(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Department of State bulletin"

rF 



cM 



b*9353. Ia30 



"Hi 



■€_ 





HE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1110 



October 3, 1960 



ICIAL 
EKLY RECORD 

ITED STATES 
1EIGN POLICY 



THE UNITED NATIONS: CRISIS AND OPPORTUNITY 

• by Assistant Secretary Wilcox 507 

SECRETARY HERTER'S NEWS CONFERENCE OF 

SEPTEMBER 14 515 

SOVIET UNION BLOCKS SUPPORT FOR U.N. ACTION 
IN CONGO; SECURITY COUNCIL CALLS FOR 
SPECIAL SESSION OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY • 

Statements by Ambassador James J. Wadsworth and Texts 

of Resolu tions 527 

PROMOTING ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ADVANCE- 
MENT IN THE AMERICAS 

Statement by Under Secretary Dillon Before Committee of 

21, Bogota 533 

Act of Bogota (text) 537 

Breton FuBlic TTiVrarf, 

For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1110 • Publication 7079 
October 3, 1960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation or the Department 
or State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides t/ve public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and ether 
officers of the Department, as ivell as 
special articles on various piloses of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



The United Nations: Crisis and Opportunity 



by Francis 0. Wilcox 

Assistant Secretary for International Organisation Affairs x 



It is always a pleasure for me to meet with you 
on the eve of the General Assembly. My pleasure 
this year is tempered with regret that this will 
be my last appearance in my present capacity 
before this distinguished group. 

Since 1955 I have come to regard this meeting 
as an event of considerable importance. The 
American Association for the United Nations, 
and the other nongovernmental organizations 
represented here, together serve as focal points 
for promoting a wider public understanding and 
support for the United Nations. Support for the 
United Nations has, of course, long been one of 
the basic tenets of American foreign policy. 

The unremitting efforts of your organizations 
serve the dual purpose of assuring American 
leadership within the United Nations and of as- 
sisting the United Nations itself to perform its 
important functions. The Government of the 
United States is grateful for the very effective 
work you are doing. 

For my part, it has been my good fate to be 
intimately connected with the United Nations dur- 
ing its period of maximum growth and most try- 
ing challenges. I have had occasion during 
many difficult crises to thank you for your 
messages of support and understanding. I have 
appreciated as well your unfailingly constructive 
criticism. All this serves to help insure the close 
links between government and citizen which are 
so vital in our free society. 

As Americans we can again this year take pride 
in the strong delegation which will represent us 



1 Address made before the American Association for 
the United Nations at New York, N.T., on Sept. 18 
(press release 550). 



at the forthcoming General Assembly. It repre- 
sents a cross section of American life at its best. 
It will be led, vigorously and ably, by the Presi- 
dent, by Secretary of State Herter, and by Am- 
bassador Wadsworth. 

Importance of the Current Session 

It requires no great insight to understand why 
this session will be long, difficult, and of critical 
importance to the United States and to the free 
world. There are four major reasons why this 
session is different from those which have pre- 
ceded it. 

First, the Assembly takes place at a time when 
the United Nations, moving vigorously to bring 
order and stability to the Congo, is directly chal- 
lenged in this effort by the Soviet Union ; 

Second, Chairman Khrushchev, flanked by the 
largest satellite delegation ever assembled in New 
York, arrives next Monday, doubtless to under- 
take a sustained propaganda campaign against the 
United States ; 

Third, these developments take place in a Gen- 
eral Assembly which has doubled in size in the 
past 15 years and which will admit at least 15 new 
members at the present session ; and 

Fourth, all this will occur during our own na- 
tional elections, at a time when the leaders of 
certain countries may assume erroneously that our 
decisionmaking machinery is most vulnerable. 
This is not true ; but the real danger exists that 
the Soviet Union and its satellites may mistake 
the normal vigor and emphasis of an electoral 
campaign for internal division and seek to capi- 
talize on our assumed differences. 

I believe, therefore, that we cannot reiterate too 



October 3, 7960 



507 



often our basic agreement on the fundamentals of 
foreign policy. There are, to be sure, important 
differences in style, and emphasis, but not of es- 
sential content. Even if there were, the aggressive 
attitude of the Soviet Union since the abortive 
summit conference would certainly have impelled 
us to submerge most of our differences in order 
to meet the Communist challenge. 

These four factors come into conjunction at a 
time when the capacity of man to cause unlimited 
destruction appears far to have outstripped his 
ability to control the more aggressive facets of 
his nature. This is what makes 1960 such a criti- 
cal year. We are called upon, as seldom before, 
to bring all our intellectual and moral resources 
to bear on the problems we face. 

1960: Challenge and Opportunity in Africa 

The distinguished President of the 12th Assem- 
bly [Sir Leslie Munro] coined a felicitous but 
premature phrase when he labeled it the "African 
session." The present Assembly deserves that 
title. 

Three related developments will give the cur- 
rent Assembly a distinctively African flavor. The 
first is the dramatic increase in the number of 
independent African states. The second, which 
I will discuss later, is the great importance of 
African items on the Assembly's agenda. Finally, 
seldom has the United Nations had a greater op- 
portunity for service than it finds now on the 
African Continent. 

Fourteen new African states have already been 
recommended for membership by the Security 
Council. 2 The applications of at least two more, 
Nigeria and Mauritania, are scheduled to be re- 
ceived later in the session. On the assumption 
that all 14 present applications are voted on fa- 
vorably by the Assembly in its early stages, the 
African group will number 24, thereby becoming 
the largest single regional group in the United 
Nations. 

Some people have seriously questioned whether 
this enlarged world organization can remain a 
useful instrument for promoting either the na- 
tional interest of the United States or the cause 
of world peace. I believe it will. 

The expanded size of the General Assembly 



2 For background, see Bulletin of July 25, 19G0, p. 149, 
and Sept. 19, 1960, p. 456. 

508 



presents us with both challenges and opportuni- 
ties. With nearly 100 members, we will unques- 
tionably have to work harder to reach our objec- 
tives. Debates will be longer and consultations 
more complicated. 

But, on the credit side, the United Nations has 
become more truly representative of the whole 
of mankind and its moral influence has been 
strengthened. There is great opportunity within 
the framework of the United Nations for coopera- 
tive efforts between ourselves and the African 
states to advance our mutual interests. Although 
the African members thus far have been mainly 
preoccupied with colonial problems, we can expect 
that they will increasingly focus their attention 
on issues of worldwide concern. 

We must not assume that the addition of nu- 
merous African states means that we will be out- 
voted in the United Nations. On problems vital 
to our interests and those of the free world, wide- 
spread support will continue to be forthcoming. 
Time and again the United Nations has demon- 
strated remarkable flexibility and capacity for 
growth in the face of new circumstances. 

In this expanded United Nations which meets 
2 days from now there will be more than ever 
a premium on constructive policies. It is up to us 
to continue to bring forward such policies. The 
challenge will do us good. 

We must never forget that there is between the 
Africans and ourselves a common bond of free- 
dom. The United States, the first country to win 
its independence by a successful revolution against 
colonial rule, has always used its influence realis- 
tically to achieve the greatest freedom for the 
greatest number of countries. We hope to estab- 
lish the closest possible relations with the new 
states, to assist them as we are able, and to give 
them our sympathy and support wherever 
possible. 

Soviet Imperialism 

The African renaissance points up a striking 
contrast with conditions in the Soviet heartland. 
Everywhere in Asia and Africa during the past 
15 years new countries have come of age and have 
been granted their independence. Over a billion 
people have earned the right to govern themselves 
and have become represented at the United Na- 
tions. The Western colonial systems have rapidly 

Department of State Bulletin 



liquidated themselves, leaving behind a frame- 
work of modern techniques and expectations. 

This process, unprecedented in the history of 
the world, has been responsible for much of the 
turmoil of the last 15 years. But, in general, the 
transition has been remarkably peaceful. New 
countries have won their independence by the vote, 
by passive resistance, or by simply demonstrating 
ability and responsibility. 

As this process altered the face of the globe, the 
direct opposite was taking place near the periphery 
of the Soviet Union. Wherever the influence of 
the Red Army could be brought to bear, inde- 
pendent countries were being snuffed out or 
reduced to puppet status. Except where the free 
world made it clear that Soviet force would not 
be permitted to prevail, every state bordering on 
the U.S.S.R. lost its independence. 

Here is one of the most striking paradoxes of 
our times. The Soviet Union seeks to pose — 
sometimes successfully — as the great champion of 
the oppressed peoples. It gives the lie to this 
posture by its every act. Clearly the Soviet Union 
and Communist China are the only imperialist 
powers in the world today. Truth and justice 
demand that we do our utmost to expose this 
tragic fact. 

A striking case in point is Hungary. The 
regime installed coldbloodedly by Russian tanks 
in 1956 remains in power. Mr. [Janos] Kadar, 
the principal instrument of Soviet imperialism in 
Hungary, has shown his subservient position in 
accompanying his master to the General Assembly. 
Nevertheless, there are some who suggest that 
what transpired in 1956 is past history, that con- 
tinuing to discuss it does no real good, and that 
this "cold war item" diverts attention from more 
pressing problems susceptible of solution. I dis- 
agree profoundly with this point of view. 

Assembly action on Hungary has great moral 
significance. The repeated acts of censure by the 
world community have had a significant impact. 
Full acceptance of this regime would be to reward 
wrongdoing, and this should not happen. It is 
in order to preserve the prestige and moral au- 
thority of the United Nations that our Govern- 
ment lias called for continuing consideration of 
the situation in Hungary at this session. 3 Dis- 
cussion of the sad fate of Hungary can also serve 



to warn the independent states of Africa to remain 
on their guard against Soviet attempts on their 
sovereignty. 

The Challenge of African Issues 

The importance of Africa in membership terms 
will be matched by the number and complexity 
of African items on the agenda. Last year nearly 
one-third of the resolutions adopted pertained to 
Africa; the number probably will be greater this 
year. Items range from such major political 
problems as Algeria and apartheid in the Union 
of South Africa to the minutiae of colonial admin- 
istration in the trust and non-self-goveming 
territories. I would like to focus for a moment 
on some of these items. 

The General Assembly will have before it two 
major questions concerning the Union of South 
Africa: apartheid and the mandated territory of 
South- West Africa. Each has been on General 
Assembly agendas for many years; each arouses 
angry passions; each is regarded by non white 
delegations as the touchstone of our sincerity on 
human rights. 

With respect to apartheid, the United States 
supports fully the action taken by the Security 
Council last spring 4 in bringing to bear the great 
abilities and resourcefulness of the Secretary- 
General on this question. I hope very much that 
the conversations between Mr. Hammarskjold and 
the South African Government — which were in- 
terrupted by the Congo crisis — can be resumed at 
an early date. 

The mandated territory of South-West Africa 
is the only international territory which was not 
placed under the United Nations Trusteeship 
System after World War II. We have consist- 
ently maintained that the mandate remains in 
force and that activities of the Union should be 
subject to United Nations supervision. We have 
worked long and hard to solve this problem, most 
recently through our membership on the Good 
Offices Committee which met from 1957 to 1959 
in an effort to reach an agreement with the 
Union. I believe that unless the Union is will- 
ing to negotiate in good faith one or more African 
countries may decide to take the question to the 
International Court of Justice. 



8 Ibid., Sept. 12, 1960, p. 422. 
October 3, I960 



* Ibid., Apr. 25, 1960, p. 667. 



509 



At the other tip of the African Continent, in 
Algeria, a minority of European extraction lives 
amid a Muslim majority. These two communi- 
ties, which almost literally cannot survive with- 
out each other, also find it difficult to live side 
by side under the terms which have prevailed in 
the past. For 6 years now, a nationalist move- 
ment, with an army in the field and a provisional 
government in exile, has been fighting with every 
means at its disposal for Algerian independence. 
France questions the right of the nationalist or- 
ganization to speak for the mass of Algerians. 
While trying to adapt the administration of Al- 
geria to the changing times, the French Govern- 
ment has declared its intention to permit the 
Algerian people to choose, in peace and serenity, 
the nature of their relationship with France. 
Meanwhile the hostilities continue. This is 
clearly a grave problem which must soon be solved, 
but where no simple solution is available. 

When General de Gaulle announced France's 
intention to afford the people of Algeria the op- 
portunity to determine their own future, this 
statesmanlike decision was universally welcomed 
as an important step toward achievement of a 
just, peaceful, and democratic solution in Algeria. 
We hope these objectives can be achieved. In 
these circumstances, I think everyone will agree 
that the Assembly should avoid any actions which 
might make a solution more difficult. 

The Congo 

Midway between these two troubled areas, in the 
heart of the equatorial rain forest of central 
Africa, is the Congo, the site of one of the most 
dramatic United Nations actions ever undertaken. 
As you are well aware, the General Assembly is 
now meeting in special session to deal with the 
Soviet challenge to the Secretary-General, the 
United Nations Force, and the entire United Na- 
tions effort in the Congo. 5 

The United Nations enterprise has been called 
the most advanced and sophisticated experiment in 
international cooperation in our time. It is that, 
but it is also an operation which has succeeded 
thus far despite the efforts of the Soviet Union and 
its friends to sabotage it in every conceivable way. 
The Soviet propaganda machine has maligned 



1 See p. 527. 



the Secretary-General and Dr. Ralph Bunche 
[U.N. Under Secretary] ; it has promised and 
delivered material assistance to one side in a civil 
war ; it has encouraged African to kill African ; it 
has behaved cynically, hoping that the United 
Nations effort would fail so that it might move 
to take over an inexperienced government. 

For its part the United States has fully sup- 
ported the United Nations even though it meant 
giving up our freedom of maneuver. We trans- 
ported the bulk of the United Nations troops in 
the Congo — more than 14,000 out of nearly 17,000. 
We have contributed $5 million to the emergency 
rehabilitation program undertaken by the United 
Nations. We have contributed food as requested 
by the Secretary-General. Above all, we resisted 
the temptation to act unilaterally even when our 
airmen were brutally assaulted and when the 
Soviet Union sent some two dozen aircraft and 
over a hundred technicians to intervene in the in- 
ternal struggles of the Congo. 

We believe this was the best course to follow, and 
we continue our strong support for the efforts of 
the Secretary-General. There is more at stake 
than the Congo, important as the future of this 
country is to all of us. In a very real sense the 
future of the United Nations is involved. 

The brutal fact, which has once again been 
demonstrated, is that the Soviet Union does not 
want a strong United Nations. They have con- 
sistently clone what they could to undermine its 
work and to defy its will. 

I sincerely hope the members of the United Na- 
tions understand clearly what the issue in the 
Congo crisis really is. The issue is not whether 
they should support the United States or the 
Soviet Union. The central question is whether 
they throw their moral support back of the United 
Nations and its efforts to keep the peace in the 
Congo, or whether they choose to side with the 
Soviet Union and its deliberate policy of sabotage 
and subversion. 

This should not be a difficult decision. Actually, 
one of the prime purposes of the United Nations 
is to help protect the independence and the integ- 
rity of the smaller countries. In a very troubled 
world, the United Nations offers them the best 
hope they have for peace and progress. In their 
own self-interest, they must not allow its authority 
to be undermined or its influence diminished. 



510 



Department of Sfofe Bulletin 



The Challenge of Service to Africa 

The impact of the United Nations on Africa has 
already been great. High standards of colonial 
administration have been encouraged through the 
activities of the Trusteeship Council and other 
United Nations agencies. It has propagated the 
principle of self-determination for all peoples 
ready and willing to accept its burdens. Most 
important of all, it stands ready to assist further 
the new states in a number of ways. 

First, it has established a United Nations pres- 
ence in areas of need or potential trouble. The 
United Nations was able to move as rapidly as it 
did in the Congo partly because Dr. Bunche was 
in Leopoldville when serious trouble broke out. 
Although no one expected the rapid, cataclysmic 
deterioration of public order, it was quite clear 
that the Congo would need assistance during its 
first months and years of independence. There is 
a United Nations presence in Guinea, Togo, and 
Somalia, and other countries can receive similar 
assistance for the asking. The Secretary-Gen- 
eral's representatives are an element of stability, 
a source of advice, and a channel for additional 
help. 

Second, the United Nations can furnish effective 
economic assistance. In the rapidly accelerating 
tempo of the African drive for a better life in a 
free society, economic development is of critical 
importance. The United Nations is being called 
upon more and more to help to provide the newly 
established states with the assistance which they 
require to learn the skills to manage their own 
affairs. 

One of the most important innovations in this 
field is the experimental program for the provision 
of operational, executive, and administrative per- 
sonnel initiated in 1959. OPEX provides experts 
to give advice as well as to perform key tasks in 
the governments of the developing countries. The 
United States strongly favors a generous support 
of this valuable program. 

The expressed preference of the African states 
for a multilateral approach to economic develop- 
ment means that the United Nations Technical 
Assistance Program and the Special Fund can 
expect to have greater demands made upon them 
in the immediate years ahead. 

An organization which will become more and 
more prominent in African affairs is the Economic 
Commission for Africa, one of the four regional 
commissions of the United Nations. All of the 



countries of Africa as well as the metropolitan 
powers having African interests are members. 
The ECA is a going concern. It was established 
in 1958 with headquarters at Addis Ababa and has 
approved a work program tailored to meet the 
needs of the newly emerging states of Africa. 
This organization is certainly destined to play an 
important role in promoting the development of 
economic activities, coordinating development 
plans, and raising living standards in the con- 
tinent. 

Of course the United Nations cannot begin to 
do the whole assistance and development job in 
Africa. Private investment, bilateral assistance, 
regional aid programs, the funds of the World 
Bank and Export-Import Bank and other institu- 
tions must contribute to this effort. The United 
Nations can do much to contribute to the establish- 
ment of conditions in which other organizations 
and methods can operate more effectively. 

Third, the United Nations can help provide the 
security under which these countries can develop 
freely and without fear of aggression. There is 
the very real danger that some of the new African 
states, inspired by fear or by a spirit of intense 
nationalism, might engage in a competitive arms 
race that would drastically increase the difficulties 
of economic development. It is, of course, the 
right of every sovereign state to determine the ends 
for which its productive capacity and its resources 
will be used. But the existence of the United 
Nations as a world security organization should 
make it unnecessary for African states to use a 
large part of their resources for military purposes. 

Fourth, the United Nations can assist in the set- 
tlement of numerous boundary disputes that can 
be expected to arise in the future. Frontiers were 
often established arbitrarily without regard to 
ethnic or linguistic factors. There is hardly a 
border on the whole continent that may not be 
challenged on some logical basis — and I am sure 
some of them will be. In this connection the 
United Nations is uniquely qualified to assist in 
solving troublesome boundary questions by the 
many procedures for peaceful settlement provided 
by the charter. 

Other Problems and Issues 

Of the non- African problems before the United 
Nations, none is more important than disarma- 
ment. In a divided world of uneasy equilibrium, 
where mankind has reached a stage of potential 



October 3, I960 



511 






mutual annihilation, the United States must con- 
tinue to seek workable agreements on disarma- 
ment, We continue to hope that the Soviet Union 
will cooperate with us to banish the nightmare of 
nuclear war. 

We have proposed a practical and balanced 
three-step program aimed at ultimately achieving 
complete and verified disarmament. 6 In the 
first stage, we seek to create a more stable military 
environment. We would slow up the arms race 
through measures which can now be readily initi- 
ated. Among other things, production of fission- 
able material for weapons purposes would be 
stopped; placing weapons of mass destruction in 
satellites or in space vehicles would be prohibited ; 
on-site inspection could be instituted at missile 
launching pads and air and naval bases, as a point 
of departure for establishing controls over nuclear 
delivery systems in subsequent stages; and initial 
reductions in armed forces undertaken. 

In the second step, further reductions covering 
the entire spectrum of national arms would take 
place. Concurrently an international United Na- 
tions police force would be established. 

In the third and final step, national armed 
forces and armaments would be reduced to a level 
sufficient only for the maintenance of internal 
order and to man and equip the international 
force. Acceptance of this plan in whole or in part 
by the Soviet Union would establish a significant 
first milestone on the road toward total disarma- 
ment. 

For the time being, however, we fear the Soviet 
Union may be unwilling to give up what it con- 
siders an important propaganda point in order 
to achieve concrete, realistic disarmament. At 
this session the Soviet will probably make every 
effort to convince the new states that only the 
Communist world is sincerely interested in gen- 
eral and complete disarmament. 

Mr. Khrushchev can be expected to place new 
twists in the Soviet Union's disarmament pro- 
posals which he will announce with great fanfare. 
These will probably be couched in generalities 
and platitudes designed to represent "concessions" 
to the West and to appeal to emotions rather than 
reason. 

I would be much surprised and greatly en- 
couraged if Soviet proposals turn out to be more 



"For text of U.S. disarmament proposals of June 27, 
1960, see Bulletin of July 18, 1960, p. 90. 



substantial. But whatever the Soviet attitude, we 
will continue to seek meaningful, controlled 
measures to achieve our major goal of complete 
disarmament under a regime of world law guar- 
anteed by a United Nations Peace Force. 

It is, of course, not desirable for the Assembly 
to get involved in detailed negotiations in the 
disarmament field. The problem is far too com- 
plex for that. I would hope, however, that, fol- 
lowing a general debate of the major issues, the 
Assembly would urge the early resumption of 
negotiations. 

In the related field of outer space, the United 
Nations is faced with a unique challenge. Only 
the United Nations is able to cope with the com- 
plicated political, legal, and technical problems 
involved in assuring the open and orderly conduct 
of space activities. The need for concerted action 
is great because scientific exploration develops at 
an ever-accelerated pace. We have made a num- 
ber of concrete proposals in the past, including the 
banning of weapons of mass destruction in outer 
space. We will press forward with this suggestion 
as well as others during the coming session. 

In the Near East, as in Africa, the United 
Nations continues to contribute very substantially 
to stability and progress. We believe the United 
Nations Emergency Force should continue to 
patrol the armistice demarcation line until con- 
ditions permit its removal. The United Nations 
Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees 
(UNRWA), although a palliative which does not 
strike at the real cause of the refugee problem, 
renders absolutely indispensable services to over 
a million unfortunate victims of Middle East 
tensions. 

UNEF is one of three major financial burdens 
on the United Nations. In 1960 we offered a 
voluntary contribution to UNEF of $3.2 million 
over and above our assessed share, bringing our 
contribution to 48.5 percent of the total cost. We 
have found it necessary in the past to make such 
voluntary contributions in order to enable those 
least able to pay to give some measure of support 
for the force. It has also been made necessary by 
the fact that the Soviet bloc, in an effort to destroy 
UNEF, has flatly refused to pay its share of the 
assessment, 

The second major financial burden is the Congo 
operation. We estimate that the cost of maintain- 
ing an 18,000-man force in the Congo for a 12- 
month period will be from $75 million to $100 



512 



Department of State Bulletin 



million. Moreover, this figure does not include 
economic rehabilitation and technical assistance. 
The financing of this important activity clearly 
will be one of the toughest problems this Assembly 
will have to meet. 

I need not remind this audience that we are 
rapidly approaching a financial crisis of major 
proportions in the United Nations. But even 
with added expenditures like UNEF and the 
Congo, the cost of supporting the United Nations 
is incredibly small. Last year, for example, our 
contribution to all United Nations programs 
amounted to only 61 cents per capita. 

In the third place, the Advisory Committee on 
Administrative and Budgetary Questions has sug- 
gested that the General Assembly might wish to 
"establish a Peace and Security Fund to be main- 
tained at a level of 20 or 25 million dollars which 
might be financed partially from the regular 
budget and partially by voluntary contributions." 
Clearly this would be one way of putting the 
financing of such expensive operations as UNEF 
and the Congo force on a sound basis. It would 
also permit even more rapid United Nations ac- 
tion to restore peace in the future. If such a pro- 
posal is put forward at this session, the United 
States will strongly support it. 

I would like to add only briefly some thoughts 
on the related problems of Tibet and Chinese 
representation. This year an objective and well- 
documented report by a committee of the Inter- 
national Commission of Jurists has been issued 
which finds the Chinese Communists guilty of 
religious genocide in Tibet and of committing 
other grave violations of human rights. The 
Dalai Lama continues to look to the United Na- 
tions and the free world for assistance. Obviously 
the situation in Tibet has grave implications for 
free peoples everywhere. I am confident that the 
General Assembly will give its most earnest at- 
tention to this tragic situation. 

Tibet is but the latest in a long series of aggres- 
sive actions by the Chinese Communist regime. 
As a result, this regime is farther than ever from 
forcing its way into the United Nations. 

It is significant that for the first time in recent 
years the problem of Chinese representation was 
not proposed for the agenda by India and the 
Soviet Union itself had to introduce the item. 

The argument has been made in the past that 
Chinese Communist conduct would surely improve 



if it became a U.N. member. This is surely wish- 
ful thinking. There is nothing to indicate that 
a regime which has scorned, defied, and carried on 
a war against the United Nations while not a mem- 
ber would change its basic policies by being 
brought into the Organization. On the contrary, 
it would be most likely to regard this as proof 
that it can continue its lawless behavior with im- 
punity. Therefore we will continue to resist 
all efforts to seat this regime. It clearly does not 
meet the requirements of the charter for member- 
ship. 

The Khrushchev Visit 

"When I spoke to you last year, it was against 
a background of speculation that the visit to the 
United Nations of Mr. Khrushchev might result 
in a relaxation of tensions. As comment I sug- 
gested that we should not look for any miracles, 
but I did not then envisage the degree to which 
United States-Soviet relations would deteriorate 
during the course of the year. 

It seems to me that in dealing with the Soviet 
bloc we must avoid extremes of optimism or pes- 
simism. Soviet objectives form a relative constant, 
despite the wide fluctuations in tactics. Whatever 
line Mr. Khrushchev adopts during his stay at 
the United Nations — whether he is conciliatory or 
inflammatory or both at different times — we must 
pursue our own objectives with determination and 
persistence. 

Certainly his actions during the past year are 
difficult to interpret. His rude and abrupt dis- 
ruption of the summit conference; his heavy- 
handed utilization of the U-2 and RB-47 cases 
to intensify tensions; his continued arbitrary 
imprisonment of two American pilots shot down 
far from Soviet territory ; and his increasing re- 
sort to rocket-rattling techniques warn us to 
remain very much on our guard. 

There is one matter I would like to clear up 
about Mr. Khrushchev's visit. Unfortunately 
some people may be under a mistaken impression 
that our Government invited Mr. Khrushchev and 
certain other leaders to our shores. Actually, of 
course, Mr. Khrushchev was not invited to this 
country. He comes as a member of the Soviet 
delegation to the United Nations to participate in 
the work of the General Assembly. Under the 
Headquarters Agreement which we have with the 
United Nations, he has a right to do this. 



October 3, I960 



513 






At this point I want to comment briefly on the 
security arrangements which the United States 
has decided upon in connection with the attend- 
ance of the heads of the Soviet, Hungarian, Al- 
banian, and Cuban delegations. For evident rea- 
sons, the personal protection of these individuals 
poses special problems and places heavy responsi- 
bilities upon the United States Federal, State, and 
local authorities. The area limitations on move- 
ment which we have announced for these individ- 
uals 7 are based solely on considerations of secu- 
rity. They are designed to help us meet our 
obligations under the Headquarters Agreement to 
insure the personal safety of all delegates and to 
guarantee their unimpeded movement to and from 
the United Nations headquarters. 

However much our people may question Mr. 
Khrushchev's motives for coming here, we cannot 
forget that our country serves as host to the United 
Nations. As such we must extend to United Na- 
tions delegates the protection, the privileges, and 
the courtesies that are necessary in order to en- 
able the United Nations to carry on its important 
work. 

It seems clear that his visit to the United Na- 
tions is hardly likely to improve East-West rela- 
tions. We can expect to see him mount a massive 
propaganda attack against the United States, if 
only to seek to influence the newly independent 
states. 

However, Mr. Khrushchev may find that he has 
committed another in a long series of tactical 
errors. Increasingly the world looks askance at 
the double standard practiced by the Soviet Union 
and its allies. Increasingly the world contrasts 
the extension of freedom in the areas under West- 
ern influence with its denial in the Soviet orbit. 

Whatever tune the Soviet leader feels con- 
strained to play, the United States will continue 
to seek the creation of a stable and viable world 
order by all practicable, means. 

If Mr. Khrushchev finally decides that a re- 
laxation of tensions would be advantageous, there 
are a number of steps the Soviet Union might 
take toward this end. 

1. It could cease its unilateral intervention in 
the Congo and support the United Nations in its 
efforts to bring peace and stability to that 
troubled land. 



' See p. 521. 
514 



2. It could permit a neutral examination of the 
circumstances surrounding the flight of the RB- 
47 and release the American airmen which it has 
illegally imprisoned. 

3. It could accept a workable system of inspec- 
tion and control in order to break the disarma- 
ment deadlock. 

4. It could demonstrate in concrete terms its 
willingness to participate in the important work 
of the United Nations in the peaceful uses of 
outer space. 

5. It could permit self-determination to operate 
in the divided countries by United Nations super- 
vised elections in East Germany and Korea. 

6. It could help strengthen the United Nations 
by supporting the creation of a U.N. Peace Force 
and by assuming its full financial responsibility 
for U.N. programs. 

If 1960 is a year of grave crisis, it is also a year 
of unparalleled opportunity. If we can success- 
fully meet the crises we face — notably, but by no 
means exclusively, in the Congo — the United 
Nations will emerge as a strengthened force for 
the maintenance of peace. 

Mr. Khrushchev could do much to help if he 
would only choose to do so. 



Aviation Consultations Opened 
With Scandinavian Countries 

Press release 531 dated September 13 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 13 that aviation consultations among the 
United States and the three Scandinavian coun- 
tries [Denmark, Norway, and Sweden] having an 
interest in SAS [Scandinavian Airlines S}'stem, 
Inc.] opened at Copenhagen September 12. 
Chairman of the U.S. delegation is Edward A. 
Bolster of the Department of State; other mem- 
bers include officials from the Civil Aeronautics 
Board, the Department of Commerce, and a rep- 
resentative of the Air Transport Association as 
an observer. United States authorities expressed 
confidence that an understanding of airline ca- 
pacity problems could be reached in a spirit of 
good will and consonant with the mutual interests 
of all parties concerned. 



Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



Secretary Herter's News Conference of September 14 



Press release 535 dated September 14 

Secretary Eerter: I have no prepared state- 
ment, so to will have questions. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the White House has an- 
nounced today that the President will go to the 
United Nations, I believe on the %2d, and make 
a speech there. Two questions about this. What 
results do you expect to be achieved by his appear- 
ance there, and do you expect that he will see Mr. 
Khrushchev while he is there? 

A. "Well, with respect to the first question, as 
to what results he expects to achieve, I don't want 
to speculate at the present time. The President 
has made a decision to go there, and until he actu- 
ally makes his speech and the subject of that be- 
comes known, I think it would be idle to speculate 
in advance. 

With respect to his seeing Mr. Khrushchev, 
any plans, of course, of the President must come- 
any plans that he makes must be announced from 
the White House. As far as I know in connec- 
tion with his announcement, he plans to return 
after his speech to Washington. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the United States Govern- 
ment has placed security precautions in effect for 
Mr. Khrushchev's stay in New York. 1 This was 
done, according to the announcement, because of 
the fact that he has raised hostility in this count ry 
and it may be difficult to insure his safety. Mr. 
Castro has announced that he is coming to the 
United Nations, and he has been somewhat critical 
of the United States, and there is some hostility 
to him in this country. Do you contemplate put- 
ting similar restrictions into effect on Mr. Castro? 

A. Yes. We will advise the Cuban Embassy of 
that this morning. 

Q. What are they? 

A. The same as those that apply to Mr. Khru- 



President Eisenhower To Address 
General Assembly on September 22 

Statement tty James 0. Hagerty 
Press Secretary to the President 

White House press release dated September 14 

The President has long indicated that he was 
considering going to the United Nations to address 
the General Assembly. 

The President will go to New York on the 
morning of Thursday, September 22d, for this 
purpose. He will have specific proposals to make to 
the United Nations delegates at that time. 

The President will return to Washington after 
his address. 



shchev and the Albanian and Hungarian heads of 

state. 

OAS Censure of Dominican Republic 

Q. Could you summarize what you expect to 
achieve from the actions of the OAS [Organisa- 
tion of American States] in regard to the Domini- 
can Republic? 2 

A. That is hard to tell. As you know, this was 
a definite vote of censure on the Dominican Re- 
public, with the breaking off of diplomatic rela- 
tions and the very important provision that 
diplomatic relations would not be resumed until 
the OAS was convinced that the Government of 
the Dominican Republic was no longer a threat 
to the peace and safety of the Western Hemi- 
sphere. This in effect means that diplomatic re- 
lations cannot be resumed until two-thirds of the 
nations of the OAS agree to do so. Presumably 
this can only have an indirect effect, that of 
pressure from the Organization as a whole that 
the type of activity carried on by the Dominican 
Government, particularly in connection with the 



1 See p. 521. 



October 3, I960 



3 For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 355. 

515 



attempt on the life of the Venezuelan President, 
will have to cease and that that Government will 
be so organized as to satisfy the Latin American 
countries — the members of the OAS — that it can 
become a peaceful member of the Organization. 

Q. Meanwhile do you anticipate any problems 
for American businesses in the Dominican 
Republic? 

A. We don't know what problems may arise. 
As you know, we are still maintaining our con- 
sular representation. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, your earlier remarks about 
the President having to announce xohatever plans 
he has for any meetings might lead to the specula- 
tion that the President has changed his mind over 
what he told us at the news conference last week, 
namely, that in order for him to meet with Mr. 
Khrushchev, Mr. Khrushchev would have to re- 
lease the RB-Jfl fliers 3 and perhaps meet other 
conditions. Do you mean to imply there has been 
a change in this? 

A. I do not. As far as I know, there has been 
no change in that whatever. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there seems to be some in- 
consistency between Premier de Gaulle's request 
for a three-power directorate for global planning 
and his opposition to integration of NATO forces. 
I wonder if you would give us your views on 
Premier de Gaulle's recent press conference. 

