
to the values and purposes of free men. 

We might do well to recall the words of a great 
American, Theodore Roosevelt, who said more 
than half a century ago : "The Twentieth Century 
looms before us big with the fate of many nations. 
If we stand idly by ... if we shrink from the 
hard contests which men must win at hazard of 
their lives and the risk of all that they hold dear, 
then the bolder and stronger peoples will win . . . 
for themselves the domination of the world." 

I know that our will and courage will meet the 
tests of the coming months, and those that lie 

King and Queen of Nepal 
To Visit United States 

The Department of State announced on April 4 
(press i-elease 169) that arrangements had been 
completed for the visit of His Majesty Mahendra 
Bir Bikram Shah Deva, King of Nepal, who will 
visit the United States this spring at the invita- 
tion of President Eisenhower. His Majesty wiU 
be accompanied by Her Majesty Ratna Rajya Lak- 
shmi Shah, Queen of Nepal. 

Their Majesties and party will arrive at Wash- 
ington on April 27 and will remain in the Capital 
until April 30, when they will leave for a month's 
tour of the United States that will include visits 
to Fort Bragg, N.C., New York City, the Tennes- 
see Valley Authority, Rochester, Minn., Salem 
and Eugene, Oreg., San Francisco, Monterey, and 
Los Angeles, Calif., Yosemite National Park, the 
Hoover Dam, the Grand Canyon, Albuquerque, N. 
Mex., Dallas, Tex., Miami, Fla., and Detroit, 


Department of State Bulletin 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of April 8 

Press release 179 dated April 8 

Secrctari/ Uerter: I have no preliminary state- 
ment to make. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you will be meeting here next 
week with, the foreign ministers of some of the 
other Westei'u countries on preparations for the 
summit conference. Could you tell vs at this 
time what you expect will he accomplished at these 
meetings next week here? 

A. Yes. We are having a number of separate 
meetings. We are having one meeting of tlie 
British and French and ourselves, and then we 
are having a meeting of the British and the French 
and the Germans, and then a meeting of the five 
foreign ministers of the countries that are rep- 
resented at the Disarmament Committee, and then 
we are having a meeting on the following day of 
the three and Mr. Spaak [Paul-Henri Spaak, 
Secretary General of the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization]. And in those meetings we will 
be reviewing the work of the preparatory com- 
missions or the working groups that have been 
studying possible questions that will arise at the 
summit meeting. Tliis is only one of a series of 
meetings with the foreign ministers. We expect 
another one at Istanbul at the time of the NATO 
meeting early in May and another one probably 
just preceding the summit meeting itself in Paris 
in the middle of May. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you confident that at this 
series of meetings held in Washington you will 
reach a united front among the allies on the ques- 
tions of dlmrmament, Berlin, and the future of 

A. I can't anticipate whether we will reach 
agreement. I think that our positions will be- 
come very much better known to each other. I 
am hopeful that we will reach agreement, but we 

are providing for these additional meetings so that 
if there is more work to be done by the working 
parties, if there are further questions we would 
want to study with our principals, we will have 
the succeeding meetings in the expectation that 
our positions will have been clarified and united 
before the summit meeting. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, has the preparatory worJc 
gone far enough now so that it is possible to say 
what subject will have priority at the summit 

A. No. It is hard to say what subjects will 
have priority. From the preliminary talks as 
indicated by the De Gaulle-IQirushchev talks, it 
looks as though disarmament might have the first 
priority. But we are anticipating, of course, that 
the German problem and the related problem of 
Berlin will be raised at a given time. Possibly 
some phases of the nuclear testing may be raised 
at the summit conference. And we just don't 
know what other questions may come up. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you have often said that you 
don't have high hopes for the simvmit conference 
on the Western side. Do you have any idea what 
the Russians hope to accomplish at the summit 

A. No. That would be purely speculation. I 
don't know. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, it has been attributed to you 
the thought of proposing to the Russians that we 
agree to tlie separation of Germany if it is con- 
firmed by a plebiscite of the East Geivnans. Is this 
an idea that you have put forward? 

A. Well, I don't think I have ever put it for- 
ward in exactly those terms. I think that I have 
on numerous occasions expressed my personal 
view that the right of self-determination is an in- 
herent right, that the question of the future of 

April 25, I960 


East Germany as well as of Berlin should be in 
accord with the determination made by the people 
themselves in properly supervised elections. 

Nuclear Testing 

Q. Mr. Secretary, for some time it Tias been the 
position of the United States that we would not 
accept a ban on nuclear testing in areas where we 
could not control or supervise. As recently as 
February 11 our spokesman at Geneva, according 
to this release today by the Department^ said that 
the United States cannot agree to a prohibition of 
testing in areas wliere controls cannot be effec- 
tively maintained. A consequence of the visit of 
the Prime Minister of Great Britain- is that we 
are now on record as being willing to accept a 
temporary moratorium on testing in an area that 
loe cannot control or inspect. Gould you explain 
this change in position? 

A. Yes. There is no change in position. The 
treaty itself on wliich we have been working now 
for some 17 months will provide a ban — which 
means for all time — a ban on all forms of testing 
in the air, under water, and under ground where 
adequate inspection could be performed. Having 
found that in the lower reaches for small explo- 
sions undergroinid instrumentation is not suffi- 
ciently sensitive at the present time to guarantee 
that that type of test can be detected, the present 
proposal that we have made is that we would have 
a temporary moratorium while research was being 
done in order to try to improve the instrumen- 
tation so that eventually the inspection could be 
made on all types of undergroimd tests. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, at his press conference last 
week the President suggested that at Geneva it 
might be possible to arrive at agreement on the 
number of on-site inspections both above and be- 
low the threshold as a political determination. 
Previously you have always insisted that this must 
be on the basis of a scientific determination. Does 
this represent a change in policy? 

A. No, it doesn't represent a change in policy 
either. "VVlien you speak of a political determina- 

'On Apr. 8 the Department of State released as aa 
nnnnmbered press release various materials sumniariz- 
in;; statements and snl)soqnont clarifioations of the U.S. 
proposal of Feb. 11 and the Soviet proiw.sal of Mar. 19 at 
the Geneva Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear 
Weapons Tests. 

' Bulletin of Apr. 18, 1960, p. 587. 

tion, it all depends on how your mind has been 
working in formulating that political determina- 
tion. We have always taken the position that the 
number of on-site inspections should be related 
to the probable number of unideaitifiable events 
that took place within a given range. Any polit- 
ical decision we might make would still be made 
with tliat in mind. The Russians on the other 
hand have taken the position that this is a purely 
arbitrary political decision unrelated to the scien- 
tific fact. We have never agreed to that. You 
may say that it is a political decision if the 
decision as to a difference between an x number 
and an x other niunber is made by individuals at 
the summit. But it would be, as far as we are 
concerned, a decision motivated by a relationship 
between the number of inspections and the number 
of imidentifiable events. I might say that Mr. 
[Semyon] Tsarapkin, speaking on behalf of the 
Soviets in Geneva, has gone so far as to say that 
this decision is one that he himself cannot make. 
It must be made at a higher level. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on that point, beneath the 
threshold of 4..75, our scientists estim-ate that there 
ufould be something like 5,000 to 28,000 events per 
year. What sort of relationship do we see between 
that nmnber of events which we might have to 
inspect and the number of events on which 
on-site inspections might be necessary below the 

A. We have not made any fixed determination 
on tliat. Again a gi-eat deal depends on the sen- 
sitivity of the instrumentation. It is possible that 
with further experimentation the scientists will 
be able to find a real distinction in tlie signals 
accepted by seismic machines which would indicate 
a variation between the manmade explosion and 
the natural earthquake. If that should happen, 
and we think that it probablj' can happen in the 
higher ranges at least, then the number of sus- 
picious events would be reduced very considerably 
beyond the number of total eartli(]uakes or trem- 
ors which would take place around the world. 

Q. Which higher levels, sir, did you mean? 
Below the threshold or above tlie threshold? 

A. Above the threshold. Above the tlireshold 
there are far fewer events than there would be 

Q. Mr. Secretary, we understand there has been 


Department of State Bulletin 

no decision as yet as to how muni/ or what a 
minimum nmnber of inspections loould bef 

A. No. 

Q. And you are going into the siunmit confer- 
ence icithout such a decision? 

A. There is a direct relation between tliat and 
tlie luunher of inspection stations within the 
country itself that are set up, liow far ai)art tliey 
are, wliether in addition to those there are un- 
manned stations that extend tlie number of seismic 
macliines to closer and closer intervals. In other 
words, there are a number of factors still to be 
determined in connection with that. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been reports in 
the past few days that General de GauUe has told 
the British that Premier Khrushchev has made it 
clear that he does not intend to press the Berlin 
picture to the point of crisis at the summit con- 
ference. Have we been given any such fll-in, 
and do you have any reason for believing that this 
might be so? 

A. No, we have no specific information on that 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in relation to that, in your 
speech the other day in Chicago ' you did touch on 
another aspect of it. Would you feel that a major 
clash at the summit on the Berlin issue would 
probably preclude any progress on the nuclear test 

A. I think it miirlit prejudice further i)rogress 
in that direction very materially. 

Question of Sovereignty In Outer Space 

Q. Mr. Seeretfiry. on another aspect, there is 
a satellite whirling around the globe noio taking 
pictures of the earth. Is it a fact that as of now 
in the period since the first satellites were launched 
there has been no nation in the world which has 
made any diplomatic protests about a violation of 
sovereignty by these instruments? And, if thai 
is so. do you consider that the fact has now been 
established that there is no sovereignty in the area 
of space? 

A. You are quite correct in saying that there 
has been no protest by any nation that this is a 
violation of its upper reaches, that sovereignty 

carries on ad iiilinitum up to the heavens some- 
where. Tliat is ([uite correct. The whole question 
of law governing outer space has been given quite 
a little consideration. We are hoping that some- 
day there will be, and thei'e will probiibly liave to 
be, specilic international laws adopted by the na- 
tions in order to at least regularize the traffic that 
may ai)pear in outer space, but this will probably 
bo a slow-moving thing. 

Q. Well, can I ask a second question about this? 
Now that we have gotten into the picturetaking 
business, which has obvious possible military in- 
telligence jmssibUities, once it has been refined, 
which one assumes it will be, is it our position that 
we have a right to launch satellites that could 
take any kind of picture that we are technically 
capable of taking over any country and that con- 
trariwise that any country has that right over our 

A. I don't think that that has been determined 
as an issue at all. As I understand the present 
satellite, it was launched for meteorological pur- 
poses, and that that was its sole objective, and that 
all of its findings are being made available to the 
scientific world, and that it may be a very useful 
thing from the point of view of future meteoro- 
logical studies and weather predictions and so on. 
With respect to the taking of photographs all over 
the world, I don't think that that has been a mat- 
ter of international discussion in any form as yet. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on that same point, would 
you as Secretary of State have any objection to 
put forward in the National Security Council, for 
example, on this matter of the kind of activity 
that satellites were engaged in? 

A. I would doubt it. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there has been a lot of dis- 
cussion back and forth across the Atlantic recently 
about irhat went on between you, Mr. Dillon, and 
Mr. Macmillan on tlie question of Sixes and Sev- 
ens.* Can you fill us in? 

A. No. I think that Mr. Macmillan has done 
that pretty adequately when he got back to Great 
Britain. I think that he felt that some of the 

Sef \i. tl.''..'). 

AprW 25, J 960 

'The Europeiiii Econouiic C<iiuimiiiily, the "Inner Six," 
is compo.sed of Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxem- 
bourg, and the Netherlands. The European Free Trade 
A.ssociation, the "Outer Seven," Is composed of Austria, 
Denmark, Norway, I'ortugal, Sweden, Switzerland, and 
the United Kingdom. 


alleged conversations that had taken place were 
not accurately reported, and I think he has 
straightened out the record in that respect. I 
think that is sufficient. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, to go hack to the picture- 
taking satellite, the space agency today announced 
that one of the cameras failed, that apparently it 
didn''t take pictures over the Iron Curtain coun- 
tries hut apparently it did take pictures over the 
free world. Do you have any verification of that? 

A. No. I have no verification of that. I think 
the only pictures that I have seen — and I saw them 
before they were publislied — were the same ones 
that were published. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, another question on that, has 
the State Department asked the space agency or 
any other agency of the Gavernment not to release 
any pictures on any diplomatic or security 

A. No, I don't think we have made any such 

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you any comment upon 
the Polish-Cuban aid agreement that was an- 
nounced last Friday? 

A. Yes, to this extent. Tliere were reports that 
that agreement included the furnishing to the 
Cubans of some material of war. "V^Hien the Dep- 
uty Prime Minister came in to see me 2 days ago,' 
I inquired about that and he gave me every assur- 
ance — and I think he made a public statement 
afterward — to the effect that nothing in that trade 
agreement could be construed as conveying to the 
Cubans anything of a warlike nature. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, when Ambassador [Henry 
Cabot] Lodge voted in the United Nations to 
deplore the actions of South Afnca,"^ he made the 
distinction quite carefully that in South Africa 
apartheid is government policy, whereas the na- 
tional policy of the United States was nothing 
like tluit. However, if some other government 
should not choose to see it quite that way and ask 
for a discussion in the United Nations, in tlie 
Security Council perhaps, of any difficulties of 
that sort in the United States, would we veto it? 

A. Well, as you know, in connection with that 
type of question, we liave interpreted the charter 

'Bulletin of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 557. 
' See p. 667. 

of the United Nations very liberally and we have 
voted to inscribe certain matters for discussion on 
the ground that discussion would be helpful rather 
than harmful, matters that other nations have 
objected to as being of purely domestic concern. 
That has been a matter of interpretation and of 
tactics. Obviously, if something occurred in this 
country that endangered the peace of the world, 
as this resolution was drafted to convey that mean- 
ing, or that appeared to be a deliberate violation 
by our Government of human rights, I think we 
would have to — we couldn't protest if it were 
inscribed. But I think that Mr. Lodge made it 
very clear that insofar as the United States was 
concerned, the Government was making every 
effort and had continuously made every effort to 
respect human riglits, that our wliole system of 
government was based on that, that where we had 
had some difficulty was with law, and with en- 
forcement of law, but that the attitude of the 
Government was entirely different from that of 
the apartheid, which deliberately promoted a com- 
plete segregation of the races. 

Q. Sir, following up that question, have you 
discussed this with Senator [J. TF.] FuJhright, and 
are these his views as well? 

A. No, I haven't discussed it with Senator 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us an ap- 
praisal of your visit with the Colombian President 
this toeek? 

A. Well, I think that there will be quite a 
lengthy communique given out at the "Wniite 
House, both by the White House and by himself, 
this afternoon. It has been a very pleasant rela- 
tionship, a very fruitful one. He is a man of very 
great distinction, one highly respected as a states- 
man throughout the Latin American world, and 
our conversations I think have been very 

The Cuban Question 

Q. Mr. Secretary, a couple of weeks ago in an 
interview with Senator [Leverett] Saltoiistall in 
response to a question, you said that it would not 
be correct, you thought, to describe the Cuban 
Government as Com7nunist but that it did seem 
that some of the high ofjidah were Communist 
sympathizers. I am wondering if you would care 
to elaborate on that in any loay and if you could 


Department of State Butletin 

give Its another progress report on our relations 
with Cuba. Are they better, worse, or whatf 

A. "\Vp11, if I had to give you a progress report, 
1 couldn't lionestly say that thoy were better, since 
Ambassador [Pliilip W.] Bonsai's return. With 
regard to the Communist side of the picture, there 
is one very disturbing development that is taking 
place in Cuba and that is that anticommunism is 
now being made synonymous with antirevolution, 
and that those who express concern about Com- 
munist influence are now being accused of being 
antirevolution and anti-Castro. And this is ob- 
viously an effort to stop any anti-Communist 
criticism that might arise within the country 

Q. Mr. Secretary, did I understand you to say 
before that we might be considering a proposal to 
supplement the 180-station network for control- 
ling a nuclear test ban with unmanned stations? 
Is that a possibility before the suminit? 

A. That is a possibility. As you may recall, 
in one of the scientific reports that we received it 
was indicated that this is something that ought 
to be developed. We are studying the matter very 
carefully now. We did reach agreement with the 
Russians before that the control commission 
would have authority to install the most up-to- 
date equipment and perfect it as science made such 
perfection possible. We are hopeful that we may 
know more about this particular method of ex- 
tendmg the control system in the very near future. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on the Cuban question again, 
there was a statement by the Department some 
time back'' referring to Cuban statements that 
they might withdraxu or renounce, rather, the Rio 
Pact and the other resolution. Have we taken 
any action on this? This was under study. 
What is our position now on this? 

A. Tliis is a matter which is still under study. 
It's imder study not only by ourselves, but I 
think that all the Latin American countries are 
veiy much interested in that particular statement. 
There has l)een an allegation that Prime Minister 
Fidel Castro was misquoted on that. But as far 
as we know, the original st<atement still stands, and 
as it was relayed to us, it was relayed in the 
original language in exactly the foi-m in which 
it was delivered, and that made it very clear that 
he at least considered that the Rio Pact was not 

binding upon him and upon Cuba because the 
revolutionary government had not signed it. 
This, of course, was a XQvy sweeping statement 
which might well imply that any trejity of any 
kind with regard to Cuba was not binding because 
it had not been signed by the revolutionary gov- 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on that same point, the Cu- 
ban radio said 2 days ago that Premier Castro 
had also denounced the Caracas Declaration.^ Is 
there any intention of the United States or other 
members of the Organisation of Annerican States 
in bringing this to the attention of tlie OAS? 

A. I think it is being considered by the OAS. 
The Caracas resolution, of course, was very dif- 
ferent from the Rio Pact. The Caracas resolu- 
tion was merely one in wliich the countries bound 
themselves to consult in the event of the inter- 
vention of international communism in any of 
their countries. The Rio Treaty goes much far- 
ther than that in that the Rio Treaty is the 
treaty which provides that an attack on one is 
an attack on all. That is the treaty of alliance 
among all the Latin American states. 

Q. But in vieto of what you have just said, 
Mr. Secretary, about the significance of their say- 
ing that to be anti-Convmunist is to be anti- 
revolution, do xve think that it is significant that 

'On Mar. 30 Lincoln White, Director of the Office of 
News, read to news correspondents the following state- 
ment : 

"Confirmed reports indicate that in a television in- 
terview on March 28 the Prime Minister of Cuba, Dr. 
Fidel Castro, stated and repeated for emphasis that his 
government does not regard itself as obligated by the 
Pact of Rio de Janeiro because the 'Revolution did not 
sign that Pact.' It would be difficult to overstate the 
amazement and concern with which we view this state- 
ment. We believe this concern will be shared by all 
other members of the Organization of American States. 
The .solemn obligations of a treaty fully accepted by all 
members of the inter-American community are not so 
easily avoided. These obligations as well as the advan- 
tages of protection which all parties to the treaty, in- 
cluding Cuba, enjoy are an integral part of one of the 
basic instruments of the Inter-American system. It 
should also be pointed out that the attitude toward these 
obligations expressed by the Prime Minister on March 
28 is contrary to the as.surances given by the Cuban 
Government upon its assumption of power in 1959 and 
by the Prime Minister himself when he visited the 
United States In April of last year." 

• For text, see Buixetin of Apr. 26, 1954, p. 638. 

April 25, I960 


they should liave denounced the Caracas Decla- 
ration as well? 

A. Yes, I think it undoubtedly is. Yet you run 
into these contradictory statements; for example, 
Eaul Castro made a statement in regard to Guan- 
tanamo, saying that they have a treaty with the 
United States and intend to respect the treaty. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you said that one of the dis- 
turiing developments in Cuba was that anticom- 
munism was being made syno7iymous with the 
antirevolution and anti-Castroism. Who is doing 
this? Is this being done with the active support 
and aid of some of the Cuban Government 

A. Yes, I think very definitely. 

Q. Sir, since Ambassador Bonsai has returned 
to Habana, has he seen Prime Minister Castro and 
does he have any intention of seeking such an inter- 

A. I tliink that he has been very hampered in 
moving in that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has 
been quite ill and he has had quite great difficulty 
in seeing him. Castro himself, I don't think he 
has seen liim. 

Q. Has he seen the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 

A. Yes, he saw him once only but only for a 
short time. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has 
been ill, and quite ill. I don't think it's a diplo- 
matic illness. 

Q. He does intend to seek an interview with 
Castro, doesnH he? 

A. I don't know at what stage of the game. T 
think normally he would be conducting his affairs 
with the Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Disarmament Conference 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you have any preliminary 
comments on the proposal made in the 10-nation 
talks in Geneva today for another form of 1^-year 
plan for complete and total disarmament? And 
if it is too early for you to comment on that, sir, 
do you have any general views on those 10-nation 

A. I know very little about this new proposal. 
I must say on the first reading of it I was quite 
struck by the statement — to whom it should be 


attributed I don't know — but this was the same 
salad with more Russian dressing. But it appears 
to be the original proposal just put in different 
words, and as far as I can make out this is a se- 
mantic argument that is still going on. 

Q. Well, Mr. Secretary, on the test-ban issue 
again, at the time you finished the talks with the 
British here there was some uncertainty about 
whether the President could commit himself be- 
yond the end of his term on this unilateral mora- 
torium. Since then all, or practically all, of the 
Democratic presidential candidates have indicated 
a willingness to have such a commitment made, 
and one assumes that the Vice President is agree- 
able. Does this mean that there is now a possi- 
bility that the United States might consider 
offering a longer period? 

A. Well, there again just what form that might 
take I can't say. I think that the President's 
limitations still exist. I think that what has been 
said by these candidates might well lead one to 
believe that they would be willing to carry on for 
a longer period of time wliile the scientific re- 
search is being done. But from the point of view 
of his legal ability to bind the United States for 
a longer period of time, I think that still remains 
within his own term. 

Q. Do you know whether the President got the 
mling that he mentioned last week he was going 
to ask for from the Attorney General? 

A. No, I can't say. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Communist China has been 
mnking a numher of very strong statements to the 
effect that the United States will never abandon 
war and that on the part of the Socialist or Com- 
munist countries they must increase their struggle 
for xohat they call peace. This line is in sharp 
contrast to the talk of Premier Khrushchev. 
What alloivances or what preparations are you 
making for this kind of situation in preparing for 
the summit and for your disarmament talks? 

A. Well, I think, as I made clear before, if with 
the Russians we can reach a certain jwint with 
regard to disarmament or with regard to the ces- 
sation of nuclear testing, that at some given point 
tlie adlierence of the Chinese to a similar self- 
denying ordinance or treaty will become a very 
important matter. The Chinese at tlie present 
time are taking a very difTerent lino from the I 

Department of State Bulletin 

point of view of relaxation of tensions, if you 
want to cull it tliat, tiian are the liussians. 
Wiiethor this is a deliberate play between tlio two 
of them or whether they are actually taking dif- 
ferent lines, it's very difficult to tell. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you think that a Berlin 
plebiscite on the lines of the proposal of Chancel- 
lor Adenauer would serve a good purpose at the 
present moment f 

A. I would rather not comment on that at the 
present time. As I understand that situation, 
the Senat in Berlin has said that if the Federal 
Goveniment of Germany wishes it to hold such a 
plebiscite it would be willing to do so provided the 
three occupying powers agreed. As yet we have 
got nothing official before us, and until we have 
something official before us and we know what the 
question might be, and so on, I'd rather not com- 
ment on that. 

Q. Sir, you mentioned that disarmament seems 
to have the highest priority going into the sum- 
mit, and yet the 10-nation talks you also say are 
in a fairly early stage. How can you reconcile 
this? What could be done at the summit, given 
what has been done so far in the 10-nation talks at 

A. Well, there again I couldn't be explicit. In 
these talks in Geneva they seemed to have reached 
a deadlock rather early in the game from the point 
of ^^ew of not knowing where to begin. And 
there have even l)een indications that the Russians 
would like to take a long recess beginning very 
soon and carrying on into June. We are perfectly 
willing to take a brief recess, but we see no reason 
for a long one. And we are frankly puzzled as to 
whether this indicates that they feel they are just 
going to keep talking at Geneva without making 
any headway at all with the idea of Mr. Khru- 
shchev coming up with some kind of idea at the 
summit. It's a puzzling situation. 

Q. Mr. Secretai'y, does that mean that the 
Soviets have proposed a cessation of the discus- 
sions at Geneva? You said indications. 

A. There have been informal discussions of a 
recess for some 6 weeks or so, not to begin right 
away but to begin at the end of April and carry 
on well into June. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you had any prelim- 
inary indications yet as to whether the Russians 
will go for the Camp David package, and also do 
you still have any conviction that a treaty can be 
signed within 30 days — 90 days? 

A. Well, to answer the last one first, I'm skepti- 
cal whetlier it can be done. We have got a great 
many things still to work out, some of them that 
are very difficult from a technical point of view. 
With regard to the first, it's hard to tell. Up to 
now, as you know, since then there have only been 
three meetings held and those have been largely 
exploratory, asking for more information or ex- 
planation of some of the details. I'm still reason- 
ably optimistic that something might come out 
of it. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on this matter of a recess of 
the disarm^ament talks, if the Russians are in 
favor of a long one and the Western Powers in 
favor of a short one, does that mean there will he 
a recess at the end of Apnl of some duration? 

A. There may be. We don't know. That is 
being discussed in Geneva now.* 

Q. Thank you, sir. 

° On Apr. 9 a Dep.'irtment press officer read to news 
correspondents the following statement by Secretary 
Herter : 

"Information received from Geneva this morning indi- 
cates that agreement has been reached on a recess in 
the disarmament negotiations as a result of a general 
understanding among all 10 delegations rather than on 
the initiative of any one of them. I personally believe 
the recess is too long but, in view of the agreement 
reached, I shall not press for a reopening of the matter." 

April 25, I960 


United States Replies to Chilean Students' Letter 
to President Eisenhower 

Following is the text of a letter to Patrwio 
Fernandez, President of the Federation of the Stu- 
dents of Chile, lohich was delivered at Santiago 
on April 8 hy Walter Howe, U.S. Ambassador to 
Chile, together with the text of a letter of Felru- 
ary U from the Chilean stvdents to President 


Press release 180 dated April 8 

April 8, 1960 
Dear Mr. Fernandez : At the time of the visit 
of President Eisenhower to Chile,^ you wrote to 
him on behalf of the Federation of Students of 
Chile stating in frank and friendly terms your 
views on a number of hemispheric and world 
problems. In acloiowledging your letter Presi- 
dent Eisenhower wrote that a reply would be 
sent you after your letter had been carefully 
studied. It is my privilege, on instructions of the 
President, to convey to you that reply. 

Before responding to your observations and 
comments on the specific political, economic and 
social problems involved in the relationship be_ 
tween the United States and Latin America, I 
would like to touch briefly on a few philosophical 
concepts, which I believe will help in an under- 
standing of the United States of the present day. 
While the people of the United States have 
developed a basic political and economic system 
which they consider appropriate for themselves 
(although subject to continuing adjustment and 
improvement), they do not seek to impose their 
system on others, recognizing the right of each 
country to evolve and enjoy its destiny free of 
foreign intervention. 

^ For background, see Btoletin of Mar. 28, 1960, p. 471. 

The United States does not consider itself a 
"developed" or a "satisfied" nation. One of the 
effects of the progressive income tax, social se- 
curity system, free schools, and other social pro- 
grams in the United States has been a widespread 
distribution of the national income. The United 
States hopes that younger generations abroad 
will recognize that these advances were made 
through the determined effort of the people of 
the United States. The "prevailing order" in 
each country is only the existing situation in a 
stage of evolution toward economic and social 
betterment. It is our desire to assist each country 
in its efforts to improve the lot of the common 
man and we, therefore, welcome measures which 
would make the next "prevailing order" more 

On the domestic scene, our Government is faced 
with a tremendous challenge of financing the in- 
creasing needs of its citizens for education, com- 
munication and other services. At the same time, 
the United States is devoting increasing amounts 
of its tax revenue and savings to cooperative 
efforts in the economic and social improvement of 
other countries of the world. Should the United 
States ever consider itself "developed" or be "sat- 
isfied" with the world, either the millennium will 
have arrived or we will be slated to disappear into 
history. We do not expect either contingency. 

The United States shares with other govern- 
ments and people the goal that this hemisphere be 
composed of sturdy, independent republics, each 
with a viable developing economy, living under 
a democratic political and social system of its 
own particular devising. We recognize that there 
is much the United States can do in assisting other 
nations to achieve this goal. We welcome oppor- 
tunities for exploring new and more effective ways 
of cooperating in mutually agreeable joint under- 

Deporfmenf of Sfafe Bu/Zefin 

takings directed toward this end. At the same 
tune, wo are keenly aware that onr efforts can 
only complement tiioso of our nei<jhboi-s on their 
own behalf. Nothing could more quickly prej- 
udice our cooperative efforts than for the United 
States to seek — even with the best of intentions — 
to intervene in the domestic affairs of the other 
American republics. 

Admittedly, for governments as for individuals, 
programs based on the most noble principles are 
often the most difficult to implement. The world 
we live in is exceedingly complex. (How much 
more productive and fruitful would be our lives 
if our peoples simply had the assurance of peace 
with fi-eedom.) We nuike no claim to perfection 
or infallibility. In our government, as in yours, 
the exercise of democracy means that progress is 
made through compromise, adaptation and adjust- 
ment, as well as by steadfast purpose. Foreign 
polic}', like domestic policies, results from the 
reconciling of conflicting positions and mterests 
and can rarely fully satisfy everyone. But this 
same democratic process provides the means for 
the correction of erroi-s. As public opinion in 
our countries becomes better informed of each 
other's problems, through such means as this pres- 
ent exchange of correspondence, we believe that 
this corrective process will become more prompt 
and effective. 

Now, to get down to some particulai-s. 

The Inter- American System 

You ask ". . . what is the inter- American 
system and for what does it exist?" You answer 
the first part of this question in general terms, 
mentioning only those specific legal documents 
wliich carry with them the joint responsibility 
for peace and security. Vitally important as this 
aspect of the inter-iVmerican sj'stem is, the treaty 
machinery for peace and security does not by any 
means comprise all of that system. You most 
assuredly are informed of the historical develop- 
ment of tlie unique cooperative inter-American 
relationship based upon mutual respect, but you 
should also be aware of the comprehensiveness 
of the many and varied activities which are being 
carried on in each of the American Republics by 
the Organization of American States and its 
specialized agencies which together make up the 
permanent structure of the inter-American 

April 25, I960 

Without entering into a detailed review of all 
aspects of inlcr-American cooperation, I shoiild 
like to point out, as examples, that the Organiza- 
tion of American States Fellowship Program will 
help 500 students this coming year to {)ui"sue ad- 
vanced studies in countries other than their own, 
and that over 5,000 technical specialists have re- 
ceived training under the Technical Cooperation 
Program of the Organization of American States 
since its inception; that the malaria eradication 
program of the Pan American Health Organiza- 
tion is moving forward each year closer to the 
elimination of that dread scourge from the 
Americas; and that the activities of the Organi- 
zation of American States include promotion of 
economic development, the development of agri- 
culture, improvement of housing, betterment of 
child welfare and education, advancement of 
science, and many others. 

In Santiago, Chile, for example, the Organiza- 
tion of American States operates a course in eco- 
nomic and financial statistics for training of per- 
sons from many of the American Republics. In 
Bogota, Colombia, the Organization of American 
States operates the Inter-American Housing and 
Planning Center which trains those who will 
carry on the low-cost housing activities in their 
own countries. In Montevideo, Uruguay, a 
specialized organization of the Organization of 
American States, the Inter-American Children's 
Institute, concerns itself with child welfare. 

These are all parts of the inter-Amei-ican sys- 
tem; these are all phases of an inter-American 
program to which my Government contributes 
heavily, just as it has pioneered a .system of bi- 
lateral teclmical cooperation which makes it pos- 
sible for that kind of assistance to be given and 
received in a relationship of fraternal cooperation. 
These, and many other genuinely cooperative pro- 
grams and projects, are as much parts of the inter- 
American system as the machinery involved in the 
quest to achieve collective security, even though 
their problems and immediate accomplishment 
may be less spectacular and provide less of a 
target for hostile and unwarranted attack. Just 
as with the program of bilateral technical co- 
operation which we have developed, the total pro- 
gram in Latin America of the Organization of 
American States, of Operation Pan America and 
other programs of collective action has the pur- of correcting the very problems about which 
you express such deep conceni, and this program 


646482—60 3 

is carried on without detracting one iota from the 
sovereignty, independence, or juridical equality of 
any of the Latin American governments, or from 
the freedom and dignity of any citizen of a Latin 
American country. On the contrary, these are 
strengthened and fortified. 

Let us now take a look at the inter- American 
system for achieving peace among tlie American 
nations and security from external aggression. 
This you find involves "obligations accepted by 
the weak in favor of the strong, and tlie poor in 
favor of the rich.'' As you must have learned, the 
inter-American system is based on the principle 
of non-iiitervention inextricably comlnned with 
the assumption of collective responsibility to act 
together when that principle is violated, either by 
aggression from abroad or from witliin the hemi- 
sphere. It may be well to recall, therefore, that 
in many respects the welding of this system came 
as the common response to the threat which hung 
over this hemisphere from Nazi and Fascist dicta- 
torship, a threat which was overcome only to be 
replaced by the danger of Soviet and other in- 
ternational Communist overt and subversive ag- 
gression. The first of these dangers was overcome 
with tremendous direct loss of lives and property; 
in the case of the United States alone it involved 
the loss of tens of thousands of lives and hundreds 
of billions of dollars worth of material wealth. 
The absolutely essential preparation to meet and 
resist the second of those threats has also i-equired 
something which the people of the United Statas 
do 7iot like — the greatest peace-time mobilization 
of military strength the world has ever known — 
at a cost which heavily bears upon tlic income of 
every single Amei-ican citizen. 

TJie people of the United States of America did 
not seek llie responsibilities thrust upon it by the 
need to mainlnin peace against the aggressive in- 
lent of international comnnuiism — in fact, those 
of you wlio aI■(^ students of histoiy may recall that 
the jienpjc of thi> United Stales, in refusing to join 
the League of Nations fo]h)\ving World "War I, 
rejected sucli a responsibiiity once l)efoi-(\ witli a 
serious setback to the liopes of that era for a 
general system for world peace. However, we 
have now accepted it as a joint res])onsil)i1ity 
witli Cliile and other nations wliicli value 
flieir freedom and desire to maintain their 

Any who belie\-e this conti'ilxilion I)y (he people 
of the Ignited Slates to lie misdirected mitrlit do 

well to try to penetrate the Iron Curtain and find 
out what happens in Hungary and Rumania, in 
North Korea or North Yiet-Nam or Communist 
China when the conspiracy of international com- 
munism is challenged by individuals or groups 
who want to live as free men. "\Miere are the stu- 
dents of Hungary who in 1956 challenged this 
conspiracy? "Would you wish to exchange the 
freedom of thought and expression which Chilean 
students enjoy for that of students in any Com- 
munist country? Freedom is indivisible — its loss 
Ijy any nation prejudices the entire free world. 
Obviously, maintaining the physical security in 
which we can .strive to improve our democracy is 
in our interest, but so also is it in the interest of 
Latin America. Obviously, the Latin Anrerican 
countries have made and are making an invaluable 
contril)ution. That is reciprocity. 

You would appear to have overlooked the most 
important reality of the world of 1960, indeed the 
most important single fact of the entire post-war 
world, beginning with the first Soviet threats to 
Iran, to Greece, to Turkey, and going on to the 
aggression against Korea, Yiet-Nam, Hungary, 
Tibet and others. That reality is the danger posed 
by international Communism to the freedom and 
independence of every government, great or small, 
rich or poor, whatever its stage of economic or 
political development. In your country as in the 
TTnited States, there is all too often a tendency to 
forget that, whatever may be the weaknesses and 
inadequacies of our ]iolitical life, tlie liberty and 
individual freedom which we now have would 
have l)een utterly destroyed if comnnmism had 
been i)ermitted to move in the post-war world un- 
hindered arrd unrestrained by the defensive capac- 
ity of the countr'ies wliicli cliose to maintain their 

I^r-om all of tliis it is difllcMilt to cornpi-ehend the 
I'easoning witli which you ilud that our inter- 
Ameiican relationship is a one-way street — with- 
out the element of r-ecipr'ocit y which yon desire. 
If, as your letter seems to imply, you and your 
fellow students really do believe that the people 
of (li(> I'nited States have given nothing and have 
gainecl all in llieii- relationship with Latin 
Amei-ica dur'ing a period when so many of the 
lives of its young men and so rmich of its wealth 
liM\e IxH'ii contr'iiiuled to iiiiilding the security of 
Wester-n civilization, oru- riuilnal misimdei-stand- 
ings are indeed profound. 


Deporfmenf of Sfofe Bulletin 

With regard to specific questions you raise: 

(1) It is not clear what you mean by "mili- 
tary security by means otiicr than armed forces", 
but if you mean that expenditures for armaments 
should be kept to the absolute minimum consist- 
ent with security, the United States Government 
is in full agreement and has olVered assist aiu-e in 
the search for the means whereby excessive mili- 
tary expenditures may be reduced and savings 
applied to urgent needs for economic development. 
You may be assured that the Government and 
people of the United States would bo delighted at 
a fruitful outcome of all the efforts which have 
been made in the United Nations and elsewhere 
to establish the solid bases for genuine limitation 
of armaments throughout the world. Bearing in 
mind the guarantees of the Rio Treaty, we are 
prepared to cooperate in practical steps to reduce 
expenditures on annaments in this hemisphere. 
President Eisenhower made this very clear in his 
endoi-sement ' of President Alessandri's states- 
manlike proposal for the limitation of amis in 
Latin America. 

(2) Promotion of Democracy. As President 
Eisenhower indicated in Santiago after first read- 
ing your letter, the United States does not and 
could not look "benevolently" on dictators either 
in the Americas or elsewhere. The principles and 
practices of democratic life are too much a part 
of the fabric of our history and governmental 
institutions and practices for us not to be repelled 
by the tyrannical abuse of power bj- governmental 
leaders. We shall continue to favor any approach 
to the reduction and elimination of anti-demo- 
cratic governmental practices which has a real 
prospect of success. This attitude necessarily im- 
plies that the approach is genuinely constructive, 
is in accordance with international obligations, 
and represents the consensus of the inter- American 
community. It would be nothing less than fool- 
hardy to become so obse.ssed with the destruction 
of undemocratic regimes as to embark upon ac- 
tions leading to chaos, anarchy or their replace- 
ment by a new but even more dangerous form 
of tyranny. 

Tlie truth of the matter is that democracy, un- 
like communism or any other form of tyranny, 
cannot be imposed from without by any nation or 
group of nations. 

' For text of an address to the Chilean Congress by 
President Eisenhower on Mar. 1, see (6irf., p. 480. 

As the past ten years have demonstrated, un- 
democratic systems and practices can be resisted 
and conditions permitting democratic growth can 
be establisiied tlirough the earnest efforts of all 
sectoi"S of a responsible citizenry — and I here defi- 
nitely include those military leaders in Latin 
America who have a real undei-standing of the 
civic responsibility of the military forces, and 
wiio have already made highly significant con- 
tributions to the maintenance or restoration of 
the conditions for greater democracy. The recent 
years of Latin American political development, 
with one or two notable exceptions, have shown 
marked progress in the direction of responsible 
democratic government. 

What all of us can and should strive for is to 
improve and strengthen the admittedly imperfect 
democracies in which we live in order that they 
may serve as examples for others. This moral 
pressure by example strikes a responsive chord in 
the hearts of the people. 

(3) Economic Cooperation. The third funda- 
mental point that your letter refers to is "an eco- 
nomic integration of Latin America that will per- 
mit these countries to industrialize their economies 
and accelerate their development . . . ." Your 
letter suggests that on this point as well as on 
the other two fundamental points mentioned 
therein the United States has failed to lend its full 

It is only fair to point out that the United 
States Government has repeatedly and forcefully 
given its support to the concept of common mar- 
kets in Latin America which would lead to an 
expansion of trade within the integrated area and 
between it and other regions of the world. 

In addition, let us also consider .some other ele- 
ments basic to the process of economic develop- 
ment. I refer to improving the knowledge and 
skills of the population and the pro\'ision of ade- 
quate capital for industry and agriculture. An 
abundance of these elements is indispensable for 
increasing tlie productivity of labor and even- 
tually placing within tlie reach of the people an 
increased supply of the necessities and amenities 
of modern life. Your letter fails to mention the 
role of the United Statas Government or of Amer- 
ican private citizens in helping to supply the needs 
of Latin America in these vital sectors. This role 
has been immense. 

Our Government-owned Eximbank has loaned, 
since its inception, over $3,900,000,000 in Latin 

April 25, J 960 


America to both state-owned and private enter- 
prises. The gi-eat bulk of these loans has been 
for the purpose of aiding economic development. 
An example is the $77 million which made possible 
the Cia de Acero del Pacifico (CAP). Add to 
this over $300 million in loans resulting from the 
sale of surplus agricultural commodities and $78 
million of our Development Loan Fund, both on 
extremely liberal repayment terms. Also sub- 
stantial United States contributions have been 
made through the International Bank for Recon- 
struction and Development and other internation- 
al lending institutions. 

Investments by private American businesses 
have been even larger — about $9 billion; indeed 
United States private investments in Latin Amer- 
ica exceed those in any other region of the world. 
According to the latest statistics, from these 
United States private investments came 30% of 
Latin America's exports. These export earnings 
created enough foreign exchange to pay for all 
of the imports and income remitted to the LTnited 
States by those companies and still return a sur- 
plus of $900 million a year to Latin America. 
About 625,000 jobs have been created and 15% of 
all the taxes collected in the area came from 
United States private investment. 

My Government believes that, generally speak- 
ing, United States investors in Latin America are 
taking seriously their responsibilities toward their 
employees and tlie people of the countries in which 
they do business. They are interested in putting 
their roots down as responsible business citizens 
of those countries. They want to stay and help 
in the development process, and it is a gross exag- 
geration, and in most cases patently imtrue, to 
accuse them of being interested solely in exploit- 
ing your coimtries. 

Perhaps it would be timely and useful to explain 
briefly what we mean by "the free enterprise 
system" since this is what produces the wealth of 
the United States. By their own unremitting 
work and ingenuity, our citizens, in an atmos- 
phere of economic as much as political freedom, 
produce the goods which are sold for their own 
consumption and export. Out of their earnings 
they pay among the highest taxes in the world, 
and the^se in turn enable the United States Govern- 
ment to finance the Export-Import Bank, the De- 
velopment Loan Fund, the Teclinical Cooperation 
Program, and to contribute importantly to such 
international institutions as the International 

Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the 
International Monetary Fund, and the Inter- 
American Development Bank. But, of even 
greater importance, they also are able to save a 
portion of their earnings for investment in indus- 
trial enterprises at home and abroad. By thus 
pooling their savings, their credit and other re- 
sources, this nation has developed a system which 
has so far invested over $9 billion in Latin Amer- 
ica and additional investment is available if 
wanted. Now, I repeat that we do not argue 
that our system should be copied by other coun- 
tries, although we think our own development has 
been due largely to that system. We do say that 
this system affords a vast pool of capital for de- 
velopment purposes, more than any government 
can hope to accumulate for foreign loans. 

Our technical cooperation progi'am has afforded 
training to thousands of Latin Americans in a 
great variety of fields from agriculture and public 
health to industrial techniques and public admin- 
istration. Undoubtedly a substantial number of 
students of your Federation have studied in the 
United States or have had United States trained 
professors assist them in their educational en- 
deavor. Our programs in various fields have 
helped make this possible. United States-fi- 
nanced plants and commercial establishments in 
Latin America have also afforded a vast training 
ground for Latin America in industry, in mod- 
ern business methods and in management. 

Tliis brief description of the role of the United 
States in lielping to supply the needs of Latin 
America in the fields of capital and of technical 
skills is only to point out (as your letter did 
not) that the United States has contributed — 
and contributed significantly — to the great eco- 
nomic advances that have taken place in Latin 
America. Wliat is more important is that this 
contribution is continuing and that together with 
you, our neighbors, we are constantly seeking 
ways and means of improving and expanding 
our cooperation still further for the purpose of 
raising the standards of living of the masses of 
the Latin American people. 

The Pricing of Raw Materials i 

The quotation from the Paley Report,' which 

3 For backiiroiind on the report of the President's 
International Materials Poliey Commission, of which 
William S. Paley was chairman, and excerpts from a 
digest of volume 1, issued in June 1952, see ibid., July 
14, 1952, p. 54. 


Department of State Bulletin 

you have taken out of context, gives iin entirely 
erroneous impression of the i-ecominen(hitions 
of that report and of the objectives of United 
States trade policy. Tiie full report shows how 
the development of low cost resources benefits 
raw material producing countries as well as the 
countries wliicli buy part of these raw materials. 
In fact, as pointed out below, foreign producers 
and foreign countries have benefited substantially 
from policies of the United States Government 
designed, not to obtain raw materials from for- 
eign sources at the lowest price possible, but to 
give a fair return to suppliers, whether in the 
United States or in other countries. 