A. Well, I would rather not go into the whole 
press conference. I think I have made it very 
clear what our views are with regard to integra- 
tion. I made a statement on that recently at the 
American Bar Association meeting 4 and the U.P.I. 
[United Press International] convention. 5 As 
you know, we have always taken a position that, 
from the point of view of an effective military 
operation, integration is an essential part of the 
NATO military structure. With respect to the 
tripartite matter, that is something that has been 
discussed. There have been occasional meetings 
on a tripartite basis. It has never been institu- 
tionalized, and we do not expect that it will be. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, Generalissimo Trujillo indi- 



3 For background, see ibid., Aug. 8, 1900, p. 200; Aug. 
15, 1960, p. 235 ; and Aug. 22, 1960, p. 275. 

* rbid., Sept. 19, 1960, p. 435. 

• Ibid., Sept. 26, 1900, p. 467. 



cated at one time that he had been appointed to 
head the Dominican delegation to the United Na- 
tions Assembly. Have you had any information 
whether he still intends to come, and, if so, would 
he be subject to the same restrictions applying to 
some other chiefs of state? 

A. We have had no specific word as to whether 
he is coming or not. He did receive a visa some 
time ago which would allow him to come. With 
respect to the question of any limitation, it has 
not been considered. 

Travel Restrictions in Berlin 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us your esti- 
mate of the recent actions that were taken in and 
around Berlin by the East German authorities 
regarding travel restrictions?* What do you 
think the purpose of these actions is, and what do 
you think the response of the "West should be? 

A. The most recent information we have is that 
the Soviet authorities are now backing up the meas- 
ures that were taken by the East German au- 
thorities to restrict travel. This is a very clear 
bit of evidence that the East Germans imposed 
those restrictions with the knowledge and consent 
of the Soviet authorities before they did so. We 
consider that this is a serious matter. We are 
meeting with representatives of the British, the 
French, and the West Germans in Bonn, and fol- 
lowing those discussions we will take this matter 
on. I don't want to comment now. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, with regard to the restrictions 
on Fidel Castro, there are many people in this 
country who have strong feelings on the question 
of Abdul Nasser. Will there be any restrictions 
on Mr. Nasser? 

A. Those have not been considered. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, the same question with regard 
to Mr. Tito. 

A. The same answer. 

U.N. General Assembly Session 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you intend to confer with 
any of these gentlemen you have just been re- 
ferring to at the United Nations? 

A. As far as I know there has been no request 



'For background, see ibid., Sept. 19, 1960, p. 439, and 
Sept. 20, 19(50, p. 473. 



516 



Department of Sfofe Bulletin 



to confer with me when I am there. I plan to go 
up next Monday [September 19] and to be there 
during the week. I shall be available, of course, 
for consultations, probably primarily with foreign 
ministers. It has been the custom over a good 
many years that the Secretary of State has gone 
to New York and spent a week's time in which to 
be available to talk with the various foreign 
ministers who are coming with their delegation. 
Actually, as of now I have no specific appoint- 
ments. Several individuals have indicated that 
while I am there they would like to talk to me, 
but no specific appointments of any kind have been 
made. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, with the General Assembly 
meeting coming next week, could you give us some 
general approximation of the way you look for- 
ward to it, in view of the fact that Premier 
Khrushchev had called for a heads-of -government 
meeting, which we had opposed; but isn't he to 
some considerable degree getting his heads-of -gov- 
ernment meeting? 

A. A good many heads of government are com- 
ing. Whether more will come or not, we don't 
know. 

Insofar as the heads-of-government meeting is 
concerned, that I would think was very doubtful. 
Mr. Khrushchev is coming in the capacity as head 
of the U.S.S.K. delegation, which means that he 
will sit with the delegation, will be present pre- 
sumably on the floor during the discussion, and 
will be entitled to sit at committee meetings. 

The position of the President, of course, is very 
different. He is going only to make one state- 
ment. He is not staying on. I will be staying as 
head of the delegation as long as I am there, and 
then Ambassador [James J.] Wadsworth will 
carry on. 

"What other heads of government plan to do 
from the point of view of staying in New York 
and carrying on, we don't know. 

There is a procedural matter that is of some 
interest. The actual general debate does not begin 
until Thursday, but on Tuesday and Wednesday 
there will be organizational matters — the election 
of the President of the General Assembly. There 
will then be the question of the admission of new 
states, which then goes before the General Com- 
mittee. Whether or not Mr. Khrushchev will sit 
in the General Committee and recommend the 
admission of Red China or not, we don't know — 



or whether that will become a routine matter. But 
I am told that insofar as the general debate is 
concerned, allowing each delegation an oppor- 
tunity to speak — that will take at least 3 weeks. 
Whether or not any committee activities will take 
place at the same time, I don't know, but it hasn't 
been customary for any other committee activities 
to take place ; so there may be a considerable post- 
ponement of committee work as such until all the 
delegates there who wish to speak have spoken. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, sir, are we considering in- 
viting any of the lieads of state at the United 
Nations to visit Washington, especially Mr. 
Nasser and Mr. Tito? And, if so, how can you 
invite some without discourtesy toward others? 

A. As yet no invitation has been issued to any- 
one from Washington that I know of. The ques- 
tion of the invitation of heads of state is a matter 
for the President to decide, and any announce- 
ments on that subject will have to come from the 
White House. 

Relations With Japan 

Q. Mr. Secretary, would you give us an ap- 
praisal of V. S. -Japanese relations since your 
talks with Mr. \_Zentaro\ Kosaka and the advisa- 
bility of President Eisenhower's accepting an in- 
vitation to go there this year? 

A. The talks with Foreign Minister Kosaka 
were very friendly and in my opinion very satis- 
factory. He is an individual of very real dis- 
tinction and of very warm manner. 

The relationship between ourselves and the 
Japanese, I think, is being indicated more and 
more certainly through the prefectural elections 
that have taken place in Japan, where there has 
been an actual test. This relationship has been 
more and more friendly and warm. I think that 
with the visit of the Crown Prince — coming here 
very shortly — this will accentuate this situation. 
Insofar as any invitation to the President is con- 
cerned, that again is a matter for the President 
to decide. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, if any further Russian Ufs 
desire to refuel in a NATO country on the way 
south to the Congo, will they be permitted to re- 
fuel? Is there a concerted Allied policy of the 
Russian planes transiting Allied airspace en 
route to Africa? 

A. I can speak of that only in connection with 



October 3, I960 



517 



those that -went through Greece and who asked 
for permission to overfly and to refuel. The 
Greek Government consulted with the United 
Nations; the United Nations agreed; the Greeks 
insisted on an inspection of the planes, their 
cargoes, and crews before they went on. That was, 
I think, the 29th of August, that those planes went 
through. Since that time the Greek Government 
has had no further request. 

Question of Creating a "First Secretary" Position 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on several occasions during 
this campaigning, Mr. Lodge has said that he has 
Mr. Nixon's assurances that, in the event of a 
Republican victory, he will be given the direction 
of foreign affairs apart from our military matters. 
I wonder if you could give us your views on this, 
which would amount to a large departure in the 
American system, and could you tell us specifically 
whether you think the Vice President should han- 
dle this, whether any man of stature would take 
the Secretaryship of State under these conditions? 

A. I don't want to comment on what may have 
been any conversation between the Vice President 
and Ambassador Lodge. As you know, there has 
been discussion going on for a year and a half or 
more on the possibility of the setting up of what 
has been called a "First Secretary" position in 
the Government, a position presumably which 
would be one of top Cabinet rank — of the very 
top Cabinet rank — in order to coordinate activ- 
ities of Defense, State, and so on. This is a 
matter that has been under study for some time. 
There is certainly a problem connected with the 
tremendous variety of activities that a Secretary 
of State has to take on today. There are very 
great pressures from the point of view of the 
purely human element, and the time element, in 
the many international conferences which are 
being held and will probably have to continue to 
be held at the Secretary of State level. 

With respect to any firm conclusions on this 
matter, this is obviously something that any Presi- 
dent will have to determine for himself. Whether 
it will be in the nature of a position which re- 
quires Senate confirmation, whether it will be an 
elective position, or what it would be, I couldn't 
tell you at the present time. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, on a related point, in this 
administrative review, do you still contemplate 



also the possibility of raising — of creating an 
Under Secretaryship for Inter- American Affairs, 
ichich has been proposed on several occasions? 

A. That has been considered. It has been dis- 
cussed with our South American Advisory Com- 
mittee on — Inter- American Advisory Committee. 
It's a problematical question. If we begin to ap- 
point an Under Secretary for any geographic 
area, at once the Assistant Secretaries for the 
other areas would be downgraded very consider- 
ably. And any area that didn't have an Under 
Secretary representing them would feel that they 
were being downgraded in the world. So that I 
think that this is a matter that should be studied 
a good deal more seriously before a final decision 
is made. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in advance of Premier 
Khrushchev^s arrival, there have been reports that 
the Soviets might announce that they have 
launched some rather spectacular space experi- 
ments. Do you have any reason to believe that 
this might be a likelihood? 

A. No, I have no reason to believe that it would 
be a likelihood. I have heard the same, probably 
rumors, that you have. But beyond that we have 
no specific information. 

A Free Press 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there have been many sugges- 
tions in the press, radio and television, letters to 
editors, et cetera, that the American press — the 
public — should absolutely disregard and do noth- 
ing about printing the appearance of Khrushchev 
and Castro and the rest of them. Do you have 
any personal advice or departmental advice of 
what we might tell the American people about 
that? How can we handle it, I mean? 

A. No, we have a free press in this country. 
We have no intention of dictating in any way, or 
trying to dictate in any way, as to what should 
be published and what should not be published. 
Insofar as invitations to these individuals are 
concerned to speak, that is a matter entirely of 
the responsibility of the individual organization. 
If they themselves want to ask persons who have 
been manifestly hostile to the United States, and 
insulting to the United States, to appear before 
them and on their platforms, that is a matter for 
their own determination. 



518 



Department of State Bulletin 



Q. Mr. Secretary, the Belgian Prime Minister 
[Gaston Eyskens] said yesterday that he is back- 
ing General de Gaulle's concept of NATO. And 
I was wondering, since you expressed disagree- 
ment with it, whether you are planning any action 
in the NATO Council. 

A. This is undoubtedly a matter that will be 
discussed in the NATO Council. As you know, 
the NATO Council meets every week. I think it's 
actually being discussed in the NATO Council 
today. Whether any resolution will be reached 
is something else again. It will undoubtedly be 
a subject for discussion at the ministerial meeting 
in December. As you know, NATO and its struc- 
tures and policies are under constant review, both 
in the Council and in these periodic ministerial 
meetings. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, have you made any recom- 
mendations to the President with respect to in- 
viting one or more of the visiting heads of state 
to Washington? 

A. No, I have not. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, we have been ashed at vari- 
ous times the following question, and I wonder 
what your answer might be. The question is, 
what happens if Mr. Khrushchev decides that he 
is going outside Manhattan Island and in fact 
does go? The same question, of course, would 
apply to any others on whom the restrictions 
were imposed. 

A. I am afraid that is entirely a speculative 
question, and I couldn't give you any definitive 
answer to it. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, if Mr. Khrushchev were to 
request permission to go outside of Manhattan 
and to deliver a speech before some organization, 
would we permit him to got 

A. I would be doubtful about that outside of 
Manhattan. Obviously he is entitled to complete 
freedom with respect to any activity which is 
directly connected with his relationship and the 
carrying out of his duties in the United Nations. 
Aid our responsibility is to see to it that he can 
carry out those functions without hindrance. 
Naturally we are hopeful that the attitude toward 
these individuals who are a very difficult security 
risk will comport with the usual courtesy and 
dignity that the American people reserve for 
peoples who are on their shores on a mission — 



and a legitimate mission — to an international 
organization. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, you spoke a moment ago of 
the possibility that Khrushchev might propose 
the admission of Communist China to the United 
Nations personally. What is your assessment 
now in view of the fact that there will be about 

15 new members at this session? What's your 
assessment of the possibility of this Soviet pro- 
posal succeeding at this time? 

A. I don't think that we can make that assess- 
ment as yet. I don't think that there is any way 
of speculating necessarily that the new nations 
that will be undoubtedly admitted — some 15 or 

16 of them — will necessarily vote as a bloc. We 
assume that as independent nations they will use 
their own judgment, and how they will exercise 
that judgment we can't predict at the present 
time. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, there seems to be a feeling 
in some parts of the Department that the answer 
of the West German Government to the actions 
around Berlin has been either slow or timid. Do 
you share this feeling? Do you feel that the 
West German Government has been dragging 
their feet on this matter? 

A. I would prefer not to comment on that mat- 
ter. As you know, this is being discussed in Bonn 
at the present time, and until a determination is 
made there, I would prefer not to comment. 

Overflight Rights of Russian Planes 

Q. Mr. Secretary, I believe we failed to get a 
clear ansioer to a previous question regarding 
whether or not there is any concerted Allied 
policy regarding the overflights by Russian planes 
to the Congo over Allied territory. Is there, or 
is there not, such a policy/ or if there is not such 
a policy, is such a one planned? 

A. As far as I know, every one of the nations 
that I am familiar with from the point of view 
of permitting any overnight rights has consulted 
with the United Nations to inquire as to whether 
these are in conformity with its own operations. 
And I do not know of any overflights that have 
been granted that have not been in conformity 
with that same policy. Whether any have gone 
through Cairo, whether any have gone through 
any other places, we do not know. All of the 



October 3, I960 



519 



Russian planes that are in the Congo that we 
know of have come either through the transport 
of troops from Ghana, which was done with the 
consent of the United Nations, or through Greece, 
as I explained, at the end of August. 

Q. I don't want to pursue this too much further, 
but I wanted to get clear, should the Russians try 
to fly over Allied territory to carry further troops 
or further supplies and equipment or technicians 
to the Congo, is there any standby Allied plan 
against such a policy? 

A. I'm not quite clear what you mean by Allied 
plan. NATO? 

Q. NATO, yes. 

A. I assume that all the NATO nations would 
cooperate the same way. But if this is something 
requested by the United Nations, and they can 
check that it actually is what the United Nations 
has approved of in the way of relief and so on, 
that then they would grant this ; otherwise they 
would probably not. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, with President Eisenhower 
planning to go to the United Nations, is it your 
understanding that he will be the only Western 
head of government to go? 

A. No, I don't know what Western heads of 
government will go. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, in advance of Mr. Khru- 
shchev's arrival, do you have any thoughts as to 
whether he intends to try to negotiate seriously, 
or do you regard his visit as primarily a propa- 
ganda gambit? 

A. Well, I have already expressed myself on the 
question of negotiating seriously in a group of 
anywhere from 82 to 96 members. That is just 
not a forum in which one can negotiate seriously, 
particularly on the very intricate subjects like 
disarmament. We, as you know, are very hopeful 
that disarmament discussions will be resumed, but 
in a forum where it is practical to make some 
headway, instead of what would appear to be just 
a propaganda forum for speeches rather than 
serious negotiations. 

Situation in the Congo 

Q. Mr. Secretary, could you give us your cur- 
rent assessment of the situation in the Congo, 
whether it has improved or worsened? 

A. I wouldn't dare do that. Hour by hour the 



situation changes there so that it's very difficult 
to be certain as to what is taking place. It cer- 
tainly couldn't be clearer that the power struggle 
between [President Joseph] Kasavubu and 
[Premier Patrice] Lumumba is continuing. One 
day one seems to be on top, the next day the next 
seems to be on top, and sometimes you get shifts 
in the course of a single day. So that it's very 
difficult to assess it from here. The only thing 
one can say is that from all reports the rest of 
the country, outside of the struggle in Leopold- 
ville, is very much quieter. The cease-fire has been 
observed, and even the tribal warfare in Kasai 
seems to have abated. 

Q. Mr. Secretary, shortly after the San Jose 
conference, the President of Mexico indicated 
that he offered to in effect mediate between the 
United States and Cuba. Have you received any 
indications that he will raise the subject with you 
when you are going there this week? 

A. No. I would doubt whether or not he would. 
As you may recall, at San Jose a provision was 
made for the setting up of an ad hoc committee of 
the OAS consisting of six nations, of which 
Mexico was one, 7 which would be called together 
at the request of the governments concerned to 
investigate the facts in the disputes as between 
the two nations and with the request for the lend- 
ing of good offices toward the settlement of those. 
We have ourselves requested the OAS to assemble 
such a committee. We have had every indication 
that the Cubans would not make a similar request. 

Q. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. 



National Councilor of Uruguay 
Visits United States 

The Department of State annoimced on Sep- 
tember 17 (press release 549) the visit to Wash- 
ington September 18-20 of Eduardo Victor 
Haedo, Member of the National Council of Gov- 
ernment of Uruguay. Councilor Haedo met with 
President Eisenhower and Under Secretary Dil- 
lon before going to New York to head the Uru- 
guayan delegation to the U.N. General Assembly. 



' The other members of the Ad Hoc Good Offices Com- 
mittee are Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, and 
Venezuela. 



520 



Department of State Bulletin 



Albania, Hungary, U.S.S.R. Officials 
Restricted in Movements on U.N. Visit 

The U.S. Mission to the United Nations on 
September 10 delivered to the Albanian, Hwn- 
garian, and Soviet Missions to the United Nations 
aide memoire restricting the movements of the 
heads of their countries'' delegations to the 15th 
session of the U.N. General Assembly luhile they 
are in the United States. 

Following are the texts of the aide memoire 
delivered to the Hungarian and Soviet Missions? 
a Department statement of September 10, an 
exchange of communications between the United 
States and the Soviet Union, and a statement by 
President Eisenhower. 



AIDE MEMOIRE TO HUNGARIAN MISSION 

Press release 52S dated September 10 

1. The United States Government has noted the 
designation of the Minister of State of Hungary, 
Janos Kadar, as head of the Hungarian Delega- 
tion to the Fifteenth General Assembly meeting 
of the United Nations. 

2. A special situation exists with regard to the 
provision of adequate security to Mr. Kadar in 
his transit of United States territory for the pur- 
pose of attending meetings of the United Nations. 

3. This special situation arises, of course, be- 
cause of the hostile public statements that Mr. 
Kadar and other Hungarian authorities have di- 
rected against the United States, the repression 
practiced by the Hungarian Government against 
the Hungarian people in violation of their human 
rights and fundamental freedoms, and the Hun- 
garian Government's continuing uncooperative 
conduct within the United Nations on the Hun- 
garian problem and its defiant attitude toward 
the resolutions on Hungary adopted by the United 
Nations General Assembly. 

4. The United States Government therefore re- 
quests (a) that arrangements be made for Mr. 
Kadar to reside in the closest convenient prox- 
imity to the Headquarters of the United Nations 
and (b) that his movements, other than those 
involving his arrival in and departure from the 



United States in connection with his official mis- 
sion, should not extend beyond Manhattan Island. 

5. Since security arrangements must be made 
some time in advance, the United States Govern- 
ment requests the earliest possible notification as 
to his proposed time and method of arrival, place 
of residence, length of stay, and time and method 
of departure. 

6. All members of entourage accompanying Mr. 
Kadar will be subject to the same restrictions on 
their movements that are presently in effect for 
members of the permanent staff of the Hungarian 
Mission to the United Nations. 



AIDE MEMOIRE TO SOVIET MISSION 

Press release 524 dated September 10 

1. The United States Government has been 
informed by the Soviet Government that the 
Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the 
USSR, N. S. Khrushchev, will head the Soviet 
Delegation to the Fifteenth General Assembly 
meeting of the United Nations. 

2. The United States Government's concern in 
this connection is with the provision of adequate 
security to Mr. Khrushchev and members of the 
Soviet Delegation in their transit of United 
States territory for the purpose of attending 
meetings of the United Nations. 

3. The question of assuring the necessary secu- 
rity for Mr. Khrushchev and the Soviet Delega- 
tion has, of course, been complicated by the hostile 
public statements of the head of the Soviet Gov- 
ernment and by the destruction of an American 
plane over international waters by Soviet action 
and the continued illegal detention of two Ameri- 
can flyers. 2 

4. The United States Government therefore 
requests that arrangements be made for Mr. 
Khrushchev to reside in the closest convenient 
proximity to the headquarters of the United 
Nations and that his movements other than those 
connected with arrival and departure be limited 
to those required by his official mission, not beyond 
Manhattan Island. 

5. Since security arrangements must be made 
some time in advance, the United States Govern- 



1 The aide memoire to the Albanian Mission was not 
released. 

October 3, 1960 

564974—60 3 



2 For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 163 ; 
Aug. 8, 1960, p. 211 ; Aug. 15, 1960, p. 235 ; and Aug. 22, 
1960, p. 274. 



521 



ment requests the earliest possible notification as 
to the exact time of arrival, place of residence, 
length of stay, and time and method of departure. 



DEPARTMENT STATEMENT* 

The Department is releasing the text of an aide 
memoire delivered today to the Soviet Mission to 
the United Nations by the U.S. Mission. 

The Headquarters Agreement 4 between the 
United States and the United Nations provides 
that Federal, State, and local authorities shall 
afford any necessary protection to persons offi- 
cially attending U.N. sessions except while they 
are on U.N. premises. This includes, of course, 
their attending the sessions without impediment. 
The Federal Government also has the ultimate 
responsibility to see that these obligations are met. 
Since these are foreign representatives, the State 
Department will, as usual, coordinate the efforts 
of the various Federal, State, and local officials 
involved in this matter. 

It should be clearly understood that, in the 
absence of an official invitation to visit the United 
States, the presence of officials of other govern- 
ments in connection with United Nations business 
in no way either requires or implies approval by 
the United States Government of their decision 
to come here. 

Nonetheless, such foreign officials, regardless of 
the nature of their governments or the policies of 
those governments, as the consequence of the rela- 
tions of their governments to the United Nations 
have the right to proceed about the business of the 
United Nations without let or hindrance. This 
does not mean that they are necessarily entitled to 
travel within the United States outside the im- 
mediate area of the United Nations headquarters. 

These persons must, however, be able to travel 
to and from their place of residence in Manhattan 
and the United Nations headquarters building. 
The security measures taken by this Government, 
as set forth in the aide memoire I have referred 
to, are designed to facilitate this travel. 

In view of the foregoing, certain of these for- 
eign officials, therefore, have been informed that 
they are expected not to travel outside Manhattan 



Island except as may be necessary in connection 
with their arrival and departure. 

Citizens of the United States, as well as all other 
persons who may be within the confines of the 
United States either as permanent residents or 
visitors, will therefore, it is hoped, comport them- 
selves in a dignified and restrained fashion with 
regard to all persons coming to this country as I 
official representatives to the United Nations and I 
thus contribute to the best of their ability to the | 
maintenance of public order. 



U.S.-SOVIET EXCHANGE OF COMMUNICATIONS 

U.S. Communication 5 

Press release 534 dated September 13 

The Department of State refers to the com- 
munication presented to the Secretary of State 
by the Soviet Ambassador on September 13. As 
is pointed out in that communication, the Chair- 
man of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R., 
Mr. Khrushchev, is traveling to New York as head 
of the Soviet Delegation to the 15th Session of the 
General Assembly of the United Nations. Mr. 
Khrushchev's presence in New York, therefore, 
relates solely and directly to his mission to the 
United Nations General Assembly. As is further 
pointed out in the communication under reference, 
the relations between the Government of the 
United States of America and properly accredited 
delegates to the United Nations meetings in New 
York are governed by the Headquarters Agree- 
ment between the United States of America and 
the United Nations. 

In accordance with the Headquarters Agree- 
ment, the Government of the United States of 
America has certain responsibilities regarding the 
protection of those delegates and assurance of 
their unimpeded transit to and from the United 
Nations headquarters. 

It is precisely in strict fulfillment of the obli- 
gations which rest with the Government of the 
United States of America as a result of the Head- 
quarters Agreement that the measures referred to 
in the aide memoire of September 9, 6 left with 
the Soviet Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations by the United States Mission to 



' Read to news correspondents by Francis W. Tully, Jr., 
Department press officer, on Sept. 10. 
' For text, see Bulletin of Jan. 6, 1947, p. 27. 



• Delivered to the Soviet Embassy at Washington on 
Sept. 13. 

* Delivered to the Soviet Mission on Sept. 10. 



522 



Department of State Bulletin 



the United Nations, have been decided upon. 
While Mr. Khrushchev is within the territorial 
limits of the United States of America but outside 
the United Nations headquarters itself, the ulti- 
mate responsibility for assuring the security of 
Mr. Khrushchev and his unimpeded movement to 
and from United Nations headquarters rests with 
the Government of the United States of America. 
These measures, which include the requirement 
that Mr. Khrushchev reside in closest convenient 
proximity to the headquarters of the United Na- 
tions and that his movements, other than those con- 
nected with the arrival and departure, be limited 
to those required by his official mission, and not 
extending beyond Manhattan Island, are designed 
specifically to assure to Mr. Khrushchev the un- 
hindered fulfillment of his mission to the United 
Nations. They can in no way be considered to 
interfere with what is called in the Soviet com- 
munication under reference the normal work of 
the Soviet Delegation to the 15th Session of the 
General Assembly. Travel beyond the limits of 
Manhattan Island is clearly not essential to the 
normal functioning of a delegation to a session of 
the United Nations General Assembly. 

Soviet Communication » 

Unofficial translation 

The Government of the U.S.S.R. considers it necessary 
to inform the Government of the United States as 
follows : 

The U.S. Mission to the United Nations, acting upon 
instructions of the Government of the United States, 
presented to the Mission of the U.S.S.R. on September 9 
of this year the text of an aide memoire in which were 
set forth restrictions, unprecedented in the history of the 
United Nations, on the movement of the head of the 
U.S.S.R. delegation to the 15th session of the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of 
the U.S.S.R. N. S. Khrushchev. 

These actions of the Government of the United States 
cannot be considered other than as an unfriendly act 
toward the U.S.S.R., having as its goal interference with 
the work of the Soviet delegation to the 15th session of 
the U.N. General Assembly. 

Such an act of the Government of the United States 
can be directed only toward worsening in advance the 
international atmosphere at that very moment when the 
heads of many governments are planning to undertake 
new efforts for the reduction of international tension. 
Only in such a way is it also possible to judge the fact 
that the Government of the United States drags into the 



7 Delivered by Soviet Ambassador Mikhail A. Menshikov 
to Secretary Herter on Sept. 13. 



question of assuring the security of the Soviet delega- 
tion to the 15th session of the U.N. General Assembly 
its version of the RB^7 plane, a version which as is 
known is in direct contradiction with the facts that con- 
firm the flagrant intrusion of this plane into the airspace 
of the Soviet Union. 

The Head of the Soviet Government, as was pointed 
out in the statement of the Government of the U.S.S.R. 
to the Government of the United States of America of 
September 7, 1960, is arriving in New York to take part 
in the work of the U.N. General Assembly session. In 
accordance with the Headquarters Agreement between 
the United States and the United Nations, the Govern- 
ment of the United States is obliged to insure the 
security of delegations of all member countries of the 
United Nations inasmuch as the United Nations is 
located on the territory of the United States. In this 
agreement there are no provisions which would give the 
Government of the United States the right to act arbi- 
trarily with respect to the heads of the delegations arriv- 
ing to take part in the work of the U.N. General 
Assembly or any of its organs. The United Nations is 
located on the territory of the United States not by the 
grace of the United States but on the basis of interna- 
tional agreement which the Government of the United 
States is obliged to carry out. If the Government of the 
United States refuses to provide for the unhindered ful- 
fillment by the delegations arriving in New York of the 
tasks entrusted to them, the question naturally arises 
how in such a case the United Nations can in the future 
function normally on the territory of the United States. 

The Government of the Soviet Union cannot accept 
these arbitrary actions of the Government of the United 
States, and it protests against unlawful attempts to in- 
terfere with the normal work of the Soviet delegation to 
the 15th session of the U.N. General Assembly and in- 
sists on the strict fulfillment by the Government of the 
United States of those obligations which it bears in 
accordance with the Headquarters Agreement concluded 
between the Government of the United States and the 
United Nations. The Soviet Government also expects 
that the Government of the United States will insure to 
the head of the Soviet delegation the possibility of travel- 
ing without hindrance between New York and Glen Cove 
where, as is known to the American authorities, Soviet 
delegations to the sessions of the U.N. General Assembly 
are usually located. 
Washington, September IS, 1960 



STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT EISENHOWER 

White House (Camp David, Md.) press release dated September 17 

The United States Government and State and 
local authorities are faced with an extremely diffi- 
cult security problem in view of the forthcoming 
attendance at the United Nations General Assem- 
bly of nearly a score of Chiefs of State or Heads 
of Government, several of whom have been bitterly 
antagonistic to the United States. 



October 3, I960 



523 



In this situation I am confident that I can count 
on the traditional dignity and cooperation of our 
people. Although the Chiefs of State or Heads 
of Government are coming to New York to attend 
the United Nations and not to visit the United 
States, it is essential that their activities in con- 
nection with the United Nations be in no way 
impaired. The United States Government, by its 
agreement with the United Nations, has guaran- 
teed free and unimpeded access to the United Na- 
tions so that the representatives of foreign 
governments may properly discharge their func- 
tions in connection with that organization. 

The calm and reasonable conduct of our citizens 
will give a renewed demonstration of our nation's 
sense of responsibility. 



Secretary Heads U.S. Delegation 
to Mexican Anniversary Festivities 

Following are statements made by Secretary 
Herter on September 15 upon his departure from 
Washington for Mexico City to attend Mexico's 
anniversary festivities and upon his arrival in 
Mexico. 

Departure Statement 

Press release 538 dated September 15 

I have been named by the President to head the 
United States special delegation to the anniver- 
sary festivities to which the Mexican Government 
has invited representatives of most of the coun- 
tries of the world. This is a special anniversary 
year for Mexico, highlighted by the sesquicen- 
tennial celebration of her independence. 

The United States delegation is composed of 
honored private citizens and distinguished officials 
including the Secretary of Defense and the Post- 
master General. 1 We carry to our friend and 
neighbor to the south, to the Mexican Government 
and the Mexican people, the most sincere congrat- 
ulations of the United States. 

Arrival Statement 

Press release 541 dated September 15 

It is a great honor to have been chosen, along 
with a number of distinguished fellow citizens, 



1 For other members of the U.S. delegation, see Depart- 
ment of State press release 523 dated Sept. 9. 



by President Eisenhower to represent him at the 
ceremonies celebrating the 150th anniversary of 
Mexico's independence. To President Lopez 
Mateos and the entire Mexican people I bring a 
sincere expression of friendship and esteem from 
President Eisenhower, who cherishes the memory 
of his warm reception in Acapulco last year. 2 

This is my first visit as Secretary of State to this 
progressive nation, with which the United States 
of America has so many enduring ties. I know 
the remarkable history of the Mexican people, 
and I know of their vigorous industrial and social 
growth. 

The sister Eepublic which I represent here on 
this important occasion extends its best wishes for 
the future happiness and prosperity of the United 
Mexican States. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

86th Congress, 1st Session 

Soviet Political Agreements and Results. Staff study for 
the Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration 
of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Secu- 
rity Laws of the Senate Judiciary Committee. Ill pp. 
[Committee print] 

Columbia River Basin Fishery Resources. Hearings be- 
fore the Senate Interstate and Foreign Commerce Com- 
mittee on S. Con. Res. 35, a concurrent resolution to 
make an investigation concerning anadromous fish in 
the Columbia River Basin ; S. 25S6, a bill to provide for 
the conservation of anadromous fish spawning areas in 
the Salmon River, Idaho ; and S. 1420, a bill to promote 
the conservation of migratory fish and game by requir- 
ing certain approval by the Secretary of the Interior 
of licenses issued under the Federal Power Act. No- 
vember 10-12, 1959. Part 2. 418 pp. 

86th Congress, 2d Session 

The United States Through the Eyes of Soviet Tourists. 
An analysis of their published reports prepared by the 
staff of the Subcommittee To Investigate the Adminis- 
tration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal 
Security Laws of the Senate Judiciary Committee. 
35 pp. [Committee print] 

United States Foreign Policy. Hearings before the Sen- 
ate Foreign Relations Committee on foreign policy 
studies : "Possible Nonmilitary Scientific Developments 
and Their Potential Impact on Foreign Policy Problems 
of the United States." "Worldwide and Domestic Eco- 
nomic Problems and Their Impact on the Foreign Policy 
of the United States," and "United States Foreign 
P li C y_Africa." Part 1. January 28-March 16, 1960. 
237 pp. 

Impact of Imports on American Small Business. Hear- 
ing before a subcommittee of the Senate Select Com- 
mittee on Small Business. June 16, 1960. 315 pp. 



2 Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1959, p. 331. 






524 



Department of State Bulletin 



India Tax Convention. Hearing before the Senate For- 
eign Relations Committee on Ex. H, 86th Congress, 2d 
session. June 28, 1060. 48 pp. 

Foreign Commerce Study. The Role of the State Depart- 
ment in Coordinating the Reciprocal Trade Agreements 
Program. Prepared at the request of Senator Clair 
Engle by the Legislative Reference Service of the Li- 
brary of Congress. July 1960. 50 pp. [Committee 
print] 

Strengthening Free World Security : NATO and Atlantic 
Cooperation, the United Nations and World Govern- 



ment. A collection of excerpts and bibliographies pre- 
pared by the Foreign Affairs Division, Legislative Ref- 
erence Service, Library of Congress. July 26, 1960. 
91 pp. [Committee print] 

Organizational History of the National Security. Study 
submitted to the Senate Government Operations Com- 
mittee by its Subcommittee on National Policy Machin- 
ery. August 11, 1960. 52 pp. [Committee print] 

U.S. Participation in the UN. Report by the President 
to the Congress for the year 1959. August 16, 1960. 
H. Doc. 378. 282 pp. 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 



Adjourned During September 1960 
In Session as of September 30, 1960 



Lists of meetings adjourned and those currently in session now appear 
in the third issue of the Bulletin each month. 



Scheduled October 1 Through December 31, 1960 

Development Assistance Group: 3d Meeting 

GATT Committee II on Expansion of International Trade 

U.N. ECE Electric Power Committee 

U.N. ECE Timber Committee: 18th Session 

International Committee of Weights and Measures . . 

The Hague Conference on Private International Law: 9th Session . . 

Executive Committee of the Program of the U.N. High Commissioner 
for Refugees: 4th Session. 

Inter-American Travel Congresses: 3d Meeting of Technical Com- 
mittee of Experts on Tourist Travel Promotion. 

International Criminal Police Organization: 29th General Assembly . 

FAO Regional Conference for Europe: 12th Session 

GATT Council of Representatives 

U.N. ECE Committee on the Development of Trade: 9th Session. . 

IAEA Symposium on Inelastic Scattering of Neutrons in Solids and 
Liquids. 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: Working Party on 
Standardization of Perishable Foodstuffs. 

International General Conference on Weights and Measures .... 

10th Pan American Railway Congress 

South Pacific Commission: 21st Session 

U.N. Special Fund Pledging Conference 

FAO Council: 34th Session 

GATT Balance-of-Pavments Consultations 

ECAFE/FAO Far East Pulp and Paper Conference 

U.N. ECE Consultation on Agricultural Production Projections . . 
FAO Group on Cocoa: 6th Session of Committee on Statistics . . . 
ICAO Caribbean Regional Meeting on Rules of Air and Air Traffic 
Control. 



Washington Oct. 3- 

Geneva Oct. 3- 

Geneva Oct. 3- 

Geneva Oct. 3- 

Paris Oct. 4- 

The Hague Oct. 5- 

Geneva Oct. 5- 

Mexico, D.F Oct. 6- 

Washington Oct. 10- 

Rome Oct. 10- 

Geneva Oct. 10- 

Geneva Oct, 10- 

Vienna Oct. 11- 

Geneva Oct. 11- 

Paris Oct. 11- 

Rio de Janeiro Oct. 12- 

Sao Paulo Oct. 20- 

Brasilia Oct. 27- 

Noumea, New Caledonia . . . Oct, 13- 

New York Oct, 13- 

Rome Oct. 17- 

Geneva Oct, 17- 

Tokyo Oct. 17- 

Geneva Oct. 17- 

Rome Oct. 17- 

Mexico, D.F Oct. 17- 



1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 16, 1960. Asterisks indicate tentative dates. Following 
is a list of abbreviations: CCITT, Comite consultatif international telegraphique et telcphonique; ECAFE, Economic 
Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; 
FAO, Food and Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic 
Energy Agency; IA-ECOSOC, Inter-American Economic and Social Council; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organi- 
zation"; ICEM, Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, 
Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North 
Atlantic Treatv Organization; OAS, Organization of American States; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations 
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WMO, World Mete- 
orological Organization. 



Ocfober 3, 1960 



525 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled October 1 Through December 31, 1960 — Continued 

GATT Working Party on Latin American Free Trade Area .... Geneva Oct. 17- 

IMCO Subcommittee on Unification of Maritime Tonnage Measure- London Oct. 17- 

ment. 

FAO Group on Cocoa: Executive Committee Rome Oct. 18- 

ICAO Airworthiness Committee: 4th Session Montreal Oct. 18- 

FAO Technical Meeting on Coffee Production Abidjan, Ivory Coast .... Oct. 20- 

International North Pacific Fisheries Commission: 7th Meeting . . Vancouver Oct. 24- 

ILO Permanent Agriculture Committee Geneva Oct. 24- 

Inter-American Travel Congresses: 3d Meeting of Technical Commit- Buenos Aires Oct. 24— 

tee of Experts on Removal of Travel Barriers. 
Consultative Committee on Cooperative Economic Development in 

South and Southeast Asia ("Colombo Plan"): 12th Meeting 

Officials Meeting Tokyo Oct. 31- 

Ministerial Meeting Tokyo Nov. 14- 

GATT Contracting Parties: 1 7th Session Geneva Oct. 31- 

Inter-American Travel Congresses: Permanent Executive Committee . Buenos Aires Oct. 31- 

UNESCO Intergovernmental Copyright Committee: 5th Session . . London Oct. 31- 

FAO Advisory Campaign Committee on Freedom From Hunger . . Rome October 

FAO/UNICEF Joint Policy Committee: 3d Meeting Rome October 

Pan American Institute of Geography and History: 7th General 

Assembly: 

9th Pan American Consultation on Cartography Lima October 

6th Pan American Consultation on Geography Lima October 

5th Pan American Consultation on History Lima October 

3d Meeting of IA-ECOSOC Permanent Technical Committee on Rio de Janeiro October 

Ports. 

10th U.N. Technical Assistance Conference New York October 

11th U.N. ECOSOC Technical Assistance Conference New York October 

FAO/OAS/ILO Technical Meeting on Rural Cooperatives for the San Juan Nov. 1- 

Northern Zone of Latin America. 

1st FAO Regional Conference for Africa Lagos, Nigeria Nov. 3- 

ILO Inter-American Study Conference on Labor- Management Montevideo Nov. 3- 

Relations. 

UNESCO Executive Board: 57th Session Paris Nov. 7- 

ILO Governing Body: 147th Session Geneva Nov. 8- 

FAO International Rice Commission: 7th Session Saigon Nov. 9- 

International Wheat Council: 31st Session London Nov. 9- 

FAO International Rice Commission: Working Party on Engineering Saigon Nov. 10- 

Aspects of Rice Production, Storage, and Processing. 

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Customs Administration: 2d Session. Bangkok Nov. 10- 

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee Geneva Nov. 11- 

6th Meeting of Experts of American Central Banks Guatemala Nov. 14- 

UNESCO General Conference: 11th Session Paris Nov. 14- 

ICAO Visual Aids Panel: 1st Meeting Montreal Nov. 16- 

5th FAO Regional Conference for Asia and the Far East Saigon Nov. 21- 

ICEM Executive Committee: 16th Session Geneva Nov. 21- 

ITU CCITT: 2d Plenary Assembly New Delhi Nov. 21- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Steel Statistics and Ad Hoc Meetings of Geneva Nov. 21- 

Experts on Productivity and Automation. 

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Housing and Building Materials: Bangkok Nov. 22- 

6th Meeting. 

Inter-American Statistical Institute: 7th Session of Committee on undetermined Nov. 28- 

Improvement of National Statistics. 

International Sugar Council: 8th Session London Nov. 28- 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 12th Session . . . Geneva Nov. 28- 

ITU CCITT Study Group 2/1 New Delhi November 

U.N. ECAFE Ad Hoc Working Party on Classification of Inland Bangkok November 

Waterways. 

U.N. ECOSOC Technical Assistance Committee Geneva November 

WMO Commission on Climatology: 3d Session London Dec. 1- 

ICEM Council: 13th Session Geneva Dec. 1- 

GATT Working Party on Commodities Geneva Dec. 5- 

4th U.N. ECAFE Regional Technical Conference on Water Re- Colombo Dec. 5- 

sources Development. 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: 20th Session Geneva Dec. 5- 

U.N. ECOSOC Regional Seminar on the Participation of Women in Addis Ababa Dec. 12- 

Public Life. 

UNESCO Executive Board: 58th Session Paris Dec. 14- 

U.N. ECE Coal Committee: 52d Session Geneva Dec. 19- 

Inter-American Children's Institute: 41st Meeting of the Directing Montevideo December 

Council. 

NATO Ministerial Council Paris December* 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 30th Session (resumed) .... New York December 

526 Department of State Bulletin 



Soviet Union Blocks Support for U.N. Action in Congo; 
Security Council Calls for Special Session of General Assembly 



Following are statements made in the Security 
Council by U.S., Representative James J. Wads- 
worth during debate on U.N. action in the Re- 
public of the Congo, together with texts of three 
resolutions: (1) a U.S. draft resolution which 
was not put to a vote; (£) a resolution proposed 
by Ceylon and Tunisia, tohich was vetoed by the 
Soviet Union; and (3) a resolution proposed by 
the United States calling for an emergency special 
session of the U.N. General Assembly, which was 
adopted by the Council on September 17. 



STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 14 

D.S./U.N. press release 3476 

I know that a good many members of the 
Council share the concern with which my delega- 
tion views the impending discussion on the ques- 
tion of which is the proper government and which 
is, therefore, the proper delegation to come before 
this body. We have, as everyone knows, two re- 
quests from two different persons and backed up 
by the persons respectively in their homeland who 
have sent them to us to discuss the matter which 
so gravely concerns us all. The Government of 
the United States considers that it is neither nec- 
essary nor appropriate in the present circum- 
stances — by that I mean today, at this moment — ■ 
for the Council to delve into long and complex 
questions or details of Congolese constitutional 
law in order to resolve the issue now before us. 

There are questions of substance which could be 
considered without regard to the immediate call- 
ing to the table of either or both of the delega- 
tions who are in New York for the purpose. 

It is our belief that this matter can and should 
be disposed of as simply as possible. There is no 
question, as far as I know, anywhere as to the 
identity of the Head of State of the Republic of 
the Congo. He is President Joseph Kasavubu. 



We believe that we may properly look to the Head 
of State for authoritative information concern- 
ing the Government of the Congo. President 
Kasavubu has given a perfectly clear expression 
on this and has communicated to the Security 
Council that Foreign Minister Justin Bomboko is 
the representative of the Congo for the current 
series of Council meetings. 

I quite realize that arguments will be adduced 
that the other group is sent here by the Prime 
Minister [Patrice Lumumba] — if he still be the 
Prime Minister — and that under our rules the 
credentials of delegations to appear in such mat- 
ters can also be signed by the Prime Minister as 
well as the Chief of State and the Foreign 
Minister. 

But here we have a situation which seems to 
change almost hourly, and I think it ill behooves 
the Council to plunge into an argument as to the 
propriety of asking either or both of these dele- 
gations to take their seats at this moment. 

I do not, as I did formerly, feel that the Council 
should further delay discussion of the substance 
of this matter. I believe that the report of the 
Secretary-General a should be discussed. I believe 
that a resolution or resolutions should be intro- 
duced and that they be discussed with utmost dis- 
patch and, at the same time, with the requisite 
deliberation. 

It is my hope, Mr. President, that there will be 
no motion and therefore no debate at this moment 
as to the calling of one or both of these delega- 
tions to the table. My Government feels strongly 
that this would not be useful from the standpoint 
of the Council proceedings at this time. I am 
therefore authorized to say that we would be 
inclined to favor an agreement by the Council on 
an informal basis that for the time being neither 
of the delegations be invited to the table. 



1 U.N. doc. S/4482 and Add. 1, 2, and 3. 



October 3, I960 



527 



STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 15 

U.S./U.N. press release 3480 

The historic United Nations action in the 
Congo 2 is at the crossroads. Under attack by the 
Soviet Union and others, it must be supported. 
If the United Nations fails, there will be no alter- 
native to unilateral action by many parties, with 
all the implications that this would have for 
Africa. If the United Nations action succeeds — 
and for its part the United States is doing every- 
thing it can to that end — a major crisis will have 
been averted largely through the efforts of the 
Africans themselves, working as they are through 
the United Nations. 

I would recall to the members of this Council 
that in July, before it came to the Security 
Council, the Government of the Congo appealed 
to the United States to give it military assistance. 
The United States immediately responded that any 
military assistance should be provided through 
the United Nations and not directly by the United 
States. We made this momentous policy deci- 
sion — which could have been different — because 
we did not want to see the African Continent 
subjected to a contest among non-African powers. 

Since that time the United States has both sup- 
ported fully the United Nations effort here in the 
Security Council and provided the indispensable 
material support which permitted the speedy 
establishment of an effective United Nations force 
in the Congo. Over 80 percent of the United 
Nations troops in the Congo were taken there by 
the United States Air Force acting under United 
Nations request. 

We have given total and complete support to 
the United Nations effort and have refrained from 
intervening unilaterally in any way. 

It has not been long since the conference of the 
independent African states meeting in Leopold- 
ville issued a communique which warned against 
the danger of the Congo becoming an arena of the 
cold war. The United States Government agrees 
completely with this considered and unanimous 
opinion. That is why we have adhered strictly 
to the principle of channeling all help to the Congo 
through the United Nations in accordance with 
the resolutions of the Security Council. 



3 For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 159 ; 
Aug. 8, 1960, p. 221 ; Sept. 5, 1960, p. 384 ; and Sept. 12, 
1960, p. 421 . 



528 



In contrast the Soviet Union, under the smoke- 
screen of voting for the Security Council resolu- 
tions, which it has apparently done only for fear 
of appearing to oppose African members of the 
Organization, has repeatedly sought to subvert 
United Nations action in the Congo. 

Pattern of Soviet Penetration 

In recent days this pattern has become increas- 
ingly clear. By slandering the Secretary-General, 
the United Nations Command, and even some of 
the countries contributing troops, the Soviet 
Union has tried to cover up its own penetration. 
It has also sought, by smearing the United Na- 
tions action with an insulting charge of imperial- 
ist conspiracy, to scare off countries which are 
genuinely anti-imperialist and anticolonialist 
from supporting the United Nations. 

Let me refer to just one Soviet Government 
statement of September 9, which was distributed 
here at the United Nations : s 

In fact there has been formed a coalition of colonialists 
which aims to suppress the young African state — the 
Congo Republic — by the hands of African soldiers from 
Tunisia, Morocco, Ethiopia, Ghana. The real purposes 
of the coalition of interventionists are evident from its 
arrogant actions. The entire Africa, the whole world 
see now that an attempt is being made to replace one 
kind of colonialists in the Congo by another kind in the 
form of collective colonialism of NATO countries, with 
the blue flag of the United Nations as a cover. 

We could cite many more statements by the 
Soviet Government and representatives here, but 
I shall not take the time of the Council to do so. 

Referring to the statement which I have just 
read, it would be hard to imagine a statement 
which showed greater contempt for the intelli- 
gence of the United Nations and its members. 

Moscow Radio and the Soviet press have poured 
out a stream of invective against the Secretary- 
General and Under Secretary Ralph Bunche. 
The latest Soviet communication to the President 
of the Security Council distributed recently plays 
the same themes. It lumps together Belgium, 
NATO, the United States, the United Nations 
Command (which, incidentally, consists chiefly of 
African military officers), and by implication the 
Secretary-General, charging they are trying "to 
replace one set of colonialists by another." I am 
confident that the responsible leaders of African 



* Unofficial translation ; for text, see U.N. doc. S/4497. 
Department of State Bulletin 



countries will not be fooled by the machinations 
of a country whose record of aggressive "colonial- 
ism" is without parallel in our times. 

The Soviet Union does not want the United Na- 
tions to succeed in Africa. A strong United Na- 
tions means stability and order. But most of all 
it would close the door to outside intervention. 
The United Nations offers an alternative to de- 
pendence by Congo on any other nation and an 
alternative, therefore, to undue obligation. 

The verbal attempts to discredit the Secretary- 
General — who, as everyone at this table knows, 
enjoys our full confidence — and the United Na- 
tions would be serious enough. But it is ominous 
when we add to this the record of Soviet efforts 
to penetrate the Congo physically. 

Irony of Soviet Deceit 

The resolution of July 22 requested all states to 
do nothing which would impede the restoration 
of law and order. This resolution was clearly 
understood to be directed against introduction of 
military personnel or supplies except in support 
of United Nations action. Yet the U.S.S.R., who 
protested the presence of United States personnel 
in the Congo who were there at the direct request 
of the United Nations action, has calculatedly 
sent its own personnel and supplies, destined for 
military uses, into the Congo against United Na- 
tions wishes, using deceit and fraud to do so. 

At the very moment when the Soviet Repre- 
sentative was voting for the resolution calling on 
states not to impede the restoration of law and 
order, the Government of the U.S.S.R. began to 
introduce a stream of material and personnel into 
the Congo, not to assist but to disrupt the action 
of the United Nations and to develop Soviet influ- 
ence with a view to establishing a Soviet satellite 
state in the heart of Africa. Trucks supposedly 
sent to assist the Congolese people in peaceful pur- 
suits were, in fact, sent for military purposes out- 
side the control of the United Nations. Techni- 
cians were sent in, not to assist the United Nations 
in restoring the shattered economy but to make 
more effective the killing of Congolese by Congo- 
lese. Diplomats ostensibly sent to carry on normal 
relationships were, in fact, sent to promote de- 
fiance of the United Nations. Aircraft sent 
ostensibly to bring foodstuffs were, in fact, dis- 
patched with double crews (and half cargoes) to 



support a military campaign carried out without 
United Nations sanctions. 

How ironical this is when for weeks the Soviet 
propaganda machine has poured out stories of 
"plots" by the United States and its allies against 
the Congo. 

What we are witnessing in the Congo today is 
a textbook illustration of the Soviet tactic of uti- 
lizing the legitimate aspirations of nationalist 
movements for purposes of Soviet imperialism. 

Serious Consequences of Unilateral Action 

The United States Government, for its part, 
continues to support United Nations collective ac- 
tion for peace in the Congo. The success of the 
United Nations will benefit peoples everywhere. 
Its failure could not be contained in the Congo. 
But the United Nations effort cannot succeed if a 
double standard is permitted. The only alterna- 
tive to the United Nations action is unilateral 
action, and the consequences of that would be most 
serious. 

All the effort and cooperation which has gone 
into the United Nations action must not be lost 
and replaced by a cold- war struggle in the center 
of Africa. The United Nations can succeed if we 
will press on, rebuffing all such attempts to divide 
us. 

The Secretary-General's fourth report on the 
Congo, together with his oral introduction, should 
give the Council proper perspective and direction. 
He and the United Nations Command have acted 
in the cause of world peace and for the good of 
all the Congolese people. They have acted within 
their mandate. 

There is no justification for the Soviet allega- 
tions against them. We can only express regret 
that other governments have voiced similar criti- 
cisms, which we are certain are unfounded. 

What the U.N. Should Do 

Much remains to be done by the United Nations 
in the Congo. 

First, the Council should encourage the Secre- 
tary-General to build up the massive financial and 
technical assistance program required. It is es- 
sential that the rehabilitation of the Congo be 
handled by the United Nations. 

Insofar as the United States is concerned, our 
Congress has already adopted appropriate legisla- 



Ocfofaer 3, I960 



529 



U.S. Gives $5 Million to U.N. 
for Aid to Republic of the Congo 

U.S./U.N. press release 3467 

Ambassador James J. Wadsworth transmitted on 
September 6 to the Secretary-General a check in the 
amount of $5 million as a part of the U.N. program 
of international assistance to the Republic of the 
Congo. 

Transmittal of the funds to the Secretary-General 
is in keeping with the policy of the U.S. Government 
to channel assistance to the Congo through U.N. 
facilities. The money has been earmarked for the 
financing of imports into the Republic of the Congo 
as stipulated in an agreement signed in Geneva 
August 23 between U.N. Under Secretary for Eco- 
nomic and Social Affairs Philippe de Seynes and 
Pascal N'Kaye, Minister of Finance, and Albert 
Delvaux, Resident Minister of the Republic of the 
Congo. 



tion enabling us to make a substantial contribu- 
tion to United Nations assistance for the Congo. 
It would, however, be hopeless for the United Na- 
tions to give economic assistance without parallel 
action to increase security and political stability. 
Only if the United Nations is in a position to 
guarantee law and order can conditions be created 
for an effective program, and, as far as my Gov- 
ernment is concerned, security and stability are 
indispensable for such assistance. 

Second, action must be taken to safeguard the 
most fundamental human rights in the Congo. To 
safeguard these elementary rights it is essential 
to reestablish law and tranquillity. We most 
sincerely urge all authorities in the Congo to co- 
operate in this. 

We fully approve the decision that the United 
Nations Command took to take emergency con- 
trol of the airport, harbor, and communication 
facilities. We consider that these were minimum 
measures and clearly within the United Nations 
mandate. If similar circumstances should arise 
in the future, we would expect to see such clear- 
cut action repeated. 

Third, the Security Council should urge the 
parties within the Congo to make every effort to 
resolve their differences by peaceful means. 

Fourth, the Security Council should make it 
unmistakably clear once more that no one — and 
I repeat, no one — should be permitted to intervene 
unilaterally in this dangerous situation and that 



no personnel, supplies, or equipment for military 
use should be sent by any state into the Congo 
except through the United Nations. 

Finally, the United States has noted with con- 
cern the Secretary-General's reports on the delays 
in the departure of the last units of the Belgian 
troops and the reports that arms have been 
shipped to Katanga by air from Belgium. Such 
developments are regrettable and can only aggra- 
vate the problem if they are repeated and kept on. 
All nations must rely on the United Nations and 
refrain from adding fuel to the fire which our 
Organization is trying to control. There should 
be no aid of a military nature sent to the Congo 
outside the United Nations framework. The facts 
are, of course, that the Belgian troops have been 
moving out, while others, such as those from the 
U.S.S.R., have been moving in. 

Mr. President, United States policy in the 
Congo is simple. We support the United Nations 
wholeheartedly. We consider it the only satisfac- 
tory alternative to chaos, war, and intervention. 
We support wholeheartedly those within the 
Congo and outside who work with the United Na- 
tions, and we oppose those who defy the United 
Nations for their own interests. We ask the other 
members of the Council to join in maintaining and 
strengthening the laudable principles which have 
guided the United Nations action to help the 
Congo. 

I would, therefore, like to introduce, Mr. Presi- 
dent, a resolution on this subject which I would 
read. 

[Here Ambassador Wadswortb. read the text of draft resolu- 
tion S/4516.] 



FIRST STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 17 (A.M.) 

U.S./U.N. press release 3483 

The representative of Ceylon has asked for 
priority for the resolution which he has intro- 
duced together with the delegate of Tunisia. 

My delegation has carefully examined the text 
of the Ceylon-Tunisian draft, 4 and, in our opinion, 
it contains the necessary elements to insure the 
continuation and expansion, if necessary, of effec- 
tive United Nations action in the Congo. Its ob- 
jectives and provisions parallel those of our own 



* U.N. doc. -S/4523. 



530 



Department of State Bulletin 



draft resolution. In fact there is little substantive 
difference between the two texts. 

We therefore have no objection to the Ceylon 
request for priority. And I wish merely to say 
that I trust that we will be able to vote on the 
text as it was presented to the Council without 
the amendments suggested by the distinguished 
representative of the Soviet Union. 5 



SECOND STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 17 (A.M.) 

U.S./U.N. press release 34S4 

When a few moments ago I indicated no objec- 
tion to giving priority to the Tunisian-Ceylon 
resolution, I did so in the expectation that the 
United States resolution would not be voted on 
upon the happy occasion that the Ceylon-Tunisian 
resolution would have been passed. 

At the same time, now that it has not been 
passed, I still feel that it would only further 
lengthen our procedures if I should press for a 
vote on the United States resolution. I would 
therefore indicate now formally that I do not in- 
tend and do not wish to press for the vote. 

At the same time, Mr. President, I think that 
it is incumbent upon me to say the following. 

The Soviet Union has just shown the lengths to 
which it will go in opposition to effective United 
Nations assistance for the Kepublic of the Congo. 
The alternative, if it fails, would be grave indeed, 
ally in Soviet action outside the United Nations 
and in attacks on all aspects of the United Nations 
program. Now it has taken the form of vetoing 
a resolution which would have provided financial 
aid to the Congo and would have gone far toward 
preventing, had persons lived up to it, any uni- 
lateral intervention in Congolese affairs. And we 
would certainly have expected that all members 
of the Council would have heeded the call. I must 
also note that this is a resolution of which the 
very substantial majority of the African dele- 
gations felt themselves in support. 

Yesterday I said the United Nations action in 
the Congo was at the crossroads. That remains 
my view. United Nations action must succeed. 
The alternative, if it fails, would be grave indeed. 
The United States, like eight other members of 
this Council, was prepared to make the decisions 



which would encourage and expand United Na- 
tions assistance to the Congo. The Soviet Union 
was not. As I said the other day, the Soviet 
Union does not want the United Nations to suc- 
ceed in the Congo, because it wants to create a 
satellite there. For our part, we are not willing 
to concede failure simply because of a Soviet veto. 
We believe that the United Nations must take 
action to provide funds for the Congo. It must 
take action to protect the Congo against attempts 
at subversion such as I have mentioned. 

Inasmuch as the Council has been unable to ful- 
fill its responsibilities owing to this veto, I propose 
the following resolution, which I urge the Secu- 
rity Council to adopt promptly. 

[Here Mr. Wadsworth read the text of draft resolution S/4525 
calling for an emergency special session of the General Assembly.] 



U.S. DRAFT RESOLUTION ° 

The Security Council, 

Recalling its resolutions of 14 and 22 July and of 9 
August 1960, 

Noting the reports of the Secretary-General on develop- 
ments in the Republic of the Congo and the needs of the 
Republic for urgent financial assistance, 

Noting the unsatisfactory economic and political situa- 
tion that continues in the Congo, 

1. Urges the Secretary-General to continue to give 
vigorous effect to the resolutions of the Council ; 

2. Calls upon member Governments to make voluntary 
financial contributions to a United Nations Fund for the 
Congo, to be used under United Nations control as deter- 
mined by the Secretary-General, for the financing of the 
necessary governmental expenditures not covered by gov- 
ernmental revenue owing to the present disruption of 
the administration and civilian life ; 

3. Urges all parties to the internal conflicts within the 
Republic of the Congo, in the interest of its unity and 
integrity, to seek a speedy settlement by peaceful means 
with such assistance from the Secretary-General as may 
be required ; 

4. Reaffirms its request to all States to refrain from 
any action which might tend to impede the restoration 
of law and order and in particular to refrain from send- 
ing personnel, supplies or equipment to be used for mili- 
tary purposes into the Congo other than through the 
United Nations in accordance with its responsibilities 
under the pertinent resolutions of the Security Council ; 

5. Reaffirms that the United Nations Force should con- 
tinue to act to restore and maintain law and order as 
necessary for the maintenance of international peace and 
security. 



"The Soviet amendments (U.N. doc. S/4524) were re- 
jected by the Council on Sept. 17 (a.m.). 



* U.N. doc. S/4516 ; withdrawn in favor of the Ceylon- 
Tunisia draft resolution. 



October 3, I960 



531 



CEYLON-TUNISIA RESOLUTION 7 

The Security Council 

Recalling its resolutions of 14 and 22 July and of 9 
August 1960, 

Having considered the fourth report of the Secretary- 
General of 7 September 19G0, 

Taking note of the unsatisfactory economic and polit- 
ical situation that continues in the Republic of the Congo, 

Considering that, with a view to preserving the terri- 
torial integrity and independence of the Congo and to 
protecting and advancing the welfare of its people and to 
safeguarding international peace, it is essential for the 
United Nations to continue to assist the Congo, 

1. Reaffirms its resolutions of 14 and 22 July and of 9 
August and urges the Secretary-General to continue to 
give vigorous implementation to them ; 

2. Calls upon all Congolese within the Republic of the 
Congo to seek a speedy solution by peaceful means of 
all their internal conflicts for the unity and integrity of 
the Congo; 

3. Reaffirms that the United Nations Force should con- 
tinue to act to restore and maintain law and order as 
necessary for the maintenance of international peace and 
security ; 

4. Appeals to all Member Governments for urgent 
voluntary contributions to a United Nations Fund for the 
Congo to be used under United Nations control and in 
consultation with the Central Government of the Congo 
for the purpose of rendering the fullest possible assist- 
ance to achieve the aforementioned objectives ; 

5. Reaffirms specifically — 

(a) its request to all States to refrain from any action 
which might tend to impede the restoration of law and 
order and the exercise by the Government of the Congo 
of its authority and also to refrain from any action 
which might undermine the territorial integrity and the 
political independence of the Republic of the Congo and 
decides that no assistance for military purposes be sent 
to the Congo except as part of the United Nations action ; 

(b) its call to all Member States, in accordance with 
Articles 25 and 49 of the Charter, to accept and carry 
out the decisions of the Security Council and to afford 
mutual assistance in carrying out measures decided upon 
by the Security Council. 



RESOLUTION CALLING FOR EMERGENCY SES- 
SION OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY 

The Security Council, 

Saving considered the item on its agenda as contained 
in document S/Agenda 906, 

Taking into account that the lack of unanimity of its 
permanent members at the 906th meeting of the Security 
Council has prevented it from exercising its primary 
responsibility for the maintenance of international peace 
and security, 

Decides to call an emergency special session of the 
General Assembly as provided in General Assembly reso- 
lution 377A(V) of 3 November 1950," in order to make 
appropriate recommendations. 



United States Delegations 
to Internationa! Conferences 

ECE Coal Committee 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 16 (press release 548) that George A. 
Lamb, manager, Business Surveys, Consolidation 
Coal Co., Inc., Pittsburgh, Pa., will serve as U.S. 
delegate to the 50th session of the Coal Committee 
of the UN. Economic Commission for Europe, 
which will be held at Geneva, September 19-23, 
1960. 

The Coal Committee meets quarterly to discuss 
various aspects of the coal industry in Europe, 
with particular reference to marketing. This ses- 
sion will be concerned, among other things, with 
investments in the European coal industries and 
long-term trends in coke demand in the European 
steel industries. 



1 U.N. doc. S/4523 ; not adopted, owing to the negative 
vote of a permanent member of the Council (U.S.S.R.). 
The vote, on Sept. 17 (a.m.), was 8 in favor, 2 against 
(Poland and U.S.S.R.), and 1 abstention (France). 



8 U.N. doc. S/4526 (S/4525) ; adopted on Sept. 17 (a.m.) 
by a vote of 8-2 (Poland and U.S.S.R.), with 1 abstention 
(France). 

•For text, see BtniETiN of Nov. 20, 1950, p. 823. 



532 



Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



Promoting Economic and Social Advancement in the Americas 



The third meeting of the Special Committee 
of the Council of the Organization of American 
States To Study the Formulation of New Meas- 
ures for Economic Cooperation (Committee of 
21) convened at Bogota, Colombia, September 
5-13. Following is a statement made by Under 
Secretary Dillon, chairman of the U.S. delegation, 
on September 6 and the text of the Act of Bogota 
adopted on September 13, together with a state- 
ment made by Mr. Dillon on his arrival at Bogota 
on September 3 and a list of the members of the 
U.S. delegation. 



STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 6 

Press release 513 dated September 6 

It is a great pleasure to meet with you again 
in the Committee of 21 to consider how we may 
best intensify our efforts to further the lofty ob- 
jectives of Operation Pan America, given to us 
by the eminent President of Brazil, Juscelino 
Kubitschek. 1 In beginning our deliberations we 
have been inspired by the eloquence of His Excel- 
lency President Alberto Lleras Camargo, truly 
an outstanding man of the Americas. To the 
Government and people of the Republic of Co- 
lombia I wish to express our gratitude for the 
warm hospitality we have received here in the 
gracious and cultured city of Bogota. And I 
should like to say a very special word about the 
role played at the recent meeting of foreign min- 
isters in San Jose, 2 where the delegation of Co- 
lombia gave forthright leadership to the forces of 
freedom and democracy in our hemisphere. The 
remarks at San Jose of His Excellency Dr. Julio 
Cesar Turbay Ayala will be recalled hi years to 
come as one of the most important declarations 
of our time. 



1958, p. 



1 For background, see Bulletin of June 30, 
1090, and Oct. 13, 1958, p. 574. 
' Ibid., Sept. 5, 19G0, p. 355, and Sept. 12, 1960, p. 395. 



This third meeting of the Committee of 21 has 
before it an unprecedented opportunity. By our 
decisions we can, if we will, launch a far-reaching 
attack on the poverty, ignorance, and lack of social 
justice which, even in this 20th-century world of 
miraculous technical progress, still oppress so 
many of our fellow citizens in Latin America. 

There are those in the world today who are try- 
ing to take advantage of this situation for their 
own selfish ends. They say to the masses, "Come 
to us, give up your freedom, give up your indi- 
viduality, and we will lead you to material bene- 
fits that you can get in no other way." We must 
recognize that there is great temptation in this 
false doctrine. It poses a challenge to all we hold 
dear — to the very dignity of man as a free and 
individual being. We do not fear this challenge. 
We welcome it. 

Our fundamental task here at Bogota is nothing 
more than to outline the route by which the peo- 
ple of the Americas can achieve the material 
progress they desire without any sacrifice of fun- 
damental human rights and freedoms. At this 
meeting we can, if we will, give a powerful impe- 
tus to constructive forces of domestic action and 
international cooperation working hand in hand 
to promote the common objective of the economic 
and social advancement of our peoples today. 

The Great Imperative of Our Time 

More than ever before our governments are 
aware of the acute need to rescue the underprivi- 
leged from their life of misery — to raise the stand- 
ards of living of the great masses of the people. 
This is the great imperative of our time. Unless 
we succeed in this task, democracy, freedom, and 
spiritual values that we in the Western Hemi- 
sphere hold so dear will become the prey of 
tyrants and demagogs, aided and abetted by 
external forces which seek nothing less than to 
rule the world and to extinguish the light of 
freedom everywhere. We face an hour of danger. 



October 3, I960 



533 



To overcome this danger we must prove anew the 
ability of the free governments of the hemisphere 
to spread the material benefits of civilization to 
all of their peoples. 

The inspired concept of Operation Pan Amer- 
ica has now become an irreversible objective of the 
Americas. I am sure I speak for us all when I 
express our warm appreciation to Brazil for hav- 
ing given us this lofty ideal. Operation Pan 
America has helped us all to address ourselves 
with great vision and dedication to the task of 
speeding up the economic growth of the develop- 
ing nations of Latin America. We have become 
more conscious of the need for increased develop- 
ment capital to meet the growing requirements 
for roads and power, for factories and mines, and 
for all the other productive enterprises essential 
to healthy and progressive economies. 

The countries of Latin America have recognized 
that the bulk of the development capital required 
must come from domestic savings, both public and 
private. Many of them have taken important, 
and often courageous, actions to increase the rate 
of savings through effective monetary and fiscal 
policies, but the mobilization of domestic capital, 
essential though it is, is only one of the domestic 
measures which must be taken if rates of national 
economic growth are to be increased. In the more 
highly industrialized countries, where there is 
refatively full employment of resources, the rate 
of economic growth depends primarily upon the 
rate of savings and investment and upon new sci- 
entific and technological progress. In the devel- 
oping countries of Latin America, on the other 
hand, the rate of economic growth will be influ- 
enced importantly by other factors, particularly 
by the degree to which unemployed or underem- 
ployed resources can be put into productive use 
and by the extent to which already known techno- 
logical methods can be adopted. 