Your letter states that the "moral solution" of 
the problem of prices is the adoption of the concept 
of "just prices and adequate remuneration for the 
raw materials" exported by Latin America. It 
goes on to admit frankly that the use of an ethical 
notion of a just price would present many practical 
problems. Our appreciation that violent fluctua- 
tions of raw material pi'ices can cause great diffi- 
culties for countries which are heavily dependent 
on the exports of one or two commodities has 
caused the United States to cooperate with 
primary producing countries, not only in Latin 
America but elsewhere, and in many different 
ways, in efforts to overcome these difficulties. But 
the problem is deep-seated and requires basic 
solution of such matters as rates of economic 
growth, the need for diversification of production, 
and the balance of supply and demand. During 
the time that such fundamental adjustments are 
being worked out, it may be possible in certain 
cases to reduce the severity of price fluctuations 
by arrangements of various kinds among inter- 
ested countries. In most cases it is possible for 
countries experiencing temporary balance-of- 
payments difficulties as a result of commodity 
price declines to obtain external financial assist- 
ance calculated to tide them over. 

The United States attaches high importance to 
finding sound solutions to these problems. Thus 
it is giving its full support to many international 
organizations which are currently analyzing 
problem commodities and endeavoring to assist 
the producing countries in their marketing 

The United States has become a member of the 
Commission on International Commodity Trade, 
which was established by the Economic and Social 

Council of the United Nations to make studies of 
the outlook for basic commodities. 

The United States, as a member of the Food 
and Agriculture Organization of the United Na- 
tions, participates in all commodity study groups 
and the Committee on Commodity Problems. 

The Contracting Parties to the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade have established a 
special committee to study obstacles to the ex- 
pansion of trade in raw materials and develop 
recommendations for constructive action. The 
United States is participating actively in this 

The United States has price support programs 
for certain agricultural products and minerals. 
These are certainly not policies for obtaining raw 
material imports at "the lowest price possible". 
If anything, the reverse is true. Foreign sup- 
pliers often obtain prices for commodities sold 
in the LTnited States which exceed world market 
prices, this being at considerable cost to the United 
States consumer. With respect to imported raw 
materials which are not produced domestically, 
we customarily levy low duties or none at all, 
and impose few internal taxes. This stimulates 
our consumption of these products and so redounds 
to the benefit of the expoi-ting country. 

The examples cited below are typical : 


The United States buys almost one-half of its 
annual requirements of sugar, which total about 
9.4 million short tons, from foreign suppliers, 
principally Cuba, at a price which ranges cur- 
rently between 2 and 2i^ cents above the world 
market price. In this way the United States 
transfers to the supplier coimtries, all of which 
have less developed economies, a total of 200 
million dollars annually. 

The tariff on sugar entering the United States 
has been reduced from 2.5 cents to .6250 cents per 
pound over the past 25 years, to the substantial 
benefit of foreign producing coimtries. The clause 
in the United States Sugar Act which allocates 
to foreign suppliers 45% of all increases in domes- 
tic consumption permits those suppliers to benefit 
to almost the same extent as domestic producers 
from the price stabilization features of our sugar 

The United States has been a party to inter- 
national sugar agreements since 1937, because of 

April 25, I960 


its recognition that stable sugar prices are of great 
importance to many sugar producing countries 
of this hemisphere. 

Lead and Zinc: 

Although the quotas on imports which were 
established in 1958 reduced imports of these metals 
to 80 percent of the volume of imports during the 
previous 5 years, foreign producers have in gen- 
eral received substantially higher prices for the 
share of their production which is sold in this 
country than for that sold in other markets. The 
desire of the United States to help stabilize world 
prices for these metals is attested by its partici- 
pation in the establishment of a Lead and Zinc 
Study Group under the auspices of the United 


The United States does not impose any duty on 
the importation of green coffee, in contrast to 
many European countries which maintam rela- 
tively high tariffs or internal taxes, or both. (The 
same is true of cocoa and tea.) As a result, per 
capita consumption here is among the highest in 
the world, and more than 23 million bags of coffee 
were imported into the United States in 1959. 

The United States has not sought to obtain its 
coffee at the lowest possible price but, on the con- 
trary, has given its full support to the establish- 
ment of a Coffee Study Group imder whose aus- 
pices a short-run marketing agi-eement has been 
worked out which has mamtained prices over the 
past 2 years at levels which have generally pro- 
vided a fair profit to producers. The United 
States continues to support the Study Group m 
its current effoi-ts to develop a long range program 
for re-establishing equilibrium between supply and 

Other Corwmodities : 

As for copier prices which are of special in- 
terest to you as Chileans, they have been so favor- 
able in recent years that production in your 
country has increased by -37 percent over the past 

5 yeai-s. 

Recognizing that the stability and expansion of 
markets for raw materials is a matter of primary 
importance to the less developed countries of 
the world, the United States is giving its full sup- 
port to seeking solutions through international 


Social Evolution 

The next portion of your letter contains an 
invitation, which, if accepted by the United States, 
could only constitute flagrant intervention in the 
domestic affairs of Latin American coimtries. It 
would set up the United States as the arbiter of 
matters wliich only a sovereign people can decide 
for themselves. 

The United States does not "defend the pre- 
vailmg order," nor does it incite to revolution. 
To attempt to do so would be the most arrogant 
kind of colonialism, repugnant to the American 


In the 18th century our countiy gained its po- 
litical independence; a hundred years ago it 
fought a bloody civil war over a basic national 
issu*^ and in this century has carried out great 
social programs and changes. This is the way we 
dealt with our own particular problems, but we 
would not impose our pattern or our experience on 
other nations m their efforts to find better and 
more equitable national existences. 

Our technical cooperation programs are a testi- 
monial to our earnest desire to cope with the great 
problems you have cited— malnutrition, illiteracy, 
lack of public health, inadequate housing and 
others, and we hope that some of our "best friends" 
are among those we seek to help m our jomt work 
in these fields. 

Self-Determination in Cuba 
In your letter you commend highly the policies 
the United States Government is following with 
respect to the present Cuban Government, with- 
out commenting on the position which the Cuban 
Government has taken toward the United States 
Government or toward United States citizens who 
over the past 100 years, and in accordance with 
Cuban law, have invested their savings in the 
Cuban economy. No officials of this administra- 
tion have ever made any public statements or 
committed any acts which may reasonably be con- 
strued as unfriendly toward the Cuban Govern- 
ment and people. It is regretted that the same 
cannot be said for the leaders of the Cuban Gov- 
ernment who seem to have intentionally made de- 
rogatory and most hostile statements regarding 
the United States Government and people, de- 
signed to disrupt our traditionally amicable 


As students you desire to ascertain the truth; 

Department of State Bvlletin 

thoi-efore, it is suggested that you examine the 
record fully and fairly before reaching a judg- 
ment on such a serious matter. 

Your letter indicates that you also find ele- 
ments in the Cuban situation which cause you 
concern. This concern appears to be shared gen- 
erally throughout the hemisphere, and not only 
in those countries which were the targets of the 
series of invasion attempts launched from Cuba 
last year. 

In all candor I must state that many long-time 
friends of Cuba in tlie United States and else- 
where in the hemisphere who were heartened by 
the ideals expressed by the present leaders of 
Cuba when they assumed control of the Govern- 
ment have been gi-avely disillusioned by what is 
coming to be considered a betrayal of these ideals 
in such mattere as freedom of expression, equal 
protection of the laws, and the right freely to 
choose a representative government. 

The press of the United States, like the press 
of Chile, is free to voice its opinions on all mat- 
tei-s, whether domestic or foreign; this, you will 
agree, is a freedom basic to the exercise of democ- 
racy. Unfortimately, i-ecent incidents in Cuba 
make it quite clear that it is dangerous for any- 
one there to voice opinions which do not conform 
with government policy. 

On the subject of agrarian reform you recog- 
nize that the United States has given evidence 
over a period of years of its interest in and sym- 
patic for agrarian reform movements. In Latin 
America, my government has demon.strated its 
interest in promoting rural welfare through a 
variety of assistance programs, including teclmi- 
cal assistance, Export-Import^ Bank loans, and 
such farm development and land settlement pro- 
grams as that in Guatemala. You mention sev- 
eral countries in which agrarian reform move- 
ments were carried out with support from the 
United States and then, mentioning Cuba, inquire 
why our policy is different. 

The United States is not opposed to land reform 
in Cuba any more than it is in any other part of 
the world. In our notes of June 11 * and October 
12, 1959,' to the Cuban Government on this mat- 
ter, the Govermnent of the United States ex- 
pressed its full support of soundly conceived 

•For the substance of the note of June 11, see ihld., 
June 29. 1959. p. 958. 
' Not printed. 

programs for rural betterment, including land re- 
form. The United States Government at the same 
time expressed its firm belief that their attainment 
is not furthered by the failure of the Government 
of Cuba to recognize the legal rights of Unit«d 
States citizens who have made investments in 
Cuba in reliance upon the adherence of the Gov- 
ernment of Cuba to principles of equity and 
justice. No property owner can feel secure or en- 
gage in productive labor on his own land unless 
laws are observed. 

The United States protests were directed 
against arbitrary actions of Cuban officials and 
others, taken in disregard of that country's own 
laws as well as of international law. 

You may be interested in knowing something of 
the contribution United States private investors 
have in the past made to the Cuban economy, 
which provides one of the highest national in- 
comes in Latin America. A report issued in 1956 
shows that payments by United States companies 
in Cuba for salaries and wages were $140 million. 
Over 70,000 persons were employed at an average 
annual wage rate of $2,000. Of the 70,000 em- 
ployees of these companies, only 320 were sent 
from the United States. 

In concluding, let me assure you that the idea 
of foreign intervention into Cuban affairs is as 
distasteful to the United States as would be the 
intervention into the domestic affairs of any other 
American republic. You will recall the role which 
the United States played, along with the other 
American republics, in coming to the assistance of 
Panama and other Caribbean republics when their 
territory was invaded last year by forces which 
departed from Cuba, and in taking a position at 
the Santiago Meeting of Foreign ^Ministers held 
m August.® The position of the United States on 
intervention is very clear. 

This has been a lengthy reply to your letter. 
The many points which you raisexl are of keen 
interest to the peoples of the hemisphere and it 
is to be hoped that our correspondence will con- 
tribute to a greater degree of mutual understand- 
ing. Because of the growing ijiterest in Latin 
America among students in the United States, 
steps have been taken to circulate your letter to 
university organizations in the United States. 
Perhaps you will wish to circulate this reply in 
Chile. In this way it may be possible to stimulate 

• For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 7, 19.'")9, p. 342. 

April 25, I960 


a greater exchange of ideas and information be- 
tween the youth of our republics. 

Please accept, through me, the warm good 
wishes of President Eisenhower to you and your 
fellow students and the expression of his convic- 
tion that the youth of the hemisphere will devise 
increasingly effective means of achieving our com- 
mon goal. 

Sincerely yours, 

Walter Howe 
American Ambassador 

Sr. Patricio Fernandez, 
President of the Federation 
of Students of Chile. 


Cnofflclal translation 

Febhtjabt 24, 1960 

YouE Excellency, Welcome to Chile. Please accept 
through our intermediary the cordial greeting of the 
twenty-five thousand students who today study in the 
seven Chilean universities and who tomorrow will be 
responsible, to a large degree, for the destiny of this 

We know that your obligations are heavy and your 
time short, but we believe that, for a statesman such as 
yourself, the human and social values of these countries 
and the opinions which qualified observers may have of 
these values, and of the future, are much more important 
than the routine of protocol : full of monotonous and 
flattering limitations. 

We, the Chilean university leaders, have been elected 
in the separate federations of students, through a direct 
vote, both free and secret, and represent all political 
groups. The majority of us are Christians. And almost 
all of us, Christians and free thinkers, are firm supporters 
of democracy and in opposition to all types of dictator- 
ship. Permit us, then, to express to you with friendship, 
with respect, and with frankness, our thinking on some 
fundamental aspects of the relationship of the United 
States with Latin America and with Chile. 

What is the Inter-American System and for what does it 
The relationship between the United States and the 20 
Latin American nations is framed by a group of treaties 
and other legal documents of an international character, 
obligatory and current, such as the Treaty of Rio de 
Janeiro (1947), the Caraca.s Declaration (1954), Military 
Pacts, etc. which make up the Inter-American System. 
What is the deep political "philosophy", the principle 
inspiring all of these agreements? One is very clear: 
To establish hy legal obligation, Latin American solidarity 
with the U.S. in the present dangerous world situation. 
North American dii)lomacy has succeeded in achiev- 
ing this already. We have stopped being "good neigh- 
bors" and have begun to be, without realizing it, "as- 

sociated nations" in the world policies of the United 
States. The truth is that the Inter-American System is 
the most complete of the many international arrange- 
ments in which the United States takes part. But it is 
equally true that in no other does the United States ob- 
tain more advantages, at the same time acquiring fewer 
obligations in respect to its associates. 

If this lack of equilibrium is maintained, not only will 
it compromise Inter-American relations, but it will also 
destroy the moral and political justification for the ex- 
istence of the Inter-American System. 

To sum up : In order to express our conviction with the 
promised frankness : the Inter-American System is up to 
the present time a regime of obligations accepted by the 
weak in favor of the strong, and the poor in favor of the 
rich. No one can say exactly what the reciprocal obli- 
gations are which the rich and strong nation contracts 
with the weak and poor nations, nor what their impor- 
tance is. 

What can be done? Reciprocity and not aid should be 
the moral basis of the Inter-American System and the 
reciprocity between the United States and Latin America 
should materialize in three fundamental ways. 

1) Military security within the continent by other 
means other than the armed forces (more than 1.5 billion 
dollars each year are spent by these countries guarding 
themselves from one another). 

2) Promotion of democracy. Denying "salt and water" 
to the dictators and tyrants in power (such as Trujillo, 
Somoza and Stroessner) instead of looking at them be- 
nevolently and making easy for them the exploitation and 
vilification of their peoples, under the pretense that they 
are "friends" of the U.S.A. and "enemies" of "communism". 

3) An economic integration of Latin America that will 
permit these countries to industrialize their economies 
and accelerate their development in a way more com- 
patible with the elementary necessities of civilization. 

In none of these three fundamental points has the 
United States assumed the initiative, nor has it lent its 
collaboration where this would have been decisive for 
success. It has abstained or given only the "lip service" 
of innocuous declarations. This is in sharp contrast with 
the vigor of the initiative, the persistence of purpose and 
the immense sacrifice for the work in Europe — the 
Marshall Plan ; NATO ; "off shore" procurement ; the Dil- 
lon Plan ; all this to obtain the same results that the 
Latin American nations needed more urgently than West- 
ern Europe. The eventual evasive reply to this is that the 
Latin American countries themselves, without the help of 
the United States, should modify the armament policy, 
promote democratic government and integrate their 
economy within new multinational structures. We admit 
that in "theory" it is so, but in "practice", the presence or 
the absence of the United States with its enormous in- 
fluence and resources of every kind, means the difference 
between making an immediate reality of the aforemen- 
tioned three fundamental points or keeping them for 
another century and a half suspended in the blue air. 

Jnst prices and moral basis for exchange: 

The gap that separates the industrial countries from 
the nations producing raw materials widens more each 


Department of State Bulletin 

year. Industrial nations continue increasing their capi- 
tal at the expense of uiuler-developed countries, and 
prices of raw materials continue to be distorted by the 
Industrial countries, iududiuK the United States, through 
different means, all of which are directed toward "oh- 
taiuinj; foreign raw materials at the lowest price pos- 
sible" (I'aley RejMirt — 11)52 "Uesouroes for Freedom"). 

These means, which .seem permissible to tliose directing 
the North American ocononiy. have disastrous conse- 
quent-es for Latin American countries. 

Then, If our capitalization cannot base itself on the 
exploitation of other countries, as was the case with 
Europe for four centuries, and it cannot be based on 
the unmerciful exploitation of our own people as the 
conimuuist alternative demands, tlie moral solution de- 
mands that It be the product of just prices and adequate 
remuneration for the raw materials which we sell to 
the industrial nations. 

We understand that the substitution of an ethical no- 
tion of a just price, and one in accordance with the needs 
of the producing country, for the false concept of "mar- 
ket mechanism", offers nmuy practical problems. But all 
of them may be solved if this new principle to regulate 
economic relations between the United States and Latin 
Ajnerica is accepted. 

"Sabbath has been ma4c for man and not man for the 

This quotation from Our Lord Jesus Christ seems an 
appropriate one for us to illustrate a fundamental ques- 
tion. Has the United States become a "satisfied nation", 
one which lights for the maintenance of the prevailing 
order in the world and in Latin America? This dan- 
gerous image is becoming more accepted every day. If 
this is true, we respectfully say to you that the 
United States will have little or nothing to offer the 
younger generation and the immense multitude of the 
poor, who compase 90% of the Latin American popu- 
lation. And we will have little or nothing to expect 
from the guidance and genius of North America. 

In the United States, and in Western Europe, it makes 
sense to flght to defend the "prevailing order", because 
there social order represents values which are shared by 
everybody : Personal freedom, social justice, real equal- 
ity in the law, high cultural, scientific and technological 
levels, satisfactory standard.s of living, etc. In Latin 
America to "defend the prevailing order" means main- 
taining the privileges of a thin layer of the population 
which controls the power and the wealth, surrounded 
by an ocean of poor people for whom the "social order" 
means little or literally nothing. Proofs? Despite the 
fact that the population of Latin America Is only 7% 
of the world's population, In a territory covering 16% 
of the inhabitable surface of the planet, our collective 
standard or condition of living is reflected in the follow- 
ing figiires : 

Two-thirds of the population (120 million) live In a 
chronic state of malnutrition (FAO) ; two out of five 
Latin Americans (70 million) are illiterate (UNESCO) ; 
Latin America has the lowest rate of economic develop- 
ment in the Western World (1% a year per capita), or 

an average Income of only US$275 per annum (ECLA). 

If trees are known by their fruit, it is u mockery to 
pretend tliat this situation reflects the Christian or the 
democratic order for wliicli the immense mass of starved, 
illiterate and uncuituretl people, as well as those lack- 
ing rights, freedom and proi>erty, populating the majority 
of Latin America, could hojie. It is a crime against the 
spirit. If tlie injustices of to<lay are all that Christi- 
anity or democracy can offer this continent, no one should 
be surprised If the best cliildren of these nations turn 
toward communism, seeking those elemeulary needs which 
they lack and whicli are the essentials to morality and 
civilization : Food, shelter, and education. 

It is true that tlie United States apparently finds its 
•'best friends" those always willing to liold North Ameri- 
can points of view, whatever they may be : willing to 
flatter North American officials and to serve North Amer- 
ican busines.s — in the small groui) of privileged Latin 
Americans to wliom the "prevailing order" in this starved 
and illiterate America means the right to enjoy a standard 
of living whidi would be envied by the multi-millionaires 
of the United States. 

But they are not "friends" of the United States: they 
are the friends of their own privileges, which they aspire 
to identify with North American interests in order that 
they themselves may be supported by the United States. 

Mr. President : We think that the great mission of the 
United States in Latin America is not to become involved 
in the "defense of the prevailing order" nor to let itself 
be "administered" by selfish beneficiaries, but rather that 
the United States .should encourage by all legitimate 
means those who fight for the creation of a new social 
order, one which would be closer to Lincoln's immortal 
definition, "a government of the people, by the people, 
and for the people". 

Respect for self-determination in Cuba 

The Cuban revolution is being observed with great 
attention and even with immense hope by all progressive 
Latin American sectors, especially the University youth. 

We know and applaud your recent official declaration, 
serene and respectful, with regard to the self-determina- 
tion of the Cuban nation, but so different, unfortunately, 
from the campaign of hatred, calumny and distortion 
broadcast by two great North American news agencies 
and stridently repeated by the Latin American press 
which serves the selfish interests of the groups which 
feel themselves threatened. 

The anti-Cuban campaign has revived these days with 
the complicity of several Latin American countries 
waiting for the Cuban sugar quota in the North Ameri- 
can market. (Latin America owes its historical nul- 
lification and material poverty to such small and 
despicable "statesmen".) Press pressure shall be re- 
newe<l in order to paralyze the Cuban government in 
its plans for social reform or to encourage a shameless 
foreign intervention. 

Your Excellency : In our modest opinion. North 
American Intervention In Cuba would be "not only a 
crime" (the phrase is Talleyrand's) but an "immense 
stupidity". It would be an unforgivable abuse which 
would mortally wound the moral and ])sychologlcal basis 

April 25, J 960 


of the Inter-Ainerican System and the collaboration of 
our nations with yours. You would have the interested 
applause of the small circle of individuals who encourage 
you to intervene because this is convenient for their 
own self-interest ; but you would lose forever the respect 
and the confidence of the young, the poor and the decent 
people of Latin America. 

At the same time, we want you to understand that we 
do not give unconditional adhesion to the Cuban ex- 
periment. We are also discouraged by the length of one 
man's term in office and the lack of institutions based 
on the will of the people. But it seems to us that it is 
plainly immoral to classify the Cuban revolution, its 
government or its social fulfillments, especially the agri- 
cultural reform, as "communist". We shall not enter 
into useless details, but it is scandalous and terrifying 
to confirm that North American news agencies, and not 
a few U.S. legislators and public men, attack agrarian 
reform in Cuba as being "communist". This reform is 
more moderate and generous with old land owners than 
that canied out by General MacArthur in Japan or the 
agrarian reforms supported in full by the United States 
in Egypt, Israel, India, Pakistan, Vietnam, etc. 

Why this difference? Is it because seven North Ameri- 
can companies on the island own two million hectares 
of land? If this is a reason for the United States to 
attack Cuba for the same action it has supported with 
all its strength in other countries, how can anyone escape 
the dangerous conclusion that North American private 
investment is the worst threat to free national decisions 
and social progress? Has anybody thought of the dismal 
consequences of such a conclusion? 

Some time ago, here in Santiago, an Ambassador of 
the United States spoke in such an arrogant way of "the 
lesson of Guatemala" that the Chilean Senate condemned 
it unanimously. Now others apparently prepare "the 
lesson of Cuba". Because your personal and official 
position. Excellency, has been clear and different, we 
do not believe that we are lacking respect to you if 
we add that those who try to give Latin America these 
"lessons" of submitting to North American private in- 
terests are digging the grave of the Inter-American 
System and, perhaps, of democracy itself in this part of 
the hemisphere. Beware ! These anguished nations are 
much closer to the limit of their resistance and to the 
ru])ture imint than the "satisfied" of this world think. 
World conditions have changed and continue to do so 
rapidly. In today's world, it is no longer force, but 
reason and law ; no longer fear, but inspiration and 
example, which are the arms in the battle for the minds 
of men and the confidence of people. 

Therefore, you may be assured that the university 
students of Chile support with all their hearts the 
solemn promLse which you have given to respect the 
free decision of the Cuban people. We reject with in- 
dignation and contempt any attempt of governments or 
private Interests to intervene in Cuba by armed force, 
by economic reprisals or by press attacks, of which the 
Cuban revolution has for so long been a victim. 

Mister President, we apologize for this long letter, 
but we felt it our duty to write to you on the solemn 

occasion of your first visit to Latin America and to our 

There could never be a better time and a better place 
for the United States, if it so desired, to demonstrate to 
the world that which humanity can expect from the 
nation of Washington, Lincoln and Roosevelt. 

Accept our respectful homage. 
For the Federation of the Students of Chile 

Eduakdo Zuniga 
Secretary General 

Patkicio FeenAndez 

Letters of Credence 


The. newly appointed Ambassador of Colombia, 
Carlos Sanz de Santamaria, presented his creden- 
tials to President Eisenhower on April 1. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi- 
dent's reply, see Department of State press release 
166 dated April 1. 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Panama, 
Erasmo de la Guardia, presented his credentials to 
President Eisenhower on April 8. For texts of 
the Ambassador's remarks and the President's re- 
ply, see Department of State press release 178 
dated April 8. 

Harlan Bartholomew To Aid 
in Agadir Reconstruction 

The Department of State announced on April 

7 (press release 175) that Harlan Bartholomew, 
Chairman of the National Capital Planning Com- 
mission, would go to Agadir, Morocco, on April 

8 in response to a request from the Government 
of Morocco for a high-level American city plan- 
ner to join those of other countries in formulating 
preliminary plans for the reconstruction of the 
earthquake-damaged city of Agadir.' 

Mr. Bartholomew is going to Agadir under 
the auspices of the International Cooperation 

' For an exchange of messages between President 
ELsenhower and King Mohammed V, see Bulletin of 
Ai.r. IS, lOGO, p. 600. 


Department of State Bulletin 

President Urges Liberalization of Immigration Restrictions 


To the Congress of the United States : 

I again urge the liberalization of some of our 
existing restrictions upon immigration. 

The strength of this Nation may be measured 
in many ways — military might, industrial produc- 
tivity, scientific contributions, its system of justice, 
its freedom from autocracy, the fertility of its land 
and the prowess of its people. Yet no analytical 
study can so dramatically demonstrate its position 
in the world as the simple truth that here, more 
than any other place, hundreds of thousands of 
people each year seek to enter and establish their 
homes and raise their children. 

To the extent possible, without dislocating the 
lives of those already living here, this flow of im- 
migration to this country must be encouraged. 
These persons who seek entry to this country seek 
more than a share in our material prosperity. 
The contributions of successive waves of immi- 
grants show tliat they do not bring their families 
to a strange land and learn a new language and 
a new way of life simply to indulge themselves 
with comforts. Their real concern is with their 
children, and as a result those who have struggled 
for the right of American citizenship have, in 
countless ways, shown a deep appreciation of its 
responsibilities. The names of those who make 
important contributions in the fields of science, 
law, and almost every other field of endeavor indi- 
cate that there has been no period in which the 
immigrants to this country have not riclily re- 
warded it for its liberality in receiving them. 

In the world of today our immigration law 
badly needs revision. 

Ideally, I believe that this could perhaps be ac- 
complished best by leaving immigration policy 

' H. Doc. 360, 86th Cong., 2d sess. ; transmitted on 
Mar. 17. 

subject to flexible standards. While I realize 
that sucli a departure from tiie past is unlikely 
now, a number of bUls have already been intro- 
duced which contain the elements of such an idea. 
The time is ripe for their serious consideration so 
that the framework of a new pattern may begin 
to evolve. 

For immediate action in this session I urge two 
major acts : 

First, we should double the 154,000 quota im- 
migrants that we are presently taking into our 

Second, we should make special provision for 
the absorption of many thousands of persons who 
are refugees without a country as a result of 
political upheavals and their flight from 

The first proposal would liberalize the quotas 
for every country and, to an important extent, 
moderate the features of existing law which op- 
erate unfairly in certain areas of the world. In 
this regard, I recommend the following steps : 

1. The removal of the ceiling of 2,000 on quotas 
within the Asiatic-Pacific triangle; 

2. The basing of the overall limitation on im- 
migration on the 1960 census as soon as it is avail- 
able in place of that of 1920 which is the present 
base ; 

3. The annual acceptance of one-sixth of 1 per- 
cent of our totjil population ; 

4. Abandonment of the concept of race and 
ethnic classifications within our population, at 
least for the purposes of the increases in quotas I 
have recommended, by substituting as the base for 
computation the number of immigrants actually 
accepted from each area between 1924 and 1959. 
In other words the increase in the quota for Italy, 
for example, would not be based upon a percentage 

April 25, I960 


of a so-called Italian etlinic gi-oup within our 
country, but upon a percentage of actual immigra- 
tion from Italy between 1924 and 1959; and 

5. Tlie miused quotas of undersubscribed coun- 
tries should be distributed among oversubscribed 
comitries. This distribution should be in propor- 
tion to the quotas of the oversubscribed countries. 

My second major proposal is for authorization 
for the parole into this country of refugees from 
oppression. They are persons who have been 
forced to flee from their homes because of jierse- 
cution or fear of persecution based upon race, 
religion, or political opinions, or they are victims 
of world political upheaval or national calamity 
which makes it impossible for them to return to 
their former homes. 

This year has been designated World Eefugee 
Year.^ The United States and 68 other nations 
have joined together m an attempt to seek perma- 

' For background, see Bulletin of June 15, 1959, p. 872. 

nent solutions for the problems of these peoples. 
Nations who in the past have granted entry to the 
victims of political or religious persecutions have 
never had cause to regret extending such asylum. 
These persons with their intellectual idealism and 
touglmess will become worthwhile citizens and will 
keep this Nation strong and respected as a con- 
tributor of thought and ideals. 

I have asked the Attorney General to submit a 
draft of legislation to implement the recommenda- 
tions I have made. The administration stands 
ready to supply whatever information is necessary 
to permit appropriate action by the Congress dur- 
ing its present session. If, notwithstanding my 
specific recommendations, the Congress should en- 
act other or different liberalizations of our immi- 
gration law that are constructive, I will be glad 
to approve them. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 
The White House, March 17, 1960. 

Citizens by Choice 

hy John W. Hanes, Jr. 

Administrator, Bureau of Security and Consular Ajfairs ^ 

The purpose of this anniversary meeting is, I 
understand, to honor "Citizens by Choice" — the al- 
most 5 million naturalized citizens who have be- 
come Americans since the Council was first 
formed. With this theme, the timing of your con- 
ference could not have been more happily coin- 
cidental in view of the President's momentous 
message of yesterday ^ on immigration and refu- 
gee matters if it had been so planned. For the 
theme of the President's message might very well 
be "Immigrants by Choice." 

"Citizens by Choice" means that, although under 
no compulsion to do so, most immigrants want to 

' Address made before the .'iOtli anniversary conference 
of tbe National Council on Naturalization and Citizen- 
ship at New York, N.Y., on Mar. 18. 

* For text, see p. 659. 

and have become Americans, a very large number 
of them with the help and encouragement of or- 
ganizations such as yours. 

With regard to immigrants, "choice" is a term 
of much more flexible meaning. Some immigrants 
do indeed come to our country solely as a mat- 
ter of their own choice, as has historically been 
true; they are the bold and the adventurous and 
those who feel tliat there is something here which 
they cannot find in their own homeland and which 
they value enough to start a new life in a new 
country. Increasingly in recent years, however, 
the choice which has faced those who come to our 
.shores is a choice which has been dictated not by 
themselves. Some are homeless because of Com- 
munist oppression or because of other types of 
political upheaval, wars, or natural disasters; 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

others are forced to sock a new life because of 
economic and population pressures within their 

There always exists, however, another aspect of 
choice with regard to those who would come to 
our country, and that is o\ir choice of them. It is 
one of tlie most fundamental attributes of sover- 
eignty that any nation retains the right to select 
those who shall enter its borders. Since 1921 
our own regidations have been both qualitative 
and quantitative. I am certain that none of us 
would wish to abandon these two basic controls, 
for certainly we would not wish to have come 
here subvereives and criminals. Even with regard 
to the sick and the infimi, our natural feelings of 
humanity must alwa3'S be tempered by an aware- 
ness of the similar problems that exist within our 
own boundaries and our facilities to care ade- 
quatelj' for our own citizens similarly afflicted. 

Wlien numerical limitations were first imposed 
on immigration, our country was not the major 
international leader which it is now. Today the 
United States is the foremost power in the free 
world. As such, it must always remember that 
its leadership is expressed by all its actions in all 
fields. This most particularly includes our atti- 
tude toward those who seek a life of freedom in 
our country. 

This aspect of immigration and refugee policy 
is a very integral part of our foreign policy, and 
it is in this area that the particular interest of 
the Department of State lies. Former Secretary 
of State Dulles, testifying before the Congress in 
April 1956,' expressed this when he said : 

... my primary concern as Secretary of State Is that 
whatever overall quota Is adopted by the Congress be 
apportioned equitably. Our quota restrictions should 
not discriminate among persons merely on the basis of 
their national origin, nor should the restrictions dis- 
criminate unfairly against any of the friendly nations 
which have an interest in common with us in the defense 
of the free world. Tlie present system of determining 
quotas is offensive on both counts?. . . . The impact of 
this situation Is felt In our relationships with friendly 
nations every day. 

National-Origins System 

Our present law is based on what is called the 
national-origins system. The supporters of this 
system feel, sincerely, that its maintenance is essen- 

• Bn-LETiN- of May 7, 1956, p. 773. 
April 25, I960 

tial to (he niaintemince of the traditional character 
of American life. 

In examining this system I feel we should first 
bo clear as to what it is. In its simplest elements 
it is an attempt to perpetuate the same ethnic 
balance in the makeup of the American popula- 
tion as existed in 1920. This objective hius been 
sought by controlling immigration after 1924 in 
accordance with percentages based on the 1920 

I disagree with the national-origins system as 
a basis of our national immigration policy pri- 
marily on two grounds. 

The first is that the world of 1960 is not the 
world of 1920, nor is the position of the United 
States in the world of today the position that it 
was 30 to 40 years ago. Any attempt artificially 
to maintain a particular aspect of that former 
world must, it seems to me, become increasingly 
imrealistic and distant from facts as they exist 
with the passing of each additional year. 

My second disagreement is based on the plain 
fact that the operation of our system over the 
years is not maintaining that balance which the 
national-origins system was supposed to maintain. 
Let me give j'ou some examples of this. 

In the years since 1924 there has been a very 
large nonquota immigration from the Western 
Hemisphere, which has resulted in a material 
change in the ethnic composition of our popula- 
tion. Another fact is that, particularly since 
World War TI, there has been a very large non- 
quota immigration of the wives and husbands and 
children of American citizens from many coun- 
tries whose actual quotas are very small. As a 
striking example of this I might mention that, 
although the quota of Japan is only 185 per year, 
last year's nonquota immigration from Japan, 
almost all of which fell into this category I have 
just described, exceeded 5,000. Furthermore, the 
entire trend of recent legislation, again primarily 
since World War II — both special refugee legis- 
lation and other special legislation such as that 
making nonquota immigrants out of backlogged 
preference-quota applicants — has naturally been 
to circumvent the re^strictions imposed by the 
national-origins system. It is obvious that this 
must be so since the need for such special legis- 
lation has been only in the case of persons who 
come from countries with oversubscribed quotas. 

Please do not misunderstand me on this point. 


I certainly do not criticize such special legislation 
as has been passed to alleviate these special prob- 
lems. This legislation has in almost all cases 
been passed to meet a real and pressing need. I 
merely point out that its effect has been the oppo- 
site of maintaining the national-origins system; 
and I further point out that special legislation de- 
signed to meet one particular problem, in most 
cases only for a certain specified tune, is both ad- 
ministratively and budgetarily unsound and costly 
because it requires the recurrent assembly and dis- 
assembly of machinery to operate each successive 
progi-am. It would also seem to have a political 
disadvantage, because each temporary expedient 
provides only a temporary solution and each one 
invites other pressures to alleviate other problems 
by similar temporai-y expedients. 

For these I'easons it would seem to me both more 
honest and wiser to meet the obviously changed 
situation which exists today by the means of care- 
fully drawn permanent legislation rather than by 
continued reliance on an emergency or piecemeal 
approach year by year. 

It is, of course, the responsibility of the Congress 
under our system of government to determine im- 
migration policy. President Eisenhower has rec- 
ognized this fact and has repeatedly urged full 
congi-essional study of the entire immigration sys- 
tem since the first montlis of liis administration in 
1953. However, in the absence of such basic con- 
gressional action, the President has also frequently 
reconunended specific remedial legislation to meet 
the most urgent situations which have arisen over 
the past 7 years. 

The Administration's New Immigration Bill 

The President's message of yesterday on this 
subject is but the latest in the series of recom- 
mendations which he has made in this general 
field. His message basically was limited to two 
major subjects: a recommendation that the entire 
quota and national-origins system be restudied 
and changed, coupled with a specific interim 
recommendation that quotivs be approximately 
doubled; and a recommendation concerning the 
urgent need for special refugee legislation in order 
that the World Refugee Year not become the firet 
year since World War II to find the United States 
without some special ability to receive a reasonable 
number of the most meritorious refugee cases. 

I believe you might be interested in a very brief 

analysis of the administration's new immigration 
bill, introduced as a result of the President's mes- 
sage into the House of Representatives by both 
Congressman [William E.] IMiller of New York 
[H.R. 11234] and j'our own Congressman John 
Lmdsay of New York City [H.R. 11235]. 

First, with regard to the quota itself, present 
quotas are computed on the basis of the white 
United States population as shown by the 1920 
census. The proposed quotas would be computed 
on the total United States population as shown by 
the 1950 census and, as soon as it is completed, by 
the 1960 census. The minimum quota for any 
country would be doubled — from 100 to 200. In 
addition, unused quota numbers (which generally 
run around 50,000 per year, primarily from such 
countries as the United Kingdom and Ireland), 
which at present are forever lost, would luider the 
new bill be available during the next year for use 
by persons who come from coimtries with over- 
subscribed quotas and who are in preference cate- 
gories. Further, the distribution of these newly 
available numbers, rather than being based on the 
national-origins makeup of the United States as 
of 1920, would in future be based on the actual 
immigration into the United States from the vari- 
ous countries over the past 35 years. 

Perhaps one or two specific examples would 
help illustrate the effect of the new bill. The pres- 
ent quota of Italy, for example, is 5,666 persons 
per year. Based on a most conservative method 
of figuring, we estimate that the Italian quotha, 
plus its share of unused quota numbers, would be 
about 30,000 after 1960. The present Japanese 
quota is 185. We estimate this would rise to about 
2,900. The present Polish quota is 6,488. We 
estimate this would rise to approximately 28,000. 

The net result would be tliat the present quota 
of 154,887 would be approximately doubled, and 
would amount to about 300.000. 

In addition the proposed legislation would re- 
move the present quota ceiling of 2.000 on tlie so- 
called Asia-Pacific triangle and would guarantee 
tliat any new political entities which miglit be 
created in the world, such as Tlie West Indies 
federation, would under no circumstances have 
a lower quota than they had prior to their 

The second major section of I lie proposed bill 
is the refugee provisions. Tlie bill would define 
a refugee as an alien wlio has fled a Communist 
area or a country in (he Middle East to escape 


Department of State Bulletin 

pereecution based on race, rcli«;ion, or political 
opinion, or wlio is iiway from and uniihlc to re- 
turn to his home Inn-ause of natural calamities, 
niilitarv operations, or political upheaval, and 
who is in a non-Communist area and in need of 

Under the proposed legislation the Attorney 
General would l>e permitted to parole into the 
United States ui) to 10,000 refu<rees per year 
selected by the Secretarj' of State; and the Pi-esi- 
dent by proclamation could permit additional 
refugees to enter in the same manner by making 
a special finding that such additional refugees 
were in need of assistance and that it was in the 
United States" interest to grant them admission. 
In addition the Attorney General would be given 
authority to adjust the status of any refugee so 
admitted to that of permanent resident after a 
2-year period if the refugee had demonstrated 
gootl character. 

Finally, the new legislation would eliminate 
the present requirement on our visa applications 
to ask for information about the applicants' race 
and ethnic classification — information which we 
feel serves no useful purpose. 

Record of Immigration Proposals 

I recognize, of course, that immigration mat- 
tere, which are of such deep interest to so many 
persons within this country, are inevitably prob- 
lems which will arouse political controversy. I 
recognize that some may say — this being the year 
of 1960 — that the President's message and the bill 
which I have just been describing are recently 
conceived proposals for purposes of election-year 
politics. I would like to point out that the record 
does not bear this out. 

In April 1053, 3 months after his inauguration. 
President Eisenhower in a letter to Senator 
Artlnir Watkins,* who was chairman of the 
Joint Committee on Immigration and Nation- 
ality Policy, recommended congressional study 
looking toward fimdamental revision of the im- 
migration statute. Also in 1953 the President 
recommended and the Congress passed the 
Refugee Relief Act.' Again in lOrtG, again in 
1957, the President sent major messages to the 

Congress" reiterating and making more explicit 
his reconimendations foi- revision of the basic im- 
migration law, based on a careful congressional 
study of the problem. These major messages have 
I)oen inters])ersed by a continued reiteration of the 
President's position on this subject in the inter- 
\ening years and by his many special messages 
and recoiiHuondations on more specific aspects of 
the general i)roblem such as his interventions con- 
cerning the Hungarian refugee crisis.' The 
President's major message of March 17, 1960, is, 
therefore, actually only the latest in a continual 
series that dates back to the earliest days of this 

Obviously this latest proposal is not totally dif- 
ferent from the President's previous proposals. 
It would be odd if it were, for they, too, reflected 
careful thought and detailed study. At the same 
time, this latest proposal also reflects an aware- 
ness of the continually changing circumstances 
which always have existed and always will exist 
in this field. I can speak with considerable per- 
sonal knowledge of the evolution of many of these 
proposals over the years, for I have been priv- 
ileged to be associated with such matters in the 
Department of State since 1953. As you know, the 
Departments of State and Justice are the two 
executive agencies most responsible for carrying 
out United States policy in this field and there- 
fore are the two agencies most responsible for 
developing technical recommendations. 

Based on my experience, however, and as one 
who is at the "working level" of Government, I 
also wish to point up the importance, when at- 
tempting to move forward in an area such as this, 
of interested and active leadership from the top 
levels of the Government. In this field the con- 
tinued personal interest both of President Eisen- 
hower and of Vice President Xixon has been 
indispensable, and there are many specific parts 
of the finished product, in the form of yesterday's 
message and bill, which reflect the personal ideas 
and intervention of these two most senior leaders 
of the administration. 

In truth, inrunigration policy — refugee policy — 
is not and should not be a partisan issue. It is 
instead one of the most basic issues of American 

* For text, see ibid.. May 18, 1953, p. 730. 

• For a statement by President Elsenhower, see ihid., 
Aug. 17, 10.")3, p. 201. 

• For texts, see ihid., Feb. 20, 1956, p. 275, and Feb. 18, 
1957, p. 247. 

^ For background, see ibid., Nov. 19, 1956, p. 807, and 
Dec. 10, 19.50, p. 91."?. 

April 25, 7960 


national and international policy. Those who 
have recognized this fact, whatever their views, 
have been found in both parties. Those who have 
exhibited leadership in this field, whatever their 
views, have also been found in both parties. 
Given the facts of American politics, I suppose 
it is too much to hope that such an irresistible 
subject will ever be removed from partisanship, 
but at least we can strive to see that the partisan 
issues interfere as little as possible with the care- 
ful study and thoughtful debate which should 
underlie whatever the United States may do in 
this field. For assuredly all of us, of all parties 
and all opinions, must benefit or suffer equally 
from the results of what is done. 

In closing I would like to speak of the merger 
which is taking place today between the National 
Council on Naturalization and Citizenship and 
the American Immigration Conference. This 
merger is symbolic of the fact that an interest in 
those who immigrate does not cease with their 
successful crossing of our borders. Immigration 
is quite clearly only the first step in a process that 
will continue until the immigrant has become, in 
every sense, an American. 

We in Government who deal with the official 
aspects of these problems are deeply conscious of 
the valuable services performed by such organiza- 
tions as these two whicli are about to join. We 
hope that the new organization will profit both 
from the experience and wisdom of the Council as 
well as from the enthusiasm and knowledge of 
related problems which will be contributed by the 
mvich younger sister organization, the Conference. 

Many people in Government have had a long 
and fruitful collaboration with the Council and 
its activities. Referring to only a few, there are 
here today Miss [Frances G.] Knight from the 
Passport Office, who in this sense continues the 
association initiated by her predecessor, Mrs. 
[Ruth] Shipley, and Mr. [Frank L.] Auerbach 
of the Visa Office, both, of course, from the De- 
partment of State; from the Immigration Service, 
Al Devaney, Helen Eckerson, and Ed Rudnick are 
equally well known to all of you and have worked 
closely with all of you. 

It is my special privilege to bring today the 
birthday greetings and best wishes for the future 
to all of you here from both Attorney General 
Rogers and from Secretary of State Herter, and to 
these I most sincer-ely add my ovn\. 

Cherry Blossom Festival Highlights 
U.S.-Japanese Friendship 

Remarks iy J. Graham Parsons 

Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ^ 

Tliis year, as we meet here at the Japanese 
lantern to participate in the traditional opening 
of the National Cherry Blossom Festival, there 
are special reasons for callmg attention to our ties 
with Japan. We celebrate in 1960 the centennial 
of the first Japanese embassy to the United States. 

The coming of this first diplomatic mission 
aroused great mterest because it was only 6 years 
earlier that our own Commodore Perry had ob- 
tained the opening of Japan to the outside world. 
The visitors in their ceremonial attire caught the 
imagination of another great American, Walt 
Wliitman, who was standing in the crowds of Man- 
hattan as they passed. He celebrated their advent 
m his poem "A Broadway Pageant." 

Walt Whitman accurately prophesied tlie great 
mutual lienefit wliich would result from this 
inaugural visit. The exposure of Japan to West- 
ern ideas and technology profomidly altered the 
fabric of Japanese life and her national destiny. 
Today, a century later, Japan has become a great 
modem nation with democratic institutions blend- 
ed to suit her ancient heritage, with a tliriving 
economy opening ever new vistas to her \ntal, 
industrious people, and with a world view wliich 
emphasizes her determination to live in peace as 
a good neighbor of other peoples. 