The greatest economic asset of any country is 
its people. The productivity of a country will 
vary directly not only with the capability of its 
management personnel but also and specially with 
the degree of skills, training, and technical com- 
petence of its working people. Here is an enor- 
mous resource possessed by all the Latin American 
countries. To these developments much more 
effort must be devoted in the years ahead. To 
bring these latent but powerful economic forces 
into play requires organization and planning by 



534 



the developing countries themselves, including the 
preparation of well-conceived projects and pro- 
grams and the establishment of priorities in the 
activities of the government sector. It requires 
the provision of incentives and encouragement to 
private enterprise, both local and foreign, to de- 
velop the vast potential of Latin American mar- 
kets. It requires the modernization of the legal 
and institutional framework, including improve- 
ments in fiscal practices designed to produce the 
larger governmental revenues required to main- 
tain financial stability in an expanding economy. 
It requires national economic policies directed to 
the diversification of production, so that precarious 
dependence on one or a few industries or com- 
modities may be avoided. While greater domestic 
savings and greater national efforts are indispen- 
sable to the further economic development of the 
Latin American countries, it is also true that 
much more must be done to enlarge the flow of 
development capital to Latin America from inter- 
national sources. 

New Sources of Capital for Investment 

Last month at San Jose the American Repub- 
lics joined in formally recognizing that both col- 
lective and national efforts to eradicate under- 
development have so far been insufficient and that 
it is necessary to intensify inter- American eco- 
nomic cooperation through a substantial increase 
of available resources. New sources of interna- 
tional economic development capital for Latin 
America are rapidly coming into existence. 

Within the last 2 years the American Republics 
have created a new instrument of inter- American 
financial cooperation, the Inter-American De- 
velopment Bank. 3 I think we may be confident 
that the Bank will soon become a vigorous and 
operative institution for widening the stream of 
international capital flowing toward Latin 
America to accelerate economic development. It 
should also become an invaluable source of tech- 
nical assistance in the preparation of development 
plans and projects. The comprehensive and ob- 
jective judgment which the Bank, because of its 
multilateral character, can bring to the develop- 
ment problems of Latin America is of key impor- 
tance. We are indeed fortunate to have in the 



3 For background, see ibid.. May 4, 1959, p. 646 ; June 8, 
1959, p. S49 ; and June 22, 1959, p. 928. 

Department of State Bulletin 



governors, the executive directors, the president, 
and the principal officers of the Bank men of out- 
standing quality, experience, and integrity. Our 
governments have also made possible by their 
initiative and support the establishment of the new 
International Development Association, 4 an affil- 
iate of the World Bank, for the purpose of pro- 
viding additional capital on flexible terms suited 
to the many uses of developing countries of the 
free world which cannot be satisfied by loans 
subject to normal banking criteria. Similarly our 
governments have acted to bring about very sub- 
stantial increases in the resources of the Inter- 
national Monetary Fund and the World Bank. 5 

I should also mention the formation of the 
Development Assistance Group by 10 important 
capital-lending countries. 6 The objective of this 
group is to mobilize better the resources of the 
industrialized countries for assistance to the less 
developed areas, including the countries of Latin 
America. 

Finally, in addition to the resources which it has 
already pledged to the institutions which I have 
just mentioned, the United States has acted to 
increase further the provision of assistance for 
basic economic and industrial development in 
Latin America on terms suited to the need of the 
developing countries. In our endeavor to 
increase the provision of public capital for eco- 
nomic development we must not lose sight of the 
important role of private capital as a source of 
funds for development. Private capital will, of 
course, go only where it is welcome and where it 
has the expectation of fair and equitable treat- 
ment. Arbitrary and punitive actions against 
foreign private enterprises, such as we have wit- 
nessed in one American country in recent months, 
discourage the private investment community not 
only in the country which takes such actions but 
elsewhere as well. It is to be hoped that the 
noticeable decrease in foreign private investment 
in Latin America resulting from the past year's 
events in Cuba will be of short duration. In the 



'For background, see Hid., Feb. 29, 1960, p. 345, and 
Mar. 14, 1960, p. 422. 

"Ibid., Oct. 5, 1959, p. 488. 

"The 10 countries are Belgium, Canada, the Federal 
Republic of Germany, France, Italy, Japan, the Nether- 
lands, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United 
States; for background, see ibid., Feb. 1, 1960, p. 139, and 
Apr. 11, 1960, p. 577. 



interests of rapid economic development we must 
all take steps to reassure and encourage private 
investors so that Latin America may benefit from 
a renewed and increased flow of foreign private 
capital. 

The increased multilateral efforts to provide 
public capital to which I have referred, the con- 
tinued support from our Export-Import Bank, 
further increases in basic development assistance 
from the United States to Latin America on 
suitable terms, and the continued investment of 
private capital should serve to swell substantially 
the flow of development capital into Latin 
America for essential projects such as power, 
transport, industry, agriculture, and mining, thus 
strengthening the sinews of the Latin American 
economies and stimulating their rate of growth. 
But we must do still more. 

Expanding Social Development 

To our steadily increasing programs of eco- 
nomic development we must add the new and 
broad dimension of social development in a con- 
scious and determined effort to further social jus- 
tice in our hemisphere. All of you here are 
aware of this pervasive problem. But I think it 
is obvious, in the light of the existing social ten- 
sions, that the efforts hitherto undertaken have in 
many cases been inadequate and must be intensi- 
fied in order to strike at the root of the problem. 
We must bring fresh hope to the less privileged 
people who make up such a large proportion of 
the population in many of the countries of Latin 
America. We must open before them the path 
to a better life of material well-being, equality, 
and dignity. We must help them to replace a 
hovel with a home. We must help them to acquire 
ownership of the land and the means for its pro- 
ductive use. We must help them to enjoy and 
use the fruits of modern knowledge for them- 
selves, their families, and their country. It is 
not enough only to construct modern factories, 
powerplants, and office buildings. 

These things are essential to the development 
process. But it often takes many years for their 
benefits to reach down to the ordinary citizen. 
We must therefore broaden our efforts to help all 
of the people. The task is nothing less than to 
lift whole segments of the population into the 
20th century. We must do this in order to bring 
increased opportunity to the man in the street 



October 3, I960 



535 



and the man on the farm. In doing so we will 
make it possible for many millions of people to 
participate more fully in the economic life of 
their countries and to make increasing contribu- 
tions to national economic growth, contributions 
which have often been insignificant in the past. 

The Government of the United States is pre- 
pared to devote over the years ahead large addi- 
tional resources to the inauguration and carrying 
forward of a broad new social development pro- 
gram for Latin America, dedicated to supporting 
the self-help efforts of the governments and peo- 
ples of Latin America. As a first step President 
Eisenhower has recommended, and our Congress 
has authorized, the appropriation of $500 million 
for this purpose. 7 The appropriation itself will 
be requested at the next session of our Congress 
in 1961. As progress is made through joint and 
cooperative efforts in this area of social develop- 
ment, we would expect to continue our support 
with new and additional funds. 

It is the hope of my Government that here at 
Bogota we will strengthen the process of economic 
development in Latin America by reaching agree- 
ment on the major elements of a vigorous pro- 
gram of social development and on the necessary 
instrumentalities to carry it out. Such a program 
is, in our view, an essential element of Latin 
American development. 

As you know, my delegation has transmitted to 
your governments a draft agreement for the es- 
tablishment of an inter-American program of 
social development. This has been circulated by 
the secretariat. The draft agreement envisages, 
first, an overall attack on social problems through 
improvement in the conditions of rural life, 
through better use of agricultural land, through 
better housing and community facilities, and 
through the modernization and improvement of 
education. The agreement thus embodies the con- 
cept so vividly expressed by President Eisenhower 
at Newport last July : 8 

I have in mind the opening of new areas of arable land 
for settlement and productive use. I have in mind better 
land utilization, within a system which provides oppor- 
tunities for free, self-reliant men to own land, without 
violating the rights of others. I have in mind housing 
with emphasis, where appropriate, on individual owner- 



7 For background, see ibid., Aug. 29, 1960, pp. 314 and 
316, and Sept. 5, 1960, p. 367. 

8 Ibid., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 166. 



ship of small homes. And I have in mind other essential 
minimums for decent living in both urban and rural 
environments. 

The agreement also envisages increased contri- 
butions to this effort by Latin American govern- 
ments, particularly through the modernization of 
tax systems, more effective use of land resources, 
and modernized credit institutions. 

Secondly, the agreement looks toward the estab- 
lishment of an inter-American fund for social 
development to be financed by the United States 
but to be administered primarily by the Inter- 
American Development Bank on flexible terms 
and in accordance with selective criteria estab- 
lished in the light of the resources available. It 
is the view of the United States that this fund 
would be made available for loans which could 
cover costs in local currency and which could 
also be repaid in the currency of the borrowing 
country, thus avoiding burdens on the balance of 
international payments. Loan repayments to the 
Bank would be available for relending, thus con- 
stituting a revolving fund. While this new inter- 
American fund would not be able to finance mas- 
sive projects such as large-scale housing, it could 
assist in a wide variety of social projects within 
the areas I have just described. I am sure that 
all would agree that loans from the special fund 
should only be made in association with projects, 
programs, or other measures of self-help formu- 
lated and adopted by the Latin American coun- 
tries themselves. 

Finally, as one of the ways of strengthening the 
Inter- American Economic and Social Council, the 
proposed agreement would authorize it to carry 
out annual reviews of the progress achieved in 
the field of economic and social development as a 
whole and to outline the areas in which future 
progress should be sought. The United States 
believes that it is of the greatest importance to 
build up and fortify the economic institutions of 
the OAS [Organization of American States] and 
to assure that they discharge effectively their vital 
responsibilities. Thus we can further our common 
goal of providing ever greater strength to the 
inter-American system. I wish to make it quite 
clear that this new program to help the people of 
Latin America is designed to be in addition to, and 
not in substitution for, assistance for basic eco- 
nomic and industrial development. It is designed 
to complement efforts for basic economic develop- 



536 



Department of State Bulletin 



merit by further strengthening progress toward 
social justice for all. As I have said, the United 
States will also make every effort to increase its 
assistance for basic economic and industrial de- 
velopment in Latin America. 

We would be glad to hear the views of other 
delegations on the new social development pro- 
gram which we are proposing. We earnestly hope 
that out of our discussions hi the next several 
days will come the text of an luiderstanding which 
we can all support. While the proposed agree- 
ment on social development contains separate sec- 
tions dealing with the several aspects of the 
program, we believe that it must be viewed as an 
integrated whole. 

Work of the Subcommittee of Nine 

I would now like to turn to the work of the 
Subcommittee of Nine 9 and the report which it 
has prepared for our consideration. The Subcom- 
mittee of Nine, and especially its distinguished 
chairman, Seiior Vicente Sanchez Gavito of 
Mexico, deserve our thanks for a job well done. 
Our thanks are also due to the Government of 
Brazil, which submitted the plan of work on 
which the discussions of the Subcommittee were 
based. The Subcommittee's report contains many 
practical recommendations in the fields of finance, 
agriculture, education, productivity, technology, 
and trade which reflect a wide area of agreement 
among the American states on additional measures 
of national and international action. These rec- 
ommendations are now to be examined by the 
various working groups of the Committee of 21. 

The delegation of the United States is ready to 
support favorable action by the Committee of 21 
on all of the recommendations of the Subcommit- 
tee of Nine, with the exception of a very few rec- 
ommendations relating to finance. In the case of 
these recommendations, to which the United States 
entered certain reservations, my Government will 
have suggested changes to propose which we hope 



* The Subcommittee of Nine, composed of Argentina, 
Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, Mexico, Peru, the United 
States, and Venezuela, was established by the Committee 
of 21 during its meeting at Buenos Aires Apr. 27-May 8, 
1959. The main purpose of the Subcommittee of Nine was 
to maintain relations with OAS inter-American organs in 
connection with the progress of the Committee of 21 and 
to receive and give preliminary study to any new pro- 
posals in this regard which might be presented by govern- 
ments. 



will enable us to reach full agreement on the sub- 
jects concerned. If at this conference we can act 
on the report of our Subcommittee, if we can 
launch a new inter-American program of social 
development, and if we can give impetus to the 
provision of increased resources for basic economic 
and industrial development in accordance with the 
spirit of Operation Pan America, we will have 
opened a new era of inter- American cooperation. 
In our endeavors here we must be ever conscious 
of the many millions of our people who desper- 
ately need the help that we can give them. Their 
eyes are upon us; we must not disappoint them. 
As the distinguished President of Colombia, Al- 
berto Lleras Camargo, said in addressing the Con- 
gress of the United States, with reference to the 
need for intensified inter- American cooperation: 
". . . this must be a high operation of reciprocal 
confidence in a great common destiny, and an act 
of faith, on your part and on ours, in the political, 
economic, and social principles that we share." 10 



ACT OF BOGOTA " 

Provisional text 

Measures fob Social Improvement and Economic De- 
velopment Within the Framework of Operation 
Pan America 

The Special Committee to Study the Formulation of 
New Measures for Economic Cooperation, 

Recognizing that the preservation and strengthening 
of free and democratic institutions in the American re- 
publics requires the acceleration of social and economic 
progress in Latin America adequate to meet the legiti- 
mate aspirations of the peoples of the Americas for a bet- 
ter life and to provide them the fullest opportunity to 
improve their status ; 

Recognizing that the interests of the American repub- 
lics are so interrelated that sound social and economic 
progress in each is of importance to all and that lack of 
it in any American republic may have serious repercus- 
sions in others ; 

Cognizant of the steps already taken by many Ameri- 
can republics to cope with the serious economic and so- 
cial problems confronting them, but convinced that the 
magnitude of these problems calls for redoubled efforts by 
governments and for a new and vigorous program of 
inter- American cooperation ; 

Recognizing that economic development programs, 
which should be urgently strengthened and expanded, 



10 Bulletin of May 2, 1960, p. 701. 

u Adopted by the Committee of 21 on Sept. 13 by a vote 
of 19-1 (Cuba) ; the Dominican Republic was not present 
at the third meeting. 



October 3, I960 



537 



may have a delayed effect on social welfare, and that ac- 
cordingly early measures are needed to cope with social 
needs ; 

Recognizing that the success of a cooperative program 
of economic and social progress will require maximum 
self-help efforts on the part of the American republics and, 
in many cases, the improvement of existing institutions 
and practices, particularly in the fields of taxation, the 
ownership and use of land, education and training, health 
and housing ; 

Believing it opportune to give further practical expres- 
sion to the spirit of Operation Pan America by immedi- 
ately enlarging the opportunities of the people of Latin 
America for social progress, thus strengthening their 
hopes for the future; 

Considering it advisable to launch a program for social 
development, in which emphasis should be given to those 
measures that meet social needs and also promote in- 
creases in productivity and strengthen economic develop- 
ment, 

Recommends to the Council of the Organization of 
American States : 

I. Measures for Social Improvement 

An inter-American program for social development 
should be established which should be directed to the 
carrying out of the following measures of social improve- 
ment in Latin America, as considered appropriate in each 
country : 

A. Measures for the improvement of conditions of rural 
living and land use 

1. The examination of existing legal and institutional 
systems with respect to : 

a. land tenure legislation and facilities with a view 
to ensuring a wider and more equitable distribution of 
the ownership of land, in a manner consistent with the 
objectives of employment, productivity and economic 
growth ; 

b. agricultural credit institutions with a view to pro- 
viding adequate financing to individual farmers or groups 
of farmers ; 

c. tax systems and procedures and fiscal policies with 
a view to assuring equity of taxation and encouraging 
improved use of land, especially of privately-owned land 
which is idle. 

2. The initiation or acceleration of appropriate 
programs to modernize and improve the existing legal 
and institutional framework to ensure better conditions 
of land tenure, extend more adequate credit facilities and 
provide increased incentives in the land tax structure. 

3. The acceleration of the preparation of projects and 
programs for: 

a. land reclamation and land settlement, with a view 
to promoting more widespread ownership and efficient 
use of land, particularly of unutilized or under-utilized 
land ; 

b. the increase of the productivity of land already 
in use ; and 

c. the construction of farm-to-market and access 
roads. 

4. The adoption or acceleration of other government 



service programs designed particularly to assist the small 
farmer, such as new or improved marketing organiza- 
tions ; extension services ; research and basic surveys ; 
and demonstration, education, and training facilities. 

B. Measures for the improvement of housing and com- 
munity facilities 

1. The examination of existing policies in the field 
of housing and community facilities, including urban and 
regional planning, with a view to improving such policies, 
strengthening public institutions and promoting private 
initiative and participation in programs in these fields. 
Special consideration should be given to encouraging 
financial institutions to invest in low-cost housing on a 
long-term basis and in building and construction 
industries. 

2. The strengthening of the existing legal and institu- 
tional framework for mobilizing financial resources to 
provide better housing and related facilities for the peo- 
ple and to create new institutions for this purpose when 
necessary. Special consideration should be given to legis- 
lation and measures which would encourage the establish- 
ment and growth of : 

a. private financing institutions, such as building 
and loan associations ; 

b. institutions to insure sound housing loans against 
loss; 

c. institutions to serve as a secondary market for 
home mortgages; 

d. institutions to provide financial assistance to local 
communities for the development of facilities such as 
water supply, sanitation and other public works. 

Existing national institutions should be utilized, 
wherever practical and appropriate, in the application of 
external resources to further the development of housing 
and community facilities. 

3. The expansion of home building industries through 
such measures as the training of craftsmen and other 
personnel, research, the introduction of new techniques, 
and the development of construction standards for low 
and medium-cost housing. 

4. The lending of encouragement and assistance to 
programs, on a pilot basis, for aided self-help housing, 
for the acquisition and subdivision of land for low-cost 
housing developments, and for industrial housing projects. 

C. Measures for the improvement of educational sys- 
tems and training facilities 

1. The reexamination of educational systems, giving 
particular attention to : 

a. the development of modern methods of mass educa- 
tion for the eradication of illiteracy; 

b. the adequacy of training in the industrial arts 
and sciences with due emphasis on laboratory and work 
experience and on the practical application of knowledge 
for the solution of social and economic problems ; 

c. the need to provide instruction in rural schools 
not only in basic subjects hut also in agriculture, health, 
sanitation, nutrition, and in methods of home and com- 
munity improvement ; 

d. the broadening of courses of study in secondary 
schools to provide the training necessary for clerical and 
executive personnel in industry, commerce, public admin- 
istration, and community service; 



538 



Department of State Bulletin 



e. specialized trade and industrial education related to 
the commercial and industrial needs of the community ; 

f. vocational agricultural instruction ; 

g. advanced education of administrators, engineers, 
economists, and other professional personnel of key im- 
portance to economic development. 

D. Measures for the improvement of public health 

1. The reexamination of programs and policies of pub- 
lic health, giving particular attention to : 

a. strengthening the expansion of national and local 
health services, especially those directed to the reduction 
of infant mortality ; 

b. the progressive development of health insurance 
systems, including those providing for maternity, accident 
and disability insurance, in urban and rural areas ; 

c. the provision of hospital and health service in 
areas located away from main centers of population ; 

d. the extension of public medical services to areas 
of exceptional need ; 

e. the strengthening of campaigns for the control 
or elimination of communicable diseases with special 
attention to the eradication of malaria ; 

f. the provision of water supply facilities for 
purposes of health and economic development ; 

g. the training of public health officials and 
technicians ; 

h. the strengthening of programs of nutrition for 
low-income groups. 

E. Measures for the mobilization of domestic resources 

1. This program shall be carried out within the frame- 
work of the maximum creation of domestic savings and 
of the improvement of fiscal and financial practices ; 

2. The equity and effectiveness of existing tax 
schedules, assessment practices and collection procedures 
shall be examined with a view to providing additional 
revenue for the purpose of this program ; 

3. The allocation of tax revenues shall be reviewed, 
having in mind an adequate provision of such revenues 
to the areas of social development mentioned in the fore- 
going paragraphs. 

II. Creation of a Special Fund for Social 
Development 

1. The delegations of the Governments of the Latin 
American republics welcome the decision of the Govern- 
ment of the United States to establish a special 
inter-American fund for social development, with the 
Inter-American Development Bank to become the pri- 
mary mechanism for the administration of the fund. 

2. It is understood that the purpose of the special 
fund would be to contribute capital resources and techni- 
cal assistance on flexible terms and conditions, including 
repayment in local currency and the releuding of repaid 
funds, in accordance with appropriate and selective 
criteria in the light of the resources available, to sup- 
port the efforts of the Latin American countries that are 
prepared to initiate or expand effective institutional 
improvements and to adopt measures to employ efficiently 
their own resources with a view to achieving greater 
social progress and nj'-re balanced economic growth. 



III. Measures for Economic Development 

The Special Committee, 

Having in view Resolution VII adopted at the Seventh 
Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs 
expressing the need for the maximum contribution of 
member countries in hemisphere cooperation in the 
struggle against underdevelopment, in pursuance of the 
objectives of Operation Pan America, 

Expresses Its Conviction 

1. That within the framework of Operation Pan Amer- 
ica the economic development of Latin America requires 
prompt action of exceptional breadth in the field of inter- 
national cooperation and domestic effort comprising : 

a. additional public and private financial assistance on 
the part of capital exporting countries of America, West- 
ern Europe, and international lending agencies within 
the framework of their charters, with special attention to : 

i. the need for loans on flexible terms and condi- 
tions, including, whenever advisable in the light of the 
balance of payments situation of individual countries, the 
possibility of repayment in local currency, 

ii. the desirability of the adequate preparation and 
implementation of development projects and plans, with- 
in the framework of the monetary, fiscal and exchange 
policies necessary for their effectiveness, utilizing as 
appropriate the technical assistance of inter-American 
and international agencies, 

iii. the advisability, in special cases, of extending 
foreign financing for the coverage of local expenditures ; 

b. mobilization of additional domestic capital, both 
public and private ; 

c. technical assistance by the appropriate international 
agencies in the preparation and implementation of na- 
tional and regional Latin American development projects 
and plans ; 

d. the necessity for developing and strengthening 
credit facilities for small and medium private business, 
agriculture and industry. 

Recommends : 

1. That special attention be given to an expansion of 
long-term lending, particularly in view of the instability 
of exchange earnings of countries exporting primary 
products and of the unfavourable effect of the excessive 
accumulation of short- and medium-term debt on con- 
tinuing and orderly economic development. 

2. That urgent attention be given to the search for 
effective and practical ways, appropriate to each commod- 
ity, to deal with the problem of the instability of exchange 
earnings of countries heavily dependent upon the exporta- 
tion of primary products. 

IV. Multilateral Cooperation for Social and 
Economic Progress 

The Special Committee, 

Considering the need for providing instruments and 
mechanisms for the implementation of the program of 
inter-American economic and social cooperation which 



Ocfober 3, 7960 



539 



would periodically review the progress made and propose 
measures for further mobilization of resources, 

Recommends: 

1. That the Inter-American Economic and Social Coun- 
cil undertake to organize annual consultative meetings 
to review the social and economic progress of member 
countries, to analyze and discuss the progress achieved 
and the problems encountered in each country, to 
exchange opinions on possible measures that might be 
adopted to intensify further social and economic progress, 
within the framework of Operation Pan America, and to 
prepare reports on the outlook for the future. Such 
annual meetings should begin with an examination by 
experts and terminate with a session at the ministerial 
level. 

2. That the Council of the Organization of American 
States convene within 60 days of the date of this Act 
a special meeting of senior government representatives to 
find ways of strengthening and improving the ability of 
the Inter-American Economic and Social Council to ren- 
der effective assistance to governments with a view to 
achieving the objectives enumerated below, taking into 
account the proposal submitted by the delegation of 
Argentina in Document CECE/III-13: 

a. To further the economic and social development 
of Latin American countries ; 

b. To promote trade between the countries of the West- 
ern Hemisphere as well as between them and extra-conti- 
nental countries ; 

c. To facilitate the flow of capital and the extension 
of credits to the countries of Latin America both from 
the Western Hemisphere and from extra-continental 
sources. 

3. The special meeting shall : 

a. Examine the existing structure of the Inter-Amer- 
ican Economic and Social Council, and of the units of the 
Secretariat of the Organization of American States work- 
ing in the economic and social fields, with a view to 
strengthening and improving the Inter-American Eco- 
nomic and Social Council ; 

b. Determine the means of strengthening inter-Amer- 
ican economic and social cooperation by an administra- 
tive reform of the Secretariat, which should be given 
sufficient technical, administrative and financial flexibility 
for the adequate fulfillment of its tasks; 

c. Formulate recommendations designed to assure 
effective coordination between the Inter-American Eco- 
nomic and Social Council, the Economic Commission for 
Latin America, the Inter-American Development Bank, 
the United Nations and its Specialized Agencies and other 
agencies offering technical advice and services in the 
Western Hemisphere ; 

d. Propose procedures designed to establish effec- 
tive liaison of the Inter-American Economic and Social 
Council and other regional American organizations with 
other international organizations for the purpose of study, 
discussion and consultation in the fields of international 
trade and financial and technical assistance ; 

e. And formulate appropriate recommendations to the 
Council of the Organization of American States. 



In approving the Act of Bogota the Delegations to the 
Special Committee, convinced that the people of the Amer- 
icas can achieve a better life only within the democratic 
system, renew their faith in the essential values which 
lie at the base of Western civilization, and re-affirm their 
determination to assure the fullest measure of well-being 
to the people of the Americas under conditions of freedom 
and respect for the supreme dignity of the individual. 



ARRIVAL STATEMENT, BOGOTA 

Press release 511 dated September 3 

I have been looking forward for some time to 
visiting your country, for Colombia holds great 
interest for every serious student of inter- Amer- 
ican relations who is concerned with the develop- 
ment of democratic ideals and solidarity among 
the American Republics. 

The devotion of your Government and your 
people to democratic ideals and inter-American 
solidarity was amply reaffirmed at the recently 
concluded meeting of foreign ministers in Costa 
Rica, where Colombia's distinguished representa- 
tives eloquently joined with your sister nations 
of the Americas in forthrightly denouncing and 
taking steps to eliminate vestiges of tyranny in 
the hemisphere and in upholding the solidarity 
of the American Republics against external 
intervention. 

It will be a distinct personal privilege for me 
to confer with that internationally admired and 
respected champion of freedom, His Excellency 
President Lleras Camargo, and with members of 
his official family. We recall with pleasure his 
visit to Washington last April, for it was an event 
of real significance in the history of Colombian- 
United States relations. 

In reviewing Colombia's recent accomplish- 
ments, I have been particularly impressed by your 
nation's achievements in the economic field. The 
able and wise management of your finances and 
economy and the efforts to achieve sustained 
economic growth and improved social welfare 
which have characterized the past 3 years bode 
well for the future progress of Colombia and are 
a source of great satisfaction to the United States, 
for we have a sympathetic interest in the well- 
being of the people of Colombia. We stand ready 
in the future, as we have in the past, to assist 
Colombia's efforts toward self-development, 
growth, and improved social welfare. 

This land, which gave birth to Santander and 



540 



Department of State Bulletin 



where Bolivar made his home for many years, 
provides an auspicious environment in which to 
realize our hopes for a successful conference of the 
Committee of 21. The Government and people 
of the United States recognize that free and 
democratic institutions in Latin America can be 
strengthened and preserved only to the degree that 
the individual citizen can live a life of dignity and 
is accorded an opportunity to improve his status 
through his own efforts. It was in keeping with 
this recognition that President Eisenhower re- 
quested of the Congress of the United States addi- 
tional financing required to pursue this goal. It 
is my firm hope and belief that social progress 
will be accelerated throughout the hemisphere as a 
result of the deliberations we are about to under- 
take here. 



U.S. DELEGATION 

The Department of State announced on August 
30 (press release 501) that Under Secretary of 
State Douglas Dillon will head the U.S. dele- 
gation to the third meeting of the Special Com- 
mittee of the Council of the Organization of 
American States To Study Formulation of New 
Measures for Economic Development (Committee 
of 21), which is scheduled to convene at Bogota, 
Colombia, on September 5. Congressional ad- 
visers to the U.S. delegation will be Senators 
Bourke Hickenlooper and Wayne Morse of the 
Senate Foreign Eelations Committee. 

In addition to the Under Secretary and the 
Senators, the U.S. delegation will include : 

Alternate Representatives 

Robert Cutler, U.S. Executive Director, Inter-American 
Development Bank 

Thomas C. Mann, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs designate 

T. Graydon Upton, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury 

Senior Advisers 

Theodore C. Achilles, Counselor, Department of State 

Vance Brand, Managing Director, Development Loan 
Fund 

Dempster Mcintosh, American Ambassador to Colombia 

Max Myers, Administrator, Foreign Agricultural Serv- 
ice, Department of Agriculture 

Byron T. Shaw, Administrator, Agricultural Research 
Service, Department of Agriculture 

Lynn U. Stambaugh, Senior Vice President, Export-Im- 
port Bank of Washington 

Harry R. Turkel, Ambassador, U.S. Representative on 
the Inter-American Economic and Social Council 



Advisers 

Rollin S. Atwood, Regional Director, Office of Latin 
American Operations, International Cooperation Ad- 
ministration 

Edward Berman, Chief, Latin American Program Divi- 
sion, Office of Educational Services, ICA 

Osborne T. Boyd, Chief, Housing Division, Office of Public 
Services, ICA 

Dixon Donnelley, Special Assistant to the Under Secretary 
of State 

Theodore L. Eliot, Jr., Special Assistant to the Under 
Secretary of State 

Charles R. Harley, Chief, Latin American Division, Office 
of International Finance, Department of the Treasury 

Ralph V. Korp, Latin American Division, Office of Inter- 
national Finance, Department of the Treasury 

John M. Leddy, Special Assistant to the Under Secretary 
of State 

Sydney L. W. Mellen, Chief, Commodities Division, Office 
of International Resources, Department of State 

Alexander M. Rosenson, Acting Deputy Director, Office 
of Inter-American Regional Economic Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 

R. H. Rowntree, Chief, Economics Division, Export-Im- 
port Bank of Washington 

William V. Turnage, Special Assistant to the Assistant 
Secretary of State for Economic Affairs 

Simon N. Wilson, Office of Inter-American Political Af- 
fairs, Department of State 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 1 



General Assembly 

Draft Declaration on Freedom of Information. Note by 
the Secretary-General. A/4437. August 17, 1960. 4 pp. 

Election of Members of the International Court of Justice : 
(a) Election of Five Members of the Court; (b) Elec- 
tion of a Member of the Court To Fill the Vacancy 
Caused by the Death of Sir Herseh Lauterpacht. Mem- 
orandum by the Secretary-General. A/4449. August 
23, 1960. 5 pp. 



Economic and Social Council 

Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East : Sum- 
mary Records, Sixteenth Session, 9-21 March 1960. 
E/CN.11/532. May 26, 1960. 244 pp. 

Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. Annual 
Report of the Technical Assistance Board to the Techni- 
cal Assistance Committee for 1959. E/3337/Add. 1. 
June 10, 1960. 81 pp. 

Commission on the Status of Women. Questionnaire on 
Inheritance Laws as They Affect the Status of Women. 
E/CN.6/368. June 17, 1960. 7 pp. 



1 Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia 
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. 
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents) 
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the 
United States. 



October 3, J 960 



541 



Security Council Rejects Soviet Bid for Endorsement 
of OAS Action on Dominican Republic 



Following are statements made by Ambassador 
James J. Wadsworth, U.S. Representative in the 
Security Council, on September 8 and 9 during de- 
bate on a Soviet resolution ( U.N. doc. S/USl/Rev. 
1) which sought Security Council endorsement of 
action taken by the Organization of American 
States against the Dominican Republic at its Sixth 
Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers, 1 to- 
gether with the text of a resolution sponsored by 
Argentina, Ecuador, and the United States, which 
was adopted by the Council on September 9. 

STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 8 

U.S. /D.N. press release 3468 

On August 20 of this year the Sixth Meeting of 
Consultation of American Foreign Ministers de- 
cided, after full investigation had shown the justi- 
fication of the Venezuelan complaint in this matter, 
on the breaking of diplomatic relations of all mem- 
ber states of the Organization of American States 
with the Dominican Republic and on a partial 
interruption of economic relations beginning with 
the immediate suspension of trade in arms and 
implements of war of every kind. This decision 
was supported by the United States, and on August 
26 the United States broke diplomatic relations 
with the Dominican Republic. 2 Even prior to the 
decision of the Sixth Meeting of Consultation that 
I have referred to, the United States had already 
suspended trade in arms or implements of war with 
the Dominican Republic. Secretary Herter also 
made clear in San Jose that the United States was 
also prepared to support further measures to help 
restore democratic government in the Dominican 
Republic. 

In accordance with article 54 of the charter the 
action of the Organization of American States was 



1 For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 355. 

2 Ibid., Sept. 12, 1960, p. 412. 

542 



reported to the Security Council by the Secretary 
General of this Organization on August 26, 3 so 
that the Security Council, in the words of the 
resolution adopted in San Jose, should have "full 
information concerning the measures agreed upon 
in this resolution." 

Today the United States, having agreed to the 
convening of this meeting, did not oppose the 
adoption of the agenda. While believing that the 
Security Council might properly discuss and take 
note of the resolution of the Sixth Meeting of the 
Organization of American States, we reject the 
contention of the U.S.S.R. that this resolution, 
or action taken pursuant to it, requires any en- 
dorsement by the Security Council in accordance 
with article 53 of the charter. The United States 
does not consider that the resolution adopted by 
the Sixth Meeting requires the endorsement of 
the Security Council under article 53. It is sig- 
nificant that no member of the Organization of 
American States sought authorization from the 
Security Council under article 53 for the steps 
taken in connection with that resolution and that, 
in specifically deciding that the resolution should 
be transmitted to the Security Council only for its 
full information, the foreign ministers were clearly 
expressing their view that this action required only 
notification to the United Nations under article 54. 
It is noteworthy that article 54 clearly envisions 
the possibility of activities by regional agencies 
for the maintenance of international peace and 
security in regard to which the responsibility of 
the regional organization to the Security Council 
is purely that of keeping it informed. 

It is also noteworthy that in the present instance 
either of the actions which are being taken col- 
lectively by the members of the Organization of 
American States could be taken individually by 
any sovereign nation on its own initiative. 
The United States believes that it is entirely 



1 U.N. doc. S/4476. 



Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



proper for the Security Council in this instance 
to take note of the resolution adopted by the Sixth 
Meeting of Foreign Ministers, and we have there- 
fore joined with the other members of the Organi- 
zation of American States who sit in the Security 
Council, Argentina and Ecuador, in sponsoring 
the resolution to this effect contained in document 
S/M84. 

Now, Mr. President, the inter-American sys- 
tem is the oldest regional organization in the 
world. For generations the peoples of this hem- 
isphere have painstakingly built up institutions 
and procedures designed to enable the American 
Republics to settle their own problems through 
regional processes and to prevent the intervention 
of alien ideologies in inter- American affairs. The 
charter of the Organization of American States 
and the Eio Treaty are the fruit of years of 
patient effort. They are supported by the Ameri- 
can Republics as indispensable safeguards of 
their political independence and individual free- 
doms. The Sixth Meeting of the Foreign Min- 
isters was not the first time that the Rio Treaty 
has been invoked or that situations which have 
arisen in the inter- American community have been 
considered under the Rio Treaty. 

Mr. President, in common with my colleague 
from the Argentine, I do not propose at this 
meeting to take up the time of the Council with 
any discussion as to any motive which might have 
impelled any other member of the Council to 
bring this particular subject before a meeting. I 
believe this to be an unfruitful strategy and will 
not indulge in it. 

The American Republics, I would remind my 
colleagues, however, have within the past month 
condemned intervention or the threat of interven- 
tion, no matter how phrased, by extracontinental 
powers in American Republic affairs. 4 They 
have rejected specifically any attempt of Com- 
munist China or the U.S.S.R. to make use of the 
political, economic, or social situations of any 
American state and have reaffirmed that the inter- 
American system is incompatible with any form 
of totalitarianism. 

The Security Council can best affirm its faith 
in the inter-American system by the adoption of 
the resolution submitted by members of the Or- 
ganization of American States in the Council. 
We urge that it do so. 



Resolution Taking Note of OAS Report 
on Sixth Meeting of Consultation 1 

The Security Council, 

Having received the report from the Secretary 
General of the Organization of American States 
transmitting the Final Act of the Sixth Meeting 
of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of 
the American Republics (S/447G), 

Takes note of that report and especially of resolu- 
tion I approved at the aforesaid Meeting, whereby 
agreement was reached on the application of 
measures regarding the Dominican Republic. 



'U.N. doc. S/4491 (S/4484) ; adopted by the 
Council on Sept. 9 by a vote of 9 to 0, with 2 
abstentions (Poland and the U.S.S.R.). 



4 Bulletin of Sept. 12, 1960, p. 395. 
October 3, I960 



FIRST STATEMENT, SEPTEMBER 9 

U.S./U.N. press release 3469 

Yesterday I made it clear that I did not feel 
that it would be particularly fruitful to question 
motives or to indulge in polemics as to motives 
of any member of this Council who wishes to 
bring a matter to the attention of the Council. 
However, after hearing the remarks of the dis- 
tinguished representative of the Soviet Union 
[Arkady A. Sobolev] this morning, I think any 
questions about motives have now been removed. 

The U.S.S.R. is seeking to use the Security 
Council as an instrument to advance its own 
totalitarian designs in the Americas. He has dis- 
torted the charter, projected false and unwar- 
ranted attacks against the United States, and 
has even gone to the extent of accusing the entire 
membership of the Organization of American 
States of seeking to violate the charter. 

Xow, among other things, the Soviet repre- 
sentative accused the United States of interven- 
tion in Latin America. I can think of no better 
way to answer this than to quote the words of 
the distinguished representative of Ecuador, Am- 
bassador [Jose A.] Correa, which he spoke at the 
876th meeting [of the Security Council] in reply 
to a similar charge by Ambassador Sobolev. Of 
his statement I will read only an excerpt: 

... I most solemnly deny such an assertion. The 
history of Latin American countries has been indeed a 
history of struggle for the principle of non-intervention, 
but in that struggle we have been victorious. The prin- 

543 



ciple of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of 
other states is in force in the inter-American world. It 
is in force both in theory and in reality. It is in force 
in fact and in law. From the beginning of the good 
neighbor policy proclaimed by President Roosevelt more 
than 35 years ago, the relationships of the Government 
of the United States with the Latin American countries 
have been characterized by mutual respect and by fruitful 
and mutual cooperation in the political, economic and 
social fields. 

As I indicated yesterday, Mr. President, the 
American Republics denounced Soviet ambitions 
to intervene in the Americas in the Declaration of 
San Jose, and those sentiments apply equally here. 

It would be perhaps amusing 1 , if it were not 
ominous, to think that it is the U.S.S.R. which 
is seeking to pose as the defender of this United 
Nations Charter of ours. 

Here is the country which evoked the regional 
organization — a military regional organization — 
of Communist Eastern Europe — the Warsaw 
Pact — in its attempt to justify in the Security 
Council its brutal repression of the Hungarian 
revolution. Here is the country that did not seek 
Security Council authority then but defied it. 
And ever since it has contemptuously ignored re- 
peated United Nations condemnation of its actions 
and repeated United Nations demands that it 
withdraw its troops. In our opinion, Mr. Presi- 
dent, such a country has little, standing in seeking 
to distort the charter to its own ends today. 

The Soviet request for Security Council action 
in this case is a bald effort to seek a veto over the 
operation of the inter-American system. In our 
opinion it is malicious meddling and will not 
succeed. 



SECOND STATEMENT, SEPTEMBER 9 

D.S./U.N. press release 3470 

I wish very briefly to record our position in 
relation to the intervention made by the distin- 
guished representative of the Soviet Union that 
my delegation considers that the three-power reso- 
lution was not submitted under article 53 and that 
the interpretation of the Soviet representative of 
the action taken here today does not reflect the 
views of the United States. 

As to the principle of the matter being left open 
for future consideration by the Council, my dele- 
gation considers this particular item completed, 
and in the future we shall judge proposals on 
their merits. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Automotive Traffic 

Convention on road traffic and annexes. Done at Geneva 
September 19, 1949. Entered into force March 26, 1952. 
TIAS 2487. 
Accession deposited: Jordan, January 14, 1900. 

Customs convention on temporary importation of private 
road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 1954. En- 
tered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 3943. 
Accession deposited {with reservations): Poland, 
March 16, 1960. 

Health 

Additional regulations amending the international sani- 
tary regulations (World Health Organization Regula- 
tions No. 2) of May 25, 1951 (TIAS 3625), with respect 
to the health part of the Aircraft General Declaration. 
Adopted at Geneva May 19, 1960. Will enter into force 
January 1, 1961. 

Postal Services 

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex, 
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air- 
mail, with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3, 
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202. 
Adherence deposited: Kuwait, August 11, 1960. 

Property 

Convention of Paris for the protection of industrial prop- 
erty of March 20, 1883, revised at Brussels December 
14, 1900; at Washington June 2, 1911; at The Hague 
November 6, 1925 ; at London June 2, 1934 ; and at Lis- 
bon October 31, 1958. Done at Lisbon October 31, 1958. 1 
Ratified by the President: August 29, 1960. 

Telecommunications 

Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) annexed 
to the international telecommunication convention of 
December 22, 1952 (TIAS 3266), with appendixes and 
final protocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 1958. 
Entered into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 4390. 
Notification of approval: Iceland, August 12, 1960. 

International telecommunication convention with six an- 
nexes and final protocol. Done at Geneva December 21, 
1959. 1 
Ratification deposited: Israel, August 12, 1900. 

Radio regulations, with appendixes, annexed to the inter- 
national telecommunication convention, 1959. Done at 
Geneva December 21, 1959. 1 
Notification of approval: Iceland, August 12, 1960. 



BILATERAL 

Australia 

Agreement amending the agreement of June 22, 1956 
(TIAS 3830), concerning the civil uses of atomic en- 
ergy. Signed at Washington September 14, 1900. En- 
ters into force on date each Government receives from 



1 Not in force. 



544 



Department of State Bulletin 



the other written notification that it has complied with 
all statutory and constitutional requirements. 

Chile 

Agreement for the loan of a U.S. submarine to Chile. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Santiago June 28 and 
July 16, 1960. Entered into force July 16, 1960. 

China 

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of 
the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance 
Act of 1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701- 
1709), with exchanges of notes. Signed at Taipei Au- 
gust 30, 1960. Entered into force August 30, 1960. 

France 

Convention of establishment, protocol, and joint declara- 
tion. Signed at Paris November 25, 1959. 1 
Ratified by the President: August 29, 1960. 

Haiti 

Agreement relating to the transfer of military equipment 
to Haiti. Effected by exchange of notes at Port-au- 
Prince September 1, 1960. Entered into force Septem- 
ber 1, 1960. 

Iran 

Reciprocal trade agreement. Signed at Washington April 
8, 1943. Entered into force June 28, 1944. 58 Stat. 1322. 
Terminated: August 25, 1960. 

Agreement providing that the United States will not in- 
voke article VI of reciprocal trade agreement of 1943 
(58 Stat. 1322) with respect to temporary imposition 
by Iran of commercial profits taxes on certain products. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Tehran April 12, 1960. 
Entered into force April 12, 1960. TIAS 4467. 
Terminated: August 25, 1960. 

Agreement terminating reciprocal trade agreement of 
April 8, 1943, as amended (58 Stat. 1322, TIAS 4467). 
Effected by exchange of notes at Tehran July 27, 1960 
Entered into force July 27, 1960. 

Norway 

Agreement amending the agreement of December 5, 1958 
and January 6 and 17, 1959 (TIAS 4187), relating to 
the procedures for the reciprocal filing of classified 
patent applications. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Oslo April 25 and August 12, 1960. Entered into force 
August 12, 1960. 

Pakistan 

Treaty of friendship and commerce, and protocol. Signed 
at Washington November 12, 1959. 1 
Ratified by the President: August 29, 1960. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



U.S. Passport Service Established 

Press release 530 dated September 13 

The Secretary of State announced on Septem- 
ber 13 that on September 15 there would be estab- 
lished a United States Passport Service. 

1 Not in force. 

October 3, I960 



The designation of "Service" will more accu- 
rately describe the functions performed by this 
important area of the Department of State in pro- 
viding passports and related services for U.S. cit- 
izens. It will also reemphasize the active interest 
and participation of the Department in the enor- 
mously expanding field of international travel. 
International travel by Americans, which will be 
the principal concern of the Passport Service, is 
one aspect of the increase in world tourism. Presi- 
dent Eisenhower has emphasized how important 
is such travel among peoples to the building of 
international understanding. 

Miss Frances G. Knight, now Director of the 
Passport Office, will be designated Director of the 
United States Passport Service. Secretary Herter 
will ask for specific legislation next January to 
abolish the old designation of Passport Office, 
which was established by legislation in 1952. 

The "Service" designation is in conformance 
with recommendations made by the Senate Com- 
mittee on Government Operations. Legislation 
sponsored by members of this Senate committee as 
well as various other bills in the House have, dur- 
ing the last two Congresses, recommended the 
establishment of a Passport Service. 

The Passport Office, in addition to passport 
issuances, is charged by the Secretary with the 
Department's responsibilities in determining the 
U.S. citizenship status of persons claiming such 
citizenship outside of the United States, in 
registering U.S. citizens residing abroad, and in 
assuring that proper direction is provided to 
members of the Foreign Service stationed abroad 
who are designated as passport and citizenship 
officers. 

Over 280 Foreign Service posts are authorized 
to perform service relating to U.S. citizenship and 
225 Foreign Service posts perform passport func- 
tions. More than 175,000 passport issuances and 
renewals were performed at foreign posts in the 
fiscal year ending June 30, 1959. 

In the United States the Passport Office and its 
eight agencies issued or renewed 830,000 passports 
in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1960, an increase 
of 18.5 percent over the previous fiscal year. The 
eight field agencies are located at Boston, Chicago, 
Los Angeles, Miami, New Orleans, New York, 
San Francisco, and Seattle. A representative of 
the Passport Office is also at Honolulu, Hawaii. 



545 



Consulate Established at Bamako, Soudan 

On August 2G, 1900, an American consulate was offi- 
cially established at Bamako, Soudan, under the substan- 
tive and administrative supervision of the Embassy at 
Dakar, Senegal. The new consular district comprises all 
of Soudan, which was formerly included in the consular 
district of the Embassy at Dakar. 



Fletcher Warren as Ambassador to Turkey, effective 
November 15. (For an exchange of correspondence be- 
tween President Eisenhower and Ambassador Warren, 
see White House press release dated September 14.) 

Francis O. Wilcox as Assistant Secretary of State for 
International Organization Affairs, effective January 1, 
1901. ( For an exchange of correspondence between Presi- 
dent Eisenhower and Mr. Wilcox, see White House press 
release dated September 13.) 



African Posts Raised to Consulates General 

DAR-ES-SALAAM, TANGANYIKA 

The Department of State announced on September 15 
(press release 540) that the American consulate at Dar-es- 
Salaam, Tanganyika, will be elevated to a consulate 
general on October 1, 1900. Dar-es-Salaam is the capital 
of Tanganyika, a U.N. Trust Territory under British 
administration. In addition to this trust territory the 
jurisdiction of the post, which was opened in February 
1948, includes the island portions of the British Pro- 
tectorate of Zanzibar. 

KAMPALA, UGANDA 

The Department of State announced on September 15 
(press release 539) that the American consulate at 
Kampala, Uganda, will be elevated to a consulate general 
on October 1, 1900. Kampala is the capital of the British 
Protectorate of Uganda, for which this Foreign Service 
post has jurisdiction. The United States first established 
a post in Kampala in August 1957. 

Designations 

William C. Burdett, Jr., as Director, Office of British 
Commonwealth and Northern European Affairs, effective 
September 12. 

Edmund J. Dorsz as Deputy Administrator, Bureau of 
Security and Consular Affairs, effective September 15. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 537 dated September 15.) 

Daly C. Lavergne as Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
Tunisia, effective September 18. (For biographic details, 
see Department of State press release 522 dated Septem- 
ber 9. ) 

T. Eliot Weil as Director, Office of South Asian Affairs, 
effective September 4. 

Resignations 

Selden Chapin as Ambassador to Peru, effective Octo- 
ber 15. (For an exchange of correspondence between 
President Eisenhower and Ambassador Chapin, see White 
House press release dated September 14.) 



Check List of Department of State 


Press Releases: September 12 18 


Press releases may be obtained from the Office 


of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 


Releases issued prior to September 12 which ap- 


pear in this 


issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 501 of 


August 30, 511 of September 3. 513 of September 0, 


and 524 and 528 of September 10. 


No. Date 


Subject 


t529 9/12 


U.S.-Japan communique. 


530 9/13 


U.S. Passport Service established. 


531 9/13 


Air talks with Scandinavian countries. 


*532 9/13 


Cultural exchange (Rumania). 


*533 9/13 


Cultural exchange (U.S.S.R.). 


534 9/13 


Reply to Soviet communication relat- 




ing to Mr. Khrushchev's U.N. visit. 


535 9/14 


Herter : news conference. 


f530 9/14 


Auerbach : "The Visa Process and Re- 




view of Visa Applications." 


*537 9/15 


Dorsz designated Deputy Administra- 




tor, Bureau of Security and Consular 




Affairs (biographic details). 


538 9/15 


Herter : departure for Mexico City. 


539 9/15 


Post at Kampala, Uganda, raised to 




consulate general (rewrite). 


540 9/15 


Post at Dar-es-Salaam, Tanganyika, 




raised to consulate general (re- 




write). 


541 9/15 


Herter : arrival. Mexico City. 


*542 9/15 


Delegation to 15th General Assembly 




(biographic details). 


t543 9/15 


Visit of Crown Prince and Princess of 




Japan. 


t544 9/15 


Dillon : "New Opportunities in For- 




eign Trade." 


1545 9/15 


Thayer : African-American Students 




Foundation, Inc. 


*54G 9/10 


Roach designated USOM director, Ne- 




pal (biographic details). 


*547 9/10 


Bohlen designated Acting Secretary 




for International Organization Af- 




fairs. 


548 9/16 


Delegate to ECE Committee (rewrite). 


549 9/17 


Uruguayan official visits U.S. (re- 




write). 


550 9/18 


Wilcox : "United Nations : Crisis and 




Opportunity." 
ed. 


*Not prin 


tHeld for 


a later issue of the Bulletin. 



546 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 3, 1960 

Africa 

African Posts Raised to Consulates General . . . 

The United Nations : Crisis and Opportunity 

(Wilcox) 

Albania. Albania, Hungary, U.S.S.R. Officials Re- 
stricted in Movements on U.N. Visit ( Eisenhower, 
texts of aide memoire and U.S. and Soviet com- 
munications) 

American Republics 

Promoting Economic and Social Advancement in 
the Americas (Dillon, text of Act of Bogota) . . 

Security Council Rejects Soviet Bid for Endorse- 
ment of OAS Action on Dominican Republic 
(Wadsworth, text of resolution) 

Asia. Weil designated director, Office of South 
Asian Affairs 

Aviation. Aviation Consultations Opened With 
Scandinavian Countries 

China, Communist. Secretary Herter's News Con- 
ference of September 14 



Congo, Republic of the 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of Sep- 
tember 14 

Soviet Union Blocks Support for U.N. Action in 
Congo ; Security Council Calls for Special Ses- 
sion of General Assembly (Wadsworth, texts 
of resolutions) 

The United Nations : Crisis and Opportunity 
(Wilcox) 

U.S. Gives $5 Million to U.N. for Aid to Republic 
of the Congo 

Congress, The. Congressional Documents Relating 
to Foreign Policy 

Denmark. Aviation Consultations Opened With 
Scandinavian Countries 

Department and Foreign Service. 

African Posts Raised to Consulates General . . 
Consulate Established at Bamako, Soudan . . 
Designations (Burdett, Dorsz, Lavergne, Weil) 
Resignations (Chapin, Warren, Wilcox) . . . 
U.S. Passport Service Established 



Disarmament. The United Nations : Crisis and 
Opportunity (Wilcox) 

Dominican Republic 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of Sep- 
tember 14 

Security Council Rejects Soviet Bid for Endorse- 
ment of OAS Action on Dominican Republic 
(Wadsworth, text of resolution) 

Economic Affairs. Promoting Economic and Social 
Advancement in the Americas (Dillon, text of Act 
of Bogota) 

Europe 

Burdett designated director, Office of British Com- 
monwealth and Northern European Affairs . . 

ECE Coal Committee (delegate) 

Germany. Secretary Herter's News Conference of 
September 14 

Hungary. Albania, Hungary, U.S.S.R. Officials 
Restricted in Movements on U.N. Visit (Eisen- 
hower, texts of aide memoire and U.S. and Soviet 
communications) ' 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and 
Meetings 

ECE Coal Committee (delegate) 

Promoting Economic and Social Advancement in 
the Americas (Dillon, text of Act of Bogota) . 



Ind 

546 
507 

521 

533 
542 
546 
514 
515 

515 

527 
507 
530 

524 

514 

546 
546 
546 
546 
545 

507 

515 
542 

533 

546 
532 

515 

521 



525 
532 

533 



e X Vol. XLIII, No. 1110 

Wilcox resigns as Assistant Secretary for In- 
ternational Organization Affairs 546 

Japan. Secretary Herter's News Conference of 

September 14 515 

Mali, Republic of. Consulate Established at 
Bamako, Soudan 546 

Mexico. Secretary Heads U.S. Delegation to Mexi- 
can Anniversary Festivities (Herter) .... 524 

Mutual Security. Lavergne designated USOM 
director, Tunisia 546 

Norway. Aviation Consultations Opened With 
Scandinavian Countries 514 

Passports. U.S. Passport Service Established . . 545 

Peru. Chapin resigns as Ambassador 546 

Presidential Documents. Albania, Hungary, 
U.S.S.R. Officials Restricted in Movements on 
U.N. Visit 521 

Sweden. Aviation Consultations Opened With 
Scandinavian Countries 514 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 544 

Tunisia. Lavergne designated USOM director . . 546 

Turkey. Warren resigns as Ambassador .... 546 

U.S.S.R. 

Albania, Hungary, U.S.S.R. Officials Restricted in 
Movements on U.N. Visit (Eisenhower, texts of 
aide memoire and U.S. and Soviet communica- 
tions) 521 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of Septem- 
ber 14 515 

Soviet Union Blocks Support for U.N. Action in 
Congo ; Security Council Calls for Special Session 
of General Assembly (Wadsworth, texts of 
resolutions) 527 

United Nations 

Albania, Hungary, U.S.S.R. Officials Restricted in 
Movements on U.N. Visit (Eisenhower, texts of 
aide memoire and U.S. and Soviet communica- 
tions) 521 

Current U.N. Documents 541 

President Eisenhower To Address General As- 
sembly on September 22 (Hagerty) 515 

Secretary Herter's News Conference of Septem- 
ber 14 515 

Security Council Rejects Soviet Bid for Endorse- 
ment of OAS Action on Dominican Republic 
(Wadsworth, text of resolution) 542 

Soviet Union Blocks Support for U.N. Action in 
Congo ; Security Council Calls for Special Session 
of General Assembly (Wadsworth, texts of 
resolutions) 527 

The United Nations : Crisis and Opportunity 

(Wilcox) 507 

U.S. Gives $5 Million to U.N. for Aid to Repub- 
lic of the Congo 530 

Uruguay. National Councilor of Uruguay Visits 
United States 520 

Name Index 

Burdett, William C, Jr 546 

Chapin, Selden 546 

Dillon, Douglas 533 

Dorsz, Edmund J 546 

Eisenhower, President 523 

Hagerty, James C 515 

Herter, Secretary 515, 524 

Lavergne, Daly C 546 

Wadsworth, James J 527, 542 

Warren, Fletcher 546 

Weil, T. Eliot 546 

Wilcox, Francis O 507, 546 

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1980 




United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D.C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. $300 

(GPOl 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



the 



U.S. PARTICIPATION IN THE UN 



Department 



Report by the President to the Congress for the Year 1959 



Of 

State 



A factual account of the U.S. Government's participation in 
the work of the United Nations and the Specialized Agencies 
during the year 1959 is contained in this fourteenth annual report 
by the President to the Congress. 

The report is divided into five sections: Part I — Maintenance 
of Peace and Security ; Part II — Economic and Social Coopera- 
tion and Human Eights; Part III — Dependent Territories; Part 
IV — Legal and Constitutional Developments; and Part V — 
Budgetary, Financial and Administrative Matters. 

The appendixes to the volume contain U.N. charts and other 
organizational information and information on the availability 
of publications and documentation. 



Publication 7016 



75 cents 



Order Form 



To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Enclosed find: 



Please send me copies of U.S. Participation in the UN 



Name: 



(cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 



Street Address : 



City, Zone, and State: 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1111 



October 10, 1960 



ICIAL 

KLY RECORD 

ITED STATES 
IEIGN POLICY 



PRESIDENT EISENHOWER ADDRESSES U.N. GEN- 
ERAL ASSEMBLY (text) 551 

U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY HOLDS FOURTH EMER- 
GENCY SESSION; ENDORSES SECRETARY- 
GENERAL'S POLICY IN THE CONGO • Statements 
by Ambassador James J. Wadsworth and Text of Resolution . 583 

NEW OPPORTUNITIES IN FOREIGN TRADE • by 

Acting Secretary Dillon • . 563 

ECONOMIC INTERDEPENDENCE IN THE FREE 

WORLD • by Charles W. Adair, Jr 572 

THE VISA PROCESS AND REVIEW OF VISA APPLI- 
CATIONS • by Frank L. Auerbach 578 

NEW ECONOMIC HORIZONS • by W. Randolph Burgess . 568 

Boston Public Library; 

i^rintendent ot Documents 

For index see inside back cover 
DEPOSITORY 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1111 • Publication 7081 
October 10, 1960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein mas- 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
of State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government icith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of Suite and tlie Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
tchich the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral internatiotial interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in tlie field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



President Eisenhower Addresses U.N. General Assembly 



Address by the President : 



Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, members 
of the General Assembly, and guests: 

The people of the United States join me in 
saluting those countries which, at this session of 
the General Assembly, are represented here for 
the first time. With the admission of new mem- 
bers, mainly from the giant continent of Africa, 
almost 100 nations will be joined in a common 
effort to construct permanent peace, with justice, 
in a sorely troubled world. 

The drive of self-determination and of rising 
human aspirations is creating a new world of 
independent nations in Africa, even as it is pro- 
ducing a new world of both ferment and of prom- 
ise in all developing areas. An awakening 
humanity hi these regions demands as never before 
that we make a renewed attack on poverty, illit- 
eracy, and disease. 

Side by side with these startling changes, tech- 
nology is also in revolution. It has brought 
forth terrifying weapons of destruction which, for 
the future of civilization, must be brought under 
control through a workable system of disarma- 
ment, And it has also opened up a new world of 
outer space— a celestial world filled with both be- 
wildering problems and dazzling promise. 

This is, indeed, a moment for honest appraisal 
and historic decision. 

We can strive to master these problems for 
narrow national advantage, or we can begin at 
once to undertake a period of constructive action 
which will subordinate selfish interest to the gen- 
eral well-being of the international community. 
The choice is truly a momentous one. 

'Made before the 15th session of the U.N. General 
Assembly at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 22 (White House 
press release; as-delivered text). 

October 10, 1960 



Today I come before you because our human 
commonwealth is once again in a state of anxiety 
and turmoil. Urgent issues confront us. 

A Program for Africa 

The first proposition I place before you is that 
only through the United Nations Organization 
and its truly democratic processes can humanity 
make real and universal progress toward the goal 
of peace with justice. Therefore I believe that 
to support the United Nations Organization and 
its properly constituted mechanisms and its 
selected officers is the road of greatest promise 
in peaceful progress. To attempt to hinder or 
stultify the United Nations or to deprecate its 
importance is to contribute to world unrest and, 
indeed, to incite the crises that from time to tune 
so disturb all men. The United States stands 
squarely and unequivocally in support of the 
United Nations and those acting under its man- 
date in the interest of peace. 

Nowhere is the challenge to the international 
community and to peace and orderly progress 
more evident than in Africa, rich in human and 
natural resources and bright with promise. Re- 
cent events there have brought into being what is, 
in effect, a vast continent of newly independent 
nations. 

Outside interference with these newly emerging 
nations, all eager to undertake the tasks of mod- 
ernization, has created a serious challenge to the 
authority of the United Nations. 

That authority has grown steadily during the 
15 years since the United Nations pledged, in 
the words of its own charter, "to bring about by 
peaceful means, and in conformity with the prin- 
ciples of justice and international law, adjust- 



551 



merit or settlement of international disputes or 
situations which might lead to a breach of the 
peace." And during those years the United Na- 
tions successfully supported Iran's efforts to ob- 
tain the withdrawal of foreign military forces; 
played a significant role in preserving the inde- 
pendence of Greece; rallied world resistance to 
aggression against the Republic of Korea; helped 
to settle the Suez crisis; countered the threat to 
Lebanon's integrity; and, most recently, has 
taken on an even more important task. 

In response to the call of the Republic of the 
Congo, the United Nations, under its outstand- 
ing Secretary-General, has recently mounted a 
large-scale effort to provide that new republic with 
help. 2 That effort has been flagrantly attacked 
by a few nations which wish to prolong strife in 
the Congo for their own purposes. The criticism 
directed by these nations against the Secretary- 
General, who has honorably and effectively ful- 
filled the mandate which he received from the 
United Nations, is nothing less than a direct 
attack upon the United Nations itself. In my 
opinion, he, the Secretary-General, has earned the 
support and gratitude of every peace-loving 
nation. 

The people of the Congo are entitled to build 
up their country in peace and freedom. Inter- 
vention by other nations in their internal affairs 
would deny them that right and create a focus 
of conflict in the heart of Africa. 

The issue thus posed in the Congo could well 
arise elsewhere in Africa. The resolution of this 
issue will determine whether the United Nations 
is able to protect not only the new nations of 
Africa but also other countries against outside 
pressures. 

It is the smaller nations that have the greatest 
stake in the effective functioning of the United 
Nations. If the United Nations system is success- 
fully subverted in Africa, the world will be on its 
way back to the traditional exercise of power 
politics, in which small countries will be used 
as pawns by aggressive major powers. Any na- 
tion, seduced by glittering promises into becoming 
a cat's-paw for an imperialistic power, thereby 
undermines the United Nations and places in 
jeopardy the independence of itself and all others. 
It is imperative that the international commu- 
nity protect the newly emerging nations of Africa 



* For background, see p. 583. 
552 



from outside pressures that threaten their inde- 
pendence and their sovereign rights. 

To this end I propose a program which contains 
five major elements: 

First: A pledge by all countries represented at 
this Assembly to respect the African peoples' 
right to choose their own way of life and to de- 
termine for themselves the course they choose to 
follow. And this pledge would involve three 
specific commitments: 

To refrain from intervening in these new na- 
tions' internal affairs — by subversion, force, prop- 
aganda, or any other means; 

To refrain from generating disputes between 
the states of this area or from encouraging them 
to wasteful and dangerous competition in 
armaments ; 

And to refrain from any action to intensify 
or exploit present unsettled conditions in the 
Congo — by sending arms or forces into that trou- 
bled area, or by inciting its leaders and peoples 
to violence against each other. 

These actions my country— and many others- 
are now avoiding. I hope this Assembly will call 
upon all its members to do likewise and that each 
speaker who follows me to this platform will sol- 
emnly pledge his country to honor this call. 

Second: The United Nations should be pre- 
pared to help the African countries maintain 
their security without wasteful and dangerous 
competition in armaments. 

United Nations experts are being asked to train 
the Congo's security forces. If the Secretary- 
General should find it useful to undertake in- 
creased activity in order to meet requests of this 
nature elsewhere, my country would be glad to 
join other member states in making essential con- 
tributions to such United Nations activity. 

More importantly, I hope that the African 
states will use existing or establish new regional 
machinery in order to avert an arms race in this 
area. In so doing they would help to spare their 
continent the ravages which the excesses of chau- 
vinism have elsewhere inflicted in the past. If, 
through concerted effort, these nations can choke 
off competition in armaments, they can give the 
whole world a welcome lesson in international 
relations. 

The speed and success of the United Nations 
in dispatching substantial forces to the Congo 
should give these states assurance that they can 

Department of Sfofe Bulletin 



rely on the United Nations to organize an effective 
response if their security is threatened. This 
should reduce any pressures on them to raise 
larger forces than are required to maintain in- 
ternal security. Thus they would help to free 
their resources for more constructive purposes. 

Third: We should all support the United Na- 
tions response to emergency needs in the Kepublic 
of the Congo which the Secretary-General has 
shown such skill in organizing. I hope that states 
represented here will pledge substantial resources 
to this international program and agree that it 
should be the preferred means of meeting the 
Congo's emergency needs. The United States 
supports the establishment of a United Nations 
fund for the Congo. We are prepared to join 
other countries by contributing substantially for 
immediate emergency needs to the $100-million 
program that the Secretary-General is proposing. 3 

Fourth: The United Nations should help newly 
developing African countries shape their long- 
term modernization programs. To this end : 

The United Nations Special Fund and Ex- 
panded Technical Assistance Program should be 
increased so that in combination they can reach 
their annual $100-million goal in 1961. The Spe- 
cial Fund's functions should be expanded so that 
it can assist countries in planning economic 
development. 

The United Nations operational and executive 
personnel program for making available trained 
administrators to newly developing countries 
should be expanded and placed on a permanent 
basis. The United States is prepared to join other 
countries in contributing increased f unds for this 
program, and for the Special Fund, and for the 
United Nations Technical Assistance Program. 

The "World Bank and International Monetary 
Fund should be encouraged increasingly to pro- 
vide counsel to the developing countries of Africa 
through missions and resident advisers. We 
should also look forward to appropriate and timely 
financial assistance from these two multilateral 
financial sources as the emerging countries qualify 
for their aid. 

Of course, many forms of aid will be needed : 
both public and private, and on a bilateral and 
multilateral basis. For this assistance to be most 



* For a letter from Secretary Herter to Secretary-Gen- 
eral Hammarskjold upon presentation of a $5-million U.S. 
contribution, see p. 588. 



effective it must be related to the basic problems 
and changing needs of the African countries them- 
selves. 

Fifth: As the final element of this program I 
propose an all-out United Nations effort to help 
African countries launch such educational activi- 
ties as they may wish to undertake. 

It is not enough that loudspeakers in the public 
square exhort people to freedom. It is also essen- 
tial that the people should be furnished with the 
mental tools to preserve and develop their freedom. 

The United States is ready to contribute to an 
expanded program of educational assistance to 
Africa by the family of United Nations organiza- 
tions, carried out as the Secretary-General may 
deem appropriate and according to the ideas of the 
African nations themselves. 

One of the first purposes of this assistance, after 
consultation and approval by the governments in- 
volved, might be to establish, staff, and maintain — 
until these governments or private agencies could 
take over — institutes for health education, for vo- 
cational training, for public administration and 
statistics, and perhaps other purposes. Each insti- 
tute could be appropriately located and specifically 
dedicated to training the young men and women 
of that vast region, who are now called upon to 
assume the incredibly complex and important re- 
sponsibilities inherent in an explosive emergence 
into nationhood. 

If the African states should wish to send large 
numbers of their citizens for training abroad under 
this program, my country would be glad to set up 
a special commission to cooperate with the United 
Nations in arranging to accommodate many more 
of these students in our institutions of learning. 

These then are the five ingredients of the pro- 
gram I propose for Africa : 

Noninterference in the African countries' in- 
ternal affairs; 

Help in assuring their security without wasteful 
and dangerous competition in armaments; 

Emergency aid to the Congo ; 

International assistance in shaping long-term 
African development programs; 

United Nations aid for education. 

Aid to Other Developing Areas 

Such a program could go far to assure the Afri- 
can countries the clear chance at the freedom, 
domestic tranquillity, and progress they deserve. 



October 10, 1960 



553 



The changes which are occurring in Africa are 
also evident elsewhere. Indeed, Africa is but one 
part of the new world of change and progress 
which is emerging in all the developing areas. 

We must carry forward and intensify our pro- 
grams of assistance for the economic and social 
development in freedom of other areas, particu- 
larly in Latin America, Asia, and the Middle East. 

Beyond this, we must never forget that there 
are hundreds of millions of people, particularly in 
the less developed parts of the world, suffering 
from hunger and malnutrition, even though a 
number of countries, my own included, are pro- 
ducing food in surplus. This paradox should not 
be allowed to continue. 

The United States is already carrying out sub- 
stantial programs to make its surpluses available 
to countries of greatest need. My country is also 
ready to join with other members of the United 
Nations in devising a workable scheme to provide 
food to member states through the United Nations 
system, relying on the advice and assistance of 
the Food and Agriculture Organization. 