We in America, as "\\niitman foresaw, have also 
come to admire and benefit from much that is 
Japanese. These beaut i fid trees are sj'mbolic of 
the growing mfluence of Japanese culture on life 
in the United States. Our art, our homes, and 
our very outlook on life have been subtly influ- 
enced in many ways by the love of nature and of 
refined simplicity which is so much a part of the 
Japanese scene. Himdreds of thousands of Amer- 
icans who have lived or traveled in Japan in the 
postwar yeai^s have brought home vivid memories 
of a beautiful land and of an enterprising and 
unaginative people. 

Tliere are many reasons to hope that in the 
years ahead Amei'ica and Japan will derive 
greater benefit than ever from the new relation- 

' Made at the openinp: ceremonies of the National 
Cherry Blossom Festival at Wasliington, D.C., on Apr. 5 
(press release 170). 


Department of State Bulletin 

ship between our two countries. Only ii few weeks 
a^o, in the Kast Room of the White House, where 
a hundred yeius before President lUichaniui liud 
received the first Japanese envoys, President Ei- 
senhower received a Japanese delegation which 
signed with us a new treaty of mutual coopera- 
tion and security.- This treaty is a symbol of a 
new and voluntary association for the defense 
of our respective ways of life in the troubled 
world of today. Neither Yukio Ozaki, who gave 
tliese cherry ti-ees to the Capital, nor "Walt Whit- 
man, seer that he was, could have dreamed of 
this gi"eat and free association of Japan and the 
United States as we enter the second century of 
our diplomatic relations. In this anniversary year 
of 1960 the friendship symbolized by the gift 
of these cherry ti-ees takes on a new and deeper 
significance for all of us. 

U.S. and Philippines Open 
Air Transport Negotiations 

Press release 172 dated AprU 5 

The Governments of the Republic of the Philip- 
pines and the United States will open negotiations 
for a new air transport agreement at Washington 
on April 26, 1960. The former agreement ^ was 
terminated at the request of the Government of 
the Philippines on March 3, 1960. The composi- 
tion of the delegations will be determined later. 

U.S. and Philippine Presidents 
Exchange Messages on Sugar Quota 

White House press release dated April 4 

The White House on April U made public the 
folloming exchange of telegratns heticeen Presi- 
dent Eisenhoxcer and Carlos P. Garcia, President 
of the Philippines. 

President Eisenhower to President Garcia 

Makch 31, 1960 

De.\r Mr. President : I have received your tele- 
gram of March 17 asking that I increase the 
Philippine sugar quota. As you know, the sugar 

' For text, see Buujtin of Feb. 8, 1960, p. 179. 
'Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1577 and 

quotas are determined by Congress and any modi- 
fication would require Congressional action. 
Since the Sugar Act of 1948, as amended in 1956, 
expires this year, Congress is expected to consider 
its extension during the present session. 

The Administration has been giving consider- 
able thought to what recommendations it should 
make to Congress for its consideration. After 
weeks of most careful study of this problem, I 
have concluded that the time is not propitious to 
recommend any change in the present structure 
of quotas assigned to foreign countries. 

Accordingly, I have recommended to the Con- 
gress only certain minimum changes in the present 
Sugar Act. The most important of these would 
give me the authority to reduce the quota for a. 
calendar year for any foreign country, except, of 
course, the Philippines, and to make required re- 
placements from any source when I determine it 
to be in the national interest or necessary to insure 
adequate supplies of sugar. I have requested this 
authority primarily to enable me to protect our 
sugar consumers should our supplies of sugar 
from foreign sources be endangered for any 
reason. The final decision as to whether I am to 
be given this authority, however, rests with Con- 
gress. I regret, therefore, that it has not been 
possible for me to comply with the wishes of the 
Philippine sugar producers. I wish to assure you, 
however, that the position of the Philippines has 
been given full consideration by the Administra- 
tion in arriving at the position which I have rec- 
ommended to Congi-ess. 

With assurances of my continued esteem, 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 

President Garcia to President Eisenhower 

Makch 17, 1960 

President Dwiqht Eisenhower 
The White Bouse, Washington 

On behalf of the Filipino people, particularly those In 
the sugar industry, may I ask Your Kxcelleucy to increase 
the rhilipiiine sugar quota by any amount you deem just 
and fair. May I state in this connection that present 
production capacity can absorb two hundred thousand 
tons more of additional quota. Tour generous action on 
this request will give a tremendous boost to our economy 
which needs further stabilization. 

Assuring you of the lasting gratitude of the Filipinos 
and of my own, I remain 

Very sincerely yours, 

President Cablob P. Gascia. 

April 25, I960 


U.S. To Finance Modernization 
of Airfield in Liberia 

Press release 171 dated April 5 

The United States, using special assistance 
funds under the Mutual Security Program, is 
planning to finance the modernization of Liberia's 
principal airport, Roberts Field, to accommodate 
jet traiSc which soon will be inaugurated. The 
project, to be carried out under normal procedures 
of the International Cooperation Administration, 
involves reconstruction and lengthening of the 
Roberts Field runway to 9,000 feet. 

The modernization of Roberts Field to accom- 
modate jet traffic was made necessary by the antic- 
ipated increase in traffic through the field as well 
as the introduction of jet service on West African 
air routes. 

Roberts Field was built during World War II 
by the U.S. Government for use by the United 
States Ferry Command. Until 19.H4 tlie airfield 
was operated and maintained from U.S. Air Force 
funds. The field is now being operated as a com- 
mercial field by the Libeiian Government. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

86th Congress, 2d Session 

Greater Cooperation Among Atlantic Democracies. Hear- 
ing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 
S. Con. Res. 17. January 19, lOGO. 56 pp. 

ConcUtions in the Soviet Union : the "New Class." Hear- 
ing before the Subcommittee To Investigate the Admin- 
istration of the Internal Security Act and Other Inter- 
nal Security Laws of the Senate .Tudiciary Committee. 
Further testimony of Aleksandr Y. Kaznacheyev. Jan- 
uary 22, 1!)(10. 42 pp. 

North American Regional Broadcasting Agreement and 
the Mexican Broadcasting Agreement. Hearing before 
the subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee on S. Ex. A, 82d Congress, 1st session, and S. 
Ex. G, StOth Congress, 1st session. Part 2. January 24, 
lOfiO. 140 pp. 

Compulsory Jurisdiction, International Court of Justice. 
Hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Commit- 
tee on S. Res. !)4, a resolution to amend S. Res. 106, 
70th Congress, 2d session, rehitiiig to the recognition 
of the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice 
in <-ertain legal disputes. January 27-February 17, 
10()0. r,20 PF). 

Communist Ijcaderslilp : "Tough Guy" Takes Charge. 
Hearings before the Subcommitlee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal SiMurlty Act and Other 
Internal Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Com- 
mittee. Testimony liy and about Gus Hall. February 
2-3, 1000. 03 pp. 

Latin America : Venezuela, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, and 
Panama. Report of Senator George D. Aiken on a 
study mission to the Senate Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee. February 2, 1060. 17 pp. [Committee print] 
The Ijleventh Semiannual Report on Activities Carried on 
Under Public Law 480, 83d Congress, as amended. Re- 
port outlining operations under the act during the period 
July 1 through December 31, 1959. H. Doc. 335. Feb- 
ruary 11, 1960. 76 pp. 
Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Meeting, Can- 
berra, Australia, 1959. Report of the delegation ap- 
pointed to attend the meeting. November 6-7, 1959. S. 
Doc. 83. February 16, 1960. 22 pp. 
Mutual Security Act of 1060. Hearings before the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee on draft legislation to amend 
further the Mutual Security Act of 10.54, as amended, 
and for other purposes. Part 1. February 17-29, 1060. 
197 pp. 
Special Report of the National Advisory Council on the 
Proposed International Development Association. Mes- 
sage from the President transmitting the report. H. 
Doc. 345. February 18, 1960. 50 pp. 
National Policy Machinery in Communist China. Report 
of the Senate Committee on Government Operations 
made by its Subcommittee on National Policy Machin- 
ery. S. Rept. 1096. February 19, 1960. 28 pp. 
South America : Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colom- 
bia, and Venezuela. Report of Senator Wayne Morse 
on a study mission to the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee. February 20, 1960. 38 pp. [Committee 
United Nations Action on Disarmament : A Survey of the 
Debate and Resolutions of the Fourteenth Session of 
the General Assembly (September-November 1959). 
Prepared by the Subcommittee on Disarmament of the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. February 22, 
1960. 14 pp. [Committee print] 
Temporary Tariff Treatment of Chicory. Report to ac- 
company H.E. 9308. H. Rept. 1287. February 22, 
1960. 2 pp. 
Temporary Suspension of Duty on Certain Shoe Lathes. 
Report to accompany H.R. 9862. H. Rept. 1288. Febru- 
ary 22, 1960. 2 pp. 
Organizing for National Security. Hearings before the 
National Policy Machinery Subcommittee of the Sen- 
ate Government Operations Committee. Part 1. Febru- 
ary 23-2.5. 1960. 2.35 pp. 
U.S. Citizens Commission on NATO. Report to accom- 
pany S. J. Res. 170. S. Rept. 1122. February 23, 1960. 
4 pp. 
United States Aid Program in Vietnam. Report by the 
Subcommittee on State Department Organization and 
Public Affairs to the Senate Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee. February 26, lOCO. 60 pp. [Committee print] 
Authorizing Service by Canadian Vessels to Southeastern 
Alaska. Report to accompany S. 2773. S. Rept. 1138. 
February 26, 1960. 3 pp. 
Providing for the Care and Treatment of Returning Na- 
tionals of the United States Who Became Mentally III 
in a Foreign Country. Report to accompany S. 2.331. 
S. Rept. 1143. February 27, 1060. 8 pp. 
United States-Latin .\nierican Relations: Soviet Bloc 
Latin .\merican Activities and Their Imi)lications for 
United States Foreign P()li(y. .\ study prei)ared at the 
refiuest of the SnlK-onimittce on American Republic Af- 
fairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee by 
Cori«)ration for Economic and Industrial 
No. 7. Fel)ruary 28, 10(M). 127 pp. [Committee print] 
Authorizing the Acquisition of Land for Donation to the 
Pan American Health Organization as a Headcjuarters 
Site. Report to accompany H.R. 7579. II. Rept. 1300. 
March 1. 10(;o. pp. 
Report on Audit of the Development Loan Fund for the 
Fi.scal lear Ended June 30, 1050. U. Doc. 350. March 
1, 1960. 57 pp. 


Department of State Bulletin 


Security Council Calls for Adherence to U.N. Principles in South Africa 

On March 30 the Security Council adopted on 
its agenda an item requested hy 29 African and 
Asian delegations urging consideration of the 
^^sitjiation arising out of the large-scale killings 
of unarmed and peaceful demonstrators against 
racial discrimination and segregation in the Union 
of South Africa.'''' ' Follo^cing are two statements 
made by Henry Cahot Lodge., U.S. Representa- 
tive, and the text of a resolution adopted on 
April 1. 


U.S./U.X. press release 3375 

The United States supported adoption of the 
agenda and would like to set forth our reasons 

Our position on this question was expressed 
clcarl,v in Washington by Secretary of State 
Herter last Friday.^ At that time he stated that 
the United States favored Security Council dis- 
cussion of this question. In so doing he pointed 
out that the United States has followed the same 
policy on the discussion of apartheid in the Gen- 
eral Assembly for the last 5 years.' 

Since various comments have been made on the 
question of competence, let me state briefly our 
view of this matter. 

The United States views on the interpretation 
and application of article 2 (7) of the charter 
have been clearly established. I myself stated in 
the discussion of the question of Tibet at the last 
session of the General Assembly : * 

' I'.X. Uoc. S/4279 and Add. 1. 

' BiLLErriN of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 551. 

' For a statement made by Harold Riegelman, U.S. 
Kopresputativc. during the 14th ses.sion of the General 
Assembly, sec ibiA., Dec. 28, 19.59, p. 948. 

* Jhi(\.. Nov. 9, 1959, p. C84. 

In the years since the establishment of the United 
Nations certain principles and rules concerning the ap- 
plication of article 2, paragraph 7, have emerged. It 
has become established, for example, that inscription 
and then discussion of an agenda item do not constitute 
intervention in matters which lie essentially within do- 
mestic jurisdiction. 

We hold the same view with respect to the 
Security Council that we do in the General 

When a question such as the present one is in- 
volved, article 2(7) must be read in the light of 
articles 55 and 56. 

Under articles 55 and 56 of the charter all 
members of the United Nations have pledged 
themselves to promote universal respect for, and 
observance of, human rights and fundamental 
freedoms for all without distinction as to race, 
se.x, language, or religion. During the 13th Gen- 
eral Assembly the United States Representative 
in the Special Political Committee, Mr. George 
Harrison, expressed United States policy on these 
articles in connection with the apartheid dis- 
cussions on October 16, 1958 : ° 

No member of thus organization could justifiably seek 
purposely to escape its pledge. No member could justi- 
fiably be excused from endeavoring to fulfill it. We 
believe that the United Nations can legitimately call 
attention to policies of member governments which ai>- 
pear to be Inconsistent with obligations under the charter 
and earnestly to ask members to abide by the under- 
takings that they have accepted in signing the charter. 

We all recognize tliat every nation has the right to 
regulate its own internal affairs. This is a right ac- 
knowledged by article 2, paragraph 7, of the charter. At 
the same time we must re<-ognize the right — and the obli- 
gations — of the United Nations to be concerned with 
national policies insofar as they affect the world commu- 
nity. This is particularly so in cases where interna- 
tional obligations embodied In the charter are concernetl. 

'■ /&«/., Nov. 24, 1958, p. 842. 

f^prW 25, 7960 


The United States regrets profoundly the tragic 
loss of life in South Africa. Twenty-nine member 
states liave brought this situation before the Coun- 
cil, stating that they consider it to have grave po- 
tentialities for international friction which 
endangei-s the maintenance of international peace 
and security. "VVliat this means is that in their 
view this situation is not only within the scope 
of articles 55 and 56 but also of articles 34 and 35. 
Such widespread concern testifies to the desira- 
bility of the Council considering the problem. 

Let me say to the members of the Council that 
the United States approaches this question with 
no false pride at all. We recognize that many 
countries, and the United States must be included 
in that list, cannot be content with the progress 
which they have made in the field of human rights 
and that we must continue our efforts as we are 
doing to provide full equality of opportunity for 
all of our citizens. 

In many countries unsanctioned violations of 
human rights continue to occur. But we think 
there is an important distinction between situa- 
tions where governments are actively promoting 
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all 
without distinction as to race, sex, language, or 
religion and situations where governmental policy 
runs counter to this. 

The question we are asked to consider today 
has its own particular background of geography, 
racial composition, cultural diversity, and eco- 
nomic relationships. Even difficulties of this sort 
do not relieve a government of its obligations, nor 
can they relieve the United Nations of its re- 
sponsibilities. We think this question is a proper 
one for United Nations consideration and there- 
fore supported the adoption of the agenda. 


U.S./tJ.N. press release 3376 

On Monday, March 21, in various parts of the 
Union of South Africa, people of African origin 
carried out mass demonstrations against laws 
which require them to carry passes. These dem- 
onstrations led to clashes with the police. Ac- 
cording to figures made public by the South Afri- 
can mission to the United Nations, at least G8 
Africans were killed and over 220 were injured. 

The tragic events that day and subsequently 
have caused shock and distress beyond the borders 

of South Africa. Within the Union of South 
Africa a state of acute tension prevails. All these j 
facts together constitute the immediate and com- \ 
pelling cause of this meeting of the Security 

The situation before the Council is of deep con- 
cern to the United States. We say this because 
our primary desire is to help promote witliin the i 
framework of the charter the objectives of the I 
United Nations. 

Tlie f ramers of the charter took a liistoric for- 
ward step when they included among the purposes 
of the United Nations the achievement of inter- 
national cooperation in promoting and encourag- 
ing respect for human rights and fundamental 
freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, 
language, or religion. The United States sup- 
ported wholeheartedly tliis important innovation 
in the charter. Its newness and importance as a 
concept in international life make it essential for 
all of us to approach sympathetically and con- 
structively the question now before the Security 

United States representatives have often stated 
in General Assembly discussions our belief that 
the Assembly can properly consider questions of 
racial discrimination where they are matters of 
governmental policy. The United States believes 
that in this case also the charter provides a defi- 
nite basis for Security Council consideration. 

Wlien governmental policies within one coim- 
try evoke the deep concern of a great part of 
mankind, they inevitably contribute to tension 
among nations. This is especially true of racial 
tensions and the violence which sometimes results. 
They are more subtle and more complex than some 
of the political disputes between states wliich the 
Council has considered. But in the long inin they 
may be even more destructive to the peace of 

We deeply deplore the loss of life which has 
taken place in South Africa. We appeal to all 
the people in South Africa to abjure violence and 
to proceed hereafter only by peaceful means. 
Tensions among tlie people living in South Africa 
ought to be peacefully relaxed. Violence is de- 
plorable and dangerous no matter from what race 
or group the victims may come. As we survey the 
events which are taking place in South Africa, we 
are confirmed in our view that violence can only 
make matters worse. 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

It is clear tliat tlie source of the conflict from 
which the recent tragic events have flowed is tlie 
policy of apartheid followed by the Government 
of the Union of South Africa. The United Na- 
tions is no stranger to tiiis question. The Gen- 
eral Assembly has pronounced itself repeatedly in 
opposition to the policy of apartheid and similar 
practices. Last year once again the Assembly, by 
an overwhelming vote, including that of the 
United States, noted the continuance of the apart- 
heid policy in the Union of South Africa and 
made a solenm appeal for the observance of the 
Inmian rights provisions of the charter. 

In the circumstances confronting us today we 
appeal once again to the Government of the Union 
of South Africa, with the greatest sincerity and 
friendly intent, that it reconsider policies which 
prevent people of certain races in the Union from 
enjoying their God-given rights and freedoms. 
In former years we have made that appeal in the 
name of justice. Today we make it also in the 
name of peace. Truly, as we see it here now, the 
two are in the long run inseparable. 

Africa is a continent where all the races mingle 
together. For the most part they enjoy happy 
and fruitful relationships. The goal in Africa, as 
e^•ery where, must be to end the domination of 
group by group so that members of all races will 
feel secure. 

We acknowledge that the problem of creating 
a stable society of diverse racial gi'oups anywhere 
is difficult. It takes many decades, indeed many 
generations, to allay anxieties and remove tensions. 

But it is not too late, we think, to reverse the 
tide in South Africa. We are glad to note that 
the Government of the Union of South Africa has 
relaxed the enforcement of the pass laws which 
were the immediate grievance of the demonstra- 
tors. We hope other steps are on the way which 
will lead to a general improvement of the situation. 

Now, Mr. President, we confront a draft resolu- 
tion submitted by the representative of Ecuador 
which points a constructive way for the Council 
to proceed. This draft represents a serious and 
responsible reflection of the views which have 
been expressed in the Council. It deplores the 
loss of lives in the recent disturbances in South 
Africa, and it extends to the many families of the 
victims the deepest sj'mpathies of tlie Council. 
It calls upon the Government of South Africa to 
initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial 
harmony based on equality. It also provides that 

the Secretary-General through his great skill and 
resourcefulness should make arrangements whidi 
will "iielp in upholding the purposes and princi- 
ples of the Charter." This I think is a construc- 
tive step. It seeks to build a bridge and not a 
wall. That is what we should try to do. 

The United States will vote for this resolution. 
We hope the actions of the Council will be taken 
by those concerned in the spirit in whicli it is in- 
tended — to encourage the peaceful evolution of 
a society in South Africa in which men of all races 
can live together in harmony, with mutual respect 
for the different cultures and ways of life which 
now exist there. 


The Security Council, 

Baving considered the complaint of 29 Member States 
contained in document S/4279 and Add. 1 concernins 
"tlie situation arising out of the large-scale killings of 
unarmed and peaceful demonstrators against racial dis- 
crimination and segregation in the Union of South 

Recognizing that such a situation has been brought 
about by the racial policies of the Government of the 
Union of South Africa and the continued disregard by 
that Government of the resolutions of the General As- 
sembly calling ujjon it to revise its policies and bring 
them into conformity with its obligations and responsi- 
bilities under the Charter, 

Taking into account the strong feelings and grave con- 
cern aroused among Governments and peoples of the 
world by the happenings in the Union of South Africa, 

1. Recognizes that the situation in the Union of South 
Africa is one that has led to international frictJon and 
if continued might endanger international peace and 
security ; 

2. Deplores that the recent disturbances in the Union 
of South Africa should have led to the loss of life of so 
many Africans and extends to the families of the victims 
its deepest sympathies; 

3. Deplores the policies and actions of the Government 
of the Union of South Africa which have given rise to the 
present situation ; 

4. Calls upon the Government of the Union of South 
Africa to initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial 
harmony based on e<iuality in order to ensure that the 
present situation does not continue or recur and to aban- 
don its policies of apartheid and racial discrimination ; 

5. Requests the Secretary-General, in consultation with 
the Government of the Union of South Africa, to make 
such arrangements as would adequately help In uphold- 
ing the purposes and principles of the Charter and to 
report to the Security Council whenever necessary and 

*U.N'. doc. S/4300; adopted on Apr. 1 by n vote of 9 
to 0, with 2 abstentions (France, U.K.). 

April 25, I960 


Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography ^ 

Economic and Social Council 

United Nations Seminar on Evaluation and Utilization of 
Population Census Data in Latin America. Preliminary 
Report of the United Nations Seminar on Evaluation 
and Utilization of Population Census Data in Latin 
America, Santiago, Chile, 30 November-18 December 

1959. E/CN.9/C0NF. 1/1. January 27, 1960. 134 pp. 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East. Activi- 
ties of the Food and Agriculture Organization of Spe- 
cial Interest to the Economic Commission for Asia 
and the Far East. E/CN.11/522. February 1, 1960. 
13 pp. 

Commission ou Human Rights. Declaration on the Right 
of Asylum : Comments of Governments. E/CN.4/793/ 
Add. 2. February 5, 1960. 6 pp. 

Economic Commission for Latin America : Committee of 
the Whole. Progress Report by the Secretariat on the 
Central American Economic Integration Programme. 
E/CN.12/AC.45/4. February 8, 1960. 6 pp. 

Economic Commission for Latin America : Committee of 
the Whole. Information Paper on Technical Assistance 
Provided to Countries of the ECLA Region Under the 
Exi)anded and Regular Programmes. Prepared by the 
TAB secretariat. E/CN.12/AC.45/5. February 8, 1960. 
25 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Proposed Revisions to the Inter- 
national Standards in Basic Industrial Statistics. 
E/CN.3/257. February 10. 1960. 80 pp. 

Statistical Commission. Proposals for the 1963 World 
Programme of Basic Industrial Inquiries. E/CN.3/258. 
February 10, 1960. 29 pp. 

Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East. Report 
of the Committee on Industry and Natural Resources 
(Twelfth Session) to the Commission (Sixteenth Ses- 
sion). E/CN.11/523. February 15, 1960. 57 pp. 

Economic Commission for Latin America. Progress Re- 
port by the Executive Secretary. E/CN.12/AC.45/2. 
February 8, 1960. 36 pp. 

Economic Commission for Latin America. Note by the 
Secretariat on Resolutions of the (Jeneral Assembly and 
of the Economic and Social Council of Concern to the 
Commission. E/CN.12/AC.45/10. February 16, 1960. 
10 pp. 

Statistical Commission. The Measurement of Gross Do- 
mestic Capital Formation in Under-developed Countries. 
E/CN.3/265. February 16, I960. 22 pp. 

Economic Development of Under-develoi)ed Countries : 
Work Programme on Industrialization. Progress re- 
port and proposals for future works submitted b.v the 
Secretary-General. E/3328. February 24, 1960. 17 pp. 

Question of a Declaration on Freedom of Information: 
Comments of Governments. B/3323/Add. 2. Febru- 
ary 25. I960. 4 i)p. 

Statistical C^immission. The Statistical T^nit in Eco- 
nomic Inquiries. E/ON.3/250. February 25, 1960. 58 pp. 

The Promotion of the International Flow of Private Cai>- 
ital. Progress Iteitort by the Secretary-General. 
E/3325, February 26, 19G0, 96 pp., and Corr. 1, March 7, 

1960, 2 pp. 

Commission on the Status of AVomon. ronseiit to Mar- 
riage, Age of Marriage and Ucgistration of Marriages. 
E/CN.6/."!56/Add. 1. March 1, 19G0, 46 pp. 


' I'rintod materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York, N.Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed d(KMunents) may 
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United 


U.S. and Rumania Sign Agreement 
Relating to Financial Questions 

Pres3 release 159 dated March 30 

An agreement relating to outstanding financial 
questions between the United States and Rumania 
was signed at Washington on March 30 by Foy 
D. Kohler, Assistant Secretary of State, repre- 
sentative of the Government of the United States 
and Radu Manescu, Deputy Mmister of Finance, 
representative of the Government of the Ruma- 
nian People's Republic. The negotiations which 
led to the signing of the agreement began on No- 
vember 16, 1959.1 

The agreement provides for the settlement on a 
limip-sum basis of claims of U.S. nationals arising 
out of war damage, nationalization, and com- 
mercial and financial debts as described in articles 
I and II. The lump-sum settlement of $24,526,370 
includes $22,026,370 in assets of the Rumanian 
Government and Rumanian corporations which 
were blocked in the United States during the war 
and $2,500,000 which is to be paid by the Ru- 
manian Government to the United States Govern- 
ment in five installments between July 1, 1960, and 
July 1, 1964. 

The adjudication of certain American claims 
against Rumania, as provided in Public Law 285, 
84th Congress, was completed by the Foreign 
Claims Settlement Commission of the United 
States on August 9, 1959. In accoi-dance with 
Public Law 285, awards of the Commission have 
been certified to the U.S. Treasury for payment 
and certain payments have already been made out 
of the assets referred to above. 

The agreement provides for the unblocking 
by the U.S. Government of assets of natural per- 
sons residing in Riiniaiiiu. Ry an cxcliange of 
letters between tlie lieads of the two delegations 
it was agreed that the transmission to payees in 
Rumania of U.S. Treasury checks will be resumed. 

' For background, see Bttlletin of Nov. 23, 1959, p. 7CA. 
Department of Stale Bulletin 

Text of Agreement 

CIAL Questions Between the Two Countries 

The Goverunient of the United States of America and 
tlie Government of the lUinmnian People's Republic hav- 
ing reached an understaiidinj; ou the liuuucial matters 
s|>ecitied herein have agreed as follows : 

Article I 

(1) The Government of the United States of America 
and the Government of the Rumanian People's Republic 
agree that the lump sum of $24,520,370, as specitied in 
Article III. will constitute full and final settlement and 
discharge of the claims described below : 

(a) Claims for the restoration of. or payment of com- 
pensation for, property, risjhts and interests of nationals 
of the United States of America, as specitied in Articles 
24 and 25 of the Treaty of Peace with Rumania which 
entered into force on September 15. 1947. 

(b) Claims for the nationalization, compulsory liquida- 
tion, or other talcing, prior to the date of this Agreement 
of property, rights and interests of nationals of the 
United States of America in Rumania ; and 

(c) Claims predicated upon obligations expressed in 
currency of the United States of America arising out of 
contractual or other rights acquired by nationals of the 
United States of America prior to Sei)tember 1, 1939, and 
which became pa.valile prior to September 1.5, 1947. 

(2) The term "nationals of the United States of 
America" as used in subparagraphs (a), (b) and (c) 
above refers to nationals who possessed United States 
nationality ; 

(a) for the purpose of subparagraph (a) on both 
September 12, 1944 and September 15, 1947 ; 

(b) for the purpose of subparagraph (b) on the ef- 
fective date of nationalization, compulsory liquidation, or 
other taking; 

(c) for the purpose of subparagraph (c) on September 
1, 1939. 

Article II 

The claims of nationals of the United States of America 
to which reference is made in paragraph (1) of Article 
I are those with respect to property, rights and interests 
covered by subparagraphs (a) and (b) of that i)aragraph 
and with respect to obligations covered by subparagraph 
(c) of the same paragraph which were : 

(a) directly owned by individuals who were nationals 
of the United States of America (for this purpose owner- 
ship through a partnership or an unincorporated associa- 
tion being considered dir('<-t ownership) ; 

(b) directly owned by a corporation or other legal 
entity organized under the laws of the United States of 
America or a constituent state or other political entity 
thereof, if more than fifty per centum of the outstanding 
capital stock or other beneficial interest in such legal 
entity was owned directly or indirectly by natural per- 

Trade Relations With Rumania 

])<l)iirtiii( nt Stdtrincnt ' 
rresB release 158 dated March 30 

In the course of negotiations between representa- 
tives of the Government of the United States and 
the Government of the Rumanian People's Republic 
for the conclusion of an agreement concerning li- 
nancial questions between tlie two countries, it 
was mutually agreed that a settlement of these 
questions would contribute to the development of 
conditions favorable for increased trade between 
the two countries. 

With the conclusion today of the agreement be- 
tween the United States of America and the Ru- 
manian People's Republic, relating to financial 
questions, the two Governments affirm their desire 
to see an expansion of peaceful trade between the 
two countries. In this connection the two Govern- 
ments have agreed to exchange and to disseminate 
by appropriate means information concerning oi>- 
portunities for trade between the two countries. 
They have agreed also to facilitate travel to their 
countries by commercial representatives and oflB- 
cials of the other country. As conditions permit, 
the two Governments will give consideration to 
.such additional measures as will contribute to the 
development of expanded trade relations between 
the United States and Rumania. 

The Governments of the United States of America 
and the Rumanian People's Republic welcome the 
possibility of creating through such efforts favor- 
able conditions for the expansion of peaceful trade 
and the development of more normal trade rela- 
tions which should also serve as a means of in- 
creasing contacts between the peoples of the two 

' An identical statement was released by the Ru- 
manian Government on Mar. 31. 

sons who were nationals of the United States of America ; 

(c) indirectly owned by individuals or corporations 
within subparagraphs (a) or (b) of this Article through 
interests, totalling twenty-five per centum or more, in a 
Rumanian legal entity. 

Article III 

The sum of $24,.526,370 referred to in Article I of this 
Agreement shall be made up as follows : 

(a) The proceeds resulting from the liquidation of 
assets in the United States of America which were sub- 
ject to wartime blocking controls and which belonged to 
the Rumanian Government and its nationals, other than 
natural persons, amounting in value to ,?22,02G.370. 

(b) A sum of $2,.500,000 which shall be paid by the 
Government of the Rumanian People's Republic to the 
Government of the United States of America in five in- 

April 25, I960 


stallments, each of which shall be in the amount of 
$500,000. The first installment shall be paid on July 1, 
1960. The four remaining installments shall be paid on 
July 1, 19C1, July 1, 1962, July 1, 1963, and July 1, 1964, 

Abticle IV 
As from the date of this Agreement, the Government of 
the United States of America will not pursue or present 
to the Government of the Rumanian People's Republic 
claims falling within the categories set forth in paragraph 
(1) of Article I of this Agreement, without regard to 
whether the claimants qualify under paragraph (2) of 
Article I and Article II of this Agreement, or claims 
predicated upon obligations expressed in other than cur- 
rency of the United States of America arising out of con- 
tractual or other rights acquired and payable prior to 
the date of this Agreement. 

Akticle V 
The distribution of the lump sum referred to in para- 
graph (1) of Article I of this Agreement falls within the 
exclusive competence of the Government of the United 
States of America in accordance with its legislation, with- 
out any responsibility arising for the Government of the 
Rumanian People's Republic therefrom. 

Article VI 
The Government of the United States of America will 
release within 30 days of the date of this Agreement its 
blocking controls over all Rumanian property In the 
United States of America. 

Article VII 
The present Agreement shall come into force upon the 
date of signature. 

Done at Washington on March 30, 1960, in duplicate, in 
the English and Rumanian languages, both texts being 
equally authentic. 

For the Government of the United States of 
America : 

FoY D. KonLER 

For the Government of the Rumanian People's 
Republic : 

R. Manescu 

Exchanges of Letters 


WASiiiNGTOfj, March 30, 19t>0 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the provisions 
of paragraph (a) of Article III of the Agreement signed 
on this date. In connection with the discussions that 
have taken place concerning this Article, I wish to inform 
you that the Government of the United States of America 
will inform the Government of the Rumaniau People's 
Republic of the final figure representing the value of the 
proceeds resulting from the liquidation of assets in the 
United States of America which were subject to wartime 
blocking controls and which belonged to the Rumanian 
Government and its nationals, other than natural per- 
sons, when this is determlne<l by tlie appropriate United 


States agencies. It is understood that any possible dif- 
ferences between the figure set out in paragraph (a) of 
Article III and the final figure furnished by the United 
States Government will not give rise to or affect any 
rights or obligations between the two Governments. 

I shall appreciate receiving Tour Excellency's con- 
firmation of the above understanding. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 


His Excellency 
Radu Manescu, 
Chairman, Delegation of the Rumanian People's Republic. 


Washington, J/arc7i 30, i960 , 
ExcEn^LENCY : I have the honor to acknowledge receipt II 
of your letter of this date which reads as follows : 
[text of U.S. letter] 
I have the honor to confirm that I fully agree with the 
understanding expressed above. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 

R. Manescu 
His Excellency 


Chairman, Delegation of the United States of America. 


Washington, March SO, 1960 
Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the recent 
discussions between representatives of the Government of 
the Rumanian People's Republic and the Government of 
the United States of America regarding the restriction 
contained in the regulation of the GoveiTiment of the 
United States of America known as Treasury Department 
Circular 655 concerning the transfer of money from 
United States public funds to payees in Rumania. 
In this connection I wish to inform you that: 

(a) The Government of the Rumanian People's Repub- 
lic places no obstacles or limitations preventing recipients 
of allowances, social security payments, military pension 
or other payments by the United States authorities, from 
holding checks for such payments in accordance with ex- 
isting regulations of the Rumanian People's Republic 
and from converting them at the most favorable prevail- 
ing rate for remittances to private persons, at present 6 
lei to the dollar plus 6 lei representing an exchange pre- 
mium of 100%. 

(b) The Government of the Rumanian People's Repub- 
lic places no obstacles in the way of beneficiaries in 
Rumania who may have various claims against United 
States remitting agencies (such as the Social Security 
Administration, the Veterans Administration, and any 
other agencies concerned) furnishing such agencies such 
information and documentation as may be i-equired by 

Deparfment of Stafe Bulletin 

UnitiHl States law in coiinoction with tlicsp claims and 
cimiinunicatiii); dirt't'tly or iiulirootly willi rt'siH'ct to 
tliese matters with the American authorities concerned. 

In accordance with tlie understanding we have 
reached, I will appreciate receiving your confirmation 
that the Government of the United States of America, 
talking into account the above assurances, agrees to re- 
move the restrictions contained in Treasury Department 
Circular 055. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 

R. Manescu 


Washington, March 30, 1960 
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge receipt 
of your letter of this date which reads as follows ; 
[text of Rumanian letter] 
I hereby confirm that, in view of the assurances con- 
tained in your letter, the Government of the Unite<l States 
of America will amend Circular No. 655 Issued by the 
Secretary of tlie Treasury of the United States of .lijuer- 
iea, so as to remove the restriction on the transfer of 
money from United States public funds to payees in 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 




Washington,, March 30, lOCO 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the Agree- 
ment signed today between the Governments of the United 
States of America and the Rumanian People's Republic 
relating to financial questions between our countries. 

The Government of the United States of America has 
taken note of your jiroposal to include within this Agree- 
ment the dollar bond obligations Issued or guaranteed by 
the Rumanian State, owned by American nationals and 
payable in the United States of America. 

The Government of the United States of America has 
not been in a position to agree to your proposal, inter alia, 
since it follows the practice of leaving such matters for 
negotiation between the debtor government and the bond- 
holders or their representatives. 

It is my luiderstanding that the Government of the 
Rumanian People's Republic, by putting forward the pro- 
ix»sal mentione<l above, has taken note of the outstanding 
Rumanian dollar bond obligations, and it expresses its 
intention to settle these obligations with the bondholders 
or their representatives. 

At the same time, I wish to confirm that the Govern- 
ment of the United States of America considers the ques- 
tion of the dollar bond obligations to be separate and 
distinct from and without effect on the other matters 
within the scope of the Agreement signed today. 

I shall appreciate receiving your Excellency's confirma- 
tion of the above understanding. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 




Washington, March SO, 1960 
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge receipt 
of your letter of this date which reads as follows : 
[text of U.S. letter) 

I have the honor to confirm that I fully agree with the 
understiinding expressed above. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 

R. Manescit 

Current Actions 



International air services transit agreement. Done at 
Chicago December 7, 1944. Entered into force for the 
United States February 8, 1945. 59 Stat. 1693. 
Acceptance deposited: Republic of Cameroun, March 
30, 1960. 


Protocol for limiting and regulating the cultivation of 
the poppy plant, the production of, international and 
wholesale trade in, and use of opium. Dated at New 
York June 23, 1953.^ 

Ratification deposited: Union of South Africa, March 
9, 1960. 


North American regional broadcasting agreement and 
final protocol. Signed at Washington November 15, 
1950. Enters into force 15 days after the deposit of 
ratification or adherence by at least three of the follow- 
ing four countries, Canada, Cuba, Mexico, and the 
United States. 

Ratifications deposited: Cuba, February 17, 1953; Can- 
ada ( with a reservation ) , April 7, 1957 ; United 
States, April 4, 1960. 
Entered into force: April 19, 1900. 



Agreement for a third-country technical assistance train- 
ing program in Japan. Effected by exchange of notes 
at Tokyo March 23, 1900. Entered into force JIarch 23, 


Agreement relating to a weapons production program. 
Effected by exchange of notes at The Hague March 24, 
1960. Entered into force provisionally March 24, 1960. 
Enters into force definitively on the date the United 
States is notified that the approval constitutionally re- 
quired in the Netherlands has been obtained. 

' Not in force. 

April 25, I960 


New Zealand 

Agreement providing for a grant to assist in the acqui- 
sition of nuclear researcli and training equipment and 
materials. Effected by exchange of notes at Welling- 
ton March 23, 1960. Entered into force March 23, 1960. 

United Arab Republic 

Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of December 24, 1958, as amended (TIAS 4147, 
4223 and 4333 ) . Effected by exchange of notes at Cairo 
March 20, 1960. Entered into force March 26. 1960. 

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities 
agreement of July 29, 1959 (TIAS 4283). Effected by 
exchange of notes at Cairo March 26, 1960. Entered 
into force March 26, 1960. 


Parcel post agreement and regulations of execution. 
Signed at Zanzibar October 20 and at Washington De- 
cember 30, 19.59. 
Enters into force: May 1, 1960. 


Signed at Bonn March 9 and May 23, 1959. Entered into 
force May 26, 1959. With related note — Signed at Bonn 
J'uly 31, 1959. 

Grant for Procurement of Nuclear Research and Training 
Equipment and Materials. TIAS 4371. 4 pp. 5<J. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
China. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington October 
16 and December 2, 1959. Entered into force December 
2, 1959. 

Mutual Defense Assistance — Special Project of Assist- 
ance. TIAS 4372. 5 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Turkey. Exchange of notes — Signed at Ankara November 
30, 1959. Entered into force November 30, 1959. 

Mutual Defense Assistance. TIAS 4373. 4 pp. 5(f. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Belgium, amending annex B to agreement of January 27, 
1950. Exchange of notes — Signed at Brussels October 27 
and December 1, 1959. Entered into force December 1, 

Surplus Agricultural Commodities. 


TIAS 4375. 9 pp. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Uruguay, supplementing agreement of February 20, 1959, 
as supplemented. Signed at Montevideo December 1, 
1959. Entered into force December 1, 1959. With ex- 
change of notes. 

Recent Releases 

For sale iy the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address 
requests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, ex- 
cept in the case of free puUications, which may he 
obtained from the Department of State. 

Surplus Agricultural Commodities— Purchases for Syrian 
Pounds. TIAS 4357. 7 pp. 100. 

Agreement between the United States of America and the 
United Arab Republic— Signed at Cairo November 14, 
1959. Entered into force November 14, 1959. With ex- 
change of notes. 

Certificates of Airworthiness for Imported Aircraft. 

TIAS 4358. 6 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Australia. Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington 
November 20, 1959. Entered into force November 20, 1959. 

United States Educational Commission in Sweden. TIAS 

43.59. 3 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Sweden, amending agreement of November 20, 1952. Ex- 
change of notes — Signed at Stockholm November 20, 1959. 
Entered into force November 20, 1959. 

Sale of Military Equipment, Materials, and Services— As- 
surances. TIAS 4367. 2 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
Liberia. Exchange of notes — Signed at Monrovia April 
10 and July 19, 1958. Entered into force July 19, 1958. 

Guaranty of Private Investments. TIAS 4368. 4 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States of America and 
India, supplementing agreement of September 19, 1957. 
Exchange of notes — Signed at Washington December 7, 
1959. Entered into force December 7, 1959. 

Interchange of Patent Rights and Technical Information 
for Defense Purposes. TIAS 4369. 15 pp. 100. 
Agreement between the United States of America and the 
Federal Republic of Germany. Exchange of notes — 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: April 4-10 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 


, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 


issued prior to April 4 which appear in 

this issue 

if the Bulletin are Nos. 158 and 159 of 

March 30 and 166 of April 1. 






Herter : National Association of Broad- 



Cultural exchange (Argentina). 



Program for visit of King and Queen of 
Nepal (rewrite). 



Parsons : Cherry Blossom Festival. 



Airport improvements in Liberia. 



Air transport talks with Philippines. 



Revisions to program for visit of Presi- 
dent of Colombia. 



Barrows nominated ambassador to 
Cameroun (biographic detoils). 



Planning expert goes to Agadir, Morocco 



Revisions to program for visit of Presi- 
dent of Colombia. 



Satterthwaite : "Our Role in the 
Quickening Pace Toward Independ- 
ence in Africa." 



Panama credentials (rewrite). 



Herter : news conference. 



Reply to Chilean students' letter to 
President Kiseiihower. 



Schedule of foreign ministers meeting. 



Rubottom : "Toward Better Under- 
standing Between the United States 
and Latin America." 

♦Not printed. | 

tlleld fo 

r a latter issue of the Bulletin. 


Department of State Bulletin 

April 25, 1960 

American Republics. United States Replies to 
Cliiloau Stiulents' letter to President Eisenhower 
(Fernandez, Howe, Zuniga) 

Atomic Enersy. Secretary Herter's News Confer- 
ence of April S 

Aviation. U.S. and Philippines Oi)en Air Transport 

Chile. Unitetl States Replies to Chilean Students' 
Letter to I'resident Eisenhower (Ferndndez, 
Howe, Zuniga) 

Colombia. Letters of Credence (Sanz de Santa- 

Congress, The 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign Pol- 

President Urges Liberalization of Immigration Re- 

Cuba. Secretary Herter's News Conference of 
April 8 


Secretary Herter's News Conference of April 8 . . 
Year of Progress Toward Peace (Herter) .... 

Economic Affairs 

Trade Relations With Rumania 

U.S. and Philippine Presidents Exchange Messages 
on Sugar Quota (Eisenhower, Garcia) .... 

U.S. and Rumania Sign Agreement Relating to Fi- 
nancial Questions (text of agreement and ex- 
change of letters) 

Unite<l States Replies to Chilean Students' Let- 
ter to President Eisenhower (Ferndndez, Howe, 


Secretary Herter's News Conference of April 8 . . 
Tear of Progress Toward Peace (Herter) .... 

Immigration and Naturalization 

Citizens by Choice (Hanes) 

President Urges Liberalization of Immigration Re- 

Japan. Cherry Blossom Festival Highlights U.S.- 
Japanese Friendship (Parsons) 

Liberia. U.S. To Finance Modernization of Airfield 
in Liberia 

Morocco. Harlan Bartholomew To Aid in Agadir 

Mutual Security 

Harlan Bartholomew To Aid in Agadir Reconstruc- 

U.S. To Finance Modernization of Airfield in 

Index Vol. XLII, No. 1087 

Year of Progress Toward Peace (Herter) .... C35 

g.g Nepal. King and Queen of Nepal To Visit United 

States 640 

641 Panama. Letters of Credence (De la Guardia) . . 658 


605 U.S. and Philippine Presidents Exchange Messages 

on Sugar Quota (ELsenhower, Garcia) .... 665 
U.S. and Philippines Open Air Transport Nego- 
„.„ tiations 665 

Presidential Documents 

658 President Urges Liberalization of Immigration Re- 

strictions 6.59 

U.S. and Philippine Presidents Exchange Messages 

on Sugar Quota 665 


Publications. Recent Releases 674 

659 „ 

Trade Relations With Rumania 671 

641 U.S. and Rumania Sign Agreement Relating to Fi- 
nancial Questions (text of agreement and ex- 
g4j^ change of letters) 670 

635 Science. Secretary Herter's News Conference of 

April 8 641 

Treaty Information 

Current Actions 673 

U.S. and Philippines Open Air Transport Nego- 
tiations 665 

U.S. and RTunania Sign Agreement Relating to 
Financial Questions (text of agreement and ex- 
change of letters) 670 

648 Union of South Africa. Security Council Calls for 
Adherence to U.N. Principles in South Africa 
..^ (Lodge, text of resolution) 667 


635 United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 670 

ggQ Security Council Calls for Adherence to U.N. Prin- 
ciples in South Africa (Lodge, text of resolu- 
QQQ tion) 667 

Name Index 

De la Guardia, Erasmo 658 

Eisenhower, President 665, 659 

666 Fernandez, Patricio 656 

Garcia, Carlos P 665 

Hanes, John W., Jr 660 

Herter, Secretary 635, 641 

Howe, Walter 648 

Lodge, Henry Cabot 667 

658 Parsons, J. Graham 664 

Sanz de Santamarfa, Carlos 658 

666 Zuniga, Eduardo 656 


United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 





Background of 
Heads of Government 
Conference • 1960 





Principal Documents • 1955-1959 
With Narrative Summary 

This volume contains documents of the period 1955 to 1959 covering 
the principal developments leading to the INIay 1960 Paris Conference 
of the Heads of Government of the United States, the United King- 
dom, France, and the So^det Union. A narrative summary, which 
precedes the documents, refers to the Heads-of-Government meetings 
held during World War II and reviews briefly the relations between 
the Soviet Union and the Western Powers in the early postwar years. 
It deals more fully with those relations for the period beginning with 
the Geneva Smnmit Conference of July 1955. 

The documents, aU of which have been released previously, include 
diplomatic communications exchanged by the several govermnents ; a 
number of official declarations and communiques; various proposals 
and statements made at the Heads-of-Government Conference of July 
1955 and at the Foreign Ministers Conferences of October-November 
1955 and May-August 1959 ; messages exchanged by President Eisen- 
hower and Soviet Chairmen Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita S. Khru- 
shchev; and press statements and addresses of importance made by 
President Eisenhower, Chairman Khrushchev, Secretaries of State 
Dulles and Herter, and others. 

Publication 6972 


UlCti'i roim I Please send me copies of Background of Heads of Government Confer- 

\ ence • 7960: Principal Documents • 1955-1959, iVitli Narrative Summary. 

Fo: Supt. of Documents | 

Govt. Printing Oflicp \ 

Washington 25, D.C. ! Name: 

Encloaed liiuh ' Street Address : 

S \ 

{casli.c.lii'cic,,,! nu>m:y \ Clity, Zone, and State: 

ordvr fxttiahia to | 

Supl . (if Dock.) i 


^. y ^ / ow 


Vol. XLII, No. 1088 

May 2, 1960 


aLy record 

fn STATE! 
i POLIl 


POLICY • by Under Secretary Dillon 679 



Statements by President Eisenhower and President Lleras . 699 
Address by President Lleras Before a Joint Session of the 

Congress 701 

by Assistant Secretary Rubottom 693 


INDEPENDENCE IN AFRICA • by Assistant Secretary 
Satterthtraite 686 

For index see inside back cover 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUN 1-1960 


Vol. XLII, No. 1088 • Publication 6984 
May 2, 1960 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

O.S. Ooverament Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 


62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.26 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1868). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herehi may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Bulletin as the source wUl be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on de- 
velopments in the field of foreign rela- 
tions and on the work of the Depart- 
ment of State and the Foreign Service. 
The BULLETIN includes selected press 
releases on foreign policy, issued by 
the White House and the Department, 
and statements and addresses made 
by the President and by the Secretary 
of Slate and other officers of the De- 
partment, as well as special articles on 
various phases of international affairs 
and the functions of the Department. 
Information is included concerning 
treaties and international agreements 
to which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of general 
international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and leg- 
islative material in tfie field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

Some Economic Aspects of U.S. Foreign Policy 

by Under Secretary Dillon^ 

It is a privilege to be here tonif^ht and to see 
once again many members of tlie Virginia State 
Chamber whom I liad the pleasure of meeting 
during your 1956 tour of Europe, when I was 
Ambassador to France. 

The Virginia State Chamber is unique in its 
sponsorship over the past decade of visits to key 
world capitals. These visits, which you so aptly 
describe as "ventures in understanding," are truly 

Never before in history have the personal lives 
of ^Vmericans been so directly and so gravely 
affected by the actions of other peoples and other 
nations. "We can maintain our position in the 
world only if our citizens devote time and effort 
to imdei-standing the pressing international prob- 
lems of the day. The United States must face 
these problems boldly and courageously if we are 
to survive as a free and prosperous nation. 

It is particularly important that your next ven- 
ture in understanding takes j'ou tliis smnmer to 
the Soviet Union, where you will have a first- 
hand look at the new face of communism imder 
Premier Khrushchev. 

"Within the Soviet Union this new face is char- 
acterized by an easing of terroristic repression, 
some decentralization of power and authority, 
and increases in living standards sufficient to 
maintain the incentives of the Soviet people and 
lend credence to Communist promises of future 

Its outward aspects are calls for total disarma- 
ment and for an easing of world tensions — both 
to be accomplished on Communist terms — accom- 

' Address made before the Virginia State Chamber of 
Commerce at Roanoke, Va., on Apr. 15 (press release 

panied by challenges to the industrialized nations 
of the free world to compete in what Soviet lead- 
ers call "peaceful coexistence." "Wlien Soviet 
leaders talk of "peaceful coexistence," they mean 
competition under their rules — with all the ad- 
vantages accruing to communism. 

Commimism's new face is supported by enor- 
mous and growing military power and by a high 
rate of economic growth. Because Soviet rulers 
now appear to recognize the dangers of general 
war, they are increasingly anxious to realize their 
expansionist ambitions through nomnilitary tac- 
tics — through diplomacy, trade, economic aid, 
propaganda, and subversion. They are concen- 
trating upon economic and technical achievements 
and counting on material progress in the Soviet 
Union to act as a powerful example and magnet 
in the free world's newly developing areas. 

No matter what the nature of Soviet tactical 
maneuvering in the years ahead, "coexistence" will 
bo marked by unrelenting Communist determina- 
tion and pressure to subvert and control all other 
states. For their goal, as e^•el•y Soviet leader from 
Lenin to Khrushchev has openly proclaimed, is a 
world in wliich only commiuiism shall prevail. 

In pursuit of this goal the Soviet Union has 
mounted a determined and resourceful drive to 
penetrate, influence, and eventually capture the 
newly developing countries of Asia, Africa, and 
Latin America, utilizing skillful propaganda and 
ti'ade-and-aid techniques. The hundreds of mil- 
lions of underprivileged peoples in these areas are 
no longer content merely to exist. They know 
that there is a better way of life than tlieir ago-old 
poverty, disease, and ignorance. They are deter- 
mined to improve their lot. The Soviet bloc seeks 
fo capitalize on this surge for economic and social 

May 2, 1960 


progress and is giving major attention to tlie newly 
developing areas in its announced drive to conquer 
the world by all means short of war. 

Communist Economic Offensive 

Tliis side of conmiunism's new face began 
emergmg after the death of Stalin m 1953. Pre- 
viously Soviet leaders had made it abundantly 
clear that they couldn't care less about the prog- 
ress of the newly developing areas. Mmdful, 
however, of the success of our trade and aid pro- 
grams m keeping nations weakened by World War 
II from falling into the Commmiist orbit, the 
Soviet bloc has trained its sights on selected target 
countries which it considers most vulnerable to 
Commmiist blandishments. 

Beginnmg modestly with $11 million in 1954, 
the Sino-Soviet bloc has rapidly raised its amiual 
levels of economic aid to free-world comitries. 
Last year nearly a billion dollars was added. By 
the close of 1959 bloc commitments of economic 
aid totaled $2^/2 billion. So far this year nearly 
six hmidred million more dollars has been 

About 90 percent of these totals has been con- 
centrated on only 13 countries in Asia and Africa. 
The bloc has enhanced the effectiveness of its as- 
sistance by making quick, long-term, lump-sum 
agreements and by concentrating on projects 
which have a visual political and psychological 

Communist aid offers have typically involved 
both the sending of bloc teclinicians to newly 
developing countries and the training of nationals 
of these countries in bloc institutions. In 1959 
there were more than 5,000 nonmilitary Commu- 
nist technicians in newly developing areas. Dur- 
ing the past 4 years nearly 4,000 students and 
trainees have studied in Communist countries. 

The bloc has carefully tied its aid drive in with 
expanded offers of trade. Communist trade with 
the newly developing countries has nearly tripled 
from some $800 million in 1954 to considerably 
more than $2 billion in 1958. During the first 
half of last year — the latest period for which com- 
plete figures are available — it totaled more than 
a billion. As with aid, much of this increase is 
concentrated in a relatively few countries. Some 
of them are now doing sizable percentages of their 
total trade with the bloc. However, the principal 
significance of bloc trade is not its relative share in 

the total trade of these countries but the fact that 
it is adroitly timed and shaped to achieve the 
greatest possible political effect, both by relieving 
exporting countries of burdensome surpluses and 
by offering much-desired capital goods on easy 
and supposedly favorable tenns. 

The short-term objective of this new Commu- 
nist activity is to provoke and capitalize on 
tensions between the less developed and the more 
developed nations of the free world. The long- 
range aim is to create climates and attitudes in 
the newly developing areas which will be con- 
ducive to eventual Communist takeover. 

The Soviets are striving to equate communism 
with progress in the minds of the peoples of these 
regions, in order to make them more susceptible 
to Commimist propaganda. It is an effort which 
must be viewed with deadly seriousness. It chal- 
lenges the whole system of the free world and 
particularly the concept of economic freedom 
which underlies our free political and social 

Importance of U.S. Economic Growth 

If we are to meet this challenge, we must 
strengthen our own economy and our own inter- 
national economic position. This is vital because 
our privileged economic status has endowed us 
with the role of leadership in the free world and 
because our powerful economy has radiating 
effects throughout the entire free world. 

The goal of domestic economic growth is closely 
related to success in our efforts to help the newly 
developing areas. Growth at home makes it easier 
for us to allocate the resources we must devote 
to fostering growth abroad. It also helps to pro- 
vide an expanding and stable market for other 
comitries of the free world, many of wliich must 
trade in order to exist. 

Equally important, growth at home jirovides 
confidence abroad in a free-enterprise economy as 
a means of achieving healthy progress. It pro- 
motes confidence in the United States as a nation 
worthy of emulation in the struggle to which we 
have been challenged by communism. 

A high rate of gi'owth should be our goal even 
if communism simply didn't exist. But we cannot 
ignore the fact that industrial production in the 
Soviet Union is expanding at an annual rate of 
about 8 percent, compared with our own annual 
rate of about 4i/^ percent. The Soviet Union con- 


Department of State Bulletin 

t inually uses the comparison of these growth rates 
to project its own Communist image to the newly 
deveUiping countries as tlie ideal blueprint for 
economic progress. It would, of couree, take the 
Soviets many years to make good tlieir boast of 
"catching up and sin-passing"' us. But catch up 
they will — uidcss wo bestir ourselves. We cannot 
atford to be complacent, especially when we re- 
flect that, with an annual gross product only 45 
percent of our own, the Soviets are able to match 
our military capacity. 

A major instrument for stimulating our own 
growth is foreign trade. Although the United 
States is now the largest single expoiier in the 
world, we got that way almost by accident. Our 
domestic market is so huge that export sales have 
been regarded by some of our producers as an 
extra bonus. But if we are to grow and prosper 
and meet the challenges of the times, we must 
work to increase our exports. 

In the years immediately following the war we 
had no problem with exports because we were the 
only large-scale producer. Our sales were limited 
solely by the availability of dollars in other coim- 
tries. To use the vernacular, our exporters "never 
had it so good." Today, however, the other in- 
dustrialized free nations have recovered from the 
ravages of war. Our friends in Europe and 
Japan provide strong competition. In some areas 
their costs of production are lower than ours. In 
many others this is not the case. But they work 
night and day to increase their exports. This is 
the normal situation for an industrialized nation 
such as ours. We Americans must give exports 
the same sort of priority and attention. 

Over the past 15 months we in Government 
have been working to persuade our friends and 
allies in Western Europe and Japan to eliminate 
discriminations against our exports which were 
originally invoked to protect their meager foreign 
exchange reserves during the postwar period of 
the so-called "dollar shortage." Fortunately the 
need to do away with discriminations against dol- 
lar goods imposed to meet financial problems that 
no longer exist has been recognized by our trading 
partners. Great progi'ess has already been made. 
We can reasonably hope that by the end of this 
year postwar discriminations against our exports 
will be almost a thing of the past. 

Our efforts to open markets long closed to 
American products are only a part of our drive to 

May 2, I960 

expand U.S. expoi-ts. Today, as in the past, we 
are constantly seeking reductions of tariffs affect- 
ing our exports and we are alert to forestall the 
erection of new barriers to American products. 

A case in point involves one of Virginia's prime 
products: tobacco. Those of you who are in- 
terested in tobacco exports are concerned, I know, 
with the problems posed by the proposed Euro- 
pean Common Market customs tariff of 30 percent 
ad valorem on unmanufactured tobacco. 

We in the Department of State fully share the 
concern of the American tobacco industry. We 
are doing everything possible to obtain a reduc- 
tion in this proposed tariff and to have it con- 
verted to a specific duty. We have used both 
formal and informal means to express our views 
to the Common Market countries. If these repi-e- 
sentations are not fruitful, we shall vigorously 
press our case in the forthcoming review of the 
proposed Common Market tariff at next Septem- 
ber's session of the General Agreement on Tariffs 
and Trade. And we shall continue to urge both 
the European Common Market and the European 
free-trade area to pursue increasingly liberal trade 
policies toward the United States and the rest of 
the free world. 

I have every reason to hope that our efforts 
will be successful. But I should like to empha- 
size that we must maintain our own liberal trade 
policy if we expect other countries to join with 
us in liberalizing and expanding trade on a 
worldwide basis with resulting benefits for all. 

The Department of State is now embarked on 
an intensified new program with the Department 
of Commerce and other Government agencies to 
stimulate a greater interest in foreign trade in 
American business circles.^ We are working en- 
ergetically to provide better Government facili- 
ties, both at home and abroad, to assist American 
finns to sell their goods and services in foreign 
countries. We are moving to increase the effec- 
tiveness of our commercial staffs abroad. We are 
giving greater attention to United States par- 
ticipation in trade fairs. And we are stepping 
up our efforts to promote travel to the United 

Despite everything that we in Government can 
do, however, this is essentially a task for private 
business. The basic drive must come from the 
business community, not only in its own best in- 

' For background, see Bxtlletin of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 560. 


terest but in the national interest as well. For 
we need to increase our exports as a means of 
retaining our position as a leader of the free 

The renewed ability of our friends and allies 
to compete with us on normal temis in the mar- 
ketplace is actually a healthy development. It 
is a reflection of their growing economic capacity 
to contribute more and more to the strength and 
unity of the free world. 

Their improved financial position has led them 
to assume a steadily increasing share of the com- 
mon responsibility for safeguarding the free 
world. For example, the annual military ex- 
penditures of our NATO allies have increased 
more than a billion dollars in each of the past 
2 years. Further substantial increases are in 
sight for 1960. 

Our newly prospering allies are also playing 
a stronger role in speeding the growth of the 
developing areas. They have not only accelerated 
their direct financial and technical assistance to 
needy regions, but they have joined with us in 
strengthening the free world's institutions of 
economic cooperation. These major steps include 
the proposed establislunent of a billion-dollar In- 
ternational Development Association to comple- 
ment the operations of the World Bank and crea- 
tion of a Development Assistance Group,^ through 
which our allies and ourselves are seeking ways 
of increasing the flow of capital to development- 
hungry areas. 

Finally, 18 European nations have joined Can- 
ada and the United States in preliminaiy steps 
to reconstitute the Organization for European 
Economic Cooperation.* Once the reconstituted 
OEEC is a reality, we should be able to collab- 
orate more effectively in promoting soinid eco- 
nomic gi-owth in the free world and in mobilizing 
the resources of its industrialized members to 
help the newly developing lands. 

Mutual Security Program 

Tlie increased help wliich other industrialized 
count ries are making available to newly develop- 
ing areas is a welcome and most important de- 
velopment. However, these increased contribu- 

Tor baokgronnd, see ibid., Apr. 1], 19C0, p. 577. 
'For baekground, see ibitl., Feb. 1, 1900, p. 139. 

tions from others should not be regarded as a 
substitute for our own efforts, wlaich must be 
continued at adequate levels through our Mutual 
Security Program if we are to meet the Soviet 

This includes military assistance and defense 
suppoi't gi-ants to nations on the periphery of the 
Sino-Soviet empire whose economies are otherwise 
unable to sustain the defense establislunents they 
must have to resist Communist military pressure. 
It includes loans for sound productive purposes 
through our Export-Import Bank and Develop- 
ment Loan Fund. It involves furnishing ideas 
and skills to the newly developing countries 
through teclmical, educational, and cultural 

We are endeavoring to fulfill the objectives of 
our Mutual Security Progi'am through loans, 
rather than grants, wherever feasible and appro- 
priate. However, we must bear in mind that our 
present grant aid programs were created to answer 
two compelling needs : first, to meet political and 
military emergencies in the Far and Xear East, 
either in response to direct Communist aggression 
or to crises attending the birth of newly independ- 
ent nations in conditions of instability and insecu- 
rity; second, to enable our NATO allies, who 
themselves carry a substantial and ever-growing 
defense burden, to equip their forces with the very 
costly modern weapons systems which are essential 
to our collective security arrangements. 

The imperative needs which led to the inaugura- 
tion of our grant aid programs are still largely 
with us. They constitute valid and compelling 
reasons for continuing grant aid. Lnprovuig con- 
ditions and rising national incomes will eventually 
permit many of the recipient nations to finance 
these needs out of their own resources. But until 
this day an-ives, we must be prepared to provide 
continued grant aid where it is urgently requii-ed 
for the defense of the free Avorld. 

I sometimes am asked whether we can afford 
the Mutual Security Program. It is a question 
that our friends in the newly developing areas 
hear with considerable amazement, when thej' con- 
sider our privileged position in the world. Yet it 
is sufficiently prevalent in our own country to merit 
sei'ious attention. 

The proposed iVfutual Secm'ity Program for fis- 
cal year 1961, which the Congress is now consider- 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

ing, would consume but eight-tenths of 1 percent 
of the gross national product of the United 
States — a GNP that is, on a per capita basis, by far 
the iiighest in the world. Expenditures luider the 
program would represent less than 5 percent of 
the expenditures proposed for our Federal 

It is frequently overlooked that some 90 percent 
of military- assistance progivun expenditures — and 
about half of all expenditures under tlic economic 
assistance programs — are made directly in the 
United States. Tlie volume of indirect expendi- 
tures in the United States resulting from tlie pro- 
gram is less readily measured. But it is consider- 
able, and it swells our export total. Sevei-al 
hundred million dollars of military ecpiipment is 
purchase<l each year by nations that once received 
military assistance but are now in a position to 
pay for their maintenance and replacement costs. 
In actual fact, our JIutual Security Program has 
relatively little unfavorable effect on our balance 
of payments. Our problems in this area stem 
almost entirely from the costs of maintaining our 
own military forces abroad, wliere they serve a 
vital puriK)se in the defense of the United States. 

One measure of the Mutual Security Program's 
effect on our own economy is the fact that many 
countries now buying goods in the United States 
could not conceivably be doing so were it not for 
the economic resurgence made possible by mutual 
security etforts of the past. We confidently antic- 
ipate that, as more and more of the newly devel- 
oping countries acliieve expanding economies with 
our assistiince, they will become increasingly im- 
portant customers of the United States and will 
eventually make significant contributions to our 
own economic growth through normal cliannels 
of trade. 

It is my personal conviction that we not only 
can afford the Mutual Security Program but that 
we cannot afford not to channel the small frac- 
tion of our national income which it represents 
into a program designed to protect and to promote 
our own best interests. Our proposed Mutual Se- 
curity Program is at the minimmn level consistent 
with United States national security and foreign- 
policy objectives. Its purpose is to help us to sur- 
vive in peace and freedom and prosperity, by help- 
ing our friends and allies to do the same. 

"We cannot, however, sustain the cause of free- 

dom solely by helping other peoples to achieve 
material progress. AVliat peoples in all lands 
want, deep down in their hearts, is the opportunity 
to satisfy their spiritual hunger. We must re- 
inember that America stands for infinitely more 
tlian material progi-ess. America to comitless mil- 
lions is a sj'mbol of freedom in which the personal 
dignity of man is the all-important reality. All 
that we do must be eloquent testimony to the 
spiritual vitality of our free society. This is a 
task worthy of our heritage and consistent with 
the lofty spiritual and humanitarian concepts on 
which our Nation was founded. 

Western Foreign IVIinisters Meet 
To Prepare for Summit Conference 

As part of the continuing preparations among 
the Western Powers for the meeting of Chiefs of 
State and Heads of Government which ivill begin 
at Paris on May 16, a series of meetings of Foreign 
Ministers took place at Washington on April 12, 
13, and 14-. Follotoing are the texts of agreed 
jyress statements made at the close of the four 
principal sessions. 


The Foreign Ministers of France [Maurice 
Couve de Murville], the United Kingdom [Sel- 
wyn Lloyd], and the United States [Secretary 
Herter] met in Washington on April 12 to discuss 
questions relating to the meetmg of tlie Chiefs of 
State and Heads of Goverimient which begins in 
Paris May 16. 

They reached agreement on certain general 
matters relating to the Simimit and noted with 
satisfaction the state of the preparatory work of 
the several working groups which will be reviewed 
in detail in the meetings later this week. 

The Ministers confirmed the desire of their 
Governments to apj^i'oach the Heads of Govern- 
ment meeting in a constructive spirit. They em- 
pliasized the need to solve outstanding problems 
by negotiation and not by force or imilateral 
action. They expressed the desire of their Gov- 
ernments to negotiate reasonable solutions to these 
problems in the interest of world peace. 

Moy 2, /960 


The North Athvntic Council will be informed 
of the present Washington discussions and con- 
sulted as preparations for tlie Paris meetings 


The Foreign Ministers of France, the Federal 
Republic of Gemiany [Heinrich von Brentano], 
the United Kingdom, and the United States met 
on April 13 in Washington to review the interim 
report submitted by the quadripartite working 
group on Germany, including Berlin. The 
Foreign Ministers expressed their satisfaction 
with the work of the group in preparing the imi- 
fied Western position to be presented at the meet- 
ing of the Chiefs of State and Heads of Govern- 
ment which begins in Paris on May 16. Directives 
were issued by the Ministers for the final phase of 
the working group's deliberations. 

In accordance with regular practice a report 
of the deliberations of the Foreign Ministers is 
being submitted to the permanent representatives 
of the North Atlantic Council. The Ministers 
agreed that a report, of the working group, taking 
into account the directives agreed upon today by 
the Foreign Ministers, should be presented at the 
meeting of the NATO Foreign Ministers in Istan- 
bul from May 2 to 4. 

The Ministers, finding themselves in agreement 
on the Western position on Germany, including 
Berlin, decided that it was imnecessaiy to hold a 
further meeting scheduled for tomorrow, April 
14, on tliis subject. 


The Foreign Ministers of Canada [Howard C. 
Green], France, Italy [Antonio Segni], the 
United Kingdom, and the United States reviewed 
and approved a report from their representatives 
in Geneva on the course of the disarmament ne- 
gotiations now in progress within the Ten-Nation 
Disarmament Conference ^ in relation to the forth- 
coming meeting of the Chiefs of State and Heads 
of Government in Paris. They recalled the unani- 
mous resolution of the United Nations General 

Assembly of November 20, 1959,'^ which expressed 
the hope that measures leading toward the goal 
of general and complete disarmament under effec- 
tive international control will be worked out in 
detail and agreed upon in the shortest possible 

The Foreign Ministers consider that the ap- 
proach reflected in the Western proposals repre- 
sents the surest and most effective way of moving 
toward the ultimate goal of a secure, free, and 
peaceful world in which there shall be disarma- 
ment under effective international control. 

The Foreign Ministers expressed the hope that 
agreement would be reached as soon as possible 
in these negotiations on measures of disarmament 
to be attained by balanced, phased, and safe- 
guarded agreements which must be observed and 
verified by an appropriate international organiza- 
tion within the framework of the United Nations. 
At the same time they agreed that their represent- 
atives should give thorough consideration to any 
practical disarmament proposal which would pre- 
serve the security of all the nations concerned and 
which would pave the way for further progressive 
measures leading toward the ultimate objective. 
In this connection the Foreign Ministers are re- 
questing their representatives in Geneva to con- 
tinue their efforts to achieve the early identifica- 
tion and consideration of areas of possible 

The Foreign Ministers noted that the negotia- 
tions will be pursued within the Ten-Nation Dis- 
armament Conference until April 29, at which 
time the formal sessions will be recessed initil 
June 7. During this period of recess the repre- 
sentatives of the Five Western Powers will review 
the coTU-se of the negotiations and advise the For- 
eign ^Ministei-s in preparation for the May meeting 
of the Cliiefs of State and Heads of Government. 


The Foreign Ministers of France, the United 
Kingdom, and the United States expressed their 
satisfaction with the useful progress achieved in 
the series of conferences at the Ministerial level 
held in Washington to prepare for the Chiefs of 
State and Heads of Government conference in 
Paris. Preparations are well advanced for the 

' For background, see Bulletin of Ai>r. 4, liMiO, p. nil. 

' For text, see ibid., Nov. 23, 1959, p. 766. 

Department of State Bulletin 

effective presentation of the Western positions at 
the Summit. 

Tiie Ministers expressed tlieir appreciation for 
the lielpful participation of Secretaiy General 
Spaak [Paul-IIenri Spaak, Secretary General of 
the Nortli Atlantic Treaty Organization], For- 
eign Minister von Brentano of the Federal Repub- 
lic of Germany, Italian Foreign Minister Segni, 
and Canadian Foreign Minister Green in their 
discussions, and renewed their intention to inform 
and consult with the North Atlantic Council 
concerning preparations for the Summit. 

Under Secretary Dillon To Escort ^ 
President de Gaulle on U.S. Tour 

Press release 192 dated April 14 

Under Secretary Douglas Dillon has been des- 
ignated escort officer for President de Gaulle, 
following the state visit of President de Gaulle to 
Washington, April 22-26. 

The Under Secretary, who served as Ambassa- 
dor to France from 1953 to 1957, will accompany 
President de Gaulle and his party during their 
tour of New York City, San Francisco, and New 
Orleans. Mr. Dillon will return to Washington 
after the departure of the President of France 
from New Orleans for the French West Indies 
on April 29. 

Wiley T. Buchanan, Jr., Cliief of Protocol, will 
escort President de Gaulle during his visit to 
Washington and will remain in Washington to 
escort the King and Queen of Nepal, who arrive 
on April 27. 

President Eisenhower To Visit 
Japan and Korea 

Wbtte House (Augusta, Ga I nres-* release dated April 12 

The White House amuninceil on April 12 that 
the President's visit io Japan on the occasion of 
the Japanese- American Centeimial would take 
place from June 19 to June S3. "\Miile in Tokyo 
the President will have convei*sations with Prime 
Minister Kishi and his associates. 

The President will also make a brief visit to the 
Republic of Korea on June 22 in response to a 

longstanding personal invitation of President 
Khee, with whom he will have an opportunity to 
discuss matters of common interest. The Presi- 
dent has long desired to revisit Korea, where the 
United States has contributed so much to the role 
played by the United Nations in preserving Ko- 
rean independence. 

18th Anniversary of Bataan 

Following is the text of a message sent by Presi- 
dent Eisenhower to President Carlos P. Garcia of 
the Republic of the Philippines on tlie occasion of 
Bataan Day, April 9. 

White Hoase press release dated April 8 

April 7, 1960 

Dear Mr. President: Eighteen years ago today 
Filipinos and Americans, in common struggle 
against tyranny, gave new vigor to man's quest for 
peace in freedom. It is fitting that we should 
pause each year to observe Bataan Day and to 
remind ourselves that liberty and justice are, in- 
deed, worth whatever price we may be called upon 
to pay. 

Eight years ago Filipinos and Americans were 
again fighting side-by-side to preserve the integ- 
rity of the Free World. I am confident that we 
will continue to work together to this end, and it 
is my profound hope that we will be able to safe- 
guard our integrity without having thrust upon us 
again the necessity of taking up arms. The goals 
of our two peoples — the spiritual and material wel- 
fare of the individual, a free society dedicated to 
peace and justice — are deeply ingrained. The fact 
that they correspond to the aspirations of hun- 
dreds of millions of our fellow men should 
strengthen our determination to defend this herit- 
age against any who would deny it to us. 

On behalf of the American people, I wish to ex- 
tend through you, Mr. President, my deep respect 
and affection for the Filipino people and their 
dedication to the democratic way of life. May we 
continue to draw common inspiration from the 
symbol of Bataan. 

With high esteem. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 

May 2. 1960 


Our Role in the Quickening Pace Toward Independence in Africa 

hy Joseph C. Satterthwaite 

Assistant Secretary for African Affairs ^ 

I welcome the opportunity to address the annual 
meeting of the Academy, whose sessions this year 
will examine the present course of American for- 
eign policy.- Our session this afternoon comes 
under the general heading, "Is America Involved 
in the Nationalist Ferment in Africa?" I shall 
attempt to set forth briefly wliy and how we are 
involved and what the future may hold for our 
relations with the independent states of Africa. 
Previous speakers have already given major atten- 
tion to the northern and southern areas of the con- 
tinent. Furthermore, the position of the United 
States toward recent developments in the Union 
of South Africa has been made known both in 
Washington ^ and at the recent meeting of the Se- 
curity Council.* My remarks are accordingly di- 
rected in general to the great belt of tropical 
Africa, where at present social and political 
changes are moving at a rapid pace. 

Our Moral and Historic Role in Africa 

I think it may be held tliat since the American 
Revolution the American people have been in- 
volved in the movement of any peoples anywliere 
in the world toward self-determination, self-gov- 
ernment, and independence. Tlie founders of our 
Nation and our great statesmen have fully realized 
and articulated this fact, knowing that the prin- 
ciples on wliich our independence was based would 
have effect far beyond their time and beyond our 

' Address made before the American Academy of I'oliti- 
cal and Social Sciences at Philadelphia, Pa., on Apr. 8 
(press release 177 datefl Apr. 7) . 

' For an address by R. R. Rubottom, Jr.. Assistant Sec- 
retary for Inter-American Affairs, see p. (i!)."?. 

' Hui.i.ktin of Apr. 11, 10(>0, p. .^.-.l, footnote 8. 

• IltUl., Apr. 2.5, 1960, p. 667. 

shores. Abraham Lincoln called for the blessings 
of liberty for all mankind, believing that neither 
his country nor the world could long survive half 
free and half slave. In the rush of modern events 
I think we sometimes forget the strong and endur- 
ing currents which our example set in motion. We 
do not, of course, have a monopoly on these ideals, 
for they have been given impetus by the great lib- 
eral societies of Europe and have been jomtly 
enunciated in such historic documents as the At- 
lantic Charter. 

The events of the 20t]i century liave brought to 
tlie surface a new wave of change which has car- 
ried hundreds of millions of people to independ- 
ence in Asia, in the Arab world, and now in trop- 
ical Africa. Here "freedom'' in various languages 
is the catchword. The old slogans and declara- 
tions of our independence struggle have been re- 
vived witli undiminished force and meaning. 
These phenomena stir a spontaneous response and 
welcome in the American people because they 
spring from the same soil in which our own past 
is rooted. 

America also has ties with Africa of a more 
tangible kind. About one-tenth of our population 
has its origin in tropical Africa. We have, tliere- 
fore, a special interest, in events in Africa, an in- 
terest, however, which is by no means confined to 
those of our population who had tlioir origin on 
that continent and who have contributed so much 
to our culture and its expression. I might also 
observe that our own problems of assimilating 
Americans of African descent into our free society, 
an issue involved in our Civil War, should make us 
view witli some liumilily tlie present problems of 
the European populations which now control the 
mulliracial states in Africa. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Again, on the very tangible side, we helloed to 
establish over one liuiidi-od years ago the free state 
of Liberia as a home for freed slaves and as an 
example of the principle of self-government which 
remained unique in tropical Africa until the 20tli 
century. Its name, Liberia, pnK-laims its status, 
and its capital. Monrovia, commemorates the Pres- 
ident under whose administration it was founded. 
Our Government lias always had close and friendly 
i-elations with Liberia, and American investment 
and free enterprise continue to have an important 
influence on the development of its economy. 

Our governmental and cultural relationships 
with Africa by no means exhaust our long-term 
historic association. American missionaries in 
large nimibei-s liave had an important influence 
quite apart from their evangelical mission. Their 
mission schools have provided primary and sec- 
ondary education to promising students who had 
nowhere else to turn. These men and women now 
form part of the leadership group who will have 
to cope at various levels with the independence 
which their people have achieved or may achieve. 
Some few of them have gone on to universities in 
the parent coinitry or in tlie United States. I 
thiiik it significant that from this number have 
emerged sucli leaders as Prime Minister Nknunah 
of Ghana, Julius Xyerere of Tanganyika, and Dr. 
Asikiwe of Nigeria. Viewed especially in the light 
of present conditions, the educational service per- 
formed over a long period of years by American 
and other Christian missionaries in Africa will 
have an abiding beneficial influence on the new 
societies now being formed. 

American private enterprise, private founda- 
tions, and education have had a significant influ- 
ence in Africa. Tlie preponderance of investment 
has been in the industrialized Union of South 
Africa, in Liberia, and the Rhodesias, but it is 
increasing in those newly independent countries 
which have established a friendly climate for 
foreign capital. The foundations are conducting 
research, consultative, and educational programs 
in many coimtries which have achieved or are on 
the way to achieving independence. The metro- 
politan and local governments generally have wel- 
comed these efforts, and their work and training 
will be of great assistance not only to new govern- 
ments when they emerge but also to the United 
States Government and private enterprise in plan- 
j ning future aid and investment programs. 

May 2, I960 

Our Proper Contemporary Role in Africa 

Xow, I would like to turn (o our i)rof)er con- 
temporary role in Africa. I shall confine my 
remarks largely to the role of government. I use 
flie word "jiroper" advisedly because, as tliis audi- 
ence well knows, we are admonished by some to 
"keep hands off" and urged by others to champion 
tiio growing nationalist movement in Africa. We 
are charged on tlie one hand with interference, 
on the other with irresponsilile indifference. We 
likewise face the accusation that our sympathies 
are entirely with African aspirations and that we 
are prepared to abandon European and other 
minority groups wlio have made their pei-manent 
home in Africa. We do not, of course, suliscribe 
to the belief that any race or individual in Africa 
is expendable. Each can play an important role 
in the future development of Africa. Between 
these extremes we must pursue a course best cal- 
culated to serve the long-term interests of the 
peoples of the LTnited States, of Africa, and of 
the free world in general. 

I say "proper" also because we did not jilay 
a major role in Africa during the last centuiy, 
whereas our European allies have major interests 
of long standing on that continent. The drama 
now unfolding is one, therefore, in which the Afri- 
cans and Europeans play the major parts. Our 
course, in view of our varied and sometimes con- 
flicting interests, is often difficult to chart. How- 
ever, we shall not be far off if we continue to be 
guided by our firm belief in the evolution of 
peoples to self-government and independence by 
peaceful means, our traditional willingness to offer 
moral and material assistance to peoples striving 
to maintain stable representative governments, and 
our readiness as a member of the United Nations 
to help defend duly constituted governments and 
their peoples against aggression. 

In tropical Africa the evolution toward inde- 
pendence has been and continues to be remarkable 
for the speed and nonviolence of the transition. 
This has required statesmanship, tolerance, and 
good will of a high order on all sides — by tiie 
Africans wiio are imbued witli ardent nationalism 
and are impatient of delay, and by the European 
powers who are faced with major political, eco- 
nomic, and psychological decisions and adjust- 
ments. Our proper role as a government is to 
play the role of a friend contributing to orderly 
transition while hoping that new, strong, and vol- 


untary ties will be established between the new 
coiuitries and the former administering states. 
Certainly both stand to gain from such a relation- 

I do not mean to indicate from the foregoing 
that the United States has no official presence in 
African countries wliile these changes are going 
on or imtil they become independent. On the 
contrary we have one or more Foreign Service 
establishments m most of the political subdivisions 
of the continent, 29 United States Information 
Service establishments, as well as International 
Cooperation Administration rei^resentatives and 
programs in overseas territories. We have em- 
bassies in 11 independent countries. Significant, 
if modest, educational exchanges are taking place, 
and the President's cultural presentations pro- 
gram is bringing American artists, musicians, and 
athletes before African audiences. In 1958 and 
1959 Prime Minister Nkrumah ^ and President 
Toure ^ of Ghana and Guinea, respectively, paid 
visits to the United States at the invitation of 
President Eisenhower. Such visits express the 
profound interest and respect of the American 
people and Government for these new nations and 
their leaders as they embark on the difficult course 
of liberty. 

I sliould like to comment here on the frequently 
expressed doubts or fears as to whether the people 
of Africa are yet ready to run their own affairs, 
whether they have sufficient experience with self- 
government to assume its responsibilities, whether 
they will not fall victims of governments of the 
extreme right or left. As to their "readiness," 
I believe history has shown that this is almost an 
academic question. Peoples tend to acquire inde- 
pendence, ready or not, according to a timetable 
more or less of their own making. As to the de- 
gree of experience with self-government, this 
varies with the type of tutelage received from the 
mother country. In tropical Africa, for example, 
we are witnassing tlie imaginative evolution of the 
French Community. Its members have moved in 
a short period of time from typically colonial 
status toward self-government or independence. 
Nigeria, a British colony, has benefited in an ex- 

' For texts of n joint stntcnient and addrossea by Mrs. 
Nknimnh, see ibid., Auk. 1H, 1958, p. 283. 

" For an oxohaiiKe of Kreetings and toasts, the text of a 
cultural asHMMiient between the U.S. and Guinea, and a 
Joint communique, see ibid., Nov. 16, 1959, p. 719. 

emplary mamier from education and civic train- 
ing and giiidance provided by Great Britain in 
preparation for independence in October 1960. We , 
have the dramatic instance of the Belgian Congo, \ 
where 6 months ago neither the people of that area 
nor tlie Belgian Government would have predicted 
the independence which will come on June 30 of 
this year. Yet the colonial government with out- 
standing statesmanship has negotiated with Con- 
golese leaders for the transfer of power under 
the optimum conditions time will allow. 

Now as to the character the new governments 
will have, I believe, on the basis of experience to 
date, we have reason to be optimistic. Elections, 
both in still-dependent and in independent areas, 
have been generally peaceful, impressive, and 
marked by a very large turnout of voters. The ■ 
new governments are responsive to tlie will of the 
people and have the support of the majority of 
the ijopulace. In some cases there is not the same 
respect for the minority opposition that is custom- 
ary in Western democracies. However, we caimot 
expect Africa to follow entirely Western patterns 
in developing democracy. Ancient African local 
governmental processes accept as binding the con- 
sensus of the majority. However, in African so- 
cieties where the tribal and chieftain system pre- 
vailed those who opposed this consensus had to 
be silent or leave the group — a system which we 
might consider autocratic. AVhat we can hope for 
with considerable confidence is the steady growth 
of democratic pi'inciples based on respect for hu- 
man rights, justice, and law. We must expect a 
certain instability, trial, and error. These are, 
after all, the normal problems of democracies 
which we experienced in full measure during the 
first decades of our independence. "Wliat would be 
most helpful at this time, it seems to me, is contin- 
uing evidence of America's understanding, confi- 
dence, and willingness to assist during the years 
of growth and adjustment ahead. 

America's Economic Involvement in Africa 

Both African and outside observers agree that 
for a long time to come the princijial assistance 
required by tlie emerging .states of tropical Africa 
is, first, education and training — using those terms 
in their broadest sense — and, second, development 
assistance, which includes private investment and 
public financing. President S^kou Toure of 
Guinea, when he was in the United States, made [ 


Department of State Bulletin 

tho pointed observation that to Africans the workl 
is divided into two parts : not free and Coniniunist 
but developed and undeveloped; and that they 
would seek development assistance from wherever 
they could get it, without regard to political 

It is perfectly clear that Africa's needs are 
great, so great that they cannot be provided by 
any one country. The metropolitan powere have, 
during the jjeriod of dependence, provided major 
economic assistance both for development and in 
the form of administrative expenditures. In 
general it seems that substantial assistance from 
the metropolitan powers will continue during and 
after the transition period to independence. The 
value of this type of support for last year is 
estimated at over $500 million. But independ- 
ence shifts certain burdens, and the metropolitan 
powers are unlikelj^ to continue to provide all 
the costs of an administration which they have 

The United States has but lately become in- 
volved in providing a share of the educational, 
technical, and development assistance so urgently 
needed in tropical Africa. Interest of American 
private investment in West Africa is strong and, 
given a continued receptive climate, should in- 
crease. Government and the private foundations 
and our universities are making a significant be- 
ginning in providing education and training for 
the future leadership. There are now over 1,700 
African students in the United States. But by 
contrast there are some 10,000 in the United King- 
dom, a similar number in France, and an un- 
determined number in Communist-bloc countries. 
Next year our Government hopes to finance 500 
educational exchanges, 400 of them to bring Afri- 
cans to this coimtry, 100 for American teachers, 
professors, and specialists to work on the African 

Now these are good beginnings, but they are 
not good enough. The facts are that countries 
are approaching political independence without 
sufficiently trained leadership and technical and 
managerial skills and without firmly established 
economic and social institutions and systems which 
provide the foundations for secure, confident, 
African-governed nations. Present United States 
foreign assistance programs are not adequate in 
scope or size to be responsive to the dramatic 
changes taking place. As the most materially 

favored nation in the free-world community, we 
must accept a larger responsibility in meeting tliis 
challenge. The executive branch has, tiierefore, 
proposed to the Congress a special program for 
tropical Africa with an initial appropriation of 
$20 million under the special assistance category. 
We have a fresh situation; we are attempting to 
meet it in a fresh manner. President Eisenhower 
in presenting this proposal to Congress said : ^ 

It is my belief tliat tliis initial effort must grow si(j- 
nificantly in tlie immediate years aliead and comple- 
ment similar efforts on the part of other free world 
nations so that the capacity of the new and other 
developing nations in Africa to manage and direct their 
development can be strengthened and increased rapidly 
and effectively. 

The essential character of the special program 
for tropical Africa lies in its intensive concentra- 
tion on key education and training problems and 
on regional activities. It would not replace our 
bilateral technical cooperation under the Inter- 
national Cooperation Administration, but it would 
be closely related to it. It is not intended that 
it should become a competitor to or substitute for 
assistance from other free-world sources. It is 
our hope, rather, that it may serve to encourage 
an increase in assistance from other free-world 
countries and international and national organ- 

I mentioned earlier that no single country 
could possibly provide the economic and techni- 
cal assistance required by Africa in the coming 
years — a continent of over 220 million people, 
over three times the area of the United States, 
and undeveloped in the mid-20th century sense 
of the term. Recognizing this, and also the fact 
that a number of our allies are providing bilateral 
assistance to a number of undeveloped countries. 
Under Secretary of State Douglas Dillon sug- 
gested to the European countries in Januarj' that 
the principal capital exporting countries get to- 
gether to discuss various aspects of cooperation 
in their efforts. The suggestion was accepted 
and last month the group held its finst meeting in 
Washington.* Known as the Development As- 
sistance Group, the members are: Belgium, 
Canada, France, the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many, Italy, Japan, Portugal, the United Kuig- 

' /6irf., Mar. 7, 1960, p. 369. 

' For background, see ibid., Feb. 1, 1060, p. 139, and 
Apr. 11, 19C0, p. 577. 

May 2, 1960 


dom, the United States, and the Commission 
of the European Economic Conmiunity. 

At this meeting primary attention was directed 
toward metliods and means of improving the 
flow of bihiteral aid. Membei-s reported on their 
experience and problems in extending financing 
and promoting economic development in the less 
developed areas. They heard reports from the 
International Bank and the International Mone- 
tary Fund. Significantly, I think, the Group 
agreed that its efforts should not involve discus- 
sion of amounts of financing for particular re- 
gions, countries, or projects. In other words it 
is not another operating agency but a facilitating 
ways-and-means body. This should allay the 
fears expressed by some undeveloped countries 
that the capital exporting states plan to "gang 
uj)" on them, make decisions affecting them 
without consultation, and keeji them in a posi- 
tion of suppliers of raw materials to the indus- 
trialized economies. Nothing could be farther 
from the truth. The Group plans to continue 
its activities tlirough meetings at regular inter- 
vals, the next to be in about 3 months in Bonn, 

Now I have gone into some detail on tlie De- 
velopment Assistance Group because it could be 
a very important step toward reconciling our 
own and other free-world countries' sometimes 
desperate approach to the joint problems of fur- 
nishing economic aid. It is a step away from 
"going it alone" and toward cooperative efforts. 
As one commentator put it, "The Conference well 
might become a beacon of hope in a vast economic 
wasteland." As one of the largest underdevel- 
oped areas of the world, Africa could be a prin- 
cipal beneficiary of its work. 