I hope this Assembly will seriously consider a 
specific program for carrying forward the promis- 
ing food-for-peace program. 4 

Standby Arrangements for U.N. Forces 

In the developing areas we must seek to promote 
peaceful change, as well as to assist economic and 
social progress. To do this — to assist peaceful 
change^ — the international community must be able 
to manifest its presence in emergencies through 
United Nations observers or forces. 

I should like to see member countries take posi- 
tive action on the suggestions in the Secretary- 
General's report looking to the creation of a quali- 
fied staff within the Secretariat to assist him in 
meeting future needs for United Nations forces. 

To regularize the United Nations emergency 
force potential, I proposed in 1958 creation of 
standby arrangements for United Nations forces. 5 
Some progress has been made since that time. 
Much remains to be done. 

The Secretary-General has now suggested that 
members should maintain a readiness to meet pos- 
sible future requests from the United Nations for 



4 For background, see Bulletin of Aug. 15, 1960, p. 248, 
and Sept. 10, 1960, p. 449. 

5 Ibid., Sept. 1, 1958, p. 337. 



contributions to such forces. All countries repre- 
sented here should respond to this need by ear- 
marking national contingents which could take 
part in United Nations forces in case of need. 

The time to do it is now — at this Assembly. 

I assure countries which now receive assistance 
from the United States that we favor use of that 
assistance to help them maintain such contingents 
in the state of readiness suggested by the Secre- 
tary-General. To assist the Secretary-General's 
efforts, the United States is prepared to earmark 
also substantial air and sea transport facilities on a 
standby basis to help move contingents requested 
by the United Nations in any future emergency. 

Over the long run, further progress toward in- 
creasing the United Nations' ability to respond to 
future needs is surely possible. The prospects for 
such progress, however, will remain just that — 
prospects — unless we move now to exploit the im- 
mediate possibilities for practical action suggested 
by the Secretary-General. 

Outer Space 

Another problem confronting us involves outer 
space. 

The emergence of this new world poses a vital 
issue : "Will outer space be preserved for peaceful 
use and developed for the benefit of all man- 
kind? Or will it become another focus for the 
arms race — and thus an area of dangerous and 
sterile competition? 

The choice is urgent. And it is onrs to make. 

The nations of the world have recently united in 
declaring the continent of Antarctica "off limits" 
to military preparations. We could extend this 
principle to an even more important sphere. Na- 
tional vested interests have not yet been developed 
in space or in celestial bodies. Barriers to agree- 
ment are now lower than they will ever be again. 

The opportunity may be fleeting. Before many 
years have passed, the point of no return may have 
passed. 

Let us remind ourselves that we had a chance in 
194G to insure that atomic energy be devoted ex- 
clusively to peaceful purposes. That chance was 
missed when the Soviet Union turned down the 
comprehensive plan submitted by the United 
States for placing atomic energy under interna- 
tional control. 

"We must not lose the chance we still have to con- 
trol the future of outer space. 



554 



Department of State Bulletin 



I propose that : 

1. We agree that celestial bodies are not subject 
to national appropriation by any claims of 
sovereignty. 

2. We agree that the nations of the world shall 
not engage in warlike activities on these bodies. 

3. We agree, subject to appropriate verification, 
that no nation will put into orbit or station in 
outer space weapons of mass destruction. All 
launchings of space craft should be verified in 
advance by the United Nations. 

4. We press forward with a program of inter- 
national cooperation for constructive peaceful uses 
of outer space under the United Nations. Better 
weather forecasting, improved worldwide commu- 
nications, and more effective exploration not only 
of outer space but of our own earth — these are 
but a few of the benefits of such cooperation. 

Agreement on these proposals would enable 
future generations to find peaceful and scientific 
progress, not another fearful dimension to the 
arms race, as they explore the universe. 

Disarmament 

But armaments must also be controlled here 
on earth if civilization is to be assured of survival. 
These efforts must extend both to conventional 
and nonconventional armaments. 

My country has made specific proposals to this 
end during the past year. New United States 
proposals were put forward on June 27, 6 with 
the hope that they could serve as the basis for 
negotiations to achieve general disarmament. The 
United States still supports these proposals. 

The Communist nations' walkout at Geneva, 
when they learned that we were about to submit 
these proposals, brought negotiations to an abrupt 
halt. Their unexplained action does not, however, 
reduce the urgent need for arms control. 

My country believes that negotiations can — and 
should — soon be resumed. Our aim is to reach 
agreement on all the various measures that will 
bring general and complete disarmament. Any 
honest appraisal, however, must recognize that 
this is an immense task. It will take time. 

We should not have to wait until we have agreed 
on all the detailed measures to reach this goal be- 
fore we begin to move toward disarmament. Spe- 



6 For test, see ibid., July 18, 1060, p. 90. 
October 10, 1960 



cific and promising steps to this end were sug- 
gested in our June 27 proposals. 

If negotiations can be resumed, it may be pos- 
sible to deal particularly with two pressing 
dangers — that of war by miscalculation and that 
of mounting nuclear weapons stockpiles. 

The advent of missiles, with ever shorter reac- 
tion times, makes measures to curtail the danger 
of war by miscalculation increasingly necessary. 
States must be able quickly to assure each other 
that they are not preparing aggressive moves — 
particularly in international crises, when each side 
takes steps to improve its own defenses, which 
actions might be misinterpreted by the other. 
Such misinterpretation, in the absence of machin- 
ery to verify that neither was preparing to attack 
the other, could lead to a war which no one had 
intended or wanted. 

Today the danger of war by miscalculation 
could be reduced, in times of crisis, by the inter- 
vention, when requested by any nation seeking to 
prove its own peaceful intention, of an appro- 
priate United Nations surveillance body. The 
question of methods can be left to the experts. 

Thus the vital issue is not a matter of technical 
feasibility but the political willingness of individ- 
ual countries to submit to inspection. The United 
States has taken the lead in this field. 

Today I solemnly declare, on behalf of the 
United States, that we are prepared to submit to 
any international inspection provided only that it 
is effective and truly reciprocal. This step we will 
take willingly as an earnest of our determination 
to uphold the preamble of the United Nations 
Charter, which says its purpose is "to save suc- 
ceeding generations from the scourge of war, 
which twice in our lifetime has brought untold 
sorrow to mankind. . . ." 

The United States wants the Soviet Union and 
all the nations of the world to know enough about 
United States defense preparations to be assured 
that United States forces exist only for deterrence 
and defense — not for surprise attack. I hope the 
Soviet Union wUl similarly wish to assure the 
United States and other nations of the nonaggres- 
sive character of its security preparations. 

There is a more basic point : In an age of rap- 
idly developing technology, secrecy is not only 
an anachronism — it is downright dangerous. To 
seek to maintain a society in which a military 
move can be taken in complete secrecy, while pro- 



555 



fessing a desire to reduce the risk of war through 
arms control, is a contradiction. 

A second danger which ought to be dealt with 
in early negotiations is posed by the growth and 
prospective spread of nuclear weapons stockpiles. 

To reverse this trend I propose that the nations 
producing nuclear weapons immediately convene 
experts to design a system for terminating, under 
verification procedures, all production of fission- 
able materials for weapons purposes. That ter- 
mination would take effect as soon as the agreed 
inspection system has been installed and is oper- 
ating effectively, while progress in other dis- 
armament fields is also being sought. 

The United States is prepared, in the event of 
a termination of production, to join the U.S.S.R. 
in transferring substantial quantities of fission- 
able materials to international stockpiles. The 
United Nations Disarmament Commission has al- 
ready heard the proposal of Ambassador Lodge 7 
to set aside not pounds, as was proposed by the 
United States in 1954, but tons of fissionable ma- 
terials for peaceful purposes. Additional trans- 
fers would be made as progress in other aspects 
of disarmament is accomplished. 

If the U.S.S.R. will agree to a cessation of 
production of fissionable materials for weapons 
purposes, some production facilities could be 
closed without delay. The United States would 
be willing to match the U.S.S.R. in shutting 
down major plants producing fissionable mate- 
rials, one by one, under international inspection 
and verification. 

The proposed working group of experts could 
also consider how to verify the complete elimina- 
tion of nuclear weapons, which is part of the third 
stage of our proposed disarmament program of 
June 27. There is as yet no known means of 
demonstrably accomplishing this ; we would hope 
that the experts could develop such a system. 

United States officials are willing to meet im- 
mediately with representatives of other countries 
for a preliminary exchange of views on these 
proposals. 

Some who have followed closely the many fruit- 
less disarmament talks since the war tend to be- 
come cynical — to assume that the task is hopeless. 
This is not the position of the United States. 

Men everywhere want to disarm. They want 



their wealth and labor to be spent not for war but 
for food, for clothing, for shelter, for medicines, 
for schools. 

Time and again the American people have 
voiced this yearning — to join with men of good 
will everywhere in building a better world. We al- 
ways stand ready to consider any f easible proposal 
to this end. And as I have said so many times, 
the United States is always ready to negotiate 
with any country which in integrity and sincerity 
shows itself ready to talk about any of these prob- 
lems. We ask only this — that such a program not 
give military advantage to any nation and that it 
permit men to inspect the disarmament of other 
nations. 

A disarmament program which was not in- 
spected and guaranteed would increase, not re- 
duce, the risk of war. 

The international control of atomic energy and 
general and complete disarmament can no more be 
accomplished by rhetoric than can the economic 
development of newly independent countries. 
Both of these immense tasks facing mankind call 
for serious, painstaking, costly, laborious, and 
nonpropaganda approaches. 

Some Immediate Problems 

I have specifically avoided in this address men- 
tion of several immediate problems that are trou- 
bling the United States and other nations. My 
failure to do so does not mean in any sense that 
they are not of great concern both to the United 
States and to the entire international community. 

For example, accumulating evidence of threat- 
ening encroachments to the freedom of the people 
of West Berlin continues to disturb us deeply. 8 

Another instance, though, of special concern to 
the United States, the shooting down of an Amer- 
ican aircraft last July 1st over international wa- 
ters, the apparent killing of four of its crew 
members, and the imprisonment of two others on 
trumped-up spy charges, is a shocking affront to 
the right of all nations to peaceful passage on 
and over the high seas. By its veto in the Secu- 
rity Council the Soviet Union prevented a full 
investigation of the facts of the case. 9 But these 
facts still demand to be heard as a proper matter 



' Ibid., Sept. 5, 1960, p. 376. 
556 



'For background, see ibid., Sept. 26, 1960, p. 473. 
'Ibid., Aug. 15, 1960, p. 235. 

Department of State Bulletin 



for the consideration of an impartial tribunal. 
The particular problems I have just mentioned 
are not merely isolated instances of disagreements 
among a few nations. They are central to the 
issue of peace itself and illustrative of the con- 
tinuous and interdependent nature of our respec- 
tive national concerns. They must be confronted 
with the earnestness and seriousness which their 
settlement demands. 

The Structure of True Peace 

The basic fact today of all change in the domain 
of international affairs is the need to forge the 
bonds and build the structure of a true world 
community. 

The United Nations is available to mankind to 
help it create just such a community. It has ac- 
complished what no nation singly, or any limited 
group of nations, could have accomplished. It has 
become the forum of all peoples and the structure 
about which they can center their joint endeavors 
to create a better future for our world. 

We must guard jealously against those who in 
alternating moods look upon the United Nations 
as an instrument for use or abuse. The United 
Nations was not conceived as an Olympian organ 
to amplify the propaganda tunes of individual 
nations. 

The generating force behind a successful United 
Nations must be the noble idea that a true inter- 
national community can build a peace with justice 
if only people will work together patiently in an 
atmosphere of open trust. 

In urging progress toward a world community, 
I cite the American concept of the destiny of a 
progressive society. Here in this land, in what 
was once a wilderness, we have generated a 
society and a civilization drawn from many 
sources. Yet out of the mixture of many 
peoples and faiths we have developed unity in 
freedom — a unity designed to protect the rights 
of each individual while enhancing the freedom 
and well-being of all. 

This concept of unity in freedom, drawn from 
the diversity of many racial strains and cultures, 
we would like to see made a reality for all man- 
kind. This concept should apply within every 
nation as it does among nations. We believe that 
the right of every man to participate through his 
or her vote in self-government is as precious as 



the right of each nation here represented to vote 
its own convictions in this Assembly. I should 
like to see a universal plebiscite in which every 
individual in the world would be given the op- 
portunity freely and secretly to answer this ques- 
tion: Do you want this right? Opposed to the 
idea of two hostile, embittered worlds in perpetual 
conflict, we envisage a single world community, 
as yet unrealized but advancing steadily toward 
fulfillment through our plans, our efforts, and 
our collective ideas. 

Thus we see as our goal, not a superstate above 
nations, but a world community embracing them 
all, rooted in law and justice and enhancing the 
potentialities and common purposes of all peoples. 

As we enter the decade of the 1960's, let us 
launch a renewed effort to strengthen this inter- 
national community, to forge new bonds between 
its members in undertaking new ventures on be- 
half of all mankind. 

As we take up this task, let us not delude our- 
selves that the absence of war alone is a sufficient 
basis for a peaceful world. I repeat, we must also 
build a world of justice under law, and we must 
overcome poverty, illiteracy, and disease. 

We of the United States will join with you in 
making a mounting effort to build the structure 
of true peace — a peace in which all peoples may 
progress constantly to higher levels of human 
achievement. The means are at hand. We have 
but to use them with a wisdom and energy worthy 
of our cause. 

I commend this great task to your hearts, to 
your minds, and to your willing hands. Let us go 
forward together, leaving none behind. 

Thank you, and God bless you. 



The Bonds That Unite 
U.S. and Latin America 

Remarks by President Eisenhower 1 

This is the time, I think, to reaffirm some of our 
convictions and our beliefs that are important to 
all of us. I have, someone told me today, 2 days 
less than 4 months still to serve in my present 



1 Made at a luncheon for the delegates of the American 
Republics to the United Nations at New York, N.Y., on 
Sept. 22 (White House (New York, N.Y.) press release). 



October 10, 1960 



557 



office, and possibly this is the last time I shall have 
an opportunity to tell you, as representatives of 
your several governments, something of my affec- 
tion for the people of Latin America with whom I 
have worked and the alFection of my Government 
for these governments, all of which have served 
and worked so closely with us. 

I tried to tell you this morning something of 
the importance that we of America attach to the 
functioning and indeed the existence of the 
United Nations, and the possibility it has for fur- 
thering the aspirations of men. 2 But I want to 
tell you in somewhat more intimate fashion how 
deeply I believe in the Organization of Ameri- 
can States, organized within the limits prescribed 
by the charter of the United Nations. 

Gentlemen, our nations are bound together not 
merely by inescapable ties of geography. We are 
strong and we are worth while only because we are 
bound together by things of the spirit. The dedi- 
cation we have to imperishable values, of human 
dignity and liberty, and the sovereignty of our 
respective nations — these are the things that are 
worth while. 

But because we do believe in these values and 
have these same dedications, we must devote our- 
selves as a unit to the production of that kind of 
atmosphere, that kind of situation in the world, 
that will let us progress, with the help of the God 
in which we all believe, toward a better life, not 
merely for such people as sit around this table 
but for the lowliest peon, the lowliest farmer, the 
lowliest dweller in Harlem and the East Side to- 
ward a better life. 

My friends, our neighboring Republic to the 
south and ourselves decided to build a dam, and it 
began by being called, according to the name of 
where it was situated, El Diablo. The President 
of Mexico and I decided to change that name, and 
it is now the Amistad Dam. This is the word that, 
it seems to me, all of us can well adopt as our 
motto, because we do have, as I said, the same 
dedications, the same devotions, and the same 
beliefs. 

Now, although I had already promised there 
would be no speech, I found I have already vi- 
olated my promise, but I will ask you all to stand 
witli me to drink a toast to "amistad." 



See i>. 551. 



President Directs Panamanian Flag 
Be Flown in Canal Zone 

Following are statements issued on September 
17 at Washington by Anne Wheaton, Associate 
Press Secretary to the President, and at Panama 
by Joseph S. Farland, UjS. Ambassador to the 
Republic of Panama, together with the text of a 
note from Ambassador Farland to the Acting 
Minister of Foreign Relations of Panama. 

STATEMENT BY MRS. WHEATON 

White House press release dated September 17 

Last December [2] the President stated liis 
belief that there should be visual evidence of Pan- 
ama's titular sovereignty over the Panama Canal 
Zone. The President has now, as a voluntary and 
unilateral decision on the part of the Government 
of the United States, approved and directed the 
flying of the flag of the Republic of Panama 
together with the United States flag on a daily 
basis in Shaler Triangle in the Canal Zone. The 
President has authorized the American Ambas- 
sador, Joseph S. Farland, to make a public state- 
ment to this effect. 

The President hopes that his decision will dem- 
onstrate the continuing close bonds that exist 
between the peoples of the United States and the 
Republic of Panama and their Governments. 

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR FARLAND 

I am happy to announce that President Eisen- 
hower has, as a voluntary and unilateral decision 
on the part of the Government of the United 
States, approved the flying of the flag of the 
Republic of Panama together with the United 
States flag on a daily basis in Shaler Triangle in 
the Canal Zone. This decision is in reflection 
of the genuine friendship that exists between our 
Governments and peoples, and symbolizes close 
ties that unite us. 

TEXT OF U.S. NOTE 

Panama, R.P., September 17, 1960 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the 
desire heretofore expressed by the Government of 



558 



Department of State Bulletin 



the Republic of Panama to have the Panamanian 
flag flown in the Canal Zone. 

I am pleased to state that, after the highest con- 
sideration by my Government, I am instructed to 
inform you that as a further reflection of the gen- 
uine friendship existing between our two Govern- 
ments and peoples, my Government has deter- 
mined that as a voluntary act on the part of the 
United States, and in recognition of the titular 
sovereignty residing in the Republic of Panama 
with respect to the Canal Zone, the Panamanian 
flag will hereafter be flown together with the 
United States flag on a daily basis in the area 
known as Shalers Triangle in the Canal Zone. 
This determination is in no wise to be considered 
as modifying in any way the Treaties and Agree- 
ments in force between the United States and 
Panama. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

Joseph S. Farland 
His Excellency 
Rodrigo Miro G., 

Acting Minister of Foreign Relations, 
Panama. 



Secretary Benson Visits South America 
To Promote Market Development 

White House press release dated September 23 

At the request of the President, Secretary of 
Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson will visit several 
South American countries. The purpose of the 
trip is to promote development of markets for 
American farm products and will include good- 
will visits and a discussion of other trade matters. 

The Secretary and the President conferred on 
plans for the trip on September 23, after the 
President's return from New York, where he met 
with representatives of Latin American countries 
on September 22. The Secretary plans to leave 
for South America October 20. 

The South American visit is being made at this 
time in connection with the President's recently 
announced economic development program for 
South America J and the expanded food-for-peace 
program. 2 



Secretary Benson has made a series of successful 
agricultural trade- and market-development trips 
under a program agreed on early in the adminis- 
tration. 



Department Welcomes African 
Students to United States 

Remarks by Robert H. Thayer^ 

It is a very great privilege for me to be here to- 
night and to extend to you personally on behalf 
of the Department of State a very warm welcome 
to the United States. You have come here for a 
very important purpose, and in your coming there 
has been placed upon your shoulders and upon the 
shoulders of the people of America a very grave 
responsibility. 

You have come here for the purpose of acquiring 
the knowledge and skills that will equip you to help 
develop your countries very rapidly so that they 
may take their rightful place in the family of na- 
tions in this modern world. The universities and 
those involved in bringing you to these shores for 
this purpose have agreed to do everything in their 
power so that you can acquire this knowledge and 
these skills. 

We in America believe that we can perform this 
service to you effectively and speedily because we 
ourselves were once in the position in which your 
countries find themselves now — suddenly standing 
on your own feet on land rich in resources waiting 
to be developed with vast virgin territories sur- 
rounding you and with very few tools of practical 
value with which to get to work. Our ancestors 
many years ago set to work to acquire the knowl- 
edge and the skills to develop our country. That 
we succeeded in doing so I hope will be evident to 
you as you travel around this land of ours. 

Today the progress of science has made it possi- 
ble for our development to come a hundred times 
more rapidly than it did when the United States 
became free nearly 200 years ago. We know your 



'Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 166, and Aug. 29, 1960, 
p. 314. 
* For background, see ibid., Sept. 19, 1960, p. 449. 



'Made to the first group of African students arriving 
under airlift of the African-American Students Founda- 
tion, Inc., at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 15 (press release 
545). Mr. Thayer is Special Assistant to the Secretary of 
State for the Coordination of International Educational 
and Cultural Relations. 



October 10, 1960 



559 



need for speedy development; we sympathize with 
your desires to be quick in raising the standard of 
living of your peoples. We believe that here in 
this country you will find the basis on which you 
will be able to return to your countries and make 
the contributions which are so sorely needed there. 

But in addition to our desire to give every pos- 
sible assistance to you in your efforts to contribute 
to the development of your own countries, we have 
an objective that is even more important than that. 
This objective is to create a basis of mutual under- 
standing between the peoples of Africa and the 
peoples of the United States and a conviction that 
such a basis can only be established by our getting 
to know each other through having Africans come 
to the United States and Americans go to Africa 
in a constant exchange of people and of ideas. 
You have come here to go to our universities to 
study and to learn and to get everything that you 
possibly can out of America, but at the same time 
you can make just as great a contribution to us 
here in America as we may be able to make to you. 
Your presence here, your personal associations 
with American men and women, your visits to 
their homes, and your conversations with them 
about your own lives and customs and habits will 
enable Americans to have a clearer understanding 
of the people of Africa. This understanding is 
vital for the future welfare of the world because 
only on this type of mutual understanding can 
there be laid the foundations of lasting peace. 

You are going to find many curious things in 
this country and many things that you will not 
like. We are not perfect in spite of what they may 
tell you in any orientation courses they give you, 
but we are human beings in the same way that 
you are human beings. We have the same capac- 
ity for joy and sorrow, for love and for hate, for 
pleasure and anger as you have. Some of us you 
will like and some of us you will not like, but the 
important thing is for you to understand us and 
for us to understand you ; and your coming here 
and living among us for the months ahead is go- 
ing to make this possible. 

The concern of this Government is that you 
should see every facet of American life while you 
are here — the good and the bad — and that you 
should, in taking back to your country what we 
have to give, also take back with you more than 
a fair share of our friendship and fellowship as 
human beings. This Government's interest in you 



is nonpolitical. We in the Department of State 
don't care who you were for and who you were 
against when you lived in your own country. Nor 
do we care who you are for and who you are 
against while you are in this country. We are 
interested in you for yourselves as fellow humans. 

I am charged within the Department of State 
with the coordination of all programs of this coun- 
try in international education and cultural rela- 
tions and that includes the bringing of students 
from abroad to our schools and universities. By 
far the greatest number of students come here from 
abroad under the sponsorship, not of the Govern- 
ment, but of private organizations and institu- 
tions. The United States Government is a service 
organization. It tries to lead the way in our 
system of government for private activity and en- 
deavor in all fields. We are limited in our activity 
by the share of the taxpayers' money which Con- 
gress gives us, and we are more than delighted 
when nongovernment institutions and foundations 
can be persuaded to join us in a work which we 
believe is of vital importance if peace is to be 
maintained in the world. We in the State De- 
partment are proud that so large a contribution 
to our overall student scholarship program should 
come from private sources. For the energy and 
dynamic quality of so much of the economic, social, 
cultural, and educational activity which you will 
come to know and observe in the United States is 
privately inspired and privately supported. This 
means that much of the driving energy which 
makes America work and which has brought it to 
its present position of a world power comes from 
the people, not the Government. This is the very 
essence of democracy, of people learning how to do 
things themselves and undertaking the responsi- 
bility for doing these things. 

In a sense this is the very problem you Africans 
face in Africa today, that of learning how to as- 
sume massive responsibilities yourselves. I like 
to think that this is why so many of you have 
wanted to come to America to study, to better 
equip yourselves for the responsibilities of self- 
government and the economic security which you 
seek to provide for yourselves and your families. 
Thus, one of the first words of advice I would have 
for all of you is — as you settle down to your pro- 
grams of study in the United States — to see how 
many evidences you can observe of the dynamic 
quality of American life and how it is an indi- 



560 



Department of State Bulletin 



vidual-centered way of life in which so often 
individuals are responsible for the massive ac- 
complishments in housing, industry, education, 
and culture which we as a nation have made in 
just 350 years of history. 

I want every one of you here to know that the 
United States Government is prepared to help 
you to the best of its ability and to the limit of 
its available resources. I hope that every one of 
you here will not hesitate to communicate with me 
in room 3126 of the New State Building in Wash- 
ington at any time during your stay in this coun- 
try if there are any problems which you believe we 
can help you solve. My door is always open to 
you. We are delighted that you have come. We 
wish you the best of luck and the greatest success 
in your work here and hope that you will return 
to your countries well equipped for the important 
job that lies before you. 



Japanese Foreign Minister Confers 
With Secretary Herter 

Zentaro Kosaka, Foreign Minister of Japan, 
visited Washington September 11-13 en route 
to the 15th session of the U.N. General Assembly. 
Following is the text of a joint communique re- 
leased on September 13 at the conclusion of talks 
between Mr. Kosaka and Secretary Herter, to- 
gether with an exchange of letters between Presi- 
dent Eisenhower and Prime Minister Hayato 
Ikeda. 



JOINT COMMUNIQUE 

Press release 529 dated September 12 

Foreign Minister Kosaka conferred with Secre- 
tary of State Herter and Under Secretary [Liv- 
ingston T.] Merchant at the State Department 
this afternoon. Ambassador [Koichiro] Asakai, 
Assistant Secretary [J. Graham] Parsons and 
Ambassador [Douglas] MacArthur also partici- 
pated in the discussions. 

The Secretary and the Foreign Minister dis- 
cussed the international situation. They recog- 
nized the need of further collaboration on the part 
of all nations under the principles of the United 
Nations Charter in order to relax current inter- 
national tensions. They reaffirmed their convic- 



tion that consistent efforts should be continued by 
the two countries toward the realization of world 
peace in freedom and justice. 

Noting with satisfaction the traditional friendly 
relations existing between the United States and 
Japan in all fields, political, economic and cul- 
tural, the Secretary and the Foreign Minister 
agreed upon the importance of maintaining close 
cooperation between the two countries within the 
framework of their new Treaty of Mutual Coop- 
eration and Security. 1 

Recognizing the importance of the role to be 
played by the United Nations in the current inter- 
national situation, they exchanged views on vari- 
ous problems confronting the forthcoming session 
of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 

With respect to the problems of disarmament 
and the discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests, 
they reaffirmed the need for an early resumption 
of negotiations on general disarmament and also 
the necessity of an expeditious conclusion of a 
nuclear weapons test ban agreement incorporating 
provisions for effective international control. 

They exchanged views on various problems in 
Asia, and were agreed on the benefit of maintain- 
ing close contact and consultation on matters of 
mutual interest in the area. 

Both the Secretary and the Foreign Minister 
expressed their hope for a speedy improvement 
of Japanese-Korean relations. 

Matters of mutual interest concerning the 
Ryukyu Islands were also discussed. 

In view of the importance of mutual under- 
standing for the furtherance of American-Japa- 
nese friendship, it was agreed to promote further 
contacts and exchanges in the economic, cultural 
and scientific fields between the two countries. 

They expressed gratification that American- 
Japanese economic relations are growing closer 
through the expansion of trade on a mutually 
beneficial basis. It was also agreed that the trade 
between the two countries should expand in the 
future on a liberal and orderly basis. Exchang- 
ing views on the general problem of world econ- 
omy, they reaffirmed that international commerce 
should be developed according to the principle of 
non-discrimination. 

The Foreign Minister stated that Japan is 
drawing up and executing plans for liberalization 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Feb. 8, 1960, p. 184. 



October 10, 1960 



561 



of trade and foreign exchange, and that it is the 
intention of the Japanese Government to promote 
its liberalization programs as rapidly as circum- 
stances permit. This statement was welcomed by 
the Secretary of State who pointed out the im- 
portant bearing which rapid liberalization by 
Japan and other countries can have on the 
maintenance of a liberal trade policy by the 
United States. 

The Secretary and the Foreign Minister agreed 
that it is vitally necessary that the industrialized 
countries assist the economic advancement of the 
less developed countries, and that Japan and the 
other industrialized countries, as well as the 
United States, should continue to extend eco- 
nomic assistance according to their own economic 
capabilities. 



EXCHANGE OF LETTERS BETWEEN PRESIDENT 
EISENHOWER AND PRIME MINISTER IKEDA 

White House press release dated September 16 
President Eisenhower to Prime Minister Ikeda 

September 14, 1960 
Dear Mr. Prime Minister: I deeply appreci- 
ate the warm sentiment for the United States 
expressed in your personal letter to me which 
Foreign Minister Kosaka handed to Secretary 
Herter. 

The American people share with the vast ma- 
jority of Japanese the earnest wish for lasting 
American-Japanese friendship. Let me assure 
you that the American people fully understand 
the circumstances which led to the request by 
your government to postpone my visit to Japan. 
I share the regret, which you were kind enough 
to express, that the planned visit could not be 
carried out at that moment. But I assure you 
that the ties that link Japan and the United States 
are much too strong to be impaired by such 
momentary developments. 

Rather than dwelling unnecessarily on events 
of the past, I would prefer to stress my great con- 
fidence in the future of relations between our two 
countries. The partnership existing between 
Japan and the United States today is built on a 
solid foundation of common interest, mutual con- 
fidence, and mutual trust. I am certain that we 
can look forward with assurance to even closer 
ties between our two countries in the coming 



years. I trust, too, that at some future time I may 
have an opportunity to accept your cordial 
invitation. 

Sincerely, 

Dwight D. Eisenhower 

His Excellency 
Hayato Ikeda 

Prime Minister of Japan 

Prime Minister Ikeda to President Eisenhower ' 

My Dear Mr. President : It affords me the greatest 
of pleasure to send this personal letter to you by our 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Kosaka, who is visit- 
ing Washington to have a frank exchange of views on 
matters of mutual interest with your Secretary of State, 
Mr. Herter, and other leaders of your country, prior to 
attending the 15th General Assembly of the United 
Nations. 

I wish to express my profound regrets that the Japa- 
nese Government was compelled to ask you to postpone 
your visit to our shores in June and, at the same time, 
my deep gratitude for the sympathetic understanding 
shown by you, Mr. President, and by the American 
people, of the most unfortunate circumstances. I also 
wish to convey to you the deep feeling of friendship 
which the overwhelming majority of the Japanese people 
entertain toward you and the American people and our 
hopes that we shall be able to welcome you to our 
country in the near future. 

It is our affirmed policy to maintain and to develop 
the broad basis of cooperation and partnership between 
our two countries which have the common aim of a 
peace based on freedom and justice and the betterment 
of human welfare. I am firmly resolved to adhere to 
this basic policy and sincerely hope that the mutual 
understanding between our two peoples will be further 
strengthened and that our relations of goodwill and 
friendship will be further promoted. 

Finally, I wish to take this opportunity to express 
our sincere appreciation to you for extending a cordial 
invitation to Their Highnesses the Crown Prince and 
Crown Princess to visit your country. I am confident 
that their forthcoming visit to your country in this 
auspicious year which marks the centennial of Japan- 
United States relations will serve immeasurably toward 
further cementing the ties of friendship between our 
two peoples. 

With kindest personal regards and best wishes for 
your continued good health, 
Sincerely yours, 



Hayato Ikeda 



The Honorable 
Dwigut D. Eisenhower 
President of the United States 
of America 



1 The Prime Minister's letter was delivered to Secretary 
Herter on Sept 12. 



562 



Department of State Bulletin 



New Opportunities in Foreign Trade 



by Acting Secretary Dillon 1 



For more, than a quarter of a century the 
Foreign Traders Association of Philadelphia has 
been in the forefront of unremitting efforts, in 
which the Department of State has joined, to 
keep overseas markets open to American goods. 
You have consistently supported liberal trading 
policies designed to offer other nations fair and 
reasonable access to our own market. Such poli- 
cies are essential if our export trade is to grow 
and prosper. 

Today our export markets are more important 
to our country than ever before. We must expand 
them in our national interest. I know that we 
in Government can count on your association to 
join wholeheartedly with like-minded organiza- 
tions in the vigorous effort recently launched by 
President Eisenhower to sell more American 
products overseas and thus improve our balance- 
of-payments picture, create more American jobs, 
and stimulate the healthy growth of our own and 
other free economies. 

The international economic situation which con- 
fronts us today is completely different from that 
which existed at the close of World War II. In 
the immediate postwar period the United States 
was primarily interested in rebuilding the war- 
devastated economies of other free nations. With 
our help the countries of Western Europe were 
makinsr an organized effort to reconstruct. In 
the Far East the Japanese, also with our help, 
were rebuilding their industrial plant. Mean- 
while we were the only large-scale producers of 
manufactured goods for export. American prod- 
ucts virtually sold themselves to the extent that 



1 Address made before the Foreign Traders Association 
of Philadelphia at Philadelphia, Pa., on Sept. 15 (press 
release 544). Mr. Dillon received the annual award of 
the association on this occasion. 



other countries were able to pay for them. Our 
main concern then was the "dollar gap." 

We have now entered a new decade and a new 
trading era. The other industrialized free nations 
have reconstructed their economies, rebuilt their 
monetary reserves, and are competing strongly 
for world markets. This is a development we 
should welcome. The early postwar period, when 
we dominated the free world's economy, was 
clearly abnormal. Hence we directed our policy 
toward rebuilding the economies of the other 
countries of the free world. Success in this effort 
was essential, for a free world in which the U.S. 
alone enjoyed economic strength could not long 
survive. We can take justifiable pride in the re- 
surgent strength of our allies, for we helped to 
nourish it. 

Today, however, the international economic 
situation has greatly changed. The commercial 
export surplus of the United States for some 
years has not covered the foreign exchange costs 
of maintaining American soldiers, sailors, and air- 
men overseas, of expanding tourist expenditures, 
and of the flow of public and private funds abroad 
for investment and assistance. The result is a 
large deficit in our overall balance of payments. 