In considering the whole area of economic, 
technical, and educational assistance, we are too 
often inclined to act, I think, as though all moti- 
vation rests with us — "us" meaning the developed 
countries. This is not a healthy or natural situa- 
tion. Important initiatives are also required of 
the countries and territories to be assisted. We 
may take the area under discussion this aft-er- 
noon as an example. As states in tropical Africa 
move toward independence, we need to know with 
some preciseness their own estimate of their needs. 
It is not sufficient to say, "We need everything." 
We cannot plan or budget on that basis and "shot- 
gun" aid is likely to have a worse effect than }ione. 


New states must put their own economic and 
fiscal houses in order so that aid can be efficiently 
channeled. There must be an understanding of 
the processes tlirough which assistance funds are 
appropriated in democratic countries. Our Con- 
gress has an inescapable accountability to the 
taxpayer for the use of his money, and I would 
hope that recipient countries would understand 
this and not regard certain strictures on the use 
of grant or loan fluids or technical assistance as 
evidence of "political strings" on the part of the 
United States. "VVliile we must cut the redtape 
that sometimes binds our aid programs, some con- 
trols over them are a mark of responsibility. In 
the field of free enterjirise, new governments must 
create conditions that will make capital invest- 
ment and development attractive or it will go 

The Regional Approach 

Particularly in Africa there would seem to be 
advantages in a regional approach to assistance. 
The boundaries of the present political divisions 
of the continent were in many instances arbitrarily 
drawn and often prevent the midertaking of eco- 
nomically or socially viable projects. 

It is encouraging that African leaders are aware 
of this problem and are giving some consideration 
to area planning from the development point of 
view. We can, I think, do much to encourage 
such regional and cooperative approaches to the 
many common developmental problems which con- 
front all the African countries. For example, in 
planning the special program for tropical Africa, 
which I mentioned earlier, we are proposing to 
use a portion of the funds requested to support 
and sponsor multicountry conferences, workshops, 
and seminars as training programs in themselves 
and as a means of stimulating cooperative ap- 
proaches to special development problems, such 
as the tsetse fly, which closes large parts of the 
continent to livestock raising. In the field of edu- 
cation we will propose a training grant program 
which will permit Africans from several countries 
to attend various African schools and colleges. 

I would make one further remark on the sub- 
ject of economic assistance. Aimless benevolence 
is not the objective of our foreign assistance pro- 
gram.s. Our objective is to strengthen the econ- 
omics of underdeveloped .states and enrich the 
lives of their people so that democracy will be 

Deparfment of State Bulletin 

satisfyiujr ;uul meaningful to them. We believe 
that such objectives are in our nmtual interest. 
To accomplish them elTiciently there must be 
responsive initiatives fronx the cooperating 

We mvist recognize, of course, that the whole 
question of regionalism in Africa is a complex and 
dilHcult subject with far-reaching political over- 
tones. While I believe that closer associations of 
African countries will develop, it will be a long 
process, and it is a matter which tlio peoples 
themselves will have to work out. 

In this comiection it is pertinent to quote from 
the speech made by Secretary of State Herter 
esirlier this week in Chicago at the 38th annual 
convention of the National Association of Broad- 
castere.' Referring to efforts which the United 
States is making to build closer relations with the 
new African nations and the concern which we 
have for their welfare and security as they assume 
the responsibilities of independence, he said : 

It is our hope that they can devise regional arrange- 
ments to insure the peaceful settlement of disputes and 
to avoid a wasteful and dangerous arms race. This 
would indeed l)e a forward step toward insuring peaceful 

Communism and Africa 

It is not the purpose of this discussion to study 
Communist influence and mvolvement in Africa, 
but I believe I should mention it if for no other 
reason than to avoid misunderstanding. The 
forces of international communism are fully aware 
of the opportunities presented to exploit for their 
own political ends the nationalist movement in 
Africa. They have been doing so at an increasing 
rate, covertly through their usual methods and 
overtly through rather massive economic and 
techjiical assistance in chosen areas. I think it is 
testimony to the stability and good sense of the 
African people that communism has not gamed 
a significant foothold on the continent. The pol- 
icy of "positive neutrality" enunciated by some 
African leaders sometimes leads us to the view, 
erroneously I think, that the new African states 
are "soft" on conmiunism. There is more evidence, 
I believe, that Africans who have but recently 
freed themselves of foreign control will not, ex- 
cept by force, permit themselves to come under a 

•Ibid., Apr. 2-), 1960, p. 635. 
May 2, 7960 

new domination alien to them in every sense of 
the word. 

I would not be honest if I did not admit that 
we are concerned over the impressive assistance 
offers that the Communist bloc have made in Af- 
rica in the last year or so. If these programs were 
only wliat thej' seem on the surface, aid to the 
economy and technology of underdeveloped soci- 
eties, there would be little cause for concern. It 
is not reasonable to assume that new govern- 
ments in dire need of the assistance of technically 
developed peoples would refuse to accept such 
aid. Tlie legitimate concern, it seems to me, stems 
from the fact that communism uses all means to 
attain the political objective of communizaticm 
and control. Economic "cooperation" is only one 
means, but it could be an effective one when ap- 
plied to peoples who lack an established political 
and economic order of their own. However, there 
are many indications that the African peoples and 
leaders will be vigilant and uncompromising in 
rejection of all political subversion masquerading 
as friendship and assistance. 

Our own expanding programs of cultural, tech- 
nical, and economic collaboration with Africa 
stem from the traditional character of our society, 
which has demonstrated time and again our con- 
viction that to help others help themselves is the 
path of enlightened self-interest. Our motives 
are, and must remain, positive and not negative — 
fo)' a better way of life for Africans, not against 
a Communist initiative here and there. We have 
no desire to see Africa become a cold-war battle- 
ground. Such a development would be as distaste- 
ful and unproductive for Africans as for the rest 
of the free world. We believe that the maturing 
"African personality," while unique, has already 
cast its lot with free men. 

The United Nations and Africa 

No discussion of America's relationship to 
Africa would be complete without mention of the 
United Nations. Additional contact with Africa 
comes about through our participation in the 
United Nations and its specialized agencies. For 
example, as members of the Trusteesliip Council 
we have had a voice in the future of the tnist ter- 
ritories in Africa, although all seven of them are 
or were administered by \arious European pow- 
ers. I think it is fine testimony to their adminis- 
tration and to the effectiveness of the United 


Nations system that three of these trust territories, 
Cameroun, Togo, and Somalia, have been or will 
be granted independence in 1960 and that one 
other, British Caraeroons, may determine its fu- 
ture status witliin the year. The British Cam- 
eroons elected to postpone the decision in a plebis- 
cite held under U.N. auspices last fall. The 
United Nations has so far been unsuccessful, I 
regret to say, in its efforts to have South-West 
Africa put under trusteeship or under some other 
form of international supervision. It remains 
under mandate to the Union of Soutli Africa, 
where it was placed by the now def imct League of 

The United States is a strong backer of the 
United Nations technical assistance programs and 
of the specialized agencies working in the fields of 
health, agriculture, and education. We are also 
the largest contributor of funds to these agencies 
and to the United Nations Expanded Technical 
Assistance Program. I think it is sometimes for- 
gotten that the U.S. assessment represents about a 
third of the total budgets of the various specialized 
agencies, and its voluntary contributions amount 
to 40 percent of the total fimds available to the 
Expanded Technical Assistance Program and to 
the U.N. Special Fund. By formula we agree to 
maintain this ratio as other countries increase 
their contributions. In other words the amount of 
our assistance is tied to the confidence which other 
members indicate by their support of the special- 
ized agencies and United Nations technical 

In this connection we have noted the strong 
preference which some leaders of mdependent 
African nations have expressed for assistance 
through the United Nations rather than through 
bilateral assistance. Some of them may fear tliat 
bilateral assistance will involve excessive depend- 
ency upon other nations or that such assistance 
would entail conditions which might detract from 
their sovereignty. While there are certain condi- 
tions attached to virtually all forms of aid, multi- 
lateral as well as bilateral, we believe the record 
of the United States and other free nations in 
supplying economic aid and technical assistance 
clearly demonstrates that such aid will not be used 
to impair the freedom or independence of any na- 
tion. At the same time there are sometimes defi- 
nite advantages connected with aid through the 
U.N., and we believe that both U.N. sources and 

other sources will be needed. As I have noted, our 
Govenunent is the heaviest investor in the United 
Nations programs. As more African countries at- 
tain independence, I foresee their sharmg to an 
increasing extent in their benefits. I also believe 
that the dynamic developments on the continent 
increase both the obligation and the opportimity 
for the United Nations to expand its work. The 
Economic Commission for Africa, established 
with headquarters in Addis Ababa in 1958, should 
give new impetus to the planning of effective pro- 
grams to meet the social, economic, and technical 
needs of the African people. The United States 
has observer status on this Commission and is 
following its progress with keen interest. 

Through the United Nations our Government 
also becomes involved in Africa's political and 
social problems, and, conversely, the increasing 
representation of African states in the world or- 
ganization is having a growing impact. The one- 
nation-one-vote system in the General Assembly 
means that Africa may, before very long, be able 
to influence strongly the resolutions of that body, 
which tend to reflect world opinion. In the past 
we have frequently found ourselves at variance 
with the African states on issues which, we think, 
they tend to view from a local or continental van- 
tage point. It is understandable that these new 
countries should, at the outset, be primarily con- 
cerned with African problems and attempt to 
avoid entanglement in wider issues which they 
may feel they had no part in creating. But it is 
our hope and expectation that time and experience 
and the full acceptance of African countries into 
world councils will bring us closer together on 
positions which the United Nations can take to 
advance peace, security, and international amity. 


The question we have been asked to discuss this 
afternoon is whether America is involved in the 
nationalist ferment in Africa. I believe you will 
agree with me that the United States and the 
American people do have a significant involve- 
ment in African affairs and, inevitably, in the 
n;itionalist ferment now taking place on that con- 
tinent. In the past this involvement has been im- 
portant but limited and sporadic. However, with 
a dramatic new era dawning over Africa we are 
called upon to play a new and, I think, a more 
positive role in responding to the needs of these 


Department of State Bulletin 

countries and in sliaring with tliem our human 
niul material resources. Wo shall not play it 
alono but in conceit with otiiers and with tlie 
United Nations. The United States has strong 
historic, cultural, economic, and linjruistic tics 

with tropical Africa. They are invaluable assets 
with wliich to dev^clop new bonds with the peoi)les 
of Africa. They are looking to the United States 
to see how it will respond to their needs and prob- 
lems. I am sure we shall not be found wanting. 

Toward Better Understanding Between the United States and Latin America 

hy R. R. Rubottom, Jr. 

Assistant Secretary for Infer-A?nerican Affairs ^ 

I am honored to be able to represent the Depart- 
ment of State and the American Foreign Service 
Association, along with my colleague. Assistant 
Secretary [for African Affairs] Joseph Satter- 
thwaite,' at the 64th annual meeting of the Ameri- 
can Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 
■which is considei-ing the topic "Wliither American 
Foreign Policy?" You are devoting this entire 
session to the relations between the United States 
and Latin America and have asked me to speak 
candidly on certain problems wliich contribute to 

This is indeed a pleasure for someone in the 
United States who believes strongly that officials 
should not become so involved in the formidation 
and day-to-day execution of foreign policy as to 
be deprived of the beneficial ideas advanced by 
scholars, any more than the scholars should be- 
come so engrossed in their teaching and writing as 
to lose contact with those in govermnent. Ten 
months ago some 40 of those whom I sometimes 
refer to as "articulators" of foreign relations spent 
a jampacked day with me and my colleagues in the 
Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, getting briefed 
on and discussing U.S. relations in the hemisphere. 
It was a highly profitable day fi-om our stand- 
point, and we hope to repeat it at least ammally. 

Having returned from South America with the 

' Address made before the American Academy of Politi- 
cal and Social Sciences at Philadelphia, Pa., on Apr. 9 
(press release 182 datetl Apr. 8). 

' For an address by Mr. Satterthwaite, see p. 686. 

May 2, 1960 

547310—60 3 

President 1 month ago,^ I can report that he re- 
ceived an overwhelmingly friendly reception 
everywhere he went. Much of this was due to his 
own personal magnetism and was recognition of 
the acknowledged leader of the victorious forces 
of World War II, but he was also enthusiastically 
received in his role as President of our country. 
Allowing for mismiderstandings, some of them 
serious and deep, which do exist in Latin America's 
attitude toward the United States, I still think 
that there is a great reservoir of good will toward 
this country gi-owing out of respect for the princi- 
ples on which our relations have been fomided and 
their day-to-day practice. I am convinced that 
the true basis of any imfriendliness toward the 
United States finds its roots in misunderstandings. 
Some of them are general throughout the area, 
while others are limited to one coiuitry or group of 
countries. We have made extraordinary efforts to 
overcome these misunderstandings, insofar as re- 
sponsibility devolves upon us, but obviously a 
similar effort must come from the other side if 
understanding is to be achieved. Fortunately the 
tradition in this hemisphere has been that men 
of good will on both sides have sought mutually 
agi'eeable solutions to their common problems. We 
should bo realistic, however, and recognize the 
brutal fact that there are those in the Americas 
whose single purpose is to create ill will and thwart 
all efforts to reach understanding. 

In this crucible of democracy we have long since 
learned that, after the give and take of mifettered 

* For background on President Eisenhower's visit to 
South America, see Bulletin of Mar. 28, 1960, p. 471. 


public discussion, workable compromise is possible 
to devise. This does not call for sacrificing princi- 
ple. In fact, we could not hope to settle our differ- 
ences or to achieve agreement with parties who 
insisted that we sacrifice the principles on which 
we have built our own country and its relations 
with other nations, including our friends in Latin 
America. You requested that I propose a cure 
for misunderstanding. I know nothing better to 
suggest than frank talk and unceasing joint search 
for the truth. 

Some criticism directed at United States policies 
toward Latin America is so broad and sweeping 
as to convey to the reader or listener that the gov- 
ernments and peoples of the Americas are inca- 
pable of setting their own guidelines, formulating 
their own policies, and evolving their own desti- 
nies. The implication is that the United States 
is somehow responsible for all tlie problems that 
arise in Latin America. On both counts tliis kind 
of reasoning should be rejected. There are in- 
creasing signs of the social, political, and economic 
maturity in this vast region — indeed, some coun- 
tries are world powers by almost any definition — 
but even the weakest or the most underdeveloped 
country would to a man reject the thesis that they 
were not capable of self-determination. By the 
same token, the United States could never assume 
the responsibilities which properly are those of 
the individual countries themselves. We tried to 
do this once and earned the disjDleasure of the 
entire hemisphere, not to mention that of the inter- 
vened countries, in the process. 

Nonintervention and Collective Security 

Let us analyze the doctrine of nonintervention. 
Prior to the 6th Inter-American Conference at 
Montevideo in 1933, the governments of Latin 
America had been deeply concerned with what 
they conceived to be the unwarranted interference 
of the United States in the intei'nal affairs of some 
of their countries. They were even more concerned 
over our apparent unwillingness to subscribe fully 
to the principle of nonintervention. At the Mon- 
tevideo meeting we accepted this doctrine in prin- 
ciple, followed by the abrogation of the Pluft 
amendment in 19.34 and our full agreement witli 
the treaty embodying nonintervention in specific 
terms in 1936 at Buenos Aires. Nothing tliat we 
had done previously in tlie realm of inter-Ameri- 
can affairs had a more dramatic or favorable im- 
pact on our foreign relations than our acceptance 


of and faithful adherence to the nonintervention 
doctrine, now one of the most jealously guarded 
principles of the inter- American system. 

Nonintervention is only one of the fundamental 
rules, if I may use the tenn, for international con- 
duct in the Western Hemisphere. No less impor- 
tant for its material contribution to peace is the 
principle of collective security, which came to full 
fruition with the Inter-American Treaty of Re- , 
ciprocal Assistance signed at Eio in 1947, follow- | 
ing the initial steps taken during World War II 
toward establishing its fonn and substance. Speci- 
fying that an act of aggression against one nation 
will be considered an attack on all, the collective 
security agreement provides the macliinery for 
action against a state that does not hold itself 
bound by the nonintervention agreement. Since 
1948 the Rio Treaty has been called into action 10 
times. On six of these oc<;asions the Coimcil of 
the Organization of American States, through its 
Organ of Consultation, succeeded in bringing 
about a peaceful settlement, while the otlier four 
were solved by withdrawal of the charge of ag- 
gression or some otlier means. 

Quite apart from binding the 21 Republics to a 
solemn commitment not to intervene or resort to 
force of arms as a means of resolving differences, 
plus providing a course of action in case of viola- 
tion, the linked principles of nonintervention and 
collective security have given birth to a salutary 
psychological attitude in the general conduct of 
inter- American relationships. Each nation of our 
hemisphere, no matter how small or inadequately 
armed, now feels protected by the strength of the 
many allies that would come to its support in case 
of aggression. Each nation now has the fore- 
knowledge tliat correct conduct in a serious dis- 
pute will be ascertained and approved by impartial 
investigation. Mutual trust based on confidence 
lias alleviated much of the suspicion that was com- 
mon in hemispheric relationships; equally note- 
worthy is the growing awareness of the interde- 
pendence of the 21 American Republics. 

Yet the hemisphere now hears a voice which is 
strangely out of tune. Tlie Prime Minister of 
Cuba [Fidel Castro] has publicly stated that his 
Government would not foci bound by the Rio Pact. 
Surely he must know that Cuba has nothing to 
fear from any coimtrj' in the Americas, all of 
whicli have watched with sympathetic interest the 
unfolding political drama of that beautiful island 
republic since it successfully fought for its inde- 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

pendence only 62 years ago. No distortion of 
liistory can possibly erase tlie facts, to wliich there 
are living witnesses both in Cuba and the United 
States, of that glorious ctl'ort. Nor shall we for- 
get that it was the privilege of the United States 
to provide a sanctuarj' for the beloved hero and 
patriot of Cuba, Jose Marti, after he had been 
forced to flee the island prior to the independence 

Can it be that the present Cuban Government is 
unmindful of the real threat to their revolution, 
indeed the threat to freedom and to the cause of 
just and honest nationalism all over the hemi- 
sphere, which is represented by international com- 
munism ? Would not the freedom-loving peoples 
in the satellite countries of Eastern Europe have 
appreciated a kind of Kio Treaty when they were 
overrun at the end of "World War II? 

Military Relationships 

ilany misconceptions exist, both at home and 
abroad, concerning our military relations with 
Latin American countries. In this important as- 
pect of our total foreign relations in the area, the 
United States collaborates in many ways with 
Latin American countries. Our representatives 
deliberate as juridical equals on the Inter- Ameri- 
can Defense Board to determine the means and 
methods of collective security. Our military mis- 
sions serve in Latin American countries at the re- 
quest of the host government. In the various bi- 
lateral military assistance programs of our Mutual 
Security Act, the United States provides materiel 
and training to a number of countries. 

During the last year there has developed outside 
the executive branch some sentiment in favor of 
providing military assistance to Latin American 
countries through multilateral channels and of 
terminating, or drastically curtailing, our present 
bilateral programs. For example, a recent study 
prepared by a university for the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee recommends the establish- 
ment of a small auxiliary force of about a hundred 
men contributed by various covmtries, to maintain 
security against threats arising from within the 
hemisphere.^ While this proposal is under study 

'United States-Latin American Relations: The Oroan- 
ization of American States, a .study prepared at the re- 
quest of the Subcommittee on American Republics Affairs 
of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations by North- 
western University. No. 3. Dec. 24, 1959. 87 pp. [Com- 
mittee print.] 

at the present time, I would be less than frank not 
to underline the political and military complexity 
of establishing a force that would be truly effec- 
tive and acceptable to all 21 Republics in the inter- 
American community. Discussion of proposals 
for an international police force might be included 
under one of the items approved for the agenda 
of the 11th Inter-American Conference, scheduled 
to open in Quito March 1, 1961, but no early agree- 
ment is foreseen under even the most favorable 
circumstances. Obviously such an agreement 
would require consultations within the individual 
countries, and the required support of two-thirds 
of the 21 Republics would likely be a long time 
arriving, if at all. 

Some misunderstanding of the mutual defense 
assistance program also has appeared, both in 
Latin America and the United States. In this 
program the United States provides a relatively 
small amount of materiel and training to a few 
countries for regional defense needs. Far from 
serving as the main support of the entire military 
establishment in any country, as sometimes al- 
leged, in no country does this assistance constitute 
more than 16 percent of the total personnel 
strength of the local armed forces — and from this 
the percentage ranges downward to a low of 2 

This small defense program neither supports nor 
endorses the additional forces that the individual 
countries may wish to maintain. The size and 
character of their total military establishments 
are within the prerogative of sovereign countries 
to decide for themselves, and it would be improper 
for the United States to go beyond a mere state- 
ment of belief that most countries probably could 
reduce their military expenditures without jeop- 
ardizing their security requirements. Naturally, 
the United States would welcome any opportunity 
to discuss the always difficult and complex sub- 
ject of Latin American arms limitations at a con- 
ference such as that proposed by the Presidents 
of Chile and Peru and now joined by President 
Lleras of Colombia in a statement made during 
his recent visit in Washington.* To the extent 
that it is compatible with our own national inter- 
ests, this coimtry is prepared to bring our own 
programs and policies into harmony with any 
arms limitation aiTangements that may be devel- 
oped individually or collectively by our neighbors 
in this hemisphere. 

~ ' See p. 699. 

^May 2, 1960 


Caribbean Arms Policy 

I wish to take this opportunity to make clear 
our policy on the export of arms and implements 
of war to the Caribbean area. The basic position 
of the United States is observance of noninter- 
vention and loyalty to the efforts of the American 
community as represented in the Organization of 
American States to maintain within this hemi- 
sphere a climate of peace and tranquillity within 
which all American peoples can progress toward 
the full enjoyment of the benefits of representa- 
tive democracy and economic progress. There 
has, however, arisen in various parts of the Carib- 
bean area an atmosphere of violence and tension. 
Arms obtained in the United States have been 
utilized against the desires of the United States 
Government and people in civil strife and in ef- 
forts to intervene by force m the internal affairs 
of other countries of the area. Accordingly, in 
March 1958, the United States adopted a policy of 
closely scrutinizing all applications for export of 
arms and implements of war to the Caribbean 
area and, in fact, of denying licenses for ship- 
ments from this country to the Government of 

Since that time there has been no lessening of 
tensions. The United States has not been able to 
return to its traditional policy of licensing the 
export of arms with the assurance that they would 
be employed solely for legitimate purposes of de- 
fense. Instead, it was obliged to extend impar- 
tially to the entire Caribbean region its policy of 
careful scrutiny of all arms export applications, 
denying those likely to result in additional ten- 
sions in the area. 

This policy was made known to allied and 
friendly governments, who consult with the 
United States but who, of course, fully retain the 
right to make their own decisions in each instance. 
It should be amply clear that this policy is not 
directed against any particular country so much 
as it is directed toward the general aim of main- 
taining peace in the area. 

Individual Freedom and Representative Democracy 

It is sometimes said tliat tlie doctrine of non- 
intervention has slowed down the march toward 
individual freedom and representative democracy 
in this hemisphere, tliat nations refusing to apply 
principles of basic human rights witliin tlieir 
borders should not enjoy the 'protection" of the 


nonmtervention agreement. This position, in my 
opinion, is wrong. The truth is, based on long 
experience, that nonintervention provides individ- 
ual nations the opportunity to evolve their own 
destiny and establish an atmosphere of freedom 
and human dignity. 

Our coimnon devotion to freedom with justice, 
and indeed to a broad application of democratic 
principles, should not be construed as an avenue 
of interference into the affaire of another nation 
where these same prmciples may not be in full 
application. This was a difficult question facing 
the Meeting of Consultation of Foreign JMmisters 
in Santiago last August, and the decision was that 
the ijrinciple of nonintervention was clearly in- 
violable.** Clearly each nation must fuid its own 
political destiny without outside interference. 
This ban on intervention is just as applicable to 
forces from outside the Americas as it is within. 
In his report to the Nation,' President Eisenhower . 
stated his views this way : 

... if a tyrannieal form of government were imposed 
upon any of the Americas from outside or with outside 
support — by force, threat, or subversion — we would cer- 
tainly deem this to be a violation of the principle of non- 
intervention and would expect the Organization of 
American States, acting under pertinent solemn commit- 
ments, to take appropriate collective action. 

Chilean Student Letter 

During his recent tour to Latin America, Presi- 
dent Eisenhower received a letter from an organi- 
zation of university students in Chile. This letter 
seemed to be sincere and moderate, even thought- 
ful, but it also demonstrated much of the gulf of 
misunderstanding that exists in the mentality of 
many students of Latin America. Our Ambas- 
sador in Chile [Walter Howe] delivered the reply 
on belialf of the President to the student letter 
yesterday [April 8],* and I wish to take this op- 
portimity to discuss some of the misimderstand- 
ings answered in that correspondence. 

One of the phrases that impressed President 
Eisenhower as an indication of the depths of mis- 
understanding was the assertion that the United 
States looks "benevolently" on dictators in the 
Americas. Our democratic way of life has been 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 7, 1959, p. 342. 
' Ibid., Mar. 28, 19G0, p. 471. 

' For texts of the students' letter and the U.S. reply, see 
ihid.. Apr. 25, 19G0, p. 648. 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

so instilled in the makeup of our institutions that 
we cannot fail to be repelled by tlio tyrannical 
abuse of power by go\ernniental leadei-s. We 
pointed out that we shall continue to favor 
the i-c<luction and elimination of antidemocratic 
governmental practices if the solution is genu- 
inely constructive, in accordance with inter- 
national obligations, and represents the consensus 
of the inter-American community. It would be 
nothing less than foolhardy to become so obsessed 
with the destruction of undemocratic regimes as 
to embark upon actions leading to chaos, anarchy, 
or their replacement by a new but even more 
dangerous fomi of tyranny. We hope the point 
is well noted bj' the students when they read in 
the reply that "democracy, unlike communism or 
any other form of tyranny, cannot be imposed 
from without by any nations or gi'oup of na- 
tions. . . . Wliat all of us can and should strive 
for is to improve and strengthen the admittedly 
imperfect democracies in which we live in order 
that they may serve as examples for others. This 
moral pressure by example strikes a responsive 
chord in the hearts of the people." 

Trade and Commerce 

That the United States should participate more 
fully in the economic development of Latin 
America is a point often made by our critics. 
The student letter advanced this idea and then 
added that "economic integration" would pei-mit 
Latin American countries to "industrialize their 
economies and accelerate their development." 
Never in history has a country particijiated in the 
economic development of other regions so whole- 
heartedly as the United States has. The results 
have been mutually worth while, and future pros- 
pects are still brighter. Our Government has re- 
peatedly and forcefully given its support to the 
concept of common markets in Latin America that 
stimulates trade expansion both within the area 
and with other regions of the world. Improve- 
ment of the knowledge and skills of the popula- 
tion has been a major effort of our technical 
cooperation and educational programs, affording 
these benefits to thousands of Latin Americans 
under the sponsorship of both government and 
private enterprise. 

The letter also points out that our Government- 
owned Eximbank has loaned, since its inception, 
over $3.9 billion in Latin America to both state- 

owned and private enterprises. The great bulk 
of these loans has been for the purpose of aiding 
economic development. Add to this over $300 
million in loans resulting from the sale of surplus 
agricultural commodities and $78 million from 
the Development Loan Fund, both on extremely 
liberal repayment terms. Also substantial United 
States contributions have been made tlirough the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
velopment and other international lending in- 

Investments by private American businesses 
have been even larger — about $9 billion. Indeed, 
United States private investments in Latin 
America exceed those in any other region of the 
world. According to the latest statistics, from 
these United States private investments come 30 
percent of Latin America's exports. These ex- 
port earnings created enough foreign exchange to 
pay for all the imports and income remitted to the 
United States by tliose companies and still return 
a surplus of $900 million a year to Latin America. 
About 625,000 jobs have been created and 15 per- 
cent of all taxes collected in the area came from 
United States private investments. L a tin 
America always has been an attraction for private 
investment; in fact, this source of financial as- 
sistance is now averaging about $600 million per 

The letter states : 

My Government believes that, generally speaking, 
United States investors in Latin America are taking 
seriously their responsibilities toward their employees 
and the people of the countries in which they do busi- 
ness. They are interested in putting tlieir roots down 
as responsible business citizens of those countries. They 
want to stay and help in the development process, and 
it is a gross exaggeration, and in most cases patently un- 
true, to accuse them of being interested solely in exploit- 
ing your countries. 

Raw Materials Prices 

The pricing of raw materials is a subject that is 
often interpreted to the disadvantage of the 
United States. In this case, the student letter took 
a quotation out of context from a report and ar- 
rived at the opposite conclusion. The full report 
shows how the development of low-cost resources 
benefits raw-material jiroducing coimtries as well 
as the coimtries which buy part of these raw ma- 
terials. In fact, foreign producers and foreign 
countries have benefited substantially from poli- 

Ma/ 2, I960 


cies of the United States Government designed 
not to obtain raw materials at the lowest price 
possible but to give a fair return to suppliers in 
the United States and abroad. 
The Ambassador's reply states : 

Our appreciation that violent fluctuations of raw ma- 
terial prices can cause great difficulties for countries 
which are heavily dependent on the exports of one or 
two commodities has caused the United States to co- 
operate with primary producing countries, not only in 
Latin America but elsewhere, and in many different ways, 
in efforts to overcome these difBcultles. But the problem 
is deep-seated and requires basic solution of such matters 
as rates of economic growth, the need for diversification 
of production, and the balance of supply and demand. 
During the time that such fundamental adjustments are 
being worked out, it may be possible in certain cases 
to reduce the severity of price fluctuations by arrange- 
ments of various kinds among interested countries. In 
most cases It is possible for countries experiencing tem- 
porary balance-of-payments difficulties as a result of 
commodity price declines to obtain external financial 
assistance calculated to tide them over. 

The letter points out that, far from obtaining 
raw materials at lowest possible prices, prices are 
supported for certain agricultural products and 
minerals. Foreign suppliers often obtain prices 
for commodities sold in the United States which 
exceed world market prices, this being at consid- 
erable cost to the United States consumer. With 
respect to imported raw materials which are not 
produced domestically, we customarily levy low 
duties, or none at all, and impose few internal 
taxes. This stimulates our consumption of these 
products and so redounds to the benefit of the 
exporting country. 

These are a few of the general areas of misun- 
derstanding. If one would care to dwell upon the 
effects of disparities, something might be said 
about the differing heritage of language and cul- 
tural patterns, the divergencies in psychological 
attitudes toward the problems of economics and 
politics, and the paradoxical comparisons of so- 
ciological and ethnological structures. It is my 
belief tliat in the face of present-day realities these 
dissimilarities are less important than the prin- 
ciples and practices that we hold in common with 
the people of Latin America. Individuals do 
differ, and so do nations. "Wliat mailers far more 
is their capacity to work together toward their 
common aims for the mutual good of all. 

"VYe must all maintain a balanced perspective to- 
ward Latin America. The problems there are 
great, but even greater is the challenge and oppor- 

tunity. In the ebb and flow of hemispheric devel- 
opments, progress far outweighs regression. Our 
relationships with Latin America today are on a 
sound basis, and there is a constructive trend 
which should continue unabated into the future. 
We are jointly committed with our sister republics 
in what President Lleras Camargo of Colombia 
2 days ago described as a "glorious, responsible 
and arduous task ... of proving that a part . . . 
of the world laiows how to live in a society of 
nations ruled by law and moving towards 

U.S. and Chile To Cooperate 
in Antarctic Scientific Program 

Following is the text of a joint announcement 
made on April 12 hy the Governments of Chile and 
the United States. 

Press release 188 dated April 12 

The Governments of Chile and the United 
States of America have agreed to cooperate in a 
scientific program in Antarctica in order to con- 
tinue and if possible amjjlify the valuable scien- 
tific woi"k which was accomplished during the 
Inteniational Geophysical Year. 

In this connection, the Government of the 
United States of America is making available a 
vessel suitable for scientific investigation which 
can be accomplished in Antarctic waters, such as 
oceanography. The Government of Chile, on its 
part, has agreed to provide the operational and 
administrative supplies and sei-vices needed for 
the operation of this vessel in cari-ying out its 
scientific mission. The vessel is being trans- 
ferred by the LTnited States Navy to Chilean 
Navy command under a live-year renewable lease. 
The vessel will be placed under Chilean command 
at the port of San Francisco on a date to be 
mutually agreed by the two Governments and will 
proceed to Cliile when tlie necessary preparations 
have been completed. 

It is planned that scientists from both coun- 
tries will participate in programs of technical 
studies, research and scientific observations, as 
may be mutually agreed, to bo carried out on 
board the vessel. In harmony with the spirit of 
the present agreement, scientists from other coun- 
tries may be invited to participate in scientific 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

progi'ams, to be conducted aboard the vessel, sub- 
ject to the limitations of space and accommoda- 

The arrangements to which this announcement 
refers have no effect on rights and claims asserted 
in Antarctica. Each Government maintains its 
traditional position in regard to such matters. 

The Governments of Chile and the United 
States of America jointly express their satisfac- 
tion at this new manifestation of the friendly 
spirit of cooperation which animates them, and 
are confident that the practical results of this 
agreement will redound to the benefit of world 

U.S. and Colombia Reaffirm Determination To Continue Collaboration 
on Matters of Mutual Concern 

Alberto Lleras Camargo, President of the Re- 
jniblic of Colombia, made a state visit to the United 
States April 4-17. President Lleras, accompanied 
by Senora de Lleras and party, was in Washington 
froTti April 5 to 8 and then began a brief trip that 
included stops at Hot Springs, Va., Neio York 
City, and Miami, Fla. Following are texts of 
statements by President Eisenhower and President 
Lleras released at the close of the Washington 
visit, together with an address made by President 
Lleras before a joint session of the Congress on 
April 6 and a list of the members of the official 


White Hoase press release dated April 8 
; President Eisenhower 

The President of the United States has had a 
valuable and friendly exchange of views with the 
President of Colombia on a number of subjects of 
mutual interest, including matters of special sig- 
nificance and concern in inter- American relations. 
The discussions between the two Presidents began 
at the '\^^lite House on Wednesday, April 6, and 
continued at Camp David on Thursday, April 7. 
They were entirely infoi-mal in nature and with- 
out any agenda ; no negotiations of any type were 
involved. They took place in an atmosphere 
of complete cordiality, frankness and mutual 

During his four-day visit President Lleras ad- 
dressed a Joint Meeting of Congress and he and 

the members of his party conferred with the Vice 
President, the Secretary of State, members of the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee and other 
United States Government officials. After leav- 
ing Washington President Lleras will visit three 
other cities of this counti-y and will meet and 
confer with governmental, cultural and business 

The President is happy to confirm that there 
are no serious problems pending between the 
United States and Colombia and that relations 
between the two countries are characterized by a 
spirit of friendliness and mutual respect. He 
discussed at length with President Lleras the eco- 
nomic needs of Colombia and noted with satis- 
faction the return of Colombia to economic and 
financial stability under the present regime, a 
development largely made possible by the great 
efforts of the Colombian Government and people 
and cooperation between the Colombian Govern- 
ment and official and private banks in the United 
States, together with support from international 
banking institutions. At the same time these 
discussions disclosed the need for increasing and 
diversifying Colombian agricultural and indus- 
trial production to keep pace with the rapid 
growth of population in that country, in which 
task all possible efforts will be made to cooperate 
with the Colombian Government. 

The conversations dwelt also upon the basic 
problem of social and economic development 
which, as President Lleras has eloquently stated, 
"has no other objective than that of producing 

- May 2, I960 


within the shortest period of time, with the full 
application of all public and private resources, a 
gradual rise in the standard of living of the entii-e 
population and a better distribution of income". 
The two Presidents found it a matter for rejoicing 
that in America war has been outlawed as an in- 
strument of national i^olicy, that Americans, north 
and south, live at peace with one another and 
wholeheartedly sympathize with and maintain 
their solidarity with the free nations of the world. 
They reaffirmed their support of the Organization 
of American States and their devotion to the de- 
fense of its ideals as voiced in its Charter and other 
significant inter- American agreements. 

Finally, President Eisenhower expressed his 
conviction that a continuing personal relationship 
between the Chiefs of State of the two countries 
was an important element in maintaining the long 
tradition of friendship and cooperation between 
Colombia and the United States, and that the 
present visit signifies the determination of the two 
Chiefs of State and their two Governments to 
continue their collaboration on matters of mutual 
concern both directly and through international 
organizations, as befits two nations sharing a com- 
mon faith in freedom, democracy and social 

President Lleras 

The President of Colombia has had a most 
gratifying experience in his visit to the United 
States in response to the invitation from Presi- 
dent Eisenhower. In his conversations with 
President Eisenhower, Secretary of State Herter 
and other high officials of the American Govern- 
ment he has had the opportunity to discuss prob- 
lems that affect the hemisphere and their relation 
to world problems and, in particular, to those of 
Colombia. The President of Colombia found the 
same spirit of cooperation, understanding and 
good neighborliness that constantly has character- 
ized relations between the two countries, as well as 
an intense and deep concern for the progress of 
the Latin American nations, the political and so- 
cial stability and their economic development. 
Colombia has wished to make fully evident, on 
the occasion of this visit, its appreciation for the 
high degree of cooperation it has received from 
the Government of the United States in connec- 
tion with the crisis suddenly made acute by the 
drop in coffee prices, that, had it continued, 
would have brought disaster to the producing 

countries. In this crisis, the United States as- 
sumed the position, unprecedented for a consumer 
country, of cooperating in the formulation of 
world-wide agi-eements designed to seek stability 
for this product. Likewise, the President of Co- 
lombia has wanted to attest his gratitude and that 
of his people for the financial aid given the eco- 
nomic policies of his Government, thanks to which 
it has been possible to reestablish the foreign cred- 
it of his country, to stabilize its currency and to 
open new prospects for economic development. 

President Eisenhower and high officials of the 
American Government, as well as members of the 
United States Congress, have shown on this oc- 
casion special interest in intensifying the cooper- 
ation of their country with the efforts being made 
by the American Governments to raise the stand- 
ards of living of their peoples. Also, the Presi- 
dent of Colombia has found a clear expression of 
the respect, confidence and esteem in which the 
Government of the United States holds the Or- 
ganization of American States as an instrument 
for studying, clarifj'ing and resolving all prob- 
lems that may arise concerning relations between 
our countries, when these cannot be resolved di- 
rectly. It has been gratifying and stimulating to 
the Chief of the Colombian Government to con- 
firm that he is in complete accord with President 
Eisenhower's concept that the juridical structure 
developed by the American states during the 71 
years of their collaboration is one of the greatest 
contributions of our times to the predominance of 
a system of law in international relations, and 
with the need and desirability of strengthening 
the American regional organization by giving it 
the governments' strongest support. 

It is also gratifying to the President of Co- 
lombia to state that, although it was not the aim 
of his visit to discuss any special aspect of cooper- 
ation between the two countries, he found in 
President Eisenhower, in the members of Con- 
gress and the Government and generally in all 
official circles, special desire to help resolve the 
serious problems of Colombia's growth and to 
enlist the American nation in the development of 
an economic and social policy that would serve the 
interests of the Colombian people, raise their 
standard of living and contribute to developing a 
state of prosperity and justice. In the course of 
our interviews through tlie normal channels, con- 
versations will be carried forward on specific ways 


Departmenf of State Bulletin 

to cooperate in these efforts, that are intended to 
consolidate democracy and the order, peace and 
social justice of the hemisphere. 

The President of Colombia wishes to express his 
liijjhest appreciation for the way President Eisen- 
hower, the American Government and people have 
received the Chief of a sister nation, turning this 
visit not only into an act of close friendship be- 
tween nations but also into a very useful oppor- 
tunity to examine new ways of intensifying 
long term and reciprocal political and economic 


Membei-s of the Congress of the United States, 
I have come to your coimtry by your President's 
most kind invitation. I have no specific mission 
here. I am not here to make any overtures on 
behalf of my Government to yours; both yours 
and mine manage to get along satisfactorily to- 
gether through the ordinaiy broad and friendly 

Neither have I come here to get acquainted with 
this Nation, though it would be well worth my 
while to leave the cares of office to do so. It has 
been my privilege to live long years among you, 
right here in Washington.^ The admiration I feel 
for your counti-y, your laws, your political institu- 
tions, for this Congress, for your harmonious bal- 
ance of powers and estates, came to me by dint 
of long and deep deliberation, when I contem- 
plated your behavior as a people in peace and 
in war. 

At that time, during which there were some 
hard and trying moments for you, it fell to my 
lot as an agent of the American international 
organization to help in maintaining tlie interest 
of the public, the interest of Congress, and of 
successive administrations in the affairs, fortunes, 
problems, and future of those enormous geograph- 
ical and human latitudes which lie south of your 
country and cover the islands of the Caribbean. 

Everj'where I foimd good will, affection for our 
people, mindfulness of tlieir affairs. Presidents 
Roosevelt, Truman, and Eisenhower, no less than 

' Congressional Record of Apr. C, 19C0, p. 09.3.5. 

' President Lleras was his country's ambassador to the 
United States In IM."?, Director General of the Pan Ameri- 
can Union in 1947, and Secretary General of the Organi- 
zation of American States 1948-54. 

Secretaries of State Hull, Stettinius, Byrnes, Mar- 
shall, Aclieson, Dulles, and Ilerter renewed their 
faith in the regional organization, while the two 
Houses of Congress took the initiative to strength- 
en it, despite the harassing anxieties which had 
pulled the attention of the public in other direc- 
tions, toward the immediate points of conflagra- 
tion and conflict. 

At that time your isolationist policy ended for- 
ever, and you pledged yourselves as the greatest 
world power to maintain the peace and security 
of our planet. Tliat was when the Senate, un- 
der the joint or alternating influence of Senators 
Connallj' and Vandenberg and with the whole- 
hearted assistance of several of its present mem- 
bers, set its seal, both in the Charter of the United 
Nations and in the Organization of American 
States, on the enlargement and definition of the 
regional convenants entered into by the United 
States of America. Wliat intense activity to 
create a world of law after Armageddon. Con- 
ference followed conference — Dumbarton Oaks, 
Yalta, Chapultepec, San Francisco, Rio de Jan- 
eiro, Bogota. In all of them one thing emerged 
clear to you and to the other American States: 
whatever may happen, we are, above all, members 
of the most ancient regional community in ex- 
istence, partners in the most effective enterprise 
for the elimination of war, for collective defense 
and peaceful cooperation. Our related lives are 
ruled by the clearest statutes of reciprocal obliga- 
tions and rights amongst our 21 nations, statutes 
which are at once a kind of inter-American con- 
stitution and, as Franklin Delano Roosevelt 
would have it, a declaration of interdependence. 

Measure of a Great Nation 

During that process you also proved yourselves 
to be a great nation. How easy it would have 
been for you to turn your backs, as some of your 
experts advised you to do, on the circumscribed 
regional organization and, instead, to rush head- 
long into the tasks, duties, and dangers of your 
new position in the world organization so fraught 
with unforeseen consequences. Nevertheless, you 
did not forget that in the American society of na- 
tions your finest statesmen had learned how to 
treat with other peoples, how to restrain the im- 
perialistic zest of a young and ambitious nation, 
how to submit to the sway of international laws 
which were in essence hardly different from those 

May 2, I960 


which governed your country. And, indeed, was 
it not from the inter- American experience that 
Wilson's idea came forth to create the League of 
Nations? The only reward sought on America's 
entering the Second World War was the founda- 
tion of a rule of law and a worldwide association 
of nations. That demand, posed by the United 
States both on the first occasion and on the second, 
was made in tacit representation of a hemisphere 
in which the system proposed not only was of long 
standing, but had also proved its civilizing 

I quite understand how it is that some Euro- 
pean, Asiatic, and African states have feared and 
still look askance upon your sudden appearance 
on the scene of world decisions ; for, indeed, never 
before has so mighty a power, after so decisive a 
military victory, intervened in world affairs for 
the first time witliout insisting that the prevalent 
geographical, political, and economic structure 
should be refashioned to the measure of its am- 
bition. But we, the nations of Latin America, 
could hardly claim the right to join in that chorus 
of distrust, misunderstanding, and suspicion, for 
our experience witli your country does not in the 
least resemble that of other peoples who have lived 
or survive under the baleful shadow of some im- 
placable imperialism. 

True it is that your Nation, in her fullblooded 
and heady youth, followed the best-known pattern 
of what up to then was supposed to be a great 
power, and that some of our Latin-American 
states felt the unbridled harshness of that mood. 
But at the hemisphere's roundtable she surren- 
dered her weapons one by one, she cut her claws, 
she eschewed privilege and exception, and clung 
only to one common law, identical for the smallest 
and feeblest states, but more rigorous for the great- 
est. That is why when it was announced in 
Montevideo [1933] that the United States had de- 
cided to abandon every form of intervention in the 
hemisphere, we, the unarmed peoples of the south, 
realized that the international organization that 
was foundering in Geneva miglit yet be rescued in 
America, and that democracy among nations was 
not merely desirable, but absolutely possible. 

Notwithstanding, the rest of the world was not 
quite so ready for such a doctrine and such a 
policy. Already in San Francisco, when the struc- 
ture of the United Nations was being discussed, 

there resounded the first clash agamst certain 
rampant tendencies to aggression. '\^liat for you 
and for us was the beginning of the law that di- 
rected and submitted the relations between state 
and state to a juridical order, signified for others 
nothing more than a yielding to the doctrinarian 
whim of a powerful ally. Or else it might be — 
so they fancied — an instrument of unilateral po- 
litical power with such indispensable reservations 
as to make sure that no imperial ambition of pre- 
dominance should come to naught. 

It was the peojiles of Latin America who clearly 
saw the new perils and who understood and ad- 
mired the behavior of your Nation, pledged as she 
was to safeguard, within the international organi- 
zation and outside of it, those very principles 
which had led her to war and to Anctory. It was 
they who understood why it was necessary to pour 
out over a devastated world, without making any 
distinction between friends and foes, all the 
wealth and bounty of the United States. It was 
they who realized that this generous strength was 
especially needed in those areas where the civiliza- 
tion of the West had been demolished and had to 
be set up again ; and especially needed, too, where- 
ever age-long despotism and misery and the en- 
slavement of millions of human beings, shaken 
out of their lethargy by the war of liberation, 
could not be prolonged without kindling their un- 
fulfilled craving into explosion. Thus, for the 
mission which you had assigned to yourselves, we 
saw poor, undernourished people of Latin 
America proffering food and money, rather in 
the spirit of complete agreement than in the hope 
of lending any substantial aid. It was in the same 
spirit that some of us offered military contingents 
to the United Nations in order to repel aggressions 
condemned by the international organization. 

Era of Economic and Social Development 

It is principally through your action, supported 
by our enthusiasm, that this second lialf of the 
20th century is destined to be the period of eco- 
nomic and social development of the backward 
populations of the world. The war, as could be 
foreseen, brought about the dissolution of ancient 
empires. Something like this had happened after 
the Napoleonic wars which originated the inde- 
pendence of the Latin-American nations. Thus, 
too, after 1918 new states sprang into being; and, 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

in like manner, tlie process set in motion by the 
Second AVorld War has not yet run its course. 
Look at all these tyro states. Does it seem, in 
the political order, an easy thing to create an inde- 
pendent nation? Well, it is much harder — it is, 
in fact, amazingly difficult — to maintain the auton- 
omy of a people burning with desire for a better 
existence which political fi-eedom has brought 
within its vision, but not within its reach. Such 
a nation, eager to develop, stands at the crossroads 
of two fundamental choices. It can follow the 
Conmiunist pattern, and sacrifice all the freedoms 
and the privileges of the human person in the hope 
that, after three or four generations of privation 
and bloodshed, the survivors may at last know 
and acquire some of the goods, services and facili- 
ties of a higher civilization. Or it can be guided 
by those principles and procedures through which 
you yourselves have come to be one of the richest, 
most fairminded and happiest of nations. We 
have seen how the backward peoples of the Eastern 
Hemisphere rush into either alternative, and how 
they often fail to see that if once they commit 
themselves to the former choice, even by way of 
experiment there is no turning back. Of course, 
for several of those nations, who never knew free- 
dom before the Second World War, there is no 
great sacrifice in accepting a new tyranny which 
holds out to them the promise of industries, 
dwellings, vehicles, clothing and food for the 
offspring of their grandchildren. 

The Latin American nations, fortunately, are 
not in this situation. Since their inception they 
have known the unforgettable taste of freedom. 
In spite of civil wars and occasional dictatorships, 
they always come back to freedom, which is their 
historical constant. This freedom, in fact, is 
what makes it possible for them to perceive the 
process through which mankind is passing in 
Japan, in China, in Indonesia, in India, in Africa, 
in Western and in satellite Europe. This is what 
makes them understand that if they do not in the 
near future emerge from their backwardness, 
they will be unable to avoid the effects of im- 
patience and desperation, of revolt and anarchy, 
and new dictatorsliips. In all those states it has 
already been possible to measure almost accurately 
how many more yards they have to go in order 
to finish a race that will bring them to the point 
of satisfying the vital needs of a growing popu- 

lation; how much (hey can achieve through an 
industrial and agricultural development calcu- 
lated to raise the standard of living to reasonable 
human levels. 

Need for Credit in Latin America 

Latin America has been struggling, even by 
such unorthodox means as inflation, to produce at 
least the illusion of development, but these meth- 
ods create very serious social problems and finan- 
cial instability, which can only make it still more 
difficult to acquire the capital goods that have to 
be paid for in hard cash. What these countries 
need — and not in some way or other, but urgently 
and amply — is foreign aid, which ought to take 
the specific form of credit for the undef errable and 
profitable enterprise of their economic develop- 
ment. If the principles of free enterprise and 
private initiative, as well as the principles on 
which the political organization of the hemisphere 
is founded, are true ; if your ovm experts and those 
of the United Nations are right, then in 10, or 
15, or 20 years, provided that the Latin American 
countries have been gi-eatly boosted with foreign 
capital, the whole hemisphere will, by its very 
prosperity, Ije proof against any attempt to reduce 
it to anarchy with a view to favoring the domina- 
tion of alien politics. It is equally certain that 
these countries will then be able to pay back loans 
extended to them for this purpose. 

Without such aid the lag in our economic devel- 
opment would ominously falter toward paralysis — 
but not before millions of beings without schools, 
without hospitals, without industries enough to 
create employment, without sufficient food, with- 
out land and, worse than all, without hope have 
repudiated their democratic leading classes and 
taken leap after leap in the dark. Each of those 
leaps, like your historic cannon shot, would be 
heard around the world, and here, louder than 
anywhere else. 

The admiration, affection, and gratitude I have 
for your people compel me to show you with un- 
sparing clarity the plight of Latin America as I 
see it. But I also want to make it quite clear that 
I do not consider you bound to help in the eco- 
nomic development of any part of the world — 
even the nearest to your frontiers and your sym- 
pathies. We in Latin America do not think our- 
selves entitled to claim your collaboration in our 

May 2, J 960 


economic development, even though this has been 
your way of promoting your international jwlicies 
and oui-s in other regions in dire peril. Our situ- 
ation is not one of unilateral rights and obliga- 
tions. But it so happens that we need to purchase 
a decisive stake in the material civilization of the 
"West, so that tliis civilization may not wholly per- 
ish from our countries through frustration, 
tlirough impotence, through desperation. We are 
unable to buy it outright from those who own it — 
tliat is, from you — in your own currency. We can 
neither solicit nor accept a gift without retribu- 
tion ; we will neither beseech nor receive aid from 
you without restitution to the American taxpayer, 
for such an action on our part, even were it pos- 
sible, would engender only bitterness, i-esentment, 
mistrust, and irritation in the popular relations 
between North and South. 

So far as I am aware, the people of Latin 
America, with perhaps a solitary exception, have 
asked for nothing but credit for their economic 
development. But this must be a high operation 
of reciprocal confidence in a great common des- 
tiny, and an act of faith, on your part and on ours, 
in the political, economic, and social principles 
that we share. It cannot be, then, an operation 
subject to tlie all-too-rigid tests and the common 
standards of ordinary banking and private busi- 
ness. On this occasion neither you nor we can rmi 
the risk of discovering when we agree to do some- 
thing that it is too late or too little. The pan- 
American operation that our States have been pro- 
posing is renuinerative, sure, and clear. But it is 
fundamentally a political act which cannot be 
judged by traditional banking criteria. No doubt 
there are better deals and better investments than 
the economic development of a backward part of 
the world. But it is a political function of the 
State to decide on the priority of this enterprise. 

I am well aware that tliis message of mine, if it 
is at all worthy of consideration, could be deliv- 
ered in no fitter place than this admirable Con- 
gress of (he United States, where there is reflected 
without hindrance or deceit the public opinion of 
a great and friendly nation. 

I wish to say, too, that if I speak like this I 
do not do so merely on my own initiative or by 
a mandate of my people. Nearly every day I 
receive in the Presidential House in Colombia 
visits from fellow citizens of youra, Senators and 
Coii<rressnien, public functionaries, professional 

men, university men, businessmen, trade-imion 
leaders, and all of them, with some perplexity, 
with a sincere desire to find out the truth, and 
with the noblest spirit of inter- American frater- 
nity, ask the same question : "Wliat must we, what 
can we do for Latin America?" To all of them 
I have given the same answer, and they have asked 
me to repeat it from the highest tribune of your 
Nation : Help those people to come forth from 
their backwardness by lending them the goods 
and capital they need. You will thus enable them 
to leave behind them the last stage of their under- 
development. But give them tliis help before their 
backwardness becomes a retreat, a rout, a histori- 
cal disaster. 

I have never, outside of my own country, felt 
more honored and more responsible for each word 
I say than at this solemn moment when I am being 
listened to by those who, in either House, belong 
to that institution which has decided the history 
of the United States and, at times, of humanity. 
Let me say, however, that you have not been listen- 
ing merely to the voice of a citizen of the liemi- 
sphere ; you have heard another voice, one that has 
the right and the credentials to be listened to in 
the unsullied forum of liberty — the voice of my 
country, Colombia, a free people, governed by 
institutions that have their origin in Philadelphia. 
This is the voice of a people who have followed 
your finest examples and who profess for your 
Nation an undeviating friendship tested by his- 
torical difficulties which no longer exist. It is, 
then, the voice of a friendship proven in our time 
by a long, respectful, rewarding, and reciprocal 
collaboration, which I hope and trust will con- 
tinue M'ithout impairment into the future. 


The Department of State announced on April 1 
(press release 164) that tlie following persons 
would accompany President Lleras and Sefiora de 
Lleras as members of the official party : 

Carlos Sanz de Sjintamnrla, Ambassador of tlip Republic 

of Colombia to the tJnitcd States 
Sefiora de Sanz de Santamarfa 
Gilberto Arango,' Minister of Agriculture. 
VirKilio P.arco," Minister of I'ublic Works. 

' Rank of Special Ambassador of Colombia dining the 


Department of State Bulletin 

Jorge Franco,' chief of the Department of Planning and 

Technical Services 
Victor Julio Silva,' president of the Colombian Federation 

of Worl;ers 
Antonio Uiaz,' president of the Union of Colombian 

Jos6 Canmcho, Minister, Embassy of Colombia 
Col. Alberto llauzeur. Military Aide to President Lleras 
Maj. Raiil A. Paredes, Air Aide to President Lleras 
Seiiorita Marcela Lleras, daughter of President and 

Seuora de Lleras 
Seiiorita Carmen Vald6s, niece of President and SeSora 

de Lleras 

Ambassador Bonsai Replies 
to Three Cuban Complaints 

The U.S. Ambassador to Cuba, Philip W. Bon- 
sal, on April 11 delivered to the Cuban Foreign 
Ministry three V.S. notes in reply to complaints 
by the Cuban Government of actions taken by the 
United States with respect to revocation of li- 
censes for the exportation of helicopters to Cuba, 
the dis7nissal of a Cuban employee at the Guan- 
tanamA) Naval Base, and the suspension of the 
services of U.S. Department of Agriculture fruit 
and vegetable inspectors stationed in Cuba. Fol- 
lowing are the texts of the exchanges of notes be- 
tween the two Governments. 


On the contrary, increased tensions in the Carib- 
bean area accompanied by ample evidence of de- 
mands for armaments far in excess of any 
conceivable need for self-defense have made it 
necessary for the United States Government to 
broaden its policy so as to cover all items wliich 
have a military potential. This policy is deemed 
to be fully in accord with the conclusions of the 
Fifth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Min- 
isters at Santiago,^ which revealed the clear pre- 
occupation of the American Governments with 
factors affecting international tensions in the 
Caribbean area. Consequently, precepts have 
been adopted which require that applications for 
the export to Caribbean countries of aircraft 
which can be used, with little or no modification, 
for military purposes be analyzed in the light of 
all available evidence regarding aircraft require- 
ments and usage of the country in question. Can- 
cellation of the licenses for the exportation of 
helicopters to Cuba was made pursuant to these 
precepts, account being taken of the large number 
of licenses approved in the preceding six months 
for the exportation to Cuba of light aircraft, in- 
cluding helicopters, for agricultural purposes, and 
the possibility that aircraft exported for agricul- 
tural uses might also be employed for military 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

Philip W. Bonsal 

U.S. Note 

Press release 185 dated April 11 

April 11, 1960 
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of Your Excellency's note of March 
25, 1960, regarding the decision of the United 
States Department of Commei'ce to revoke the li- 
censes for the exportation of helicopters to Cuba. 
The Government of the United States, begin- 
ning in March 1958, instituted a policy of closely 
scrutinizing all applications for export of arms 
and implements of war to the Caribbean area, and, 
in fact, of denying licenses with respect to ship- 
ments to the then Government of Cuba. It was 
the profound hope of the United States that with 
the establishment of the present Government of 
Cuba, peace and tranquility would be restored to 
the Caribbean area. This hope has not been 

Cuban Note 

Unofficial translation 

Habana, March 25, 1960 
Tear of the Agrarian Reform 

AIr. Ambassador: I have the honor to inform Your 
Excellency that the Revolutionary Government has re- 
ceived with surprise the report that the Department of 
Commerce of the United States of North America has 
announced its decision to revoke the licenses for the 
exportation of helicopters to Cuba. 

The pretext which is advanced for taking this deci- 
sion is that the helicopters which the Government of 
Cuba wishes to acquire "fall within the precepts which 
call for the review of special licenses and new requests 
for exportations related to military purposes." 

The helicopters which Cuba is interested in purchasing 
are to be used in the work already fully and efficaciously 
under way to increase agricultural production for the 
purpose of raising the standard of living of the humble 
classes of the population. 

' Btn-iETiN of Sept 7, 1959, p. 342. 

May 2, 7960 


The Government which I have the honor to represent 
believes that the acquisition of these helicopters in no 
way, not even tangentially, can be associated with the 
so-called "tensions of the Caribbean." A country which 
loves peace if anyone does, which is today converting 
its barracks into schools, the only war in which Cuba is 
engaged is that against misery. In its irrevocable pur- 
pose of winning this noble struggle, the Government and 
people of Cuba will not lessen efforts to acquire the heli- 
copters which it needs from friendly countries which are 
disposed to assist us in the magnanimous enterprise of 
national redemption to which we are committed. 

The Revolutionary Government of Cuba wishes to make 
a matter of .specific record its protest over this unfriendl.v 
decision which hinders rather than facilitates the im- 
provement of relations between the two countries. 

I take this opportunity to express to Your Excellency 
the renewed testimony of my highest consideration. 

RaOl Roa 
Minister of Foreign Relations 


U.S. Note 

Press release ISi dated April 11 

April 11, 1960 
ExcELLKNCY : I liave tlie Iionor to refer to Your 
Excellency's note of March 25, 1960 regarding 
the dismissal of Mr. Federico Figueras Larrazabal 
from his employment with the United States 
Xaval Base at Guantanamo, and Your Govern- 
ment's concern at reports that numerous ex-mem- 
bei-s of the former Cuban Army are being 
employed by the Base. You requested that the 
Embassy use its good offices with the competent 
American authorities in order that he may be 
reinstated in his position. 

I have taken up the matter of Mr. Figueras' dis- 
missal with the Base authorities who, in accord- 
ance with Base tradition and practice, desire to 
in no way become involved in the internal affairs 
of the Government of Cuba. I learned that Mr. 
Figueras has repeatedly made unfounded and 
slanderous public statements designed to incite 
feeling against the United States and against 
the Base and to perturb relations between the two 
countries. Under the circumstances his rein- 
statement would damage further these relations 
rather lliaii improve them, and it is therefore 
impossible to accede to the wishes of the Govern- 
ment of Cuba in this matter. 

With regard to reports that many members of 
(ho former ("iih;iii .\iiiiy liave been given employ- 


ment at the Base, the facts as furnished me by 
the Base Commander do not bear this out. I am 
informed that the number of fomier members of 
the Cuban Armed Forces among approxunately 
3700 Cuban employees is extremely small, and 
that only eight employees of all those hired smce 
January 1, 1959 have been identified as former 
members of the Cuban Army or Navy. All eight 
reside outside the Base, and none have been iden- 
tified to the Base Commander as wanted by tlie 
Cuban Government for past crimes or counter- 
revolutionary activities. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration and esteem. 

Philip W. Bonsal 

Cuban Note 

Unofficial translation 

Habana, March 25, 1960 
Year of the Agrarian Reform 

Mr. Ambassador : I have the honor to address to Yovir 
Excellency the present note with reference to the dismissal 
from his work on the Guantanamo Xaval Base of Mr. 
Federico Figueras Larrazabal, Secretary General of the 
Syndicate of Workers and Employees established in 1951 
on the said Base. 

In the written notification of the dismissal in question 
there is imputed to Mr. Figueras Larrazabal, among other 
charges, that of having uttered offenses against the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, which appeared in the 
newspaper "Sierra Maestra." Said charges were read to 
them [sic] upon reporting for work on Friday, the 18th 
instant, and he was urged to retract those supposed offen- 
sive statements. Mr. Figueras Larrazabal had to refuse 
to renounce his statements, as they were inspired b.v his 
patriotic intention to avert difliculties for both govern- 
ments. Tills is fully shown by his exhortation to the 
Cuban workers to make themselves permanent guards for 
the security of the Base. 

Considering that the dismissal of Mr. Figueras Larraza- 
bal has aroused deep displeasure among the workers of 
the Base and in nearby zones, the Cul)an Revolutionary 
Government requests urgently, through your kind offices, 
of the competent American authorities the reinstatement 
of Mr. Federico Figueras in his iM>sitiou. in Ihe assurance 
that this would contribute toward dissipating the intense 
discontent which prevails. 

I have also instructions, from the (iovernment which I 
have the honor to represent, to transmit to Your Excel- 
lency the concern which it feels at information in its 
posse.ssion according to which numerous ex-members of 
the arm.y of the overllirown t.vranny, for the most i)art 
involved in cimnter-revolulionary activities, are being con- 
tracted by the administration of the Base. It will not 
escape Your Excellency that facts like these obviously ob- 
struct the improvomont of the relations between the two 

Department of State Bulletin 

I take the opiwrtiiiiity. Mr. Aiiibassiulor, to reiterate to 
you the assurance of my highest cousidcratiou and esteem. 


Minister of Foreign Relations 


U.S. Note 

Press release 183 dated April 11 

Apkil 11, 1960 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to Your 
Excellency's note of March 25, 19C0, in whicli you 
informed me of the displeasure of your Govern- 
ment at the suspension of the service which the 
United States Department of Agi-iculture had been 
maintaining for the inspection in Cuban ports of 
fruits and vegetables for shipment to the United 

In 1955 the United States Department of Agri- 
culture entered into an agi-eement with the Cuban 
Fruit and Vegetable Association, under which De- 
partment of Agriculture inspectors were brought 
to Cuba for the purpose of assisting Cuban ship- 
pers of \-arious fruits and vegetables to meet, upon 
the importation of their products into the United 
States, the marketing standards fixed by law for 
the same kinds of fruits and vegetables produced 
in the United States. A secondary objective of 
the agreement was to promote quality conscious- 
ness among both the Cuban shippers and American 
receivers of Cuban products so as to generate a 
continuous demand for Cuban fruits and vege- 
tables in the United States. The assignment of 
the United States inspectors in Cuba was clearly 
for the benefit of the Cuban shippers, and the 
Cuban Fruit and Vegetable Association paid the 
salaries, allowances and official expenses of the 
American inspectors. Under the pro\asions of the 
agreement either party could tei-minate it by giv- 
ing 30 days' written notice to the other party. 

On December 23, 1959 the United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture notified the Cuban Fniit and 
Vegetable Association that because of the shortage 
of personnel the inspectors then stationed in Cuba 
would be returned to the United States on Febru- 
arj' 29, 1960 and assigned to other posts. During 
the ensuing weeks the Agricultural Attache of 
the Embassy on several occasions mentioned to 
officials of the Cuban Ministry of Agi-iculture, the 
INRA [National Institute for Agi-arian Reform] 
and the Cuban Fruit and Vegetable Association 

that if they wished the United States inspectors to 
remain on tlie job the Revolutionary Goverimient 

should make this fact known formally and im- 
mediately so that he could submit a recommenda- 
tion for the withdrawal of the inspectors to be 
reconsidered. Only on March 1, tlie day after the 
inspectors had departed, did the Minister of Agi'i- 
culture address a letter to the Embiissy's Agri- 
cultural Attache expressing the liope that because 
of the satisfactory service rendered by the United 
States inspectors they be allowed to remain in 

The Embassy and the United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture regret that because of the 
shortage of personnel and the reassignment of 
these inspectors to other stations it is not possible 
to meet the request of the Minister of Agriculture 
and re-establish the inspection sei"vice in Habana. 

However, during the five years that the United 
States inspectors operated in Cuba, local Cuban 
inspectors worked with them and observed their 
inspection methods. JNIany times during these 
yeai-s the United States inspectors also visited 
numerous packing plants throughout the island 
to convey information to o^vners, managers and 
employees as to the proper manner of packing 
fruits and vegetables in order to stand the rigors 
of shipment and meet the quality and packing 
specifications upon arrival in the United States. 

Moreover, in view of the withdrawal of the 
United States inspectors from Cuba and in order 
to facilitate the handling of Cuban fruits and 
vegetables, with the exception of mangoes and 
iiames [yams], at the port, of West Palm Beach, 
Florida, the Inspection Service of the United 
States Department of Agriculture has made ar- 
rangements with customs officials at that port to 
facilitate the entry of all shipments from Cuba 
consigned to Pompano Beach, Florida. In turn, 
arrangements have been made at Pompano Beach 
for repi-esentatives of the Cuban shippers and in- 
spectors of the United States Department of Agri- 
culture to inspect the merchandise and facilitate 
any repackaging which might l)e needed because 
of incidental damage or spoilage. Therefore, if 
the inspectors of the Cuban Ministry of Agricul- 
ture follow the inspection procedure used by 
United States Department of Agriculture inspec- 
tors, and if the merchandise is shipped from Cuba 
to Pompano Beach, Florida, under continuous and 
adequate refrigeration with a minimum of manual 
manipulation, these arrangements should meet 

= May 2, I960 


satisfactorily the needs of those engaged in the 
fruit and vegetable trade between the two coun- 

For reason of pest risk, mangoes must be fumi- 
gated before entry into the United States. Wlien 
mangoes are to be fumigated upon arrival in the 
United States, entry is permitted only at Northern 
ports. Proper fumigation facilities for mangoes 
exist, for example, in New York City. Names 
may be entered at any port where approved fumi- 
gation facilities exist. This is the same procedure 
that was followed prior to 1957. 

I take this opportunity to renew to Your Ex- 
cellency the assurances of my highest considera- 
tion and esteem. 

Philip W. Bonsal 

Cuban Note 

CnoSScial translation 

Habana, Makch 25, 1960 
Year of the Agrarian Reform 

Mr. Ambassador: I have the honor to address Tour 
Excellency with reference to the difficulties which may 
be occasioned to the trade between Cuba and the United 
States by the decision of the Department of Agriculture 
in Washington to suspend the service of inspection, which 
for more than five years has been carried out in Cuban 
ports, of shipments of Cuban fruits and vegetables to the 
United States of America, subject to the provisions which 
regulate the sales agreements (Marketing Agreement). 

The complementary character of the agricultures of the 
United States and Cuba has permitted the development 
of exports of Cuban fruits and vegetables to the American 
market, in accordance with the stipulations of the agree- 
ments in effect. Since it was much more convenient for 
the Cuban growers, these required inspections were being 
carried out in Ilabana so that in case there should be 
any doubt about said agricultural products not meeting 
the requirements of the aforementioned regulations, our 
growers would save the expenses of shipping, sea freight, 
customs duties, and of having to reship to Cuba any 
merchandise that is rejected. Moreover, the Cuban grow- 
ers had the advantage of being able to replace in Habana 
any rejected merchandise and thus take advantage of 
part of the shipment. 

According to information obtained in the Cuban Minis- 
try of Agriculture and in the sectors engaged in the export 
of fruits and vegetables, as well as among the managers 
of the cooperatives of the National Agrarian Reform In- 
stitute, the Government of Cuba considers that the Ameri- 
can inspection service carried out in Cuba is a measure 
mutually favorable to both countries. 

As Your Excellency knows, the Revolutionary Govern- 
ment of Cuba, following the technical findings expressed 
In many reports of Specialized Organisms and of authori- 
ties in economic matters, and in response to the needs 

and objectives of our people, is unfolding a vast plan of 
agricultural diversification. The diversification of ex- 
ports and their increase in the lines which most benefit 
the small producer, like fruits and vegetables, constitute 
fundamental aspects in the process of the economic de- 
velopment of Cuba. 

As the suspension of the American inspection service 
in the ports of Cuba would affect directly the aforemen- 
tioned undertakings, without particular benefit for any- 
one, the Revolutionary Government of Cuba records its 
displeasure at this measure, which does not exactly tend 
to improve the relations between the two countries. 

I take the opportunity, Mr. Ambassador, to reiterate 
to you the assurance of my highest consideration and 

RAtJi, Roa 
Minister of Foreign Relations 

U.S. Increases Contribution 
to World Refugee Year 

The Department of State announced on April 
12 (press release 186) that, as the result of addi- 
tional allocations, bringing to over $5 million 
special fluids earmarked for "World Refugee Year 
activities, the United States will spend a total of 
approximately $70 million on refugee programs 
during this special year. Robert S. McCoUiun, 
the U.S. delegate to the Executive Committee 
meeting of the United Nations High Commis- 
sioner for Refugees, announced new U.S. alloca- 
tions of $1,550,000 at Geneva on April 12. These 
allocations increase the U.S. special contribution 
to the World Refugee Year program to a total of 
over $5 million. 

Being expended in addition to the special fund 
are approximately $40 million for normal U.S. 
refugee programs plus about $25 million in sur- 
plus foods distributed under the P.L. 480 program. 

The new allocation will permit contribution 
to the High Commissioner of an additional $600,- 
000 to aid Algerian refugees in Tunisia and 
Morocco, and $50,000 to help European refugees 
who have fled from the Middle East. An addi- 
tional $200,000 would go to aid Chinese refugees 
in Hong Kong, bringing the total special U.S. 
contribution for this group to $1 million. An- 
other $700,000 will be added to the more than 
$700,000 already made available for assisting out- 
of-camp refugees, mostly in Europe, many of 
whom are in even greater need than those in 


Department of State Bulletin 

Results of Renegotiation by Canada 
of Textile Concessions Announced 

Press release 163 dated April 1 

Caniida on April 1 implemented the results of 
the first part of a renegotiation of Canadian tariff 
concessions on textiles and related products nego- 
tiated with the United States and other countries 
luider the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. The renegotiation resulted from the con- 
tinuing revision of Canada's customs tariff which 
began several years ago. In carrying out this re- 
vision, individual schedules of the tariff are re- 
ferred to the Canadian Tariff Board for 
investigation and recommendations, and on the 
basis of these recommendations the language and 
in some cases the rate structure is revised. Inso- 
far as the revision extends to products wliich are 
the subject of concessions in the GATT, interna- 
tional negotiations are required with a view to 
compensatory adjustments in those cases in which 
previously negotiated rates are increased. 

The recently completed renegotiations between 
Canada and the United States related to the Ca- 
nadian Government's proposal for modification or 
withdrawal of the present Canadian concessions 
set out in List A. The proposals were based on 
a recommendation of the Canadian Tariff Board 
that Canada adopt a new tariff nomenclature for 
the textile products involved and, in some cases, 
replace present compound duties with ad valorem 
duties. The board also recommended changes in 
duties affecting a number of products on List A, 
including some moderate duty increases. Total 
concessions on List A cover products accounting 
for average Canadian imports from the United 
States in 1956-58 estimated at Can$141 million 
and include principally products of cotton, silk, 
and manmade fibers. 

The recently completed renegotiations will re- 
sult in the inclusion in Canada's GATT schedule 
(as negotiated with the United States) of the con- 
cessions in List B. These concessions cover prod- 
ucts accounting for average Canadian imports 
from the Lmited States in the 3 years 1956-58 
estimated at Can$168 million. 

It will be noted that both List A and List B 
contain a large number of identical products. 
There is, however, a twofold difference in these 
lists. In the first place, the concessions in List B 

are in Canada's new tariff nomenclature, and their 
duties have in a number of instances been changed 
from previous levels or have been changed from 
a compound to an ad valorem basis. 

In the second place, List B contains a greater 
number of concessions than List A, including a 
number of nontextile concessions. As noted 
above, Canada has as a result of its tariff revision 
reduced a number of duties on textile products 
previously negotiated with the United States. 
The duty reductions made on these textile prod- 
ucts, however, did not offset the increases made, 
and Canada has granted duty bindings on addi- 
tional textile products and duty reductions on a 
number of nontextile products to compensate 
fully for the increases resulting from its tariff 

On September 30, 1959, public announcement 
was made ^ of the intention of the United States 
to participate in this renegotiation, and the pub- 
lic was invited to submit views with respect to the 
possible effect on United States trade of the re- 
negotiation by Canada of the concessions involved, 
as well as views regarding concessions wliich the 
United States might seek, or accept, from Canada 
as compensation for the modification or with- 
drawal of these concessions. A number of sug- 
gestions regarding possible items of compensation 
were received as a result of tliis public announce- 
ment. Most of the nontextile concessions in List 
B were negotiated as the result of such suggestions. 

List A 

ConcessJong in OATT Schedule V — Canada — to the Modi- 
fleation or Withdrawal of Which the United States 
Bas Given Its Agreement 





Rate of 


now in 



. . . woven fabric of cotton weighing not more than 
seven and one-half pounds per one hundred square 



Raw cotton and cotton llntors not further manufac- 
tured than ginned; waste wholly of cotton unfit for use 


Rovings, yams and warps wholly of cotton, not more 



Yarns, wholly of cotton, coarsrr than number forty 
but exceeding numbtT twenty, not more advanced 
than singles, when imported by manufacturers lor 
use exclusively in their own factories in the manufac- 
turing of cotton sowing thread and crochet, knitting, 
darning and embroidery cottons 

' For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 19, 1959, p. 561. 

May 2, I960 


List A — Continued 


Rate of 




now in 


Rovings, yarns and warps wholly of cotton Including 
threads, cords and twines generally used for sewing, 
stitching, packaging and other purposes, n.o.p.; cotton 
yarns, wholly or partially covered with mctalhc strip, 


and, per pound 


Sewing thread, wholly of cotton, on spools, not to ex- 



Yarns and warps wholly of cotton, mercerized, num- 
ber forty and finer, imported under regulations pre- 
scribed by the Minister, for sale to manufacturers, to 

be further manufactured in their own factories .... 



Cotton sewing thread yarn and crochet, knitting, 
darning and embroidery yarn, in hanks, or on dyeing 
or bleaching cores, when imported by manufacturers 
for use exclusively in their own factories in the man- 
tifacturing or spoohng of cotton sewing thread and 

crochet, knitting, darning and embroidery cottons . . 



Yams and warps wholly of cotton, number forty and 
finer, when imported by manufacturers of mercerized 
cotton yams, for use exclusively m the manufacture 

ofmercerized cotton yams, in their own factories . . . 



Yams, wholly of cotton, number forty and finer, not 
more advanced than singles, when imported by man- 
ufacturers for use exclusively in their own factories in 

the manufacturing of cotton sewing thread 



Yams and warps, wholly of cotton, number 70 and 
finer, when imported by manufacturers for use ex- 
clusively in the manufactm-e of levers' lace, in their 

own factories 



Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, not bleached. 

mercerized not colored, n.o.p 


and, per pound 



Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, bleached or mer- 

cerized, not colored, n.o.p 



and, per pound 


Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, printed, dyed or 
colored, n.o.p.:— Valued at more than 80 cents per 



and, per pound 



Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, printed, dyed or 
colored, n.o.p.: — Valued at 50 cents or more but not 

more than 80 cents per pound 


and, per pound 


623b (3) 

Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, printed, dyed or 

colored, n.o.p.:— Valued at less than 50< per pound . . 


and, per pound 

3H cts. 


Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, printed, dyed or 
colored, n.o.p.:— Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, 
commonly known as denims, when imported by 
manufacturers for use in their own factories in the 

manufacture of garments 

3 cts. 

and, per pound 


Woven fabrics wholly of cotton, composed of yams 
of counts of 100 or more, including all such fabrics in 
which the average of the count of warp and welt yarns 

is 100 or more 

3 cts. 

and, per pound 


Woven fabrics wholly of cotton with cut pile, n.o.p . 


and, per pound 



Woven fabrics of cotton, not colored, for use in the 

manufacture of typewriti'r ribbons 



Shadow cretonnes, wholly of cotton, with printed 

warp and i)lain weft 


and, per pound 


flaburdlnes, wholly of cotton, with not less than 280 

ends and picks of ply yarn per scjuaro inch 


and, per pound 


List A — Continued 









549b (3) 






558b (a) 





Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton, composed of yams 
of counts of not less than 80 and not more than 99, 
including all such fabrics in which the average coimt 
of the warp and weft yams is not less than 80 and not 
more than 99 

and, per pound 

Cotton bags:— seamless 

Cotton bags: — n.o.p 

Fabrics with cut weft pile, wholly of cotton or of 
cotton and synthetic textile fibres or filaments . . . . 

and, per pound 
Articles made from woven fabrics, composed wholly 
of cotton, viz: — Tablecloths, tray cloths, doihes, 
napkins, dresser scarves, wash cloths, bath mats, 
pillowcases, quilts, counterpanes, sheets and towels . . 
Clothing, wearing apparel and articles made from 
woven fabrics, and all textile manufactures, wholly 
or partially manufactiu-ed, composed wholly of cot- 
ton, n.o.p 

Handkerchiefs, wholly of cotton 

Woven fabric, wholly of cotton, for covering books. . 
Curtains, wholly or partially manufactin-ed, com- 
posed wholly of cotton, n.o.p 

Wool, not further prepared than scoured 

Hair of the camel, alpaca, goat or other like animal . . 
Hair, curled or dyed, n.o.p 

Oametted wool waste in the white when imported 
by manufacturers of woolen goods for use exclusively 
in their own factories 

Oametted material, wholly or in part of wool, the 
hair of the camel, alpaca, goat or other like animal, 
in the natural or undyed state, but not containing 
silk, nor synthetic fibres or filaments, nor cotton, for 
use in Canadian manufactures 

Yams and warps composed wholly of hair or of hair 
and any vegetable fibre, imported by manufac- 
turers for use in their own factories 

Sliver strands in warp form, wholly or in part of wool 
or hair, imported by manufacturers of braided mats 
and rugs, for use in the manufacture of such articles 
in their own factories 

Blankets of any material, not to include automobile 
rugs, steamer rugs, or similar articles: — (1) House- 
hold blankets, wholly of cotton 

and, per pound 

Woven fabrics, consisting of cotton warps with 
wefts of lustre wool, mohair or alpaca, generally 
known as lustres or Italian linings, n.o.p 

Rovings, yarns and warps wholly of synthetic tex- 
tile fibres or filaments, not more advanced than 
singles, not colored, with not more than seven turns 
to the inch, under such regulations as the Minister 
may prescribe: — Produced from cellulose acetate . . . 
In no case, shall the duty under the Most- 
Favoured-Xation Tariff bo less than . . per pound 

Rovings, yarns and warps wholly of synthetic textile 
fibres or niamcnt,s, not more advanced than singles, 
not colored, with not more than seven turns to the 
Inch, mider such regulations as the Minister may 

prescribe:— n.o.p 

In no case, shall the duty under tho Most- 
Favoured-Nation Tariff be less than . . per poimd.. 

Kovinps, yams and warps, wholly or in part of silk, 
n.o.])., Including threads, cords or twist for sewing, 
embroidering or other pur))Oses 

Department of State Bulletin 

List A — Continued 


SUk yarns wholly or partially covered with metallic 
strip, one pound of which shall contain not less than 

10,000 yards 

Rovinps. yams and warps wholly or In part of syn- 
thetic textile fibres or filaments, n.o.p., Includinj; 
threads, cords, or twist for sewini:. cmbrolderini: or 
other purposes, not to contain silk; yams of synthetic 
textile fil>res or filaments wholly or partially covered 
with metallic strip, one pound of which shall contain 
not less than lO.tXK) yards; under such regulations as 
the Minister may prescribe:— Produced wholly from 
cellulose acetate 

In no case, shall the duty under the Most- 
Favoured-Xalion Tariff be less than . . per pound 
Rovintrs, yams and warps wholly or in part of syn- 
thetic textile fibres or filaments, n.o.p., including 
threads, cords or twist for sewing, embroidering or 
other purposes, not to contain silk; yarns of synthetic 
textile fibres or filaments wholly or partially covered 
with metallic strip, one pound of which shall contain 
not less than 10.000 yards; under such regulations as 
the Minister may prescribe:— n.o.p 

In no case, shall the duty under the Most- 
Favoured-Xation Tariff be less than . . per pound 
Yams and warps, wholly of thrown silk in the gum, 
rovings, yams and warps, wholly of spun silk, not 
colored, imported by manufiwturers for use ex- 
clusively in their own factories for knitting under- 
wear, for weaving^ or for the manufacture of silk 


Rovings, yams and warps wholly of spun synthetic 
te.xtile fibres or filaments, not colored, imported by 
manufacturers for use exclusively in the manufacture 

of cut-pile fabrics, in their own factories 

but not less than, per pound 
Yams and warps, wholly of synthetic textile fibres or 
filaments, not more advanced than singles, not col- 
ored, with not more than seven turns to the inch, for 
use in the manufacture of woven cord tire fabric . . . 

In no case, shall the duty under the Most- 
Favoured-Xation Tariff be less than . . per pound 
Woven fabrics wliollyorinchief part by weight of silk 
in the gum, not degummed nor bleached, not less than 
twenty inches in width, weighing not more than 
seven pounds for each hundred yards thereof, im- 
ported for the purpose of being degummed, dyed and 

finished in Canada 

Woven fabrics wholly or In part of sUk, not to contain 
wool, not including fabrics in chief part by weight of 

synthetic textile fibres or filaments, n.o.p 

and, per lineal yard 
Woven fabrics wholly, or in chief part, by weight, 
of silk, imported in the web In lengths of not less than 
five yards each, for use exclusively in the manufac- 
ture of neckties, scarves, or mufflers 

Woven fabrics, of a kind not made in Canada, wholly, 
or in chief part, by weight, of synthetic textile fibres 
or filaments, imported in the web in lengths of not less 
than five yards each, for use exclusively in the manu- 
facture of neckties, scarves, or mufflers 

Woven fabrics with cut pile, whether or not coated or 
impregnated, wholly or in part of silk or synthetic 
textile fibres or filaments, but not containing wool, 


Woven fabrics wholly or in part of synthetic textile 
fibres or filaments, not containing wool, not including 

fabrics in chief part by weight of silk, n.o.p 

and, per pound 

Rate of 


now in 




22 cts. 

22 cts. 


24 cts 

11 cts. 


5 Cts. 




30 cts. 

List A — Continued 









Woven cord tire fabric, wholly or in chief part by 
weight of synthetic textile fibres or filaments, not to 
contain silk nor wool, coated with a rubber com- 
position, when imported by manufacturers of rubber, 
to be incorporated by them in pneumatic tires, in 
their own factories 

Woven fabrics, of a kind not made in Canada, wholly, 
or in chief part, by weight, of silk or of synthetic tex- 
tile fibres or filaments, or both, imported in the web 
in lengths of not less than five yards each by manu- 
facturers of neckties, scarves, or mufBers, for use 
exclusively in the manufacture of sucli articles In 

their own fiwtories 

Clothing, wearing apparel and articles, made from 
woven fabrics and all textile manufactures, wholly 
or partially manufactured, n.o.p., of which silk is the 

component of chief value 

Clothing, wearing apparel and articles, made from 
woven fabrics and all textile manufactures, wholly 
or partially manufactured, n.o.p., of which the com- 
ponent of chief value Is synthetic textile fibres or 

Materials and parts as hereunder sijccifled, when im- 
ported by manufacturers of umbrellas, parasols, sun- 
shades, walking sticks or canes, under such regula- 
tions as the Minister may prescribe, for use in the 
manufacture of such articles in their own factories: 

(b) Umbrella-covering fabrics of a kind not made 
in Canada, whether or not specially treated but not 
further manufactured than with hemmed selvedges, 
when imported in lengths of not less than ten yards 

each, with or without natural selvedges 

Woven fabrics, open mesh, wholly or in chief part by 
weight of cotton, imported by manufacturers of bags 
for use exclusively In the manufacture of fruit and 
vegetable bags in their own factories 

Rate of 


now in 








List B 

Concessions Canada Will Include in Schedule V — Can- 
ada — to the QATT as a Result of Agreement With the 
United States 





Rate of 
duty to 
be in- 






Tobacco, unmanufactured, for excise purposes under 

conditions of the Excise Act, subject to such regula- 

tions as may bo prescribed by the Minister: 

(b) N.o.p.: 

EX.(i) Un.ttemmed, when imported by cicar manu- 

facturers for use as wrappers in the manufacture of 

cifiars in their own factories per pound- - 

10 cts. 


Sensitized negative film, sixteen millimetres in 

width, for exposure in motion picture cameras .... 



Woven paper fabrics, open mesh, not tlian nine 

feet in width, for use in the manufacture of carpets . , 





Electrolytic manganese metal for alloying purposes . 





Parts of adding machines 

May 2, 7960 


List B — Continued 

















Motiou and still picture screens 

Signs or indicating markers of material other than 
paper witli radioisotope activated light source . . . . 
Radioisotope activated self-luminous standards for 

calibration pm-poses 

Southern yellow pine lumber, not further manufac- 
tured than planed on two sides, for use in the manu- 
facture of flooring for motor trucks 

Raw cotton and cotton linters not further manufac- 
tured than ginned 

Cotton fibres, n.o.p., and carded sliver, wholly of 


Yarns and rovings, including threads, cords and 
twines, wholly of cotton: 

(1) Singles 

(3) Wlicn imported by manufacturers for use in the 
manufacture of cotton sewing thread or of crochet, 
knitting, darning or embroidery cottons: 

(b) Plied 

C5) Other, n.o.p 

Woven fabrics, wholly of cotton: 

(1) Not bleaclied, mercerized nor coloured, n.o.p . . 

(2) Bleached or mercerized, not coloured, n.o.p . . . 

(3) Coloured, n.o.p 

(6) With cut pUe 

(8) Weighing not more than 7M pounds per 100 square 

yards, not bleached nor coloured 

Clothing, wearing apparel and other articles, made 
from woven fabrics wholly of cotton: all te-rtlle manu- 
factures, wholly or partially manufactured, the com- 
ponent fibre of which Is wholly cotton, n.o.p 

Woven fabrics, open mesh, wholly or in chief part by 
weight of cotton, imported for use in the manufacture 

of fruit or vegetable bags 

Wool and wool noils, not further prepared than 

scoured or carbonized 

Hair and hair noils: slivers, 50% or more, by weight, 
of hair; horsehair not further manufactured than 

dipped or dyed 

Hair, curled or dyed, nop 

Yams and rovlngs, wholly of silk, degummed or not: 
(3) N.o.p., including threads, cords or twines . . . . 
Woven fabrics, more than 60%, by weight, of silk, not 
containing wool or hair 

Tlie following, wlien the textile component thereof is 
more than 50%, by weight, of silk: 

(2) lloadsfiuarcs, scarves or mufflers, made from 
woven fabrics 

(3) Clothing, wearing apparel and articles made from 
woven fabrics, and all textile manufactures, 
wholly or partially manufactured 

Rags and wastes, whether or not cleaned, dusted, 
willowed, picked or pulled, nnflt for use without 
further manufacture; ii.sed textile manufactures or 
waste portions of imused yarns or of unused fabrics, 
imported for disintegrating or for the manufacture 
of wiping rags; none of tlio foregoing to include 
remnants or mill ends 

Waste portions of unused fabrics, n.o.p., not to 
include remnants or mill ends 

Qametted material, obtained by disintegrating yams 
or fabrics, wholly of wool or hair, in the natural colour 
of the fltM'co or the hair 

Oametlod material, obtained by disintegrating yarns 
or fabrics, n.o.p 

Rate of 
duty to 
be in- 


















List B — Continued 














Nubs, slugs, slubs, neps or kemps 

Washed wiping rags, trimmed or untrimmed; 
machine wiping wastes or machined journal-box 

packing wastes 

Man-made fibres or glass fibres, not exceeding 12 

inches in length 

Sliver, wholly or in part of man-made fibres or of 

glass fibres 

Man-made filaments or glass filaments imported for 
converting into lengths not exceeding 12 inches, for 
use in the manufacture of: 

(1) Textile yarns or flock 

(2) Cigarette filter tips 

Man-made fibres, not exceeding 12 inches in length, 

for use in the manufacture of carpets 

Yarns and rovings, wholly of man-made fibres or 
filaments or of glass fibres or filaments, not more 
advanced than singles, not coloured, with not more 
than seven turns to the inch 

but not less than, per pound 
Yams and rovings, wholly or in part of man-made 
fibres or filaments or of glass fibres or filaments, 
including threads, cords or twines, not containing 
wool or hair 

but not less than, per pound 
Yarns, wholly of man-made fibres or filaments, not 
more advanced than singles, not coloured, with not 
more than seven turns to the inch, for use in the 
manufacture of woven cord tire fabric 

but not less than, per pound 

Yarns and rovings, including threads, cords or twines, 
wholly or in part of man-made fibres or filaments, 
not containing silk, wool or hair, for use in the manu- 
facture of fabrics for conveyor or transmission belts 
or belting containing rubber 

Woven fabrirs, wholly or in part of man-made fibres 
or filaments or of glass fibres or filaments, not con- 
taining wool or hair, not including fabrics more than 

50%. by weight, of silk. 

and, per pound 
Woven fabrics cmtaining five per cent or less by 
weight, of man made fibres or filaments or of glass 
fibres or filaments shall not be dutiable under this 
item but shall oe dutiable as though composed 
wholly of the remaining constituents. 