In 1958 the deficit amounted to $3,500,000,000. 
In 1959 it rose to $3,800,000,000. Figures for the 
first half of 1960 indicate that there will be a sub- 
stantial improvement in our payments situation, 
with the deficit reduced to about two and a half 
billion dollars. Even so, this is a larger deficit 
than we could sustain on a continuing basis. Al- 
though there is no cause for alarm, the United 
States must intensify its efforts to assure reason- 
able equilibrium in its balance of international 
payments over the years ahead. 

World trade is larger than ever before and con- 



October 10, 1960 



563 



tinues to expand. The United States must partic- 
ipate in this diversification of trade on a basis 
which will yield a sufficiently large export surplus 
to finance our essential overseas military expendi- 
tures, an adequate outflow of private American in- 
vestment capital, and the relatively small part of 
the economic and development assistance we pro- 
vide under the Mutual Security Program which 
affects our balance of payments. In short, a sub- 
stantial export surplus has become essential to 
our national security, to the achievement of our 
foreign policy objectives, and to our economic 
prosperity. 

Removing Discriminations Against American Goods 

A first and essential step to enlarge our exports 
has already been taken. This was to open world 
markets to the American trader by obtaining the 
removal of foreign discriminations against Amer- 
ican goods. The postwar need for such trade dis- 
crimination has now all but disappeared. The fi- 
nancial reserves of our important trading partners 
have been rebuilt to satisfactory and, in some 
cases, very high levels. We have therefore been 
able to make great progress in removing obstacles 
to our exports during the past year and a half. 
Let me cite some significant examples : 

• The United Kingdom has narrowed its dollar 
discriminations to the point where it continues to 
impose discriminatory controls against the dollar 
area on only 10 commodities. 

• Discrimination by France against industrial 
goods from the dollar area is now limited to only 
two products — ethylene glycol and cosmetics — al- 
though a number of agricultural items are still 
subject to quantitative restrictions which, in 21 
cases, discriminate against the dollar. 

• Italy has dropped roughly 1,000 items from 
the list of dollar goods requiring import licenses. 
Nevertheless controls are still maintained against 
a substantial number of tariff items from the 
dollar area. In view of the high level of Italian 
gold and dollar reserves, such discrimination is 
no longer justified. We are exerting every effort, 
both in direct discussions with the Italian Gov- 
ernment and through the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade, to see that these remaining 
restrictions are promptly eliminated. 

• The Federal Republic of Germany has re- 
moved the great majority of controls from indus- 



trial products, although it still maintains rather 
extensive restrictions on imports of agricultural 
products, some of which discriminate against the 
United States. This situation must be improved, 
and we are continuing our efforts to better it. 

• Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal, and 
Switzerland have virtually done away with 
discriminations. 

• Norway has withdrawn 400 commodities 
from a list of some 700 previously subject to im- 
port licenses. New automobile imports, including 
those from the United States, are to be liberalized 
next month. 

• Sweden, which retains discriminations on a 
few agricultural items, has recently added to the 
dollar import free list such products as cotton 
textiles and nylon products. 

• Japan has begun a program of liberalization 
to be spread out over the next several years. In 
view of Japan's rapidly improving financial situ- 
ation, however, a speedup in its present plans is 
both justified and required. 

• The Federation of Malaya and the State of 
Singapore have removed the last remaining im- 
port licensing discrimination against regular di- 
rect shipments from the dollar area. The Fed- 
eration of Rhodesia and Nyasaland has likewise 
removed the last vestiges of discrimination 
against dollar imports. 

Further trade liberalization measures have also 
been taken by the Governments of Australia, Aus- 
tria, Colombia, Finland, Ghana, Greece, Iceland, 
India, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, 
Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay. 

The effects of this extensive lowering of the 
bars against American products are already evi- 
dent in the substantial increase we have seen in 
our exports this year. The latest figures indicate 
a commercial export surplus for 1960 approach- 
ing $4 billion as compared with $1 billion last 
year. Although much of this improvement is due 
to the recovery of our cotton exports from ab- 
normally low levels and to sales of jet aircraft, 
a substantial amount- — possibly 25 percent of the 
estimated $3 billion improvement, or $750 mil- 
lion — can be fairly attributed to increased sales 
of items which previously had been hampered by 
discriminatory import restrictions. We are con- 
tinuing our efforts to eliminate the last vestiges 
of unjustified discrimination against our exports. 



564 



Department of State Bulletin 



We are confident that in the near future such 
discrimination will cease to be a significant ob- 
stacle to expanded trade. 

GATT Negotiations at Geneva 

In addition to our efforts to sweep away quan- 
titative restrictions which hamper our trade op- 
portunities, we are constantly working — as we 
have since the inception of our trade agreements 
program more than 25 years ago — to reduce tariff 
barriers. "We are, in fact, just entering upon what 
promises to be one of the most complex tariff 
conferences in which the United States has ever 
participated: the multilateral discussions which 
have just begun at Geneva within the framework 
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. 2 

We attach great importance to the current 
GATT meeting for two reasons : 

First, it offers us an opportunity for negotia- 
tions with the European Economic Community 
aimed at agreement on the lowest possible level for 
its new common external tariff. The importance 
of this aspect of the negotiations is reflected in 
the fact that the Community conducts one-fifth of 
the world's trade and is outranked only by Canada 
as a market for American goods. Last year trade 
between the United States and the six member 
countries of the Community [Belgium, France, 
Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxem- 
bourg, Netherlands] amounted to some $2,400,- 
000,000 in each direction. I can assure you that 
we are keenly aware of the importance to our 
American exporters of tariff levels which will 
give them continued access to this important mar- 
ket. To the extent that we succeed at Geneva in 
obtaining reductions in the new external tariff, 
we will narrow the differential between it and the 
duty-free treatment which goods produced within 
the Community will receive when internal tariffs 
are eliminated. 

The second reason we consider this conference 
important arises out of our substantial success in 
obtaining the relaxation of quantitative restric- 
tions, including discriminatory restrictions, 
against our trade. As more and more of these re- 
strictions are dismantled, we can focus on customs 
tariffs as the princif>al remaining factor impeding 
our access to many foreign markets. By offering 



2 Bulletin of Sept. 19, 1960, p. 453. 
October 10, 1960 

565893—60 3 



carefully selected concessions in our own tariffs 
in exchange for tariff concessions from other 
countries that will benefit our exports, we can 
create further opportunities for the expansion of 
free-world trade on a mutually advantageous 
basis. 

The concessions we will offer in our own tariffs 
will be determined only after the most intensive 
study by our Tariff Commission and after full 
consideration of the viewpoints of interested do- 
mestic producers. We plan to make greater use 
of public advisers in the Geneva negotiations than 
we have in the past. We will have more industry 
advisers at Geneva, as well as a large group of 
business consultants on call in Washington. All 
of these arrangements should insure that we will 
obtain at least as much as we give during the 
negotiations and that no domestic industry will 
sustain serious injury as a result of new tariff 
concessions. 

While we are discussing imports, I would like 
briefly to mention a subject on which there has 
been some misunderstanding. This is our national 
policy of promoting private American investment 
in the newly developing areas in order to speed 
their development and thus reduce demands on 
our public funds. I have heard it alleged that 
the Department of State encourages the. construc- 
tion of plants in foreign lands by American busi- 
ness which are expressly designed to undercut 
domestic plans in the American market. 

Nothing could be further from the truth. 

In our view industrialists who erect plants 
abroad usually do so because of sound economic 
considerations based on worldwide market possi- 
bilities and not for the purpose of disrupting the 
American market or for competing unfairly with 
domestic producers. Actually I believe that there 
are very few, if any, cases in which Americans 
have invested abroad with the primary purpose of 
undercutting domestic manufacturers in our home 
market. I believe that American capital which 
flows abroad does so for the purpose of better 
serving foreign markets. 

In any event I want to assure you most em- 
phatically that the Department of State does not 
favor the use of American capital to build plants 
in foreign countries which are designed specif- 
ically to produce for the American market. 

To return to our exporters: The extent to which 

565 



they take advantage of new opportunities opened 
by the removal of discriminatory restrictions 
abroad will depend upon how vigorous an effort 
American business makes to sell its products in 
world markets against increasingly keen compe- 
tition. This is a competition which American 
business should welcome. As the leading pro- 
ponents of the benefits of a system of free enter- 
prise, our businessmen are now, in their own and 
in the Nation's interest, called upon to put their 
principles into practice with greater vigor than 
ever before. I am sure they will not be found 
wanting. To assist I hem, government is moving 
as never before in our history to facilitate exports. 

Export Expansion Program 

This new partnership between business and 
government was announced in a special message 
to Congress from President Eisenhower last 
March. 3 The three Federal agencies most directly 
concerned — the Department of Commerce, the 
Department of State, and the Export-Import 
Bank — have already made considerable progress 
in carrying it out. I can assure you that we in 
government are giving the program high priority. 
I hope that business will also approach it with a 
sense of urgency and national purpose. The pro- 
gram calls for integrated and coordinated efforts 
both at home and abroad. These are its key 
elements : 

The Department of Commerce is seeking to 
stimulate the interest of U.S. business in export 
trade and, in particular, to encourage firms which 
have not previously entered foreign markets to 
explore the potentialities of export sales. Special 
attention is being given to smaller and medium- 
sized firms. The Department of Commerce is also 
improving and expanding its export trade services 
in such ways as these: better techniques for in- 
forming U.S. firms of trade opportunity leads, 
analysis of major competitive weaknesses of U.S. 
exports, information on foreign economic and 
trade conditions, practical advice designed to help 
American firms get into the export business, and 
increased efforts to improve personal contact with 
American businessmen through the Department's 
domestic field offices. 

The Department of State is devoting greater ef- 



3 For text, see ihiil., Apr. 11, 10G0, p. 560. 
566 



forts to assisting U.S. business to find and com- 
pete for export markets and is building up its staff 
of commercial officers overseas. These officers 
have been directed to increase their efforts to iden- 
tify and report sales opportunities for American 
goods, to travel more widely in their areas of as- 
signment, to give more personal attention to visit- 
ing businessmen, to attend bid openings to the 
extent practicable, and to encourage use of U.S. 
standards and specifications. 

The Department of State is able to report con- 
crete results from its stepped-up program of as- 
sistance to American business. For example, the 
flow of reports from our posts abroad on trade 
opportunities for American exporters is already 
one-third higher than last year. 

For the first time the Export-Import Bank is 
now providing export guaranties of noncommer- 
cial risks for short-term transactions. Addition- 
ally, the Bank has expanded and improved its 
credit and comprehensive guaranty facilities for 
medium-term export transactions. These new 
facilities will supplement, rather than compete 
with, private banking institutions. 

The Department of Agriculture is also expand- 
ing its agriculture trade promotion activities to 
further increase the sale of American farm prod- 
ucts abroad. 

Promotion of travel to the United States is being 
given additional emphasis. 

Important as they are, these improvements are 
merely a beginning. Full implementation of the 
export program calls for improved facilities and 
additional increases in the staffs of the agencies 
concerned. Accordingly, the President requested 
from the Congress a supplemental appropriation 
to the 1961 budget of the Department of State 
which would have permitted a substantial and 
early buildup in the number of American com- 
mercial officers abroad, as well as supporting local 
staff. Because the Congress appropriated only 
a portion of the funds requested, our staff increase 
this fiscal year will not be as large as originally 
planned. We propose, however, to provide for its 
continued expansion in our regular budgets for 
fiscal year 1962 and subsequent years. The addi- 
tion of new commercial officers will make it pos- 
sible to provide more extensive facilities abroad 
to service United States business seeking export 
markets. 

Department of State Bulletin 



Another means of stimulating our exports will 
be the establishment of permanent overseas trade 
centers where American products can be exhibited 
for sale. Such government-operated trade centers 
were contemplated for London and Bangkok. We 
chose these two contrasting cities because we knew 
we could gain valuable experience operating trade 
centers both in a highly industrialized area and in 
a relatively underdeveloped one — experience 
which would be of great assistance in launching 
similar centers in other areas. However, the con- 
gressional appropriation approved for the Com- 
merce and State Departments will permit only one 
of these centers to be started during this fiscal year. 

The export expansion program as a whole is 
designed to supply American businessmen with 
services and facilities comparable to those now 
available to their competitors in other countries. 
We seek to provide the tools that will enable small 
business concerns which have never before ex- 
ported their products to enter this competitive 
field with a reasonable chance to make a profit. 

If we succeed in our new program of export 
promotion, we will gain benefits going far beyond 
the improvement we must achieve in our balance 
of payments. We will benefit labor by providing 
more and better jobs, and we will help business by 
increasing output and profit opportunity. 

Equally important is the fact that larger Amer- 
ican exports will help the countries with which 
we trade. The importance of trade in expanding 
and strengthening the economy of the entire free 
world was made abundantly clear during a con- 
ference held at Bogota to discuss the problems of 
growth in Latin America, from which I returned 
only yesterday. 4 

I had the honor of presenting to the conference 
President Eisenhower's new program for social 
and economic development for Latin America. 
The program was universally acclaimed, and the 
conference successfully charted the way for a great 
cooperative attack on underdevelopment in the 
spirit of Operation Pan America, first proposed 
by President Kubitschek of Brazil 2 years ago. 5 

At the conference we discussed all aspects of 
development. We joined together in recognizing 



' Ibid., Oct. 3, I960, p. 533. 
6 Hid., June 30, 1958, p. 1090. 



the overriding importance to all our countries of 
economic advancement in Latin America. Our 
Latin friends also make it clear that they consider 
trade to be equally as important to the success of 
this effort as financial assistance from abroad. 
The economic growth of the Latin American 
countries is also important to our own prosperity. 
For, as the underprivileged in Latin America and 
other parts of the free world attain higher stand- 
ards of living and greater purchasing power, they 
will become increasingly more important custom- 
ers of the United States. 

Our interest in expanding mutually advanta- 
geous trade with other nations, particularly in the 
underdeveloped areas, has far more than commer- 
cial implications. The aim of our foreign trade 
policy should be to develop an international en- 
vironment favorable to the expansion of inter- 
national economic and political freedom. Other 
nations cannot be forced or bribed into adopting 
our system of economic freedom. Through trad- 
ing with us, they can come to see the advantages 
of freedom and to choose that way for themselves. 
We can best influence the conduct of world trade 
by our own example, by demonstrating through 
our actions that we rely on free markets to keep 
us economically strong. That is the best and, in 
fact, the only way we can build an environment 
favorable to economic freedom. 



U.S. Recognizes Republic of Mali 
and Republic of Senegal 

White House press release dated September 24 

The United States announced on September 24 
its recognition of the Eepublic of Mali and the 
Eepublic of Senegal. 

The United States designated its consulate at 
Bamako as the U.S. Embassy in Mali. 

The President has indicated his intention to 
appoint Henry S. Villard, who was formerly ap- 
pointed Ambassador to the Federation of Mali, 
as the first Ambassador to the Eepublic of Senegal, 
subject to the approval of the Senegalese Govern- 
ment. 

Pending the arrival at Bamako of a U.S. am- 
bassador to the Eepublic of Mali, the former con- 
sul in Bamako, John Gunther Dean, will act as 
Charge d'Affaires. 



October 10, 1960 



567 



New Economic Horizons 



hij W. Randolph Burgess 

U.S. Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic Council 1 



We live today in a world where each morning 
seems to bring some new eruption or explosion 
upon the international scene. Almost every one 
of these could — if unchecked — spell disaster for 
the rest of us. 

Added to the political and military dangers is 
an economic threat. Bankers know how quickly 
a Peron or a Castro can destroy slowly and pains- 
takingly built economic values, and they also 
know the cost of rebuilding in any country the 
base for a tolerable standard of living. 

We are thus all vitally interested in diagnosing 
the causes of the strange malaise from which our 
world is now suffering, and in searching out the 
possible cures. 

For the diagnosis, let me suggest that the erup- 
tion in the Congo and its parallel in Cuba and 
elsewhere reflect two great explosive forces. One 
of these we may call explosion from within, due 
to natural forces such as : the blasting of old limi- 
tations of distance and communications; new rates 
of growth of population; certain pervasive social, 
political, and economic ideas. One of the most 
potent of these forces is the time-honored prin- 
ciple of freedom, for which America stands as a 
symbol; but it is often pursued blindly. Peoples 
have broken old patterns and allegiances and have 
formed new nations ; and in some cases they have 
plunged themselves into chaotic disorder. 

The other great force is external pressure from 
the East, where the Communist powers have 
arisen not only with twisted ideas of man and his 
destiny but with openly declared ambition to 
dominate the rest of the world. They back this 



1 Address made before the American Bankers Associa- 
tion at New York, N.Y., on Sept. 21 (press release 551 
dated Sept. 20). 



568 



up with mechanisms which could destroy the civi- 
lized world. 

They would prefer to convert the old countries 
of the free world as well as these new nations by 
propaganda, by subversion, by economic induce- 
ments ; but they do not exclude the use of force to 
conquer where they cannot convert. 

All of this is alarming and challenging, for the 
future of humanity is at stake. 

To meet this threat has called for new thinking, 
new institutions, and dedicated leadership. 

The powers of the new science and the dreadful 
speed and force of military power have outgrown 
the old mechanisms and many of the established 
processes of governments. For example, we can- 
not ever again wait until war is upon us before we 
assemble and train our armies and coordinate our 
plans with others. Any future war may — and 
probably will — be won or lost by the forces in 
being when the shooting starts. 

Above all, we have found that no nation is strong 
enough to "go it alone," and we have therefore 
recognized the need for international associations 
to improve our understanding of each other and 
increase our ability to act together quickly. 

In recent weeks there have been dramatic proofs 
of the necessity for joint international action. 
That was the only practicable way of dealing with 
the outburst in the Congo. 2 No single country 
could take the responsibility alone without grave 
risk of war. But the United Nations could act 
with much less danger. If there had been no 
United Nations, some such organ would have to be 
created. This recent experience has, however, re- 
emphasized the limitations along with the strong 
points of the United Nations. 



3 For background, see p. 583. 

Department of Slate Bulletin 



Again, in Cuba, it has been found essentia] to 
bring to bear on that perplexing problem the joint 
judgment of all the American states through the 
OAS [Organization of American States]. 3 The 
■weight of the combined public opinion of neighbor 
countries is a great influence; in fact, it is the best 
known substitute for armed intervention. 

So we have developed from sheer necessity, as 
well as from more idealistic motives, a series of 
international organizations to deal with different 
problems, and they are proving their worth. 

Defense 

Let us take a brief look at some of them. First 
at NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization]. 
It came into being 11 years ago for the protection 
of the Atlantic Community from the threat of 
Soviet aggression. This threat had been made 
vividly clear by the takeover of Czechoslovakia 
and the Berlin blockade in 1948. 

The NATO alliance has succeeded completely 
in its primary objective of preserving peace. It 
has done so by developing an effective military 
force, which it is ready to use at a moment's notice 
if any of the members are attacked. The com- 
bined power of the NATO partners is very great; 
the alliance has provided a convincing deterrent 
against aggression. NATO has stopped the west- 
ward march of communism in Europe. 

It should be noted also that this alliance of 15 
nations has proved invaluable for uses other than 
the purely military, particularly for consultation 
on the many puzzling and widespread political 
problems of today : disarmament, Germany and 
Berlin, relations with the Soviets, Cyprus, as well 
as scientific and economic matters. This consulta- 
tion means better mutual understanding and a 
lessening of conflicting interests, hence, much more 
effective action, both jointly and separately. 

To hold 15 countries together in both action and 
spirit, where all votes must be unanimous, requires 
vision and elasticity on the part of the govern- 
ments and sympathetic understanding on the part 
of the public of these countries. 

It is noteworthy and encouraging that the tor- 
rents of threats and false accusations which the 
Soviets launch from time to time in the hope of 
splitting the alliance asunder have had exactly the 



3 For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 12, 1960, p. 395. 
October 10, 1960 

565S93 — 60 4 



opposite effect — have, in fact, bound it more closely 
and firmly together. 

Meantime we and other members of the alliance 
are constantly searching for every possible avenue 
lo reach properly safeguarded agreements with 
t he Soviet Union for reducing the arms race — thus 
far in vain, but we shall keep on trying. 

Economic Agencies 

The problem of preserving our Western civili- 
zation and keeping the less developed countries 
from communism or chaos is far more than mili- 
tary. It is political, social, educational, and es- 
pecially economic. Economic disorder in new 
countries is highly dangerous and invites the So- 
viet economic offensive to move in through a wide- 
open door. 

To meet this challenge the United States has 
done much individually. But even more effective 
is what we and our Western partners have done 
together through international cooperation. 

Among the first and best of these agencies have 
been the International Bank for Reconstruction 
and Development and the International Monetary 
Fund, which now include in their membership 
more than 60 countries of the free world. 

The World Bank has, during its nearly 15 years 
of existence, made loans — mostly medium- and 
long-term — of $4.9 billion, of which $620 million 
has been repaid. The International Monetary 
Fund has made advances of $3.5 billion, of which 
$2.4 billion has been repaid. 

But these figures, important as they are, are by 
no means the entire achievement of these organiza- 
tions. Behind every advance of money has been 
a thorough and continuing analysis of the eco- 
nomic problems of the borrower and a mutual 
agreement on sound programs. These interna- 
tional institutions, with their international staffs, 
can give advice and make requirements which 
would be utterly unacceptable to the recipients if 
they came from any single country. The heart of 
the formula is mutual participation. 

The countries which have worked together as 
partners in these institutions have received a lib- 
eral and convincing education in the economic facts 
of life and have together built a solid economic 
basis for resistance to the insidious approaches 
of communism. 

Today the work of the International Bank is 
being strengthened by the addition of a subsidiary 



569 



for special types of lending, the International De- 
velopment Association. Also the now Inter-Amer- 
ican Development Bank will follow the same prin- 
ciples. The technical assistance agency of the 
United Nations has been strengthened. In Europe 
t!ie Common Market and the Free Trade Area have 
been developed. Each one of these has arisen in 
response to a particular need. 

A New Atlantic Initiative 

Also in response to an evident need, and of spe- 
cial interest today, is a new overall economic or- 
ganization of the Atlantic Community, just com- 
ing into being. It is called the OECD — the Or- 
ganization for Economic Cooperation and De- 
velopment — in which for the first time the U.S.A. 
and Canada will be full members along with 18 
European countries. 

This new project had its beginning in 1947 with 
the Marshall plan. For that purpose, the Euro- 
pean countries, at the suggestion of the United 
States, organized themselves to work with us. 
Our common purpose was the revival of war- 
ravaged Europe. 

Thus was born the OEEC [Organization for 
European Economic Cooperation]. This body 
proved so useful that it was put to work on many 
problems, particularly that of reducing trade 
barriers so that goods might flow more freely 
among the countries of Europe, It gradually 
enlarged its operations to include a wide range of 
successful consultation on economic trends and 
policies. It has helped build a sound base for the 
brilliant postwar recovery of Europe and its recent 
economic growth and prosperity. 

With the reduction of trade barriers, the trade 
among the members of the OEEC has tripled since 
1947, and it should be noted that the trade of these 
countries with America has also tripled. Our 
sharing in the new European prosperity has, I 
believe, fully repaid us as a nation for our expendi- 
tures on the Marshall plan. 

This European revival has, as expected, stiffened 
competition ; but the tremendous increase in trade 
volume and trade opportunities for American 
business has more than offset some inevitable 
adjustments and even hardships. 

The United States and Canada, while not mem- 
bers, have participated as associates in various 
activities of the OEEC. But that is not enough 
to meet today's increasing economic challenge. 



The economic problems we are now facing are 
essentially problems for the whole Atlantic Com- 
munity. 

We in this country have come to believe that 
Europe, recovered from depression and growing 
economically stronger every month, could share 
with us more fully than heretofore in the respon- 
sibility for dealing with the new economic demands 
from other parts of the world. Europe can now 
afford to put up a larger share of the funds, as well 
as technical, scientific, and educational assistance. 
Also a broad partnership offers the best protection 
to all concerned against trade discrimination. 

So last December, in Paris, President Eisen- 
hower proposed the reorganization of the OEEC 
with full American participation. 4 This initiative 
was greeted enthusiastically by all the countries of 
Western Europe. 

The 20 governments concerned (with represent- 
atives of the Common Market "communities"^ 
organized a working "Group of Four" to draw up 
plans and a charter. 5 This "Group of Four" con- 
sisted of representatives of France from the 
Common Market countries, the United Kingdom 
from the Free Trade Area, Greece from the other 
European countries, and the United States pre- 
siding. This "Group of Four'' made its report in 
2y 2 months. 

After careful review the 20 governments agreed 
in July on the principles of the reconstituted 
organization and selected Dr. Thorkil Kristensen, 
former Finance Minister of Denmark, a distin- 
guished economist and statesman, as Secretary 
General. He is now at work with various tech- 
nical committees to complete the plans of opera- 
tion and the charter so that it will be ready for 
parliaments and our Congress to ratify next year. 

The name contains the word "development" as 
well as cooperation. The organization will look 
outward as well as inward. It will be concerned, 
as was its predecessor, with the economic strength 
and growth of its members, but it will also seek to 
contribute to sound economic growth of the less 
developed countries. 

One of its tasks will be the attempt to resolve 



* For text of a special communique issued at Paris on 
Dec. 21, 1959, at the close of a meeting of the Heads of 
State and Government of France, Germany, the United 
Kingdom, and the United States, see ibid., Jan. 11, I960, 
p. 43. 

''Ibid., Feb. 1. 1960, p. 146. and Feb. 15, 1960, p. 264. 



570 



Department of State Bulletin 



the trade problems which result from the estab- 
lisliment of the Common Market and the Free 
Trade Area, while protecting the interests of the 
United States and other countries not members 
of either group. 

So this expanded international partnership 
should take an important part in bringing to bear 
more effectively the joint power of the Western 
nations on the vital undertaking of insuring a 
peaceful and prosperous world wherein we, our 
children, and grandchildren can continue to enjoy 
"Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." 

I firmly believe that it is only by such united 
effort that our free way of life can survive. 

Some of you may have become discouraged 
with international cooperation through listening 
to long and apparently fruitless debates in the 
United Nations or by reading of clashes and dif- 
ferences of opinion in international agencies. 
The machinery may seem too cumbersome, prog- 
ress too slow. Of course, in contrast with the 
swift, ruthless conduct of a dictatorship, it is slow 
and cumbersome. 

The methods of these organizations are, after 
all, the methods of democracy, and democracy 
does work both here at home and in these inter- 
national organizations. The test is the very great 
successes which have been achieved. In fact, we 
must make these agencies work, for they offer in 
many fields the best means both of protecting our 
own national interests and moving toward a more 
prosperous and stable world. 

Paying the Bill 

You and I, as bankers, are concerned with 
another aspect of the question. How are we going 
to pay for these programs ? 

Let me say that, in terms of money, the pro- 
grams I have described do not add up to a very 
large sum. When you work in partnership with 
other countries, you get a lot more for your money. 

A large and increasing proportion of the 
money that is spent through the organisms is in 
the form of loans, and the money comes back. 
Many of the dollars, moreover, used in this way 
are spent in the United States, employ American 
labor, and do not strain our balance of payments. 

Also it is worth noting that our total expendi- 
tures on so-called foreign aid have been declining 
in relation to our capacity, as measured by our 
gross national product. In the early fifties, mu- 



tual security appropriations were over 2 percent 
of our gross national product. They are now less 
than 1 percent. 

I should stress here that the amounts the Presi- 
dent has requested for military and economic aid 
are a minimum essential. When they are cut, our 
chances of success are hurt. 

There is, of course, the problem of our balance 
of payments, about which much has been written. 
Without attempting a full analysis of this prob- 
lem, I want to state my own view that our balance- 
of -payments problem is not primarily a question of 
our government expenditures abroad but is largely 
a result of our fiscal, monetary, price, and cost 
policies at home, which affect the broad swing of 
our economy and our competitive position. If we 
keep order in our own house by sound govern- 
ment, sound business, and sound labor policies, we 
shall unquestionably be able to do our full share 
in meeting our external economic responsibilities. 
Furthermore, with the recovery of Europe, our 
partners are gradually taking a larger share of 
the burden. 

Our Task 

This is the open season for criticism, but let us 
look fairly and squarely at the record. Let us see 
how far we have come since the dark days of the 
war. Our nonpartisan record of foreign policy 
over the past 15 years has, in the main, been sound 
and effective — one in which we can take pride. 
The Western World is stronger, more secure, more 
prosperous, more united than anyone could fairly 
have predicted 15 years ago. 

The United States, by virtue of its past record 
and by reason of its strength, is still the free 
world's recognized leader, no matter what you 
may be told to the contrary. We must continue 
to be worthy of that challenge and that 
responsibility. 

Let me close by suggesting that bankers have 
a special interest in the various ways by which we 
as Americans are meeting that challenge in part- 
nership with our friends and neighbors : 

First, because the banking business is greatly 
benefited by the world background of economic 
growth and stability, which are the very objec- 
tives of these international organizations ; 

Second, because a good many bankers have been 
called on to give personal leadership in these agen- 



October 10, 1960 



571 



cies and have rendered constructive and distin- 
guished service; 

Third, because the banking community as a 
whole by training and experience is particularly 
well qualified to understand the complex issues 
involved ; 

Finally, because bankers have unusual oppor- 
tunities for passing on to others their own under- 
standing of these too frequently misunderstood 
questions — and it is only through the support and 



participation of an informed public that our inter- 
national programs can succeed. 

So I put forward my suggestions this morning, 
not as matters of abstract interest but rather as 
matters which concern each of you personally and 
vitally and in which you can take a constructive 
part. 

What we do today will influence the course of 
history and the welfare of our country for years 
to come. 



Economic Interdependence in the Free World 



by Charles W. Adair, Jr. 

Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs 1 



The concept of interdependence is of course a 
familiar one to the chemical industry. Your in- 
dustry is characterized by essential interrelation- 
ships among products and among segments of 
industry. Coal tar, which is the starting point 
for many of your products, is a byproduct of the 
manufacture of coke. The production level of 
coke depends on the demands of the steel industry. 
Thus, fluctuations in your raw material supply 
result from developments in a quite different seg- 
ment of industry. Coal tar is the raw material 
for an infinite variety of derivatives, many of 
which can also be produced on a commercial basis 
from other raw materials. Some of these coal tar 
products in turn are intermediates for still fur- 
ther elaboration through chemical reactions, 
whether the production is for medicinals or dyes 
or plastics or a myriad of other uses. 

The demand for any of these products may de- 
pend on developments in a quite different section 
of industry, as is strikingly illustrated by the 
plastics industry itself. With nearly 20 percent 
of plastics produced in the United States in 1959 
going into building construction, the plastics area 
of the chemical industry has come to have a large 



1 Address made before the Plastics Group of the Manu- 
facturing Chemists Association at Osterville, Mass., on 
Sept. 8. 



and growing stake in the building industry, 
which, in turn, is recognized as one of the prime 
indicators of overall economic activity. 

Just as interdependence is a key factor in 
chemical production, so it is in the world eco- 
nomic situation as we move into the 1960's. In 
an interdependent world, nations cannot ignore 
their mutual duties and obligations. As with in- 
dividual persons in our community life, the more 
fortunate nations must be more responsible. In 
the United States and a few other countries, 
mostly in Western Europe, we find the highest 
standard of living which the world has ever seen. 
In some countries, especially in Africa, Asia, and 
the Near East, we unfortunately find great and 
widespread poverty. In most of these less de- 
veloped areas the yearnings for independence and 
economic advancement are inseparable. It is 
clear that the more favored nations cannot con- 
tinue to move ahead or even continue to survive 
if they ignore the privation, disease, insecurity, 
and frustrations of subsistence living. Our duties 
may seem to involve some self-sacrifice and ex- 
pense which we would like to avoid, but fail- 
ing to do the necessary things would be more 
expensive. 

This is not to imply that in our thinking or in 
our actions the desires of others should always be 



572 



Department of State Bulletin 



controlling factors. Our first duty is to promote 
our own national interest. But the advancement 
of our interest very often lies in cooperation with 
others. For example, if we maintain high barriers 
to trade, other nations must do the same. The cost 
to us is less international trade and higher domestic 
prices. Similarly, if we do not assist peoples 
clamoring for higher living standards, we can be 
assured they will attempt to raise those standards 
through methods which might clearly be detri- 
mental to our interests. We cannot afford to act 
exclusively on the basis of short-term selfish gains. 

Economic Development 

Let us look for a moment at the problem of 
economic development, for it is the greatest 
economic problem facing the free world today. 
As a general proposition economic development 
cannot be a bootstrap operation. Our own 
economic development was stimulated and facil- 
itated by Great Britain and other Western 
European countries whose investors provided 
financing in the early years of our country. Only 
as the United States grew and prospered was it 
able to finance its own continuing development. 
Eventually the United States became an exporter 
of capital to other countries, with mutual benefit 
to both exporter and importer. 

In recent years some of the more advanced 
countries have developed to the point of being 
able to provide their own needs for investment 
capital, and some are able to export capital to less 
developed countries. This growing ability to 
finance foreign economic development is important 
because in great areas of the world — Africa, 
Asia, the Near East, and Latin America — masses 
of people are living on a bare subsistence level. 
Vast amounts of capital are needed to provide 
public services, to increase production, and to give 
hope of better living for growing populations. 
These needs we cannot ignore, and it would be 
foolhardy to try. 

The amounts needed are so great that it is es- 
sential that we utilize all available resources, both 
public and private. The United States Govern- 
ment is continually working to see how this may 
best be done. In the last year or two we have 
taken a number of actions in both sectors. In the 
public sector, we promoted the doubling of the 
capitalization of the World Bank. In the inter- 
national field, we sponsored the establishment of 



the Development Assistance Group with a view to 
coordinating and increasing the flow of capital 
from free-world countries. Further efforts on our 
part are reflected in the creation of the Develop- 
ment Loan Fund and United States participation 
in the newly established International Develop- 
ment Association and the Inter- American Devel- 
opment Bank. In the recent session of Congress 
an administration-backed program of $600 million 
for economic development in Latin America was 
approved. 

We have continually attempted to mobilize all 
sources of foreign capital to help meet the enor- 
mous need. Several free-world nations are fur- 
nishing increasing amounts of foreign assistance. 
For example, France and Great Britain, consider- 
ing their smaller per capita wealth, are making 
available quantities of aid comparable to that of 
the United States. 