Woven fabrics with out-pile, wholly or in part of man- 
made fibres or filaments or of glass fibres or filaments, 
not containing wool or hair 

Umbrella-covering fabrics, impregnated or not. with 
or without ticmmed edges, in lengths of not less than 
10 yards, for use in the manufacture of umbrellas 
having a rib length of not more than 27 inches . . . . 

Woven fabrics wholly or In pait of silk or of man- 
made fibres or tikmients. impoifed in lengths of not 
less than five yards, by manufacturers of neckties, 
for use In the manufacture of neckties, but not Includ 
ing such fabrics lor use as inter-lining 

Woven cord tire fabric, wholly or in chief [>art, by 
weight, of man-made fibres or filaments, not to con 
tain silk or wool, for use In the manufacture of pneu 

matlc tires, n.o.p . 

and, i>er pound 

Woven cord tire fabric, wholly or In chief part, by 
weight, of man-made fibres or niamonts, not to con 
tain silk or wool, coated with a rubber composition. 

Department of State Bulletin 

List B — Continued 





Rate of 
duty to 
be in- 


when Imported by manufacturers of rubber tires, to 

be Incorporated by tliem in pneumatic tires, In their 

own factories 



Woven f:\lirics. wholly or In part of man-made fibres 
or flliinicnls, not coiilaining slllc, wool or liiilr, whether 
or not coated or Impregnated, wlien Imported by 
manufacturers of conveyor or trniisniisslon belts or 
belthig containing rubber, for use in llie niimufucture 

of such bells or belting 



Clothing, wearing apparel and articles made from 
woven fabrics, and all textile manufactures, wholly 
or partially manufactured, the textile component of 
which is 50% or more, by weight, of man-made fibres 
or filaments or of glass fibres or filaments, not contaln- 



Llnoleum: felt base floor covering not including such 



Anthracite coal: anthracite coal screenings and dust . . 


(5) Toy electric train sets, transformers, parts and 



Iodized mineral salts, for use in the feeding of animals . 


U.S. Sends Grain to Somalia _,^ J 
for Relief of Drought Victims 

Press release 191 dated April 14 

The U.S. Govermnent is sending 2,000 tons of 
grain (corn) for the relief of victims of drouglit in 
the U.N. Trust Territory of Somalia under Italian 
administration. The food shipments are being 
made on a gi-ant basis through the facilities of the 
U.S. International Cooperation Administration 
and are in response to that country's request for 
help to meet its food requirements until after the 
next major harvest ending in September. 

The United States is providing the grain under 
provisions of title II of the Agricultural Trade 
Development and Assistance Act (P.L. 480), 
which provides for the constructive use overseas 
of surplus U.S. agi'icultural commodities. 

The food will be given free to those in need by 
the Government of Somalia. 

Mr. Henderson To Represent U.S. 
at Iranian Archeological Congress 

The Department of State announced on April 
14 (press release 190) that Loy W. Henderson, 
Deputy Under Secretary for Administration and 
a former Ambassador to Iran, had been named by 
the "Wliite House on April 13 to be the President's 
representative at the Fourth Congi-ess of Iranian 
Art and Archeologj', which opens at New York 
City April 24. The President and the Shah of 
Iran are acting as cosponsors of the Congress. 

As the President's representative at the Con- 
gress, Mr. Henderson will confer with a number 
of international scholars gathered in New York 
to consider the part Iran has played in the earliest 
cultures of mankind, the emergence of civilization, 
and the beginnings of community life. The group 
also will visit Philadelphia, Baltimore, and "Wash- 
ington before the Congress closes on May 3. 

Althoiigli the Congress is a private venture with 
no official government connection, the U.S. Gov- 
ernment is interested in the success of this inter- 
national gathering of distinguished scholars in 
Iranian art and archeology. This is the first Con- 
gress of Iranian Art and Archeology since World 
War II. Previous congi-esses have been held at 
Philadelphia, London, and Leningrad. 

Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

86th Congress, 2d Session 

Extend Export Control Act of 1949. Hearing before 
Subcommittee No. 1 of the House Banking and Cur- 
rency Committee on H.R. 10550. March 1, 1960. 47 pp. 

Mutual Security Act of 1960. Hearings before the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee on draft legislation to 
amend further the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as 
amended, and for other purposes. Part 2. March 1-3, 
1960. 223 pp. 

Mutual Security Act of 1960. Hearings before the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee on draft legislation to amend 
further the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as amended, 
and for other purposes. Part 3. March 7-8, 1960. 
140 pp. 

Overall Limitation on Foreign Tax Credit. Report to ac- 
company H.R. 10087. H. Rept. 1358. March 8, 1960. 
20 pp. 

Mutual Security Act of 1960. Hearings before the House 
Foreign Affairs Committee on draft legislation to amend 
further the Mutual Security Act of 1954, as amended, 
and for other purposes. Part 4. Jlarch 9-11, 1960. 
170 pp. 

Organizing for National Security: Selected Materials. 
Prepared for the Senate Government Operations Com- 
mittee and its Subcommittee on National Policy Ma- 
chinery. March 10, 1960. 180 pp. [Committee print] 

Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the 
United States of America and Japan. Message from 
the President transmitting the treaty. S. Ex. E. March 
10, 1960. 39 pp. 

Authorizing Federal Maritime Board To Suspend Tariff 
Schedules for a Period of 7 Months. Report to accom- 
pany S. 3005. S. Rept. 1159. March 11, 1960. 2 pp. 

Import Duties on Certain Coarse Wool. Report to accom- 
pany H.R. 9322. H. Rept. 1390. March 14, 1060. 10 pp. 

May 2, 7960 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings^ 

Adjourned During April 1960 

U.N. Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Terri- 
tories: 11th Session. 

ICAO Legal Committee: Subcommittee on Aerial Collision . . . 

UNESCO Meeting of Administrators of Technical and Voca- 
tional Education in Africa. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Status of Women: 14tli Session . . 

GATT Committee 11 on Expansion of International Trade . . . 

UNESCO Executive Board: 56th Session 

IAEA Board of Governors: 16th Session 

International Sugar Council: 6th Session 

International Study Group on Lead and Zinc: Statistical Com- 

FAO Desert-Locust Control Committee: Special Meeting .... 

International Wheat Council: 29th Session 

U.N. ECAFE Conference of Asian Statisticians: 3d Session . . . 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 29tli Session 

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commis- 
sioner for Refugees: 3d Session. 

Foreign Ministers Meetings 

U.N. ECOSOC Committee on Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs . . 

U.N. ECAFE Working Part}' of Senior Geologists on Preparation 
of Regional Geological and Mineral Maps: 4th Session. 

ICAO Informal Southeast Asia Regional Meeting on Air Traffic 
Services/ Communications. 

GATT Intersessional Committee 

IAEA Scientific Advisory Committee to Board of Governors . . 

WMO Eastern Caribbean Hurricane Committee: 5th Session . . 

FAO International Meeting on Veterinary Education 

PAIIO Executive Committee: 40th Meeting 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: Special Worlv- 
ing Party. 

CENTO Ministerial Council: 8th Meeting 

New York Feb. 2.3-Apr. 15 

Paris Mar. 28- Apr. 8 

Accra, Ghana Mar. 28-Apr. 9 

Buenos Aires Mar. 28-Apr. 14 

Geneva Mar. 28-Apr. 15 

Paris Mar. 28-Apr. 29 

Vienna Mar. 29-Apr. 7 

London Mar. 30- Apr. 1 

Paris Apr. 4-8 

Rome Apr. 4-9 

London Apr. 5-12 

Bangkok Apr. 5-15 

New York Apr. 5-20 

Geneva Apr. 7-13 

Washington Apr. 12-14 

Geneva Apr. 19-22 

Tokyo Apr. 20-26 

Bangkok Apr. 20-29 

Geneva Apr. 20 (1 day) 

Vienna Apr. 25-27 

Curagao Apr. 25-28 

London Apr. 25-29 

Washington Apr. 25-30 

New York Apr. 25-29 

Tehran Apr. 28-30 

In Session as of April 30, 1960 

Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapons Tests . . Geneva Oct. 

Ten-Nation Disarmament Conimittee Geneva Mar. 

2d U.N. Conference on Law of the Sea Geneva Mar. 

U.N. Trusteeship Council: 2()tli Session New York Apr. 

Meeting of lOxperts on the Inter-American Telecomminiications M6.\ico, D.F Apr. 

Network and ITU/CCITT Plan Subcommittee. 

U.N. ECOSOC Statistical Conuuission: I Itli Session New York Apr. 

U.N. Economic Commission for Europe: 15th Session Geneva Apr. 

ICAO Panel of Teletypewriter Specialists: 4th Meeting Montreal Apr. 

ILO Petroleum Committee: 6th Session Geneva Apr. 

U.N. ECOSOC Coinniission on Narcotic Drugs: 15th Session . . Geneva Apr. 

ICEM Executive Committee: 1 5th Session Naples Apr. 

U.N. ]:CAFE Committee on Industry and Natural Resources: Tokyo Apr. 

4th Session of Mineral Resources Developnsent Subcommittee. 

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee New York Apr. 

31, 1958- 






■ Prepared m the Office of International Conferences, Apr. 15, 1960. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT, 
Counts consultatif mtornational t61<5grapliique et t6I(^phoniquc; CENTO, Central Treaty Organization; ECAFE, Eco- 
nomic Commission for Asia and the Far East; lOCE, lu'onomic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Isconoinic and Social 
Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Taritfs and Trade; lAlOA, Interna- 
tional Atomic Energy Agency; IA-E(;OSOC, Inler-Amerioan Economic and Social Council; IBE, International Bureau 
of Education; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European 
Tlf.""''','"" ' ^'"'■*' I"t<"""!itio"!il Eabor Organization; IMCO, Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; 
111 International Telecoiruuunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; PAIIO, Pan American 
llealth Organizntion; SKATO, Soutlieast A.sia Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations 
Jxlucational Scientific mul Cultural Organization; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; UPU, Universal Postal 
Lnion; WMO, World Meteorological Organization. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

Scheduled May 1 Through July 31, 1960 

ICAO Informal Caribbean Regional Meteorology Meeting .... 

FAO Group on Citrus Fruits: 1st Session 

NATO Ministerial Council 

Cr.\TT (\)nwnittoe on Halanoe-of-Paynients Restrictions 

I'.N. ECOSOC Commission on Commodity Trade: 8tli Session . 

International Fisheries Convention of 1940: Sth Meeting of Per- 
manent Conunission. 

13th World Health Assembly 

ICE.M Council: 12th Session 

International Rul>l)cr Study Group: 62d Meeting of Management 

FAO Advisory Campaign Committee on Freedom From Hunger . 

GATT Committees I and II on Kxpansion of International Trade . 

UNESCO/ILO Committee of Exports on Xeighlioiiii.t; Right^s . . 

IAE.\ Symposiiuu on Fuel Element Fal)ricatiou With Special 
Emphasis on Cladding Materials. 

UNESCO Advisory Committee on the 3d Major Project on Arid 
Zone Research and Symposium on .\rid Zone Problems. 

Meeting of Heads of Government and Chiefs of State 

U.N. ECE Working Group on Coordination of .Vgricultural Sta- 

GATT Contracting Parties: 16th Session 

UPU Executive and Liaison Committee 

IMCO International Conference on the Safety of Life at Sea . . . 

International Cotton .\dvisory Committee: 1st Session of the Com- 
mittee on Extra- Long-Staple Cotton. 

F.\0 Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: Working Party on 
Copra Quality and Grading. 

Sth Pan -American Highway Congress 

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 19th Plenary Meeting . 

F.\0 Group on Coconut and Coconut Products: 3d Session . . . 

IC.VO Panel on Origin-and-Destination Statistics: 2d Meeting . . . 

ILO Governing Body: 1-I5th Session 

U.N. ECE Group of Rapporteurs on Comparisons of Systems of 
National Accounts. 

U.N. Tin Conference 

SEATO Military Advisers 

U.N. Special Fund: 4th Session of the Governing Council .... 

ITU Adnunistrative CouucU: 15th Session 

International Union for the Protection of Industrial Property: 24th 

International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 10th 

International Commission on Irrigation, Flood Control, and Drain- 
age: 4th 

SEATO Council: 0th Meeting 

13th International Cannes Film Festival 

FAO Cocoa Studv Group: 6th Session of Committee on Statistics . 

2d UNESCO Meeting on Salinity Problems 

FAO Group on Grains: Sth Session 

International Labor Conference: 44th Session 

World Power Conference: 13th Sectional Meeting 

U.N. ECE Housing Committee: 20th Session (and Working Par- 

FAO Committee on Commodity Problems: 33d Session 

7th Annual Electronic, Nuclear, and Cinematographic Exposition . 

U.N. ECE Subcommittee on Road Transport: Working Party on 
Construction of Vehicles. 

UNESCO Committee of Governmental Experts on a Draft Inter- 
national Convention and Draft Recommendations on Various 
Aspects of Discrimination in Education. 

International Conference on Large Electric Systems: 18th General 

A ^sf* m h 1 V 

U.N. ECE' Coal Trade Subcommittee 

U.N. ECOSOC Group of Consultants on the Standardization of 
Cartographic Names. 

International Whaling Commission: 12th Meeting 

10th International Berlin Film Festival 

ILO Governing Body: 146th Session 

WMO Executive Committee: 12th Session 

UPU Consultative Committee on Postal Studies: Annual Meeting 
of Management Council. 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: 24th Session 

GATT Working Party on Polish Participation in the Tariff Con- 

International Wheat Council: 30th Session 

Curagao May 1- 

Madrid May 2- 

Istanbul May 2- 

Gencva May 2- 

New York May 2- 

London May 3- 

Geneva May 3- 

Naples May 5- 

London May 5- 

Rome May 9- 

Geneva May 9- 

The Hague May 9- 

Vienna May 10- 

Paris May 10- 

Paris May 16- 

Geneva May 16- 

Geneva May 16- 

Bern May 16- 

London May 17- 

Mexico, D.F May 18- 

Rome May 18- 

Bogotd May 20- 

Mexico, D.F May 23- 

Rome May 23- 

Montreal May 23- 

Geneva May 23- 

Geneva May 23- 

New York May 23- 

Washington May 25- 

New York May 25- 

Geneva May 28- 

London May 28- 

Bergen, Norway May 30- 

Madrid May 30- 

Washington May 31- 

Cannes May 

Rome May . 

Spain May 

Rome June 1- 

Geneva June 1- 

Madrid June 5- 

Geneva June 6- 

Rome June 7- 

Rome June 13- 

Geneva June 13- 

Paris June 13- 

Paris June 15- 

Geneva June 20- 

New York June 20- 

London June 20- 

Berlin June 24- 

Geneva June 24- 

Gcneva lune 27- 

Eastbourne, England June 27- 

Geneva June 27- 

Geneva June 27- 

London June 28- 

lAay 2, I960 


Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled May 1 Through July 31, 1960— Continued 

Caribbean Commission: 30th Meeting 

lA-ECOSOC Permanent Technical Committee on Ports: 3d Meet- 

Inter-American Seminar on Strengthening the Family Institution . 

Permanent International Commission of Navigation Congresses: 
Annual Meeting. 

7th International Meeting of Tonnage Measurement Experts . . . 

UNICEF Committee on Administrative Budget 

UNESCO Interdisciplinary Meeting on Peaceful Cooperation . . . 

UNESCO/IBE: 23d Conference on Public Education 

8th International Grassland Congress 

Inter- American Nuclear Energy Commission: 2d Meeting .... 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 30th Session 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Conference on International Oceano- 
graphic Ships. 

South Pacific Commission: llth Meeting of South Pacific Research 

Development Assistance Group: 2d Meeting 

Inter-American Indian Institute: Governing Board 

U.N. Commission on Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Re- 
sources: 3d Session. ^ 

U.N. ECOSOC Technical Assistance Committee 

San Juan June 

Rio de Janeiro June 

Caracas June 

Brussels June 

Europe June 

New York June 

Paris June 

Geneva July 4r- 

Reading, England July 11- 

PetropoHs, Brazil July 11- 

Geneva July 11- 

Denmark July 11- 

Noum<;a, New Caledonia . 

July 12- 

Bonn July 

Mexico, D. F July 

New York July 

Geneva July 

Inter- American Bank Designated 
Public International Organization 

Whitn House press release dated April 8 

The President on April 8 issued an Executive 
order designating the Inter-American Develop- 
ment Bank (lADB) as a public international or- 
ganization entitled to the benefits of the Inter- 
national Organizations Inmiunities Act of 
December 29, 1945. 

Tlie International Organizations Immimities 
Act provides that certain privileges, exemptions, 
and immunities shall be extended to such public 
international organizations as shall have been 
designated by the President through appropriate 
Executive order, and to their officers and em- 
ployees and the representatives of member states 
to such organizations. 

The act grants designated international organi- 
zations immunity from suit and judicial process 
and exempts them from customs duties and in- 
ternal revenue taxes imposed upon goods and 
effects imported by the organizations for their 
official use. In addition, the organizations are 
granted juridical personality tiiereby enabling 
them to enter into contracts and to acquire and 


dispose of real and personal property. The or- 
ganizations are exempt from including as gross 
income for income tax purposes the income they 
derive from investments in the United States. 
Kepresentatives of foreign governments in or to 
designated international organizations and the 
officers and employees of such organizations are 
granted immunity from suit and legal process re- 
lating to acts performed by them in their official 
capacity and falling within their functions as 
such representatives, officers, or employees. Rep- 
resentatives of governments and nonresident alien 
officers and employees of designated organizations 
may exclude from gross income for income tax 
purposes the salary paid them by the employing 
government or international organization respec- 
tively. These individuals are exempt from 
the application of the Social Security Act, the 
Federal Insurance Contributions Act, and the 
Federal Unemployment Tax Act. 

The Inter- American Development Bank is a new 
international organization. Its articles of agree- 
ment wore formulated on April 8, 1959,' by repre- 
sentatives of the United States and the 20 Latin 
iVmerican Kepublics, who are membei-s of the Or- 
ganization of American States. The agreement 

' For background, see Bulletin of May 4, 1959, p. C40. 
Department of State Bulletin 

was submitted to the government of each member 
of tlie Organization of American States. Twenty 
states have now signed and accepted nicnibei'ship 
in accordance with their constitutional processes, 
and tlie Bank is now in existence in accordance 
with tlie terms of the agreement. The United 
States lias become a member under the authority 
of the Inter- American Development Bank Act, ap- 
proved by Congress August 7, 1959 (73 Stat. 299) . 
The new Bank held its organizational meeting 
Febi-uary 3-16, 1960,^ in San Salvador, El Salva- 
dor. Along with other major international linan- 
cial institutions such as the International Bank, 
International Monetary Fund, and International 
Finance Corporation, the Inter- American Devel- 
opment Bank will have its headquarters in 

The formation of the Inter- American Develop- 
ment Bank represents a significant step in the 
development of inter- American economic coopera- 
tion. The establislmient of the Bank constitutes 
a recognition of the special relations, both political 
and economic, which the various American Repub- 
lics have with one another and of the desirability 
of ha\'ing special arrangements to facilitate mu- 
tual economic cooperation and regional develop- 
ment within the Western Hemisphere. 

The designation of the Inter- American Devel- 
opment Bank under the International Organiza- 
tions Immunities Act is designed to facilitate the 
operations of this new international organization 
with the United States. 


Designating the iNTEB-AMjatiCAN Development Bank 
AS A Public International Organization Entitled 
To Enjoy Certain PRmLEOEs, Exemptions, and Im- 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 1 of 
the International Organizations Immunities Act, approved 
December 29, 194.5 (59 Stat. CC9), and having found that 
the United States participates in the Inter-American De- 
veh)pment Bank under the authority of an act of Congress 
approved August 7, 1959 (73 Stat. 299), I hereby desig- 
nate the Inter-American Development Bank as a public 
international organization entitled to enjoy the privileges, 
exemptions, and immunities conferred by the Interna- 
tional Organizations Immunities Act. 

The designation of the Inter-American Development 
Bank as a public international organization within the 

meaning of the International Organizations Immunities 
Act shall not be deemed to abridge in any respect i)rivi- 
legcs, exemptions, and immunities which that organiza- 
tion may have acquired or may acquire by treaty or 
congressional action. 

X^ Cx*^ t-<5o'6<T<L.£^ A.»<-^ 

The White House 
April 8, 1000. 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs 

The Department of State on April 15 (press 
releiise 196) annomiced the members of the U.S. 
delegation to the 15th session of the Commission 
on Narcotic Drugs of the U.N. Economic and 
Social Comicil, which will convene at Geneva 
April 25, 1960. 

Edward J. Rowell, Foreign Service officer, will 
head the delegation in his capacity as Acting U.S. 
Representative on the Commission. Illinois State 
Senator Jolin P. Meyer, chairman of the jomt 
Senate-House Committee on Narcotic and Dan- 
gerous Drugs of the Illinois State Legislature, 
will ser\'e as principal adviser to the delegation. 
Other members will include Elwyn F. Chase, Jr., 
of the Department of State and Charles Siragusa 
of the Treasury Department. 

The Commission on Narcotic Drugs, an advisory 
body to the Economic and Social Coimcil of the 
United Nations, meets annually. 

This session will consider, among other things, 
illicit traffic, the Middle East Narcotics Survey 
Mission, opium and opiates, drug addiction, and 
carriage of narcotic drugs in first-aid kits in air- 
craft engaged in international flight. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography ' 

Security Council 

Suminiiry statement by the Secretary-General on Matters 
of Which the Security Council is Seized and on the 

'For background, see ibid., Feb. 15, 1960, p. 263, and 
Feb. 29, 1960, p. 344. 
' Z'i Fed. Reff. 3007. 

' Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may be 
consulted at certain designated libraries in the United 

May 2, 1960 


state Reached in Their Consideration. S/4301. April 
4, 1900. 5 PI). , ^ 

Letter Dated 2!) March 1900 From the Penuanent Repre- 
sentative of Palcistan Addressed to the President of 
the Security Council. S/4292. March 30, 1960. 3 pp. 

General Assembly 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. Progress Report on UNHCR Programmes for 
1959 and on the Former UNREF Programme as of 31 
December 19.59. A/AC.9e/57. March S, 1900. 137 pp. 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. Note on First Report of Special Cases Among 
Refugees in Austria and Germany. A/AC.9C/C2/Add. 
1. March 9, 1900. 4 pp. 

Executive Committee of the High Commissioner's Pro- 
gramme. Progress Report on Programme for New 
Hungarian Refugees. A/AC.96/58. March 10, 1900. 
17 pp. 

Economic and Social Council 

Elections: Election of Oue-third of the Membership of 
Functional Commissions of the Council. Note by the 
Secretarv-Geueral. E/3330. March 7, 1900. 7 pp. 


El Salvadof 

Agreemeut relating to the guaranty of private invest- 
ments. Signed at San Salvador January 29, 1960. 
Entered into force: April 8, 1960. 


Agreement providing a grant to assist iu the acquisition 
of certain nuclear research and training equipment 
and materials. Effected by exchange of notes at Dublin 
March 24, 1960. Enters into force on a date to be 
determined by mutual agreement. 

United Arab Republic 

Agreement extending to the Northern (Syrian) Region of 
the United Arab Republic application of the provisions 
of the general agreement for technical cooperation with 
Egypt of May 5, 19.51 (TIAS 2479), as amended by 
exchanges of notes of February 21 and 25, 1952, and 
February 23 and 24, 19.54 (TIAS 2479 and 2986), and 
the agreement for economic development assistance 
with Egypt of November 6, 1954 (TIAS 3150). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Cairo April 2, 1960. 
Entered into force April 2, 1960. 


Current Actions 



Constitution of the Food and Agriculture Organization of 
the United Nations. Signed at Quebec October 16, 1945. 
Entered into force October 10, 1945. TIAS 15.54. 
Acceptance deposited: Cameroun, March 22, 1960. 

Law of the Sea 

Ccmvention on the territorial sea and the contiguous zone. 

Done at Geneva Ar)ril 29, 1958.' 

ltatificution.i deposited: United Kingdom, March 14, 
1960 ; ' Haiti, March 30, 1960. 

Accession deposited: Cambodia, March 21, 1960. 
Convention on the high seas. Done at Geneva April 29, 


Rati/iriitioiis deposited: United Kingdom, March 14, 
1900; Haiti, March 30, IIMIO. 

Accession deposited: Cambodia, March 21, 1960. 
Convention on fishing and conservation of living re.sourccs 

of the high .seas. Done at Gencvji April 29, 19.58.' 

lintifieiitions deposited: United Kingdom, March 14, 
1900 ; ' Haiti, March 30, 1900. 

Accession deposited: Cambodia, March 21, 1960. 
Convention on the continental shelf. Done at Geneva 

Aiiril 29. ];i.58.' 

Ratiflention deposited: Haiti, March .30, 1960. 

Accession deposited: Cambodia, March 21, I960. 

' Not in force. 
'With ii declaration. 

Check List of Department of State 

Press Releases: April 11-17 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 


, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 


tssuetl prior to April 11 which appear in 

this issue of the Buixetin are Nos. 103 and 164 of | 


1, 177 

of April 7, and 182 of April 8. 






Note to Cuba on withdrawal of 




Note to Cuba on dismissal of Navy base 



Note to Cuba on exportation of 



U.S. contributions to refugee programs 



McColhun resignation (biographic de- 



Scientific cooperation in Antarctica 
with Chile. 



Cabot nominated U.S. representative to 
ECE (biographic details). 



Henderson named President's repre- 
senbitive at Congress of Iranian Art 
and Archeology (rewrite). 



Aid to Somalia drought victims. 



Dillon named escort to President de 



Delegation to Togo independence cere- 



Program for visit of President de 



Dillon : Virginia State Chamber of 



Delegation to Commission on Narcotic 
Drugs (rewrite). 


*Not prin 


Department of State Bulletin 

May 2, 1960 I n d 

Africa. Our Role In the Quickeuing Pace Toward 

Imlepeaulence in Africa (Satterthwaite) . . . 086 

Agriculture. Ambassador Bonsai Ueplies to Three 

Cuban Complaints (Bonsai, Roa) 705 

American Republics 

Inter-American Bank Designated Public Interna- 
tional Organization (text of Executive order) . . 71G 

Toward Better Understanding Between the United 

States and Latin America (Rubottom) . . . COS 

Antarctica. U.S. and Chile To Cooperate in Ant- 
arctic Scientific Program (text of joint annoimce- 
meut) 698 

Aviation, .\mbassiidor Bonsai Replies to Three 

Cuban Complaints (Bonsai, Roa) 705 


Results of Renegotiation by Canada of Textile Con- 
cessions Announced 709 

Western Foreign Ministers Meet To Prepare for 

Summit Conference 683 

Chile. U.S. and Chile To Cooperate in Antarctic 

Scientific Program (text of joint announcement) . 698 

Colombia. U.S. and Colombia Reaffirm Determina- 
tion To Continue Collaboration on Matters of 
Mutual Concern (Eisenhower, Lleras) .... 699 

Communism. Some Economic Aspects of U.S. 

ForeiiTU Policy (Dillon) 679 

Congress, The 

Congressional Documents Relating to Foreign 
Policy 713 

U.S. and Colombia Reaffirm Determination To Con- 
tinue Collaboration on Matters of Mutual Con- 
cern (Eisenhower, Lleras) 699 

Cuba. Ambassador Bonsai Replies to Three Cuban 
Complaints (Bonsai, Roa) 705 

Cultural Exchange, ilr. Henderson To Represent 

U.S. at Iranian Archeological Congress .... 713 

Disarmament. Western Foreign Ministers Meet To 

Prepare for Summit Conference 683 

Economic .\ffairs 

Results of Renegotiation by Canada of Textile Con- 
cessions Announced 709 

Some Economic Aspects of U.S. Foreign Policy 

(Dillon) 679 

Toward Better Understanding Between the United 

States and Latin America (Rubottom) .... 693 


Under Secretary Dillon To Escort President 

de Gaulle on U.S. Tour 685 

Western Foreign Ministers Meet To Prepare for 

Summit Conference 683 

Germany. Western Foreign Ministers Meet To Pre- 
pare for Summit Conference 683 

e X 

Vol. XLII, No. 1088 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 714 

Inler-.Vmerican Rank Designated Public Interna- 
tional Organization (text of Executive order) . 716 

U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs (delegation) . 717 

U.S. Increases Contribution to World Refugee 

Year 708 

Western Foreign Ministers Meet To Prepare for 

Summit Conference 683 

Iran. Mr. Henderson To Represent U.S. at Iranian 

Archeological Congress 713 

Italy. Western Foreign Ministers Meet To Prepare 
for Summit Conference 683 

Japan. President Eisenhower To Visit Japan and 

Korea 685 

Korea. President Eisenhower To Visit Japan and 

Korea 685 

Mutual Security 

Our Role in the Quickening Pace Toward Independ- 
ence in Africa (Satterthwaite) 686 

Some Economic Aspects of U.S. Foreign Policy 

(Dillon) G7!> 

U.S. Sends Grain to Somalia for Relief of Drought 

Victims 713 

Non-Self-Governing Territories. U.S. Sends Grain 

to Somalia for Kelief of Drought Victims . . . 713 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Western For- 
eign Ministers Meet To Prepare for Summit 
Conference 683 

Philippines. 18th Anniversary of Bataan (Eisen- 
hower) 685 

Presidential Documents 

18th Anniversary of Bataan 685 

Inter-American Bank Designated Public Interna- 
tional Organization 716 

U.S. and Colombia Reaffirm Determination To Con- 
tinue Collaboration on Matters of Mutual 
Concern ggt) 

Refugees. U.S. Contribution to World 
Refugee Year 70s 

Science. U.S. and Chile To Cooperate in Antarctic 

Scientific Program (text of joint announcement) . 698 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 718 

United Kingdom. Western Foreign Ministers Meet 
To Prepare for Summit Conference 683 

United Nations. Current U.N. Documents .... 717 
'Name Index 

Bonsai, Philip W 705 

Dillon, Douglas 679 

Eisenhower, President 6S5, 699, 716 

Lleras Camargo, Alberto (i!)0 

Roa, Rafil 70.-. 

Rubottom, II. R., Jr 693 

Satterthwaite, Joseph C 6S6 


-mi J 

United States 
Government Printing Office 


Washington 25, D.C. 


Background of 
Heads of Government 
Conference • 1960 








Principal Documents • 1955-1959 
With Narrative Summary 

This volume contains documents of the period 1955 to 1959 covering 
the principal developments leading to the May 1960 Paris Conference 
of the Heads of Government of the United States, the United King- 
dom, France, and the Soviet Union. A narrative summary, which 
precedes the documents, refers to the Heads-of-Government meetings 
held during World War II and reviews briefly the relations between 
the Soviet Union and the Western Powers in the early postwar years. 
It deals more fully with those relations for the period beginning with 
the Geneva Summit Conference of July 1955. 

The documents, all of which have been released previously, include 
diplomatic commmiications exchanged by the several goverimients ; a 
number of official declarations and communiques; various proposals 
and statements made at the Heads-of-Government Conference of July 

1955 and at the Foreign Ministers Conferences of October-November 

1956 and May-August 1959; messages exchanged by President Eisen- 
hower and Soviet Chairmen Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita S. Khru- 
shchev; and press statements and addresses of importance made by 
President Eisenhower, Chairman Khrushchev, Secretaries of State 
Dulles and Herter, and others. 

Publication 6972 


' ' ' ■ ' '" '""^^ Please send me copies of Background of Heads of Government Confer- 

ence • 1960. 
ro: Stipt. of Documeuis 

(jiivl. Printing; <>ilict' 

Washington 2,'>, P.C. ^^H Name: 

Encloneil liml: "^ Street Address : 


(<:iish,c;/i«'cA,f>r money ' ^'^y- Zone, and State: 

'trdiT pnyuhU: to 

Siij)! . <•! hill K.) 



?3ri. / f\Ja 







Vol. XLII, No. 1089 

Boston Public Library 
Su^rintendent of Documents 

JUL 19 1960 


May 9, 1960 

WARD • Address by Secretary Herter 754 


Secretary Dillon 723 

THE APPROACH TO THE SUMMIT • by Assistant Secre- 
tary Berding 729 


Wallace R. Brode, Science Adviser 735 


GROUP • by C. n. Mchoh 758 


THE UNITED STATES— 1860 • Article by E. Taylor 
Parks 744 

For index see inside back cover 


Vol. XLII, No. 1089 • Publication 6991 
May 9, 1960 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Oovornmcnt Printing omce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


52 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 25 cents 

The printing of this puhllcatlon has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Dki'ahtmknt 
OF State Bulletin u-s the sonree will he 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government uith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 

American Foreign Policy Today 

by Under Secretary Dillon ' 

The conference you liave just concluded pro- 
vides renewed evidence, if indeed any were needed, 
that American hibor is conscious tcxhiy as never 
before of the ^•^■a\ efforts wliicli our country mxist 
make in tlie never-ending seurcli for peace. 
American labor well knows that we can no longer 
think of our security as something apart, en- 
shrined in a "Fortress America." American labor 
recognizes that we cannot continue indefinitely to 
enjoy our material well-l)eing unless other peoples, 
pai-ticularly tlie underpi-ivileged of the newly de- 
veloping areas, also prosper. American labor is a 
tnily influential force whose vnulei-standing and 
support of our international objectives are essen- 
tial to their achievement. I therefore welcome this 
timely opportvmity to discuss three major aspects 
of our foreign policy : 

First, our etforts to preserve the liberty and 
strength of the free world and to resist the Sino- 
Soviet imperialistic drive. 

Second, our etforts to keep the fierce and in- 
escapable struggle to which we have been chal- 
lenged by the Communist leadei-s from exploding 
into war. 

Third, our long-range search for a world order 
capable of secunng peace with justice and 

Soviet power and determination to expand 
Communist influence throughout the world 
grave and continuing threats to jjeace. Despite 
constant talk of "peaceful coexistence,"' there is 
no evidence that Communist expaiisionist anil)i- 
tions have altered in the slightest. It is true that 

'Address made lieforc the AKI>-('I() ("onfpreiice on 
World .\ffairs at New York City on Apr. 20 (press release 
202 1 . 

Soviet rulers now appear anxious to pursue their 
unchanging goals through nonmilitary tactics — 
through diplomacy, trade, economic aid, propa- 
ganda, and internal subversion. However, they 
remain confident that the totalitarian system shall 
prevail. Their present emphasis on nonmilitary 
measures does not mean that the struggle will be 
less intense nor the stakes less important. The 
primary issue today is nothing less than the sur- 
vival of free men in a free civilization. 

Meanwhile the Sino-Soviet bloc maintains 
enormous military power, which reinforces its 
constant pressure upon the free world. The risk 
of armed conflict is ahvays with us. We must 
mount a vigorous and continuing effort to con- 
tain that risk if peace is to be kept. 

A first imperative is to maintain our military 
strength at a level which will insure that the 
Soviet leaders will never be tempted to imleash 
thermonuclear war against the United States or 
its allies. We have such strength today, and I 
can assure you that our present and projected de- 
fense programs will maintain and reinforce this 
essential strength. 

Another imperative is to maintain and rein- 
force our collective system of defensive security 
pacts, involving nearly half a hundred nations 
and reaching the farthest corners of the globe. 
This collective strength is urgently required to 
deter the Communists from using local military 
force — as they did 10 years ago in Korea — to ex- 
pand their empire. Its need is pointed up by the 
actions of the Chinese Communists in the Straits 
of Taiwan, their crime against Tibet, and their 
recent military pressures on the borders of India. 

So long as danger pereists and there is no gen- 
eral and effective system of arms control, we and 
our allies must keep up our defenses. We must 

May 9, I960 


not be deluded by any superficial appearance of 
detente into relaxing these efforts. 

But this is not enough. To keep the peace we 
must also tr>' to establish rational communication 
with the Soviet Union. Despite undiminished 
Soviet ambitions, there is considerable evidence 
that the Soviets, like ourselves, are conscious of 
the dangers of the present situation and wish to 
reduce the risks of major war. We are seeking to 
verify this through negotiation. Our immediate 
objective is to minimize the risk of war by mis- 
calculation. Our ultimate objective is the removal 
of these dangers through settlement of outstand- 
ing issues and the creation of a stable world order. 
This, however, is a long-range goal which cannot 
be realized unless and until the Communist leaders 
abandon their imperialist ambitions. 

With these objectives in mind, we are engaged 
in the arms control conferences at Geneva and are 
preparing for the summit meeting next month in 
Paris.^ We are and shall be openminded in our 
search for agreements which could alleviate the 
present dangerous confrontation — but without 
sacrificing those principles we deem to be, right 
and just. 

Problem of Germany, Including Berlin 

The central issue confronting the Soviet Union 
and the Western nations at the summit is the 
problem of (-rennuny, including Berlin. No issue 
on earth today is more critical. It involves the 
immediate fate of 2I/4 million West Berliners and 
the ultimate destiny of about 70 million Germans. 
It bears directly upon the future stability of Cen- 
tral Europe and the possibility of a lasting Euro- 
pean {>eace. It represents a critical test of the 
integrity and dependability of the free world's 
collective security systems, because no nation could 
preserve its faith in collective security if we per- 
mitted the couriigeous people of AVest Berlin to 
be sold into slavery. It also repi-esents a critical 
test of Soviet good faith in all areas of negotia- 
tion. For the goals of disarmament and the gen- 
eral improvement of East- West relations have no 
prospect of attainment if we find that the Soviet 
rulers or their (lernian puppets are prepared 
to use force or the threat of force in an attempt 
to isolate and subjugate West Berlin. Finally, 
we must recognize that the issue of Germany and 

'For barkKriitiixl. sec Hii.i.kti.n of May 2. I'.KM), p. 683. 

Berlin, if it cannot be resolved through negotia- 
tion, may involve the gravest of all issues: the 
issue of peace or war. 

In the long run tlie problem of Germany and 
Berlin can only be solved through German reuni- 
fication. This the Soviets have so far rejected, 
fearing to put their i-ule in East Germany to 
the test of a free vote. But we cannot abandon 
our goal or abate our efforts toward its achieve- 
ment, because we know that a divided Germany 
will remain a powder keg so long as the division j| 
persists. Meanwhile we are willing to consider 
interim arrangements to reduce tensions in Ber- 
lin and lessen present dangers. But we are deter- 
mined to maintain our presence in Berlin and to 
preserve its ties with the Federal Republic. We 
will not accept any arrangement which might be- 
come a first step toward the abandonment of West 
Berlin or the extinguishing of freedom in that 
part of Germany which is a free, peaceful, and 
democratic member of the world community. 

Soviet View of Berlin 

It would be highly optimistic to pretend that 
prospects of an early agreement are bright. Mr. 
Khrushchev has had a great deal to say recently 
which bears upon Berlin and Germany, and his 
words leave the inescapable impression that the 
Soviet view of Berlin is far removed from the 
facts. I>et us examine some of his comments. 

He begins with the assertion that West Berlin 
lies "on the territory" of the so-called German 
Democratic Republic. This is not only false; it 
is contrary to the pledged word of the Soviet 
Government. While it is true enough that the 
Soviet-occupied portion of Germany surrounds 
Berlin, it is equally true that Berlin was given 
separate status under the occupation agreement, 
which the Soviets themselves formulated, together 
with tlie British and ourselves.^ 

Moreover, the so-called German Democratic Re- 
public is one of the outstanding myths in a vast 
Conununist web of ])rodigious mythology. Its 
puppet rulers are totally under the control of Mos- 
cow. Despite tii-eless efforts to build a local Com- 
munist apparatus in East Germany, it is doubtful 
tliiit these rulers could remain in power for a single 
day witliout tlie support of vSoviet bayonets. The 

' For text of the 1!)44 aKreeinent definiiiK the status 
of Herliii. see ibiil., Apr. 11. liMiO, \>. UTA. 

Department of State Bulletin 

East Genniui reirime is notrecojpiized as ajioverii- 
ment by any non-Communist nation. Botli lejjally 
and as a matter of <reo<rraiihic fact, West Berlin is 
entirely independent of the so-called German 
Democratic Republic — and it will remain so. 

Mr. Khrushchev continues to insist that West- 
ern forces leave West Berlin and that it be de- 
clared a "free city." He ignores the fact that 
West Berlin is ali-eady a free city — the lone 
island of freedom within the boundaries of the 
sprawlinjr Communist empire. W^hen he speaks of 
makin-r AVest Berlin a "free city," his meaning is 
only too clear: He desires West Berlin to be free 
from protection, free from security, free from its 
commercial and cultural ties with West Ger- 
many — and cut ot!' from freedom itself. 

Mr. Khrushchev has also complained that the 
situation in Berlin is "abnormal." With this con- 
tention we can wholeheartedly agree. It is indeed 
abnormal when 1 million East Berlinere are for- 
cibly divided from more than 2 million fellow- 
citizens in West Berlin, when they are constrained 
to live under a totalitarian regime unlawfully im- 
posed by a foreign power, and when even family 
iniits are divided by an arbitraiy boimdary im- 
posed in the name of a foreign ideology. 

But the abnormal situation in Berlin is merely 
one facet of the greater abnormality created by the 
artificial separation of the East Zone from the re- 
mainder of Germany. The monstrous nature of 
this abnonnality has been strikingly demonstrated 
by the fact that more than 2% million p]ast Ger- 
mans and East Berliners have, during the last 10 
years, exercised the only franchise available to 
them and have voted with their feet against Com- 
munist rule by fleeing to West Berlin and the 
Federal Republic. 

The abnormality of which Mr. Khrushchev 
speaks can be cured only by permitting the whole 
German nation to decide its own way of life. The 
only practical way in wliich they can exercise this 
right is through free elections. Mr. Khrushchev 
and other Soviet spokesmen have often pro- 
claimed their devotion to the principle of self-de- 
termination. Tiiis pretense is exposed as an empty 
gesture when they refuse to apply that principle 
to Berlin and Germany. 

^^r. Khrusiuliev has also argued that we must 
move rapidly to lifpiidate the "leftovers" of the 
Second World AVar, among which he includes 
what he des<ril)es as the "occupation" of West 
Berlin by American, British, and French forces. 

We are even more anxious than Mr. Khrushchev to 
liciuidate the leftovers of AVorld AVar II. But Mr. 
Khrushchev must recognize that these leftovers 
are lather numerous: 

Is the Soviet Union prepared to remove its 
forces from East Gennany and the Eastern Euro- 
pean countries on which they are imposed? 

Is it willing to grant self-detemiination to the 
P^ast Germans and to permit the peoples of the 
Soviet-dominated states in Eastern P^urope to 
choose their own destiny ? 

Is it willing to abandon the fiction of a separate 
north Korea and to permit the entire Korean 
people to reunite under free elections supervised 
by the Ignited Nations? 

Is it at last willing to cease obstructing the 
operation of the United Nations Charter— to 
which the Soviet I^nion pledged itself in San Fran- 
cisco and whose application it has consistently 
frustrated by a series of vetoes in the Security 
Council ? 

The United States and its Western allies would 
be happy indeed to see these leftovers of World 
AA'ar II liquidated. But we are not prepared to 
begin this process by permitting the isolation and 
engulfment of AVest Berlin. 

AVe have repeatedly informed Mr. Khrushchev 
that we will not negotiate under duress. Yet in 
his recent statements about his intentions to sign 
a separate peace treaty with the so-called German 
Democratic Republic unless an East-West agree- 
ment is reached on Berlin, he is skating on very 
thin ice. We are approaching the summit with 
every intention of seeking a mutually acceptable 
solution of the German problem, including Berlin, 
of seeking just settlements of other international 
differences, and of exploring ways to improve re- 
lations between the AA^estern AA'^orld and the Soviet 
bloc. Our positions are flexible, and we are 
willing to explore every reasonable avenue that 
may lead to agreement. But Mr. Khrushchev and 
his associates will be profoundly disillusioned if 
they assume that we will bow to threats or that 
we will accept their distorted picture of the Ger- 
man problem as a factual premise upon which 
to negotiate. 

Xo organization has stood moi-e firmly or been 
more helpful in the fight for the freedom of Berlin 
and all Germany than the AFIv-CIO. It was in 
recognition of this fact that your president last 
De<'ember 7th received a high decoration from 
Chancellor Adenauer. As a Government, we are 

May 9, 1960 


proud to associate ourselves with Mr. [(leorge] 
Meany's statement on that occasion : 

Neither the freedom of West Berlin, nor the freedom 
of the 50 million people of West Germany, can be objects 
of international bargaining. 

Program for Victory 

I have so far outlined those policies which we 
are pursuing in order to keep the peace. But this 
alone is not enough. We are energetically 
striving to advance the freedom and well-being 
of all the world's peoples. This is our "program 
for victory" — victorj- over want and misery in 
the period of intensified competition with com- 
munism that lies ahead. 

Your executive council has well stated : 

Hundreds of millions of people throughout the world 
live in abject poverty and are denied the essentials of 
political and spiritual freedom. Soviet imperialism con- 
tinues to inten.sify and place increasing emphasis on 
attempts to exploit this poverty and injustice. 

It is these underprivileged and newly developing 
peoples who are increasingly the target of Soviet 
policy. The Communist drive is far more than 
economic; it also involves political, psychological, 
and cultural factors. 

As free men we have accepted the Communist 
challenge in the newly developing areas, confident 
that our society and principles represent the 
revolutionary dynamic of freedom that must ulti- 
mately prevail. We must continue to carry the 
message of freedom and share its rewards with 
the less privileged peoples. Unless they can have 
hope for the future, their desperate poverty may 
incline them to Communist panaceas. We must 
continue to help them gain a stake in freedom. 
We must work with these peoples to build up 
their countries on the same basis of mutuality of 
interest that has guided the diverse groups in the 
I'nited States in working together to build our 
great country. 

The welfare of all the newly developing areas 
is a matter of deep concern to us. The position 
of our friends and neighbors in Latin America 
is of special importance, and I can assure you that 
we shall never take our southern neighbors for 
granted. We are sincerely interested in the ad- 
vancement of the newly emerging peoples of 
Africa, and our concern is by no means limited to 
material progress. We are deeply sympathetic 

to the yearnings of the African peoples for dig- 
nity and equality. It is our sincere hope that the 
United Nations Security Council resolution of 
April 1st,' which deplored current developments 
in South Africa and called upon the Secretary- 
General to consult with the Government of South 
Africa, will prove to be effective. 

I know that I do not have to appeal to you for 
support in our efforts to extend the blessings of 
freedom to all men, everywhere. In the reso- 
lutions adopted by your convention at San Fran- 
cisco last September, you called for "an expanded, 
long-term and fully effective program of eco- 
nomic aid and technical assistance to the indus- 
trially less developed nations."' 

Your strong support of this program is most 
welcome. I know that you, like most Americans, 
look upon our Mutual Security Program as a di- 
rect investment in our own future safety and well- 

Private American groups, notably labor, are 
impoitant in communicating the ideas and values 
of a free society. Great work has been done by 
the AFI^CIO, both on its own and with the In- 
ternational Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 
in assisting free labor organizations in many parts 
of the world. This work has ah^eady made a vital 
contribution to the development of peoples newly 
emerging into freedom and statehood. 

Labor, as we know, has always been a major 
target of Communist, subversion. With the in- 
creased emphasis which the Soviet Union has 
begun to place on economic penetration, the AFL- 
CIO and the free \ahor organizations abroad with 
which it is associated will be confronted with an 
even greater challenge in the years ahead. The 
n&w Communist competition is being directed 
very intensively at labor organizations in the de- 
veloping countries. The task of American labor 
in making its experience of economic advancement 
in a democratic framework understandable and 
usable to the newly developing countries is indeed 
a challenge which will increasingly require all the 
ingenuity and perseverance that it can muster. 
Free labor is in an especially favored position to 
bring this message to the workers of the develop- 
ing countries and to point up the illusory nature 
of the Communist appeal to achieve economic de- 

' For text, see iliiil.. .\pr, 2.".. 19B0, p. 6«(). 


Department of State Bulletin 

velopment at the cost, of pereoiial and national 
freedom. Free lalwr, I am confident, will con- 
tinue to play a hifjhly signiilicaiit and constructive 
role in providing ideological leaderehip, technical 
guidance, and its rich experience in freedom in 
support of the legitimate aspirations of workers 
throughout the free world. 

In our dealings with the peoples of the newly 
developing areas we must always be aware that 
what we do here at home has a direct bearing on 
our success abroad. Our country projects its 
image to all peoples, for better or worse. They 
are impressed by what we do rather than by what 
we say. If they see us dealing effectively with our 
own internal problems- — economic, educational, 
racial, political — they will have the best answer to 
the Communist argument that only by imitating 
its own degrading, totalitarian methods can new 
nations achieve economic development and a high 
standard of living. 

We can and must demonstrate through sus- 
tained economic growth that freedom works — that 
it, better than communism, can mobilize human 
energies and bring about equitable sharing of the 
fruits of labor. We can and must bury the Soviet 
myth that our system is decadent while commu- 
nism is the "wave of the future." 

We can do this — but only if we are deeply aware 
that our problems are world problems. AVe must 
realize that all we do, or fail to do, here at home 
has a global impact and affects American interests 
throughout the world. 

"Peaceful Coexistence," Soviet Style 

We know what "peaceful coexistence" means to 
the Soviets. The Communist interpretation of 
"peaceful coexistence" is illustrated by their deeds 
as well as by their words. Even as they enun- 
ciate their doctrine, they proclaim in the same 
breatii tliat the Communist system will ultimately 
ab.sorb all other societies. Meanwhile they con- 
tinue to direct a deluge of poisonous propaganda 
against neighboring states and to make pronounce- 
ments aimed at stirring up domestic controversies 
within tliose states. Their subversive agents and 
puppet political parties are active in nearly every 
country in tlie world. Their economic and trading 
relationsiiips with otiier countries are designed not 
just to further legitimate trade interests but as 
levers to increase their political influence and 

power. This is "peaceful coexistence" — Soviet 
style — in action. We also know that to the Soviet 
Union "peaceful coexistence" even includes the use 
of military force whenever it suits their purposes, 
as in the brutal repression of freedom in Hungary. 

Actually the very phrase "coexistence" is both 
weird and presumptuous. Until the rise of such 
modern totalitarian systems as nazism and com- 
munism, the right of separate states and systems 
to exist was unquestioned. Coexistence has al- 
ways been assumed to be a minimal condition of 
peaceful international relations 

But even this minimal concept of "live and let 
live" is totally inadequate in today's world. We 
must live and help live. What the world really 
needs is cooperation, a pyositive and vigorous co- 
operation through which all systems and societies 
can join hands in seeking solutions to pressing 
human problems. The United States believes in 
the right of all peoples to choose their own beliefs 
and systems with mutual tolerance and respect for 
one another. We are convinced, because of our 
own national experience, that diversity is as useful 
as it is inevitable, that human differences repre- 
sent a vital fountainhead of human progress. Let 
us therefore relegate to the scrap heap the concept 
of a transitory and uneasy coexistence and seek 
instead to utilize the diverse attitudes and talents 
of all peoples to solve the age-old problems of 
poverty, disease, ignorance, oppression, and in- 
justice. Let us cooperate affirmatively to de- 
velop the structure and tissue of a true world 

Search for an Orderly World Community 

Now, what is the goal toward which we are 
striving? '\\1iat kind of world do we want to see 
eventually come intolieing? 

We seek an orderly world community in which 
the danger of war is no more and where the rule 
of law allows man to safely devote his energies to 
the arts of peace. 

In its preamble tlie AVestern disannament plan,' 
which was proposed last month at Geneva, makes 
this clear. It sets as an ultimate goal a secure. 

' For text of a workinK paper on general disarmament 
released on Mar. 14 b.v Tanada. France, Ital.v, the United 
Kinedoni. and the luited States, see ihid., Apr. 4. 1!)6(), 
p. .-)n. 

- May 9, I960 


free, and peaceful world disarmed under effective 
international control, where disputes would be 
settled in accordance with the principles of the 
United Nations Charter. 

To attain this objective the Western plan en- 
compasses two parallel efforts: one to control and 
reduce armaments, the other to strengthen peace- 
keeping machineiy. The plan calls for progres- 
sive disannament measures which must be mutu- 
ally binding and adequately inspected. 

As a practical beginning we aim at arms control 
measures to reduce the risks of war by miscalcula- 
tion and to end the unregulated diffusion of nu- 
clear weapons. For many months negotiation 
about one such measure — a suspension of nuclear 
tests — has been under way. If it should be suc- 
cessfully concluded, a significant step toward 
limiting the further spread of nuclear capabili- 
ties will have been achieved. But this is not 
enough. We further seek prompt agreement — 
and the sooner the better — on measiu-es to reduce 
the risk of war by miscalculation, on safeguards 
against surprise attac-k, on measures to forestall 
weapons activity in outer space, and on an in- 
spected halt to the production of fissionable ma- 
terials for weapons purposes. We i-ecognize that 
such measures would not drastically curtail exist- 
ing armed forces. But they would stop the arms 
buildup and would reduce the danger of global 

Once a lid has been placed on the presently 
accelerating arms race, we should push on to far- 
reaching measures of controlled disarmament. 
Armed forces should be reducefl to levels required 
only for internal security, and weapons of mass 
destruction should be eliminated. No nation or 
group of nations could then defy the organized 
will and purpose of the world conmiunity. 

Parallel to the measures for safeguarded arms 
reduction, we aim for the development within the 
United Nations framework of a system of uni- 
versally recognized international law, and of inter- 
national machinery for the enforcement of such 
law and for the settlement of disputes arising 
under it. Tliis would i-e<iuire an international 
force capable of detennining aggression. Cer- 
tainly this nation will not disarm iicross the board 
unless we ai-e assured that an international body 
is in l^eing to preserve the peace. 

These, then, are the ways we seek to advance 
toward the ultimate goal of a more orderly world. 

The task will not be an easy one. A look at 
Chairman Khrushchev's disannament plan, which 
constitutes tlie basis of the Soviet bloc, position 
in the Ten-Nation Disarmament Conference, 
makes this clear. It is, in fact, not a plan at all 
but a broad statement of objectives — Communist 
objectives. Arms control and reduction measures 
are covered in sweeping generalities. No concrete 
provisions are made for verification and control 
arrangements. Nor is there any provision for 
policing the peace in a world devoid of arms. 

No Quick Solutions Available 

We Americans are impatient. We want quick, 
complete solutions. But no such solutions are 
available for today's international problems. Only 
a world assured of reasonable stability, order, and 
justice under law can serve the interests of our 
country and of all peoples. 

Such a world cannot be built overnight. Yet 
unless we make progress toward it we may reach 
a iX)int of no return. We shall strive toward its 
realization — through the U.N., through our dis- 
armament negotiations, through other negotia- 
tions with the Soviet Union, through all the far- 
flung efforts of our people at home and abroad 
in the fields of defense, of foreign trade and invest- 
ment, of development assistance, of cultural rela- 
tions, of personal contacts and diplomacy. 

To succeed, we will need to do more in all these 
fields. It is only through our onited efforts as a 
nation that we can hope to advance our best 
interests in the era of rugged competition that lies 

We are now engaged in a deliberate effort as a 
nation to influence the forces of history on a world- 
wide scale. Ambitious though such a task may be, 
we have no alternative. For luiless the rapidly 
changing world environment is shaped toward a 
new era of general freedom and prosperity and of 
universal order and law, neither the ITnited States 
nor any other free nation can live safely — or per- 
haps even survive. 

Our awareness of these truths drives home a 
sobering realization of what is required of each 
one of us. Our national achievement can be only 
the sum total of our accomplishments as individ- 
uals. The Government at Washington has no 
power or capacity independent of the people who 
make up this nation. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

This is no time for easy living, for lax stand- 
ards, or for {>ersonal pursuit of material l)enefits 
at the expense of the Nation's interest. I appeal 
to all Americans to demonstrate again that revolu- 
tionary zeal and ardor that won our indei)endence, 
that saved our national unity, that drove Ameri- 

cans on to conquer the wilderness and create a 
great civilization. We are called upon today, al- 
most literally, to help create a new world. 

This is a task to inspire all Americans and 
enlist their dedicated efforts, today and in the 
years to come. 

The Approach to the Summit 

by Andrew H. Berding 

Assistant Secretary for Public A fairs ^ 

It is always a pleasure to me to talk witli an or- 
ganization tliat not only has an interest in foreign 
affairs but also does something about it. The 
fourth objective of Rotary — "the advancement of 
international underetanding. good will and peace 
through a world fellowship of business and pro- 
fessional men united in the idejil of service" — can- 
not be commended too highly. But even more 
important is the fact that you electrify this ideal 
through action. The more than 1,000 students you 
have sent from some 65 countries to more than 
40 countries to pursue graduate studies are now 
aiding you in achienng your ideal. We have 
known many of these students, some of whom liave 
entered our Foreign Service. They give evidence 
of superior training and devotion, thanks to the 
Rotarj' Foundation Fellowship Program. 

Having in mind your established interest in 
foreign affairs and your membership in well over 
100 countries and other areas, I know you will bear 
with me when I speak today solely on foreign 
affairs, and also when I concentrate on one major 
imminent development in foreign affairs. 

Three weeks from Monday the eyes of the world 
will turn to Paris. Tiiere President Eisenhower, 
President de Gaulle, and Prime Minister Mac- 
millan will begin meeting with Soviet Ciiairman 
Khrushchev. About .'5,(K)0 repi-esentatives of news. 

' Address made before the district conference of Rotary 
International at Atlantic City, X.J., on Apr. 23 (press 
release 210). 

May 9, I960 

5482150 — 60 2 

radio, and TV organizations will cover the 

This conference brings together four leaders 
who have already carried out on their own during 
the past year an unprecedented series of top-level 
visits to one another. 

The Paris meeting comes about because the 
United States, along with its allies, believes that 
international problems should \ye solved by nego- 
tiation, not by force. President Eisenhower has 
often expressed his willingness to go anywhere, 
at any time, if lie could thereby further the cause 
of peace. 

You know the who and the when of the summit. 
Xow for the why and the what. 

Why Negotiate? 

The question as to the wliy is often asked in 
this way : 

Why should the leaders of France, Britain, 
and tlie ITnited States meet witli Mr. Khru- 
shchev? Cannot negotiations with the Soviets 
be conducted at a level which does not involve 
the President ? 

^^Hiy is there any j)oiiit in negotiating with 
Mr. Kiirushchev, wiio says that tiie ultimate 
objective of the Soviet Union remains im- 
changed — the triumpii of conununism over 

Wiiy should we negotiate new agreements 
with the Soviets in view of the fact they have 
broken so many agreements in tlie past? 


Before answering these questions, let me em- 
phasize tliat tlie United States and our allies are 
going to the simimit conference constructively, 
with the hope of making a contribution to world 
peace. The Paris meeting stems from the invi- 
tation extended to Chairman Khrushchev in De- 
cember by Presidents Eisenhower and de Gaulle 
and Prime Minister Macmillan.- 

Tlie reason we believe it may be fruitful to meet 
at the summit level is that Mr. Khrushchev has 
repeatedly made it clear that the real decisions 
for the Soviet Union are taken at his level — not 
below. If that is the case — we have no reason to 
doubt it — we must seek to see through personal 
diplomacy if Mr. Khrushchev is willing to make 
decisions with us. 

As to whether there is any point in negotiating 
with Mr. Khrushchev, that remains to be seen; 
but we would be. remiss if we did not tiy. The 
process of diplomacy is one of patient searching 
for tlie key to stubborn disputes. Wlien two 
nation.s, or groups of nations, are deadlocked and 
no possibility appears to exist for resolving the 
deadlock, it is the task of diplomacy to leave no 
grain of sand unturned in the search for any hon- 
orable approach that may offer a possibility for 
eventual agreement. Such searching may last 
for years. In the end, however, it may yield I'e- 
sults. Therefore the obligation that lies upon 
those wlio seek to establish a just and lasting peac« 
is to keep up the search, patiently and pains- 
takingly, never losing hope that eventually the 
goal will be reached. 

The issues on which the leaders will 1>6 negoti- 
ating at Paris are longstanding ones. They have 
been tlie subject of many, many meetings since the 
end of the war. And, following all these meet- 
ings, they still remain problems. It would con- 
sequently he naive to believe that, in a relatively 
brief meeting at the sunnnit, these issues could 
\y& settled once and for all. Obviously, that is 
not going to be the case. 

The ultimate objective of the Soviets — the tri- 
umph of the (\)nnnunis( blw over the five world — 
(h)es indeed remain unchanged. Mr. Khrushchev 
himself, during and after liis visit fo the United 
States, has frankly and repeatedly proclaimed 
this ol)jective. But their tactics for achieving 

' Vnv nil oxchHiiKc <if iiicssaups betwcpn rresideiit Eisen- 
howfr iiiiil Premier Khnislu-hov, sw Hulleti.n of .Ian. 18, 
1!MM), p. 77. 

this triumph seem to have altered. They appear 
to have given up, for the time teing at least, 
the thought of re^aching their goal through mili- 
tary means. They appear to be concentrating 
instead on political, economic, and psychological 
means. They give an impression of wanting to 
reduce tensions. 

A summit meeting therefore may be eminently 
useful in probing the sincerity and extent of the 
Soviets' expressed desire to begin to settle some 
outstanding issues with the AVesteni allies. There 
is always the cliance that, through a long process 
of evolution of their thinking, the Soviet rulers 
may eventually abandon their dream of domi- 
nating all other peoples and concentrate on im- 
proving the lot of their own people. 

I now come to the third question I posed : Since 
the Soviet ITnion has broken many agreements, 
why negotiate new ones ? 

The answer is that we are willing to negotiate 
not just any kind of agreement with the Soviet 
Union but only two kinds. One is the type whose 
execution can be controlled through inspection. 
Examples would be safeguarded disarmament 
and suspension of nuclear testing. By insisting 
on adequate inspection we can rely on something 
more solid than Soviet good faith to see that such 
conventions are carried out faithfully. The sec- 
ond is the type of agreement whose execution is 
controlled through reciprocity. An example is 
our cultural exchanges agreement with the Sovi- 
ets. This is so designed that the exchanges in 
various categories are made to depend upon 
mutual action. If the Soviets do not carry out 
their part of a given exchange we do not have to 
carry out our part. Thus far this agreement, now 
more than 2 years old, has worked verj' well 

The best kind of agreement, of course, is one 
so conceived that both sides find it in their own 
best interests to obsei-ve it. This is the kind the 
United States seeks to reach with other nations. 

What To Negotiate? 

.Vs to the (luestion of the irhnf at the summit, 
thei-e is no fixed agenda. But the major subjects 
to Im discussed come under tliree lieadings: dis- 
armament, Germany including Berlin, and East- 
West relations. 

On these major topics we and our allies will In? 
well prepared. The Western foreign ministers 


Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

conference held in Washing:ton last week was enii- 
tiently successful in re;u'hiii<i connnoii positions.^ 
Two more foreijrn niinistei-s nie^tinjis will l>e held 
prior to the sununit to discuss the Western points 
in further detail. There is no doubt that, when 
the summit opens, the Western participants will 
be unite<l on tinn but reasonable positions. 

But they will face one major difiiculty which it 
is well to appreciate to the full. And the peoples 
of the world will also face one major dillic ulty in 
undei-standin*; what goes on at the summit wliich 
it is likewise well to appreciate to the full. 

Tliis is tlie fact that in tlie Soviet T^nion we face 
no nonnal member of the international commu- 
nity. The Soviet leaders operate on the conviction 
that theii-s is the best political, economic, and so- 
cial system of organizing human society. They 
believe it is historically destined to super.sede al' 
other forms of human organization in the world. 
They believe they ai^e acting on the mandate of 
history when they actively promote the absorption 
of other countries in the Soviet type of Commu- 
nist system. Thus, when the AVestem leaders sit 
down at the summit table they are faced by Soviet 
chiefs who claim to possess univei-sally applicable 
doctrines and supix)sedly scientific truths which 
only they are fully capable of interpreting and 

The frame of reference within which these 
Soviet leaders conduct their affairs is thus unlike 
our own. Even though the words we speak are 
often the same, the meaning is frequently quite 
different. Tliis is particularly tnie when we de^il 
in generalities, as is often the case in international 

The Question of Disarmament 

The discussion of disarmtunent at the sununit 
comes after 14 years of sustained Western effort 
toward agreement wliich has been fnisti-ated by 
Soviet ol>struction. The United States and its 
allies have worke<l unceasingly to attain practical 
measures of disaniiament ever since the end of the 
war. We have put forward conci-ete plan after 
plan, beginning with the Baruch plan of 1946 on 
atomic disarmament, in an effort to find common 
ground with the Soviets. 

Over mucii of this t ime the Soviet leaderehip has 
been addicted to high-sounding slogans. The 
sweep of their pronouncements has generally not 

i)een backed by a willingness to act so that equi- 
table, safeguarded agreenicnts can ensue. 

Here we have luid two basic problems. First, 
the Soviet leadei-s have pei-sistently put fonvard 
broad generalities such as "ban the bomb,'' "abol- 
ish overseas bases," or, currently, ''general and 
complete disjirmament." Many of these slogans 
have been clearly designed to impel unilateral sac- 
rifices by the free world. These include the dis- 
solution of our defense arrangements with other 
free countrias and the curtailment of our nuclear 
deterrent without commensurate retluctions in 
Soviet military power. 

Some Soviet proposals are plainly fraudulent 
since, even with modern technology, they are in- 
capable of implementation. Thus for yeare the 
Soviets have demanded the "abolition of nuclear 
stockpiles" while they themselves admit that nu- 
clear weapons can be hidden so that no known 
detection system can find them. 

The Soviets have organized enormous propa- 
ganda and agitation campaigns — mass meetings, 
signatures to petitions, letterwriting campaigns — 
around their slogans while at the same time re- 
fusing to engage in an exploration of how a con- 
crete beginning might be made to end the arms 

The second problem has been the extreme Soviet 
sensitivity on the inspection issue. For years So- 
viet disarmament proposals have proclaimed devo- 
tion to effective control. Yet when we get down 
to concrete cases we are confronted with repeated 
Soviet refusals to consider specifics until the 
"principles" are agreed. When we make practical 
suggestions to reduce the danger of war by mis- 
calculation, to arrest the spread of nuclear weap- 
ons, and to end the arms race, they counter with 
allegations that we merely seek to intro<iuce es- 
pionage agents into Soviet territory or to get 
better target infoiTnation for our Strategic Air 
Command. Thus they surround the negotiations 
with an atmosphere of suspicion and ])olemics 
scai'cely conducive to success. 

The Western participants at the disarmament 
conference at Geneva have asked the Soviet repre- 
sentatives to study with us eight sets of specific, 
concrete steps ^ wliicii, if implemented, would put 
us a long way on the road towai'd the ultimate 
goal of a peaceful world. Yet our proposal to 
prevent the placing of nuclear weapons into outer- 

' Ihitt.. .May 2, I'.HIO. p. (iKS. 

' Il/ifl.. Ain-. 4, UmO, i>. .">12. 

May 9, 1960 


space orbit is met by the evasive response that we 
slioulcl woriy about weapons on earth. Our pro- 
|)osiil to give advance notification of missile launch- 
in<rs and to provide information on the locations 
of missile sites — a proposal designed to reduce the 
danger of war by misinterpretation of another 
country's intentions — is met by the allegation that 
this is control without disarmament, an intelli- 
gence-gathering scheme. And they say this will 
increase the danger of war because the side that 
is informed in advance of the other's intended 
action might be tempted to take preventive action. 

Tliere is not a single proposal that the Westeni 
Powers have made at Geneva thus far which the 
Soviets have not answered in this fashion. It is 
impossible not to conclude that this constitutes a 
refusal to grapple with the nuts-and-bolts issues 
of tliis admittedly complex problem. 

There is good reason to believe that Cliairman 
Klirushchev does want a disarmament agreement. 
This is for two reasons. One is that he has un- 
doubtedly come to comprehend the risks of war 
inherent in a continued arms race and to visualize 
the horrible destruction that war would bring with 
it. The other is tliat he is committed to making a 
monument to himself of economic development in 
the Soviet Union — he has often boasted that the 
Soviet I^nion would overtake the Ignited States in 
production. And he hopes that this economic de- 
velopment will help bring about the eventual 
(^ommunist domination of the world. Therefore 
he would like to transfer to this objective much of 
the manpower and materiel now devoted to arms 
and armies. 

But at the same time he would like to get dis- 
armament at the cheapest possible price, namely, 
a minimum of inspection. He would like to keep 
as much as possible of the present Soviet advan- 
tage of militaiy secrecy. And he would like to 
obtain (he last ounce of propaganda advantage 
from each disarinamciit development. 

We on our side will never give up on our insist- 
ence that disarmament be accompaniexl by reliable 
control and verification. We do this because his- 
tory has taught that totalitarian .states are always 
ready to sign general statements full of ringing 
phrases and lofty sentiments but that they will 
ol)serve such agreements only so long as it suits 
tlieir purposes. When tiiey believe they can get 
away with it — when, in (\)mnnmist i)hraseologj', 
tlie "objex-tivo situation changes" — they tear u]) 

such agreements with no compunction, calling 
them "scraps of paj)er." 

Meantime we will continue, with our allies, to 
remain strong and alei-t. Our defensive alliances 
will continue eft'ective. And we are confident that 
the allied peoples will not be lulled into a sense 
of false security by Soviet propaganda on "peace- 
ful coexistence," which is just another phrase for 
continuance of the cold war. Nor will they be in- 
cited by Soviet propaganda into pressuring their 
governments to reduce those defense efforts which 
are necessitated precisely because of Soviet 

The Question of Germany, Including Berlin 

As the Western leaders approach the summit 
they face a similar problem of finding common 
understanding on the subject of Germany, includ- 
ing Berlin. 

The Soviets say they are in favor of a peace- 
loving, democratic, independent, and unified Ger- 
many. Mr. Khrushchev has pi-oclaimed the prin- 
ciple of self-determination for all peoples. Under 
these circumstances, and interpreting Soviet state- 
ments by the standards of free societies, the solu- 
tion of the problem of a divided Germany would 
appear simple enough. By applying the prin- 
ciple of self-detennination, the German people, in 
both Eastern and Western Germany, could be 
given an opportunity to express through free elec- 
tions their desires on reunification. 

Experience has shown, however, that by Soviet 
definition only countries governed by Communist 
regimes subservient to Moscow can be "peace- 
loving, democratic, and independent." But we 
know that the Communist regime in East Ger- 
many was imposed by the Soviets. It has never 
dared face the people it rules in free, secret 

When the Soviet leadere utter lofty aims re- 
specting Germany's future, they are in fact de- 
manding the continued subjugation of the 17 
million people of East Gernuiny. AVhat is more, 
they are seeking to have the same system extended 
to the free people of the independent and truly 
democratic Federal Republic of Grermany, the 
partner of the Western community. 

With such an approach it is perhaps small won- 
der that the Soviets persistently reject the very 
basis on which the West believes Gennan freedom 
and unity must be founded — free elections. For 


Department of State Bulletin 

they know thiit if the people of Eastern Germany 
couKl expiess theiurielves freely and witliout fear 
of retaliation, they would overwhelmingly vote 
to rid themselves of the Communist dictatorship 
that opjiresses them. 

From this fear of the free expression of the 
popular will stems the Soviet position that the 
only way in which progress can be made toward 
German unity is through negotiations on an equal 
basis between the puppet government they have 
set up in P^astern Germany and the freely elected 
Government of the Federal Republic of Germany. 
They have no intention, of course, of permitting 
the East German regime, which is under their 
control, to enter into arrangements that might 
endanger that control. A meeting such as they 
])ropose would be, in fact, not between the two 
parts of Germany but between the Federal Re- 
public of Germany and the Soviet Union. 

The Western l^owers say that the four major 
IX)wers with treaty responsibilities in Germany — 
that is, France, the United Kingdom, the U.S.S.R., 
and the United States — are responsible for the re- 
unification of Germany on the basis of free elec- 
tions. That was agreed to in the summit confer- 
ence in 1955.^ 

The Soviets, however, seek to obtain a propa- 
ganda gain now by saying, no, the responsibility 
for the reunification of Germany is solely that of 
the German people themselves. But when we 
ask them what they mean by the German people 
they say, the governments of East and West Ger- 
many. Their proposal for Germans "to sit 
around one table" is merely intended to obtain 
prestige and recognition for their East Ger- 
man puppets, who in turn would l>e emboldened 
by such recognition to frustrate even more the 
will of the Geniians under their control. AVhile 
professing to favor reunification, the Soviets per- 
petuate partition. 

The United States will continue to press at the 
summit and elsewhere for the reunification of 
Germany, 'lliis is a fundamental American pol- 
icy, and it is likewise the policy of our allies. We 
believe that the division of Germany is a cruel in- 
justice to the Gennan people and a continuing 
threat to peace in Europe. 

The problem is how to convince the Soviet lead- 
ers — who may l)elieve that a divided Germany is 
essential for their national security — that the reun- 

ification of Genuany could be an essential element 
of a working and durable Euroi)ean security 
system which, in tuni, would be an effective guar- 
antee of the Soviet T'nion's natioiuil security. 

Tiie problem of a divided Berlin is part of the 
l)roblem of a divided Germany. Reunification of 
Germany is the only metliod for a lasting solu- 
tion for Berlin. The President and (Chairman 
Khrushchev agreed last September at Camp 
David" that negotiations should Ix! resumed on 
Berlin, and we are indeed prepared to negotiate. 
But any agreement resvched as to West Berlin 
must preserve the freedom of its 2^4 million 
people and their right of self-determination. 

As we approach the summit the Soviets have 
triexl to use Germany as a means of dividing the 
allies. Many hostile attacks have come from 
Chairman Khrushchev and other Soviet sources 
accusing the Federal Republic of Germany of 
being militaristic and seeking to stir up old enmi- 
ties between Germany and other countries. These 
attempts have failetl. The community of views 
and interests between Germany and the three 
Western Powers which will participate in the sum- 
mit was again manifested at the Western foreign 
ministers conference in Washington last week. 
As the Western leaders discuss with Mr. 
Khrushchev the problem of a divided Germany, 
the Ignited States is convinced that the Fetleral 
Republic of Germany, under the dedicated leader- 
ship of Chancellor Adenauer, has proven itself 
in every way a reliable ally and friend. 

The Question of East-West Relations 

The final subject scheduled for the summit — 
P2ast-West relations — is something of a catchall. 
AVe cannot be sure what actually may be discussed 
under this heading, but we will Ije prepared for 
any subjects that may logically be raised. 

One major contribution, however, that the 
Soviet I'nion could nuike to the betterment of 
East -West relations would l)e the application to 
the countries of Eastern Europe of the principle 
of self-determination already proclaimed by 
Chairman Khrushchev with regard to other 

We recall the fact that at Yalta in 1945 Stalin 
agreed that as early as jjossible governments 
should be established in Eastern Europe re.spon- 

' Jhiil.. .\UK. 1. 1!>.'>.-). i>. 17t!. 

May 9, J 960 

' Ihiil.. Oct. 12. !!>.".!», p. 4!t9. 


sive to the will of those peoples. The So\nets 
have since prevented realization of this goal. 

AVe have sought to make it clear to the Soviets 
that we are interested only in true self-govern- 
ment in Eastern European countries, the right of 
e\ery people to choose the government and social 
system under which it wishes to live. We are not 
interested in turning these countries against the 
Soviet Union. 

AVe are interested in better relations between the 
AA'^estern countries and the Soviet Union, and we 
believe that one means of helping to bring this 
about would be to give the countries of Eastern 
Europe national independence. 

Mr. Chainnan, we approach the summit con- 
ference with a sense of realism based on experi- 
ence. AA^e hope for progress, at least in the direc- 
tion of obtaining a clearer idea of whether the 
Soviets are really ready to negotiate seriously 
and in good faith with us. Rut we cherish no 
illusions. AA'e know that the issues between the 
Soviet bloc and tlie free world are deep. They 
will not be settled in one comparatively brief 
meeting, no matter at what level. 

Our realization of the nature of Soviet motiva- 
tions, and our determination that they shall not 
succeed in their aims, do not, however, relieve us 
of the necessity of constantly exploring the possi- 
l)ili(ie.s for reaching agreements which will sen'e 
the cause of peace. The free world has succeeded 
in the past in making limited progress along this 
path. AA'^e owe it to ourselves and to all men who 
want peace to continue our effort, warily, 
patiently, and constructively. 

Letters of Credence 


The newly appointed Ambassador of Turkey, 
Melih Esenliel, presented his credentials to Presi- 
dent Eisenhower on Api-il 22. For texts of the 
Ambassador's remarks and the President's i^eply, 
see Department of State press release 205 dated 
April 22. 

North American Broadcasting 
Agreement Enters Into Force 

Press release 201 dated April 20 

The North American Regional Broadcasting 
Agreement (NARBA),' signed at AA'ashington on 
November 15, 1950, entered into force on April 19, 
1960. The NARBA was signed by plenipoten- 
tiaries of the Ignited States, the United Kingdom 
for the territories in the North American region 
(Bahamas and Jamaica), Canada, Cuba, and the 
Dominican Republic. 

On February 23, 1960, the U.S. Senate gave 
advice and consent to ratification of the NARBA. 
The U.S. instrument of ratification, signed by the 
President on March 9, 1960, was deposited with 
the Canadian Government, in accordance with the 
terms of the agreement, on April 4, 1960. In- 
struments of ratification had been deposited pre- 
viously by Cuba (Februai-y 7, 1953) and Canada 
(April 9,1957). 

It is provided in the NARBA that it shall enter 
into force on the 15th day after the date on which 
instruments of ratification or adherence have been 
deposited by at least three of the following four 
countries, namely, Canada, Cuba, Mexico, and the 
Ignited States of America. Accordingly, the 
agreement entered into force on April 19, 1960, 
the 15th day after the deposit of the U.S. 
instrument of ratification. 

The NARBA is the third of a series of agree- 
ments between countries in the North American 
region designed to govern the international aspects 
of standard (AM) radio broadcasting in the re- 
gion. The purpose is to make it possible for the 
countries parties to the agreement to make the 
most effective technical use of the radio frequency 
bands available for such broadcasting, with a 
minimum of interference between stations of the 
several countries, within a framework of inter- 
national stability. 

' S. Ex. A, 82(1 Cong., 1st sess. 


Department of State Bulletin 

National and International Science 

by Wallace R. Brode 

Science Adviser to the Secretary of State ' 

Whetlier tlie title, is "Science, (Tovernmeiit, and 
Society," ''The Role of Science in Foreifrn Policy," 
"The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution," 
"The Scientist in Politics: On Top or on Tap," 
or "International Science," the theme repi-esents a 
concern over the lack of integri-ation l)et\veen sci- 
ence and other elements of our culture. These few 
titles cite<l are typical of the great wealth of writ- 
ing and lecturing emanating from the free world 
on this broad problem. 

Comparable disciissions have not been evident 
in the Soviet press; and [Yevgeniy K.] Federov 
of the Soviet Academy of Sciences has lamented 
the scarcity of public e.\ix)sition by Soviet scien- 
tists on the politicjil implications of scientific de- 
velopments. He ix>inte<l out to his colleagues at 
the annual meeting of the Soviet Academy last 
year that such participation and contributions by 
Soviet scientists would not be difficult l)ec4\use. they 
do not have to maneuxer l>etween the Government 
position and scientific objecti\nty. He indicated 
that their position has been defined or brought to 
life by tlieir (lovernment and the noble of 
presenting these views is an honor for the Soviet 
scientist to undei-take. 

In contrast, in our country free discussions have 
promoted action in ovir Government rather than 
alwajs serving as an exposition of previously dc- 
temiined governmental positions. There have 
been created scientific agencies such as the Na- 
tional Institutes of Health, the National Science 

' .\<l(Ire.'s.s made before the American f'hemU-al SiK-iety at 
rieveliind. Ohio, on .\i>r. !>. Dr. Brode was awarded the 
I'rie.stley .Medal, the hiKhest award of the Six'iety. "on the 
basis of his distinmiished service to chemistry as a 
teacher, in research, in ailininistratioii. as a contributor 
to the devclo|>iiicnt of clieniislry by liis many activities 
in many iimfcssional so<'ieties, and as a public servant." 

Foundation, the Atomic Energy Commission, and 
the National Aeronautics and Space Administra- 
tion. The placing of scientists in key positions — 
such as Dr. George B. Kistiakowsky, who serves 
as the Special Assistant to the President for 
Science and Technology; Dr. Herbert F. York, 
Director of Defense Research and Engineering 
in the Department of Defense; Dr. Roy C. 
Newton, Coordinator for Utilization Research. 
Department of Agriculture; Dr. James H. 
AVakelin, Jr., As.sistant Secretary of the Navy for 
Researeh and Development, and others — as well 
as my own position in the Department of State — 
reflects a strengthening of the role of science in the 
Government. In the work of our Science Office 
in the Department of State we have created a 
Science Office in "Washington and i)laced science 
officers in 10 of our embassies abroad. These 
science officers provide a major avenue of entry of 
scientific concepts into our foreign policy, and 
simultaneously a mechanism is provided by which 
our foreign policy concepts may be transmitted to 
our scientific community. 

The two committees which Dr. Kistiakowsky 
cliairs, the President's Science Advisory Com- 
mittee, composed of nongovernment scientists, 
and the Federal Council for Science and Tech- 
nology, composed of governmental administrators, 
exert a strong impact on relating science to other 
aspects of our Government. Conferences on lui- 
clear test detection, atoms for j>eace, law of the sea, 
.Vntarctica, and telecommunication — all include 
legal, scientific, economic, and political asjjects, 
and Cnitcd States scientists actively participate 
in the consideration of these problems. 

In this combination of science and other con- 
cepts there is a balance which must be achieved; 

May 9, 1960 


science should join with other elements of our 
culture so that integitited national and foreign 
policies will result. While we scientists are gen- 
erally willing to concede that science should in- 
fluence our national policy, it is often more diffi- 
cult for us to admit that our national policy should 
also influence our science programs. Because the 
political division of the world places national 
governments in a more dominating position with 
respect to citizens than an international coordi- 
nating body, so in science the national scientific 
societies and their publications, abstracts, and ex- 
change programs predominate over an interna- 
tional science progi-am. The extent of engage- 
ment in international meetings and activities as 
compared with national society activity and direct 
exchange by scientists is definitely limited, both 
by relative im[X)rtance of such activity and the 
impediment of languages, finance, travel, national 
barriers, and political complications. 

Relationship of International to U.S. Science 

What is international science? What is its 
relationship to U.S. science? Actually the posi- 
tion of the United States in science on the inter- 
national scene is essentially a reflection of our 
develo])ments at the national level, and our devel- 
opments at the national level have as one of their 
mainstays our national science organization activ- 
ities. For example, in the field of chemistry no 
international organization begins to approach the 
force, activity, or contribution which our Ameri- 
can Chemical Society makes to the promotion of 
chemistry, either with respect to activities within 
this nation or the contact and dissemination of 
knowledge and research to other nations. 

The two primary modes of furtliering scientific 
advances are, fii-st, publication or written com- 
munication and, second, the spoken word as in 
technical papers presented at meetings. There 
are some 40,000 foreign subscriptions to our Amer- 
ican Chemical Society journals and some 6,000 
foreign meml)ers of the American Chemical 
Society. The figure of 40,000 foi-eign subscrip- 
tions to our American Chemical Society journals 
does not include an estimated 10,000 photo-ofl'set 
copies issued by the Soviets for tiieir scientists. 
To a degree we provide Soviet science literature 
to our scientists, but we are h:indic;»pi)ed by the 
need for translation and the attendant printing 
cost. This meeting of the American Chemical 
So<Mety, if u]) to our average, will probably gather 

6,000 to 8,000 scientists to hear more than 1,000 
technical papers, most of which will be abstracts 
of papers to be subsequently published in detail. 

National scientific societies such as the Ameri- 
can Chemical Society must assume a major role 
in promotion of both national and international 
science just as separate governments lead in inter- 
governmental organizations. International pro- 
grams in science will not supplant national pro- 
grams except perhaps in some special cases where 
a regional operation is preferable, such as 
UNESCO [United Nations Educational, Scientific 
and Cultural Organization] or A^^^0 [World 
Health Organization] . International science pro- 
grams should utilize national or regional pro- 
grams. The international usage of the regions of 
the Antarctic, outer space, and the oceans rests 
on informal cooperative research between scien- 
tists of many nations and formal agreements be- 
tween the separate nations. 

We as scientists, and as chemists in particular, 
are well acquainted with our national science 
organization, yet it must be obvious that our diffi- 
culty sometimes in naming the officers or the loca- 
tion of the secretariat of the International Union 
of Pure and Applied Chemistry indicates that the 
role which international science plays in technical 
activity at the individual level is relatively low 
compared with national science activities. It is 
of coui-se to be recognized that we are today en- 
gaged in more international activity than in pre- 
vious generations. The International Geophysical 
Year was an outstanding success, and it is hoped 
that there will be an increase in this kind of inter- 
national scientific activity; but it must also be 
recognized that the producers, supporters, and 
consumei-s of this type of international acti^^ty 
are still organized on a national basis. Recogni- 
tion of this fact in no way deters those wlio pro- 
mote international scientific activity but rather 
acknowledges that national science is an essential 
constituent in our international science progi-ams. 

We have as a nation been inidergoing a con- 
tinuous growth and evolution accompanied by 
j)olicy changes in our foreign relations. In fact, 
policies and programs must be adaptable and 
changeable to meet the challenge of these changes 
without deviating from our long-range objectives. 
AVith the incorporation of scientists and the science 
viewpoint into our j)olicy i)]anning, it hiis been 
possible to develop and adapt policies to meet the 
special needs of science. 


Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 

National policies must he adjusteil to meet and 
either oppose or support tiie |)<)]ic-ies of other 
nations and thus create international policies. 
Eacii nation may have essentially tiie same hasic 
policy as we iiave, yet directed toward their in- 
terest. Our hasic policy is to maintain a govern- 
ment whicii upholds I lie ]ii<rh ideals of the people 
of tiie United States. 

Our policies on international meetings, foreign 
travel, and e.xcliange of jiuhlications are all de- 
signed to i)i-oniote to the fullest extent possihle, 
consistent witii the best interests of the United 
States, international science meetings in the 
United States; to encourage and svipport travel 
of United States scientists abroad to attend such 
meetings; and to suj>port the widest exchange of 
published scientific nuiterial by subsidy and col- 
lection. Procedures have been established by 
which waivers are provided to foreign scientists 
for attendance at meetings in this country who 
would otherwise be excluded by law. Science is 
promoted and supported by many and various 
special exceptions, waivers, financial support, 
special attaches, and advisers. 

In the latest listing of international scientific 
meetings, published by the Library of Congress 
for a pi-ojected 3 years, some 825 international 
scientific and technical meetings are scheduled. 
The list includes many regional groups, such as 
European societies, but does not include strictly 
American society meetings such as those of the 
American Chemical Society, which may be many 
times larger with more foreign attendees. How- 
ever, 115 of the listed 825 meetings are scheduled 
to be held in the T^^nited States, whereas only 
12 meetings are listed in the schedule for the 
Soviet Union in this same period. 

Contribution of Scientists to National Programs 

There has been in recent years a marked im- 
provement in the free flow of scientific information 
and data to and from oiu- Nation, and much of 
this improvement can be credited to the campaign 
which scientists, and in particular Walter Murphy 
in the Chemical and Kn-gineer'mg Neirn, waged 
for the revision of regidations controlling the 
export of technical data. This is just another 
illustration of scientists participating in the de- 
velopment of policy to promote our national 
scientific programs. 

S]>ecial scientific committees contribute to for- 
mulation of various aspects of our foreign aid 

May 9, I960 

0482150—60 3 

program in African, Asian, and South Anieiican 
areas. Because some (lovernment agencies con- 
cerned have recognized the necessity for continu- 
ous and internal scientific advice, a scientific staff 
is often aililed to their organizations. Thus sci- 
entists employed by the Government have been 
providing scientific viewpoints in such deliber- 
ations as conferences on law of the sea and 
telecommunications. The fact that scientists 
have been recruited by (lovei'iiment agencies to 
assist in developing our policy j)ositions should 
not be interpreted as a deterrent to other scientists 
to present their views. The gathering of these 
viewpoints is part of the governmental scienti.sts" 
role. In other words, a true integration of sci- 
ence with other elements of our culture in govern- 
mental policy represents an appraisal of separate 
scientific positions, whether they be academic, 
industrial, or institutional, and an ai)propriate 
incorporation of these into our national policy. 

In a recent debate between a Member of our 
Senate and a Pvuropean scientist on the general 
subject of whether a scientist .should engage in 
rendering political decisions, there was quite a 
difference of opinion. The expressed view of the 
Senator was that scientists should refrain from 
political activities and leave these to the seasoned 
and experienced politician. The scientist, how- 
ever, maintained that the scientists had just as 
much right as anyone to delve into politics. 
What was missing from this discussion was the 
recognition that there is a need for people trained 
in both natural and political sciences in order to 
make wise decisions in this age when science 
should be an integral and interdependent part of 
our national policy promotion. 

Scientists have an opportunity and a respon- 
sibility today, which is greater than ever before, 
to become leaders in a new concept of national 
government and world cooperation. It should 
be recognized that this would re<piire an inte- 
grated program of the natural sciences with the 
economic, scK'ial, psychological, and political sci- 
ences. This does not mean that natural science 
would simply be a tool of the other sciences; it 
also does not mean that natural science would 
override considerations of the other sciences. It 
does mean an honest effort of those concerned to 
develop a tolerance, an understanding, and a will 
to work toward this unified outlook.