Encouragement of Private Investment 

As to the private sector, we believe that the 
financial and technical resources of American pri- 
vate enterprise should be drawn on as much as 
possible in order to sustain and accelerate the 
process of free-world economic growth. Because 
private investment serves as an integral and major 
component of economic development in the less 
developed countries, it merits every reasonable 
encouragement by the United States Government. 

Experience has demonstrated that, even without- 
special incentives, a sizable amount of private 
investment will flow to industrialized countries. 
Historically United States investment abroad has 
been heavily concentrated in Latin America, Can- 
ada, and Western Europe with much less going 
to the less developed countries of Africa, Asia, 
and the Middle East. In many of the less de- 
veloped countries there are formidable obstacles 
to private investment, and governmental assist- 
ance is indicated as a means of increasing the flow. 

In the last year the United States Government 
has taken a number of steps to maximize the con- 
tribution of the private sector of the United States 
economy in developing countries. 

First, the Government has provided increased 
technical assistance to build up local private sec- 
tors in less developed countries as a basis for and 
a complement to outside private investment. We 
have good reason to believe, on the basis of our 
experience to date, that many of the developing 



October 10, 1960 



573 



countries are now prepared to move more rapidly 
than heretofore with programs to encourage pri- 
vate enterprise. 

Second, the Government has provided direct 
dollar lending through the Export-Import Bank 
and the Development Loan Fund. It has also 
loaned local currency proceeds of sales of surplus 
agricultural commodities under P.L. 480 [Agri- 
cultural Trade Development and Assistance Act] 
agreements. In addition we have given support 
to foreign development banks, expanded govern- 
mental guaranty and insurance programs, and 
encouraged participation by private financing 
facilities in lending programs of the U.S. Gov- 
ernment and international financing organizations. 

Third, in the field of taxation the Government 
has continued its program of negotiating income- 
tax treaties. We have also vigorously supported 
proposed legislation to provide deferral of tax on 
income earned in less developed countries until 
the earnings are distributed in the United States. 

Fourth, through its program of negotiating 
commercial treaties and through the activities of 
its diplomatic and consular posts abroad, the Gov- 
ernment seeks to define and secure the rights of 
Americans investing overseas. Arid when these 
rights are violated, we attempt to insure that every- 
thing possible is done to protect the investor. 

These are merely a few of the many measures 
the Government is taking to encourage private 
participation in the economies of developing coun- 
tries. The Department of Commerce performs 
many valuable services to companies interested 
in investing abroad, with which most of you no 
doubt are familiar. 

It is expected that some may question whether 
such measures do not result in impairment of 
United States export trade. However, experience 
has shown that with increased development in a 
country its capacity for international trade in- 
creases. Accordingly, aid to less developed coun- 
tries, far from damaging our exports, will in the 
long run result in increased market opportunities 
for American exporters, for the demand for goods 
is bound to grow as incomes in the less developed 
countries increase. 

These are some of the facilities which the 
United States Government offers to private busi- 
ness organizations or individuals desiring to in- 
vest abroad. The decision whether to move into 
foreign fields is, of course, one for the investor to 



make for himself. In some cases the decision, for 
sound business reasons, will be to organize or par- 
ticipate in foreign ventures. In many other cases, 
when all circumstances are fully evaluated, pro- 
duction in the United States for export abroad 
will be seen to be the most advantageous solution. 

In any event, private enterprise could not carry 
alone the enormous responsibility, today or in 
the near future, for providing the capital needed 
by the less developed countries of the free world. 
Governmental assistance — not from the United 
States alone by any means — will be needed for 
such "economic overhead" projects as roads, dams, 
and harbor development and for continued techni- 
cal assistance in such fields as health, education, 
agriculture, monetary policy, and public adminis- 
tration. In addition there is a continuing need 
for aid to economies where the threat of Commu- 
nist aggression or subversion may act as a special 
deterrent to private investment. Generally the 
results of a program of economic development 
will be slow and unspectacular. But we must 
not be discouraged by the difficult and unreward- 
ing aspects of the task. The stakes are high, and a 
long and continuing effort will be required in the 
years ahead. 

It has been pointed out here earlier that eco- 
nomic development improves foreign trade pros- 
pects. Nevertheless the full potential of trade is 
not realizable without some effort. On the part of 
the developing country itself, there may be serious 
problems in seeking to expand markets for its 
traditional products and to diversify its exports as 
well. In the more advanced countries American 
private enterprise must be alert to develop new 
markets. Wherever there are thriving markets 
for American goods, there you will find that Amer- 
ican private enterprise is making a real selling 
effort. Nevertheless there are some areas where 
our well-advertised Yankee salesmanship is not 
living up to its reputation. The world market 
situation has changed very greatly since World 
War II, and in some cases it appears that Ameri- 
can businessmen have not reassessed their earlier 
marketing patterns. 

The industrial nations of the free world have 
reconstructed their economies and are now com- 
peting strongly for world markets. The old "dol- 
lar gap" has disappeared. The United States still 
exports more than it imports, but our export sur- 
plus dwindled in 1958 and 1959 almost to the 



574 



Department of State Bulletin 






point of disappearing. If the export surplus is to 
cover our necessary outpayments, such as military 
expenditures, economic assistance to foreign 
countries, the outflow of investment capital, and 
our net deficit on travel account, we must sub- 
stantially increase our exports. This is essential 
if we are to maintain reasonable equilibrium in 
our balance of payments. It should be added that 
our export surplus in 1960 promises to be a very 
substantial improvement over 1959. 

Efforts To Expand American Exports 

Within the Government the changing situation 
has been recognized for some time, and some im- 
portant steps to expand our exports have already 
been taken. Working through the trade agree- 
ments program, the United States has urged other 
countries to remove discriminatory restrictions 
against dollar goods. These restrictions were 
imposed after World War II, when serious 
balance-of-paynients difficulties made them neces- 
sary. However, they are no longer defensible in 
view of the economic improvement which these 
countries have achieved. Most of these restric- 
tions have now been removed, largely through 
the framework of the General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade and the International Monetary 
Fund. As a result new opportunities have been 
opened for the sale of American goods abroad. 

President Eisenhower last March sent a special 
message to Congress 2 outlining a program de- 
veloped by the administration providing for gov- 
ernmental stimulation of American exports. The 
administration's program is a prime example of 
the interdependence of the public and private sec- 
tors. It is expected to help business, at the same 
time working for the public good. 

The President's message initiated new action by 
the executive branch — especially the Departments 
of State and Commerce and the Export-Import 
Bank — to improve and expand Government serv- 
ices to private industry in the development of 
export trade. It also sought to enlist increasing 
cooperation between Government and business in 
finding new markets abroad. The program signals 
the high priority being given to export expansion 
in Government policy. The new features of the 
Government's program include strengthening of 
the trade promotion services of the Department of 



Commerce, expanded commercial activities of the 
Foreign Service, increased agricultural trade 
promotion activities of the Department of Agri- 
culture, establishment of new overseas trade cen- 
ters, and expanded use of international trade fairs, 
trade missions, and other means of stimulating 
the interest of foreign buyers in United States 
products. 

GATT Negotiations at Geneva 

The United States is also continuing to work, 
particularly through the GATT, for the reduc- 
tion of tariffs on a reciprocal, multilateral basis. 
These reductions take fully into account the 
economic interdependence of the participating 
countries. We have just embarked on the most 
complex tariff negotiations in which the United 
States has ever participated, namely, the GATT 
negotiations at Geneva. 3 

We hope to make these negotiations an operation 
of real worth to the trading interests of our own 
country (both exporters and importers) and to 
our GATT trading partners. The preparations 
for these negotiations have been under way for 
many months in the interagency trade agreements 
organization. Procedures have been laid down 
by law and Executive order to make sure that the 
trade agreements program produces results in the 
national interest. 

As in previous tariff conferences, these negotia- 
tions have as their objective the reduction of the 
level of tariffs and other import charges. The 
first phase of the negotiations, which is expected 
to continue through the remaining months of this 
year, is principally concerned with negotiations 
with the Commission of the European Economic 
Community (more familiarly known as the Com- 
mon Market) to establish a new schedule of 
tariff concessions to replace the existing national 
schedules of the member states. The second 
phase, which we expect will begin early in 1961, 
will cover negotiations for an exchange of new 
tariff concessions among contracting parties, in- 
cluding the Commission of the EEC, and similar 
negotiations with countries invited to accede to 
the GATT. With the disappearance of quanti- 
tative restrictions imposed for balance-of-pay- 
ments reasons, tariffs stand out as the most 



2 For text, see Bulletin of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 560. 
October 10, 1960 



' Ibid., Sept. 19, 1960, p. 453. 



575 



important remaining barrier to our access to 
many foreign markets. We are therefore bar- 
gaining for lower customs duties abroad, which 
will advance the export interests of the United 
States. 

In this connection, many chemical products, 
including a number of specialties in the plastics 
held, are included in the list of products on which 
the United States will consider requesting tariff 
concessions. This list was issued last May at the. 
same time that the list of articles under consid- 
eration for possible tariff concessions by the 
United States was issued. 4 We are hopeful that, 
as in the past, we will be able to win from other 
countries tariff concessions of real value to the 
American chemical industry. At the same time 
we will need to give the most careful considera- 
tion to the possibility of granting concessions in 
our own tariffs in the chemical field. Any such 
concessions would, of course, be subject to the 
safeguards established by our trade agree- 
ments legislation for the protection of American 
industry. 

European Economic Community 

Returning to the subject of the European Eco- 
nomic Community, this regional arrangement 
came into being because France, Italy, Benelux 
[Belgium, Netherlands, and Luxembourg], and 
the Federal Republic of Germany recognized the 
desirability of greater economic interdependence. 
It was their judgment that the road to strength 
lay through economic integration. The Com- 
munity comprises an area of 450,000 square miles 
with a population of more than 165 million. As 
the world's largest importer and its second largest 
exporter, it conducts one-fifth of all international 
trade and is second only to Canada as a market 
for United States goods. In the field of chemicals 
and related products, there is a brisk trade be- 
tween the United States and the EEC. Our ex- 



4 For the list of products to be considered for possible 
U.S. concessions, see Department of State publication 
6986, for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. 
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. (40 
cents) ; for corrections to the list, see Bulletin of July 4, 
1060, p. 22. For the list of products on which the United 
States may seek concessions from other countries, see 
Department of State publication 6987, for sale by the 
Superintendent of Documents (30 cents). 



ports to that important area run far ahead of our 
imports. In 1959 United States exports in this 
category to the EEC totaled nearly $280 million 
while our imports were around $117 million, or 
less than half the value of our exports. And this 
was in a year when our total trade with the EEC 
was in almost exact balance between exports and 
imports — just under $2.4 billion in each direction. 

The EEC envisages the stepwise elimination of 
tariffs and quantitative restrictions in trade 
among the member states within the next 10 to 
15 years at most. During this same period the 
Community will also arrive by stages at its com- 
mon external tariff, which was generally fixed by 
arithmetic averaging of the previous national 
tariffs. For certain products, however — includ- 
ing some of substantial importance to our trade — 
the members decided to fix the new rates by nego- 
tiation among themselves. 

We are very much aware of the importance to 
our American industry of a tariff level which will 
permit our exporters to have continued access to 
this important trade area. One of our principal 
objectives at the GATT tariff conference will be 
to negotiate the external tariff downward as much 
as possible so that the difference between the ex- 
ternal and internal tariffs of the Community will 
be small enough to permit increased American 
trade. Under the accelerated implementation of 
the Rome Treaty agreed upon by the Community 
last May, internal tariffs within the Community 
have already been cut by 20 percent. Another 10 
percent cut is scheduled to occur next January 1. 
At the same time the first step will be taken 
toward establishing the new common external 
tariff through increases or decreases, as the case 
may be, in the tariffs previously charged by the 
member states. Of particular interest to us in the 
acceleration program of the Community is the de- 
cision to offer a provisional 20 percent reduction in 
the level of the common external tariff for the 
purpose of calculating the changes to be made in 
the national tariffs next .January 1. The perma- 
nence of this reduction, according to the Commu- 
nity's announcement, depends on the extent to 
which the desire of the EEC for reciprocity is 
satisfied during the tariff negotiations. We feel 
that the Community's 20 percent reduction, if it 
can be made definitive, represents an important 
contribution to liberal world trade policy. 



576 



Department of State Bulletin 



Other Regional Groupings 

Another regional economic organization, the 
European Free Trade Area, was established more 
recently than the European Economic Community. 
The EFTA, composed of the United Kingdom, 
Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Switzerland, Austria, 
and Portugal, is more limited in scope and pur- 
pose than the EEC. Under the EFTA conven- 
tion, tariffs and nontrade barriers among the par- 
ticipating countries are, with certain exceptions, 
to be eliminated by stages during a transitional 
period. Each country will, however, retain its 
own national tariff on imports from outside the 
EFTA area. Accordingly, in the new tariff nego- 
tiations conference the United States will be nego- 
tiating separately with EFTA members on the 
basis of their individual national tariffs. On the 
other hand, our negotiations with the EEC will 
be based on the common external tariff, and the 
Commission of the Community will be the sole 
negotiator for the member states. 

Present indications are that in the years ahead 
we shall hear more of regional economic groupings 
in various parts of the world. Early last Febru- 
ary, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador signed 
a Treaty of Economic Association with a view to- 
ward the economic integration of the three coun- 
tries into a customs union. Later the same month 
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, 
and Uruguay signed the Treaty of Montevideo, 
which has as its declared purpose the establish- 
ment of a Latin American free trade area. In 
other parts of the world— Asia, Africa, and the 
Middle East— serious proposals have been made 
for still further regional organizations. 

To the extent that these organizations are out- 
ward looking, with liberal policies on foreign trade 
and investment, they can produce benefits to them- 
selves and to the rest of the free world. If the 
realities of the economic interdependence between 
the regional group on the one hand and outside 
countries on the other hand are taken fully into 
account, then we may expect a real contribution to 
economic progress. 

The foregoing is only a brief outline of the way 
in which our economic interdependence with other 
free- world countries manifests itself and how it is 
reflected in our governmental and private actions. 
Nothing is more certain, as we move into the 1960's 
and the years ahead, than the continued inter- 
October 10, 1960 



twining of the economic interests and the economic 
welfare of the free- world countries one with an- 
other. It is a fact which is at the same time our 
greatest strength and our greatest challenge. 



President Eisenhower Welcomes 
India-Pakistan Indus River Pact 

Statement oy President Eisenhower 

White House press release dated September 19 

I warmly welcome the signing today at Karachi 
of the treaty between Pakistan and India by 
President [Mohammed] Ayub [Khan] and Prime 
Minister [Jawaharlal] Nehru on the use of the 
waters of the Indus River and its tributaries. This 
brings to a salutary close a dispute of major pro- 
portions which had existed between these two free- 
world countries since their independence 13 years 
ago. The livelihood of some 50 million people will 
be enhanced by the solution of this problem. 

The peaceful settlement of this issue marks the 
inauguration of a new chapter in the conduct of 
international relations wherein the expert "good 
offices" of an international organization have 
served to assist two equally determined nations to 
reconcile their opposing viewpoints and to reach 
an amicable agreement over a highly contentious 
dispute. 

President Ayub and Prime Minister Nehru, to- 
gether with their representatives, have demon- 
strated to the world a quality of the highest states- 
manship in reaching the compromises necessary 
to an agreement on this question. President 
Eugene E. Black and Vice President W. A. B. Iliff 
of the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development deserve the highest praise for their 
years of patient effort in assisting India and Paki- 
stan to negotiate their differences in this matter. 

The World Bank must also be commended for 
subscribing its own financial support and in en- 
listing the support of six friendly governments 
to participate in the financing of this enormous 
project of development of the Indus Basin, 1 with- 
out which agreement would not have been possible 

1 For background, see Bulletin of Mar. 21, 1960, p. 442, 
and May 9, I960, p. 740. 

577 



despite the large investments being made by 
Pakistan and India themselves. 

The United States is proud to be able to par- 
ticipate in this cooperative endeavor in the interest 
of the economic growth and security of these newly 
developing nations. It was with great interest 
that I was able to discuss this matter with Presi- 



dent Ayub and Prime Minister Nehru when I was 
in their capitals last autumn. 

The amicable and friendly resolution of this 
difficult issue with multilateral assistance is a strik- 
ing example of the value of international coopera- 
tion and good will in the pursuit of a lasting peace 
with justice for all the world. 



The Visa Process and Review of Visa Applications 



hy Frank L. Auerbach x 



In the great edifice of law, immigration oc- 
cupies but a small niche. Professional interest 
in the field of administrative law, of which im- 
migration law is a part, in itself is of fairly 
recent date if we think of the long history ot 
civil and penal law. Few schools of law offer 
courses on immigration, none of them, to the best 
of my knowledge, in their required curriculum. 
The general practitioner of law usually finds 
himself in unknown territory when an immigra- 
tion case comes to his attention, and he will 
usually turn to one of those specializing in the 
field for advice and guidance. 

If we so recognize immigration law as a highly 
specialized area within the law field, I believe 
you will agree with me that within the field of 
immigration the visa process is the least known 
and the most commonly misunderstood area. 
This is not surprising. The legal profession most 
frequently gets involved in an immigration case 
once an alien in the United States is threatened 
with deportation, less frequently so when an alien 
at a port of entry is excluded and appeals from 
the exclusion order. Only occasionally will an 
attorney be retained in the case of an alien abroad 
who seeks a visa or who has been refused a visa. 



1 Address made before the Federal Bar Association at 
Chicago 111., on Sept. 16 (press release 536 dated Sept. 
14) Mr. Auerbach is Adviser to the Administrator of 
the Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs and As- 
sistant Director of the Visa Office. 



578 



This fact, coupled with the complexities of our 
immigration laws, has led to many misunder- 
standings of the visa process among educated lay- 
men, and even among members of the legal pro- 
fession. Few treatises on immigration law deal 
exhaustively with visa matters. American con- 
suls have been described as independent agents 
who, subject onlv to their personal preferences 
and whims, issue and deny visas. They have been 
accused of placing their interviews with appli- 
cants somewhere in the area between mmdread- 
ing and entrapment. The role the Department 
of^State plays in the visa-issuing process is even 

less known. 

Under these circumstances I am most grateful 
for the opportunity to present to you a factual 
description of what the visa process involves, the 
existing safeguards protecting the visa applicant, 
and the philosophy behind this machinery. 

Responsibility of Consular Officer 

What does the visa process involve? It in- 
volves the decision by an American consular offi- 
cer whether a particular alien applying for a 
visa should be issued a visa or whether his appli- 
cation must be denied. The consular officer's 
decision is of greatest importance to an alien who 
wishes to come to the United States since the visa 
refusal, as a rule, closes the door to the United 
States. 

Department of State Bulletin 



A consular officer who has a visa application 
before him has to make two basic determina- 
tions: First, he has to decide whether the 
applicant for a visa may be classified as a non- 
immigrant, such as a visitor for business or pleas- 
ure, student, or temporary worker, or whether he 
is an immigrant. The second decision to be made 
by the consul is whether the visa applicant meets 
the qualitative standards of the law. The latter 
decision depends a great deal on the determina- 
tion of the alien's classification since different 
qualitative standards apply to immigrants and 
nonimmigrants. Broadly speaking, qualitative 
requirements applicable to visitors and other non- 
immigrants are less exacting than those applying 
to immigrants. Also there is greater adminis- 
trative authority to waive existing disqualifica- 
tions in the cases of nonimmigrants than there is 
in the cases of immigrants. In making his deci- 
sion on both counts the consular officer is subject 
to the provisions of the immigration laws which 
specify the classification requirements and set 
forth some 30 qualitative grounds, the presence 
of any one of which calls for a denial of a visa. 
They include physical, mental, and moral defects; 
membership in and affiliation with certain sub- 
versive organizations; advocacy of subversive 
doctrines; trafficking in narcotic drugs; economic 
disqualification ; and illiteracy. 

The responsibility of consular officers relating 
to the refusal of visas is described in section 
221(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, 
which enjoins the consular officer from issuing 
a visa if he knows or has reason to believe that 
the alien is ineligible. In describing the respon- 
sibilities of the Secretary of State for the admin- 
istration of the immigration laws, the law in 
section 104(a) specifically excepts those powers, 
duties, and functions conferred upon consular 
officers relating to the granting or refusal of visas. 
Does this limitation justify the belief that con- 
sular officers may act arbitrarily in issuing or 
refusing visas and may with impunity let their 
personal preference and whims decide whether a 
particular person should or should not come to 
the United States? The answer to this question 
is an unqualified no. The Secretary of State 
is given the responsibility by the same section of 
law to establish regulations and issue instructions 
and to perform such other acts as he deems neces- 
sary for carrying out the provisions of the immi- 

October 10, 1960 



gration laws relating to the powers, duties, and 
functions of diplomatic and consular officers of 
the United States. 

Some 923,000 visas were issued during the fiscal 
year 1960, and some 63,000 were refused— or less 
than 7 percent of all applications submitted. 
Only in an infinitesimally small percentage of 
these refusals did we receive questions or com- 
plaints about the consular action. But these few 
cases give us concern since we are fully aware of 
the great responsibility placed upon the Depart- 
ment of State and consular officers in connection 
with the far-reaching decision whether an alien 
should be issued or denied a visa. The Depart- 
ment is most sensitive of the fact that the proper 
discharge of the visa function is one of the more 
important responsibilities it carries in connection 
with the conduct of our foreign relations. There 
is no field in which our Foreign Service officers are 
actively engaged abroad which offers so many 
opportunities for contact with the population of 
a foreign country as the visa function. We are 
most mindful of the fact that one poorly handled 
visa case may destroy all the good will created 
in a host country by a consistently good record 
of visa work or by our diplomatic or economic 
endeavors. That the provisions of our immigra- 
tion laws bear heavily on our foreign affairs was 
expressed by Justice Jackson. In delivering the 
opinion of the court in Harisiades v. United 
States, Justice Jackson said in part, "It is perti- 
nent to observe that any policy toward aliens is 
vitally and intricately interwoven with contem- 
poraneous policies in regard to the conduct of 
foreign relations, the war power and the mainte- 
nance of a republican form of Government." 2 

Selection, Training, and Supervision of Officers 

The Department is equally mindful of the im- 
portance of a competent and fair administration 
of the visa function as part of the American con- 
cept of justice and fair play. To achieve these 
ends as far as the responsibilities of consular offi- 
cers are concerned, the Department has followed 
a three-pronged approach through the selection, 
training, and supervision of Foreign Service 
officers engaged in visa work. 

The selection process for Foreign Service offi- 
cers is one of the most rigorous recruitment proc- 

' Harisiades v. United States, 342 U.S. 580, 588 (1952). 

579 



esses in the Federal Government, if not the most 
rigorous of all. This is illustrated by the fact 
that, of 3,959 candidates who took the written 
examination in December 1957, only 676 passed. 
Of these, 185 withdrew of their own accord. Of 
the remaining 491 candidates, 94 passed the oral 
examination. Twenty of these were disqualified 
for personal reasons or withdrew, and 74 have 
been accepted for the Foreign Service. I believe 
it is fair to say that the selection process of new 
Foreign Service officers is a careful one if we 
find that only 1.87 percent of those who took the 
written examination have been accepted into the 
Service. The selection of these officers is not based 
on one-sided qualifications but on the search 
for well-balanced, well-rounded personalities to 
■whom we can entrust the conduct of our foreign 
relations. Every young officer before being as- 
signed to the field has to undergo a concentrated 
training course in consular affairs at the Foreign 
Service Institute, 2 weeks of which are devoted 
exclusively to visa work. Additional briefing 
periods are usually provided at the Visa Office 
of the Department. 

Once in the field, officers are governed in their 
visa work by carefully prepared visa regulations 
which are published in parts 41 and 42 of title 
22 of the Code of Federal Regulations. These 
regulations are annotated with precedent decisions 
and rulings on questions of law and procedure. 
During the last year the Department has com- 
pletely revised its visa regulations. The new 
nonimmigrant visa regulations became effective 
on January 1, I960, 3 and the new immigrant regu- 
lations on August 15, 1960. Your organization 
and other leading bar associations were invited 
to offer comments before the regulations became 
effective. We were pleased to note that no criti- 
cism of the new regulations was received. 

The Department used the opportunity of the 
publication of these new regulations to define in 
them as clearly as possible the responsibilities of 
the consular officers. The regulations provide that 
"a visa shall be refused only upon a ground 
specifically set out in the law or regulations 
issued thereunder." 4 Since the law requires a 



"For an article on "New Nonimmigrant Visa Regula- 
tions" by Hallie Mae Pryor, chief of the Regulations 
Branch of the Visa Office, see Bulletin of Jan. 4, 1060, 
p. 9. 

4 22 CFR 41.90 and 42.90. 

580 



consul to refuse a visa if he has "reason to believe" 
that the alien is ineligible to receive a visa, the 
regulations specify that this term as used in the 
Immigration and Nationality Act shall be con- 
sidered to require a determination based upon 
f acts or circumstances which would lead a reason- 
able person to conclude that the applicant is ineli- 
gible to receive an immigrant or nonimmigrant 
visa as provided in law and regulations. 6 The 
regulations also set forth the procedure to be fol- 
lowed by consular officers in refusing a visa. They 
specifically provide that an immigrant visa may 
be refused only after the alien has made a formal 
application. The applicant must be informed 
of the provisions of law on which refusal is based 
and of any statutory provision under which ad- 
ministrative relief is available. Regulations 
require the consular officer to inform the alien that 
his decision to refuse a visa will be reviewed by 
at least one other consular officer and that he will 
receive a written notice of the result of the review. 
The principal consular officer at the post or a 
designated senior officer reviews the case of each 
applicant who has been refused a visa. If the re- 
viewing officer does not concur in the refusal he 
can take one of two courses of action. He may 
either assume responsibility for the case himself 
or may refer the case to the Department for an 
advisory opinion. If the refusal is affirmed the 
applicant is given formal written notice which 
states the statutory basis for the refusal and any 
administrative relief which may be available. 

From the procedure so far described you will see 
that we have made every effort to insure the 
maximum possible consistency in what must, in the 
final analysis, be human judgment. Of course, any 
law or any regulations, however precisely worded, 
must necessarily leave an area of interpretation 
when these laws or regulations are applied to 
individual cases, each of which is somewhat dif- 
ferent from the next one. 

In instructing consular officers about their 
responsibilities in the visa field we have made it 
abundantly clear that no procedure should be 
instituted which would diffuse the individual con- 
sular officer's responsibility among several officers. 
It is the Department's intention that every 
decision be based as solidly as possible upon a 
full exploration of the facts and upon the best 
experience and wisdom and judgment available. 



6 ibid. 



Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



Advisory Opinion Procedure 

Of course there will always be cases in which 
novel questions of law arise which cannot be 
readily resolved in the field. To meet this situa- 
tion the Department for years has offered ad- 
visory opinions to consular officers at their request 
or if a case comes to the Department's attention as 
a result of an inquiry from congressional sources, 
attorneys, relatives, or other interested parties. 

Like the visa procedure in the field, the advisory 
opinion procedure in the Department is not too 
well known and has often been misunderstood. 

At this point I should like to acquaint you 
briefly with the organizational structure in the 
Department of State within which advisory opin- 
ions are rendered. Under the law the Secretary's 
responsibility for the administration of the im- 
migration laws is delegated to the Administrator 
of the Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, 
who has the rank of an Assistant Secretary. Re- 
quests for advisory opinions are initially handled 
in the Visa Office, a component of the Bureau of 
Security and Consular Affairs. Only the most 
routine advisory opinions are subject to the 
scrutiny of so few as two officers. These usually 
relate to cases on which precedent decisions have 
already been developed. Any advisory opinion 
request which goes beyond established precedents 
is reviewed by experienced senior personnel under 
the direct supervision of the Director of the Visa 
Office. Many legal questions are referred to the 
General Counsel of the Visa Office, who serves 
under the general direction of the Legal Adviser 
of the Department of State. Occasionally ques- 
tions of law are submitted to the Attorney Gen- 
eral for a ruling. Visa cases of far-reaching legal 
or political significance are brought to the at- 
tention of the Administrator of the Bureau of 
Security and Consular Affairs, who decides 
whether they should be taken to a higher level. 

The question then remains what significance an 
advisory opinion has once it is submitted to the 
field in view of the language of the act that the 
powers, duties, and functions relating to the grant- 
ing or refusal of visas are reserved to consular 
officers. This provision is interpreted by the De- 
partment to relate to the determination of facts 
in individual cases and to the application of the 
law to these specific facts. The Department's visa 
regulations provide that "rulings of the Depart- 
ment concerning interpretation of law, as distin- 



guished from an application of the law to the 
facts, shall be binding upon consular officers." 6 
If upon the recei2>t of the Department's advisory 
opinion a consular officer contemplates taking ac- 
tion contrary to the advisory opinion, he is re- 
quired by regulation to resubmit the case to the 
Department with an explanation of the proposed 
action. In an extreme case the Department has 
authority to assign a particular visa case to an- 
other officer. 

Through these processes and procedures the De- 
partment has made every effort to protect the alien 
and to afford him as many safeguards as appear 
justifiable, consistent with the view that the issu- 
ance and denial of visas is primarily a foreign 
affairs function. The question then remains 
whether visa refusals should be subject to formal- 
ized review procedures in the Department and to 
a final scrutiny by the courts. It is the Depart- 
ment's view that the present procedures meet both 
the interest of the alien and that of the United 
States. Decisions of consular officers not infre- 
quently are based on highly sensitive security in- 
formation or on information which stems from 
confidential sources. A visa denial based on con- 
fidential information is most carefully reviewed 
under the existing processes. It would not be 
possible, however, to reveal these reports or their 
sources without jeopardizing sources of intelli- 
gence essential to the security and defense of the 
United States. For this reason the Department is 
opposed to the institution of review proceedings 
which may force its hand either to reveal classi- 
fied information or sources of information, or to 
reverse the refusal of a visa in an individual 
case. For the same reason the Department is of 
the opinion that it would be inconsistent with the 
interrelationship of our policies in regard to the 
conduct of foreign relations and toward aliens of 
which Justice Jackson spoke if visa refusals were 
subject to court review. That the highest court 
shares this view was expressed in Brownell v. 
Shung. In this important case, as you know, the 
Supreme Court held that exclusion orders of the 
Immigration and Naturalization Service may be 
challenged either by habeas corpus or by declara- 
tory judgment. In rendering this decision, the 
Court observed: "We do not suggest, of course, 
that an alien who has never presented himself at 
the borders of this country may avail himself of 



•22 CFR 41.130 and 42.130. 



October 10, 1960 



581 



the declaratory judgment action by bringing the 
action from abroad." 7 

I should like to conclude my observations by 
bringing you the personal greetings and best 
wishes for the success of your deliberations from 
the Honorable John W. Hanes, Jr., the Adminis- 
trator of the Bureau of Security and Consular 
A Hairs, and from Mr. Robert F. Hale, the Direc- 
tor of the Visa Office. Both officials have asked 
me to assure you of the Department's continuing 
efforts to perfect its visa procedures, and they 
extend through me an invitation to you and to the 
legal profession in general to submit to us any 
observations, comments, or suggestions you may 
have about the work done by consular officers in 
the field or by the Department in carrying out the 
mandate of the law. 



Noah Langdaie Named to Advisory 
Commission on Educational Exchange 

The White House announced on September 24 
that President Eisenhower had given a recess 
appointment to Noah N. Langdaie, Jr., as a mem- 
ber of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Educa- 
tional Exchange for a term expiring January 27, 
19G3, vice Laird Bell, term expired. 



Congressional Documents 
Relating to Foreign Policy 

86th Congress, 2d Session 

International Labor Organization Convention. Message 
from the President transmitting a convention (No. 109) 
concerning wages, hours of work on board ship, and 
manning, adopted by the International Labor Confer- 
ence at Geneva on May 14, 1958. S. Ex. L. August 
31, 1960. 21 pp. 

The Twelfth Semiannual Report on Activities Carried on 
Under Public Law 480, 83d Congress, as Amended. 



' 352 U.S. 180, 184, n. 3 (1956). 



Message from the President transmitting the report. 
H. Doc. 449. August 22, 1960. 82 pp. 

Fourth Annual Report on the Trade Agreements Pro- 
gram. Message from the President transmitting the 
report. H. Doc. 447. August 22, 1960. 116 pp. 

Legislation Relating to Amounts of Sugar Which May 
Be Purchased in the Dominican Republic. Message 
from the President. H. Doe. 451. August 23, 1960. 
2 pp. 

Impact of Imports on Small Business. Report of the 
Senate Select Committee on Small Business on im- 
pact of imports on small business. S. Rept. 1908. 
August 23, 1960. 18 pp. 

Departments of State and Justice, the Judiciary, and 
Related Agencies Appropriation Bill, 1961. Conference 
report to accompany H.R. 11666. H. Rept. 2136. Au- 
gust 23. 1960. 8 pp. 

American Republics Cooperation Act and Other Subjects. 
Hearings before the House Foreign Affairs Committee 
on H.R. 13021, a bill to provide for assistance in the 
development of Latin America and in the reconstruc- 
tion of Chile, and for other purposes. August 2.3, 1960. 
50 pp. 

Providing for Assistance in the Development of Latin 
America and in the Reconstruction of Chile. Report 
to accompany H.R. 13021. August 25, 1960. 8 pp. 

Mutual Security and Related Agencies Appropriation Bill, 
1961. Conference report to accompany H.R. 12619. 
H. Rept. 2164. August 25, 1960. 6 pp. 

Importation of Certain Articles for Religious Purposes. 
Report to accompany H.R. 4384. S. Rept. 1911. Au- 
gust 25, 1960. 2 pp. 

Bamboo Pipestems. Report to accompany H.R. 10841. 
S. Rept. 1912. August 25, 1960. 2 pp. 

Temporary Suspension of Duty on Heptanoic Acid. Re- 
port to accompany H.R. 12659. S. Rept. 1913. August 
25, 1960. 

International Food for Peace Resolution. Report to ac- 
company S. Con. Res. 116. S. Rept. 1922. August 26, 
1960. 4* pp. 

Amending the Trading With the Enemy Act. as Amended. 
Report to accompanv S. 531. S. Rept. 1919. August 26, 
1960. 24 pp. 

Proposed Supplemental Appropriation for the Panama 
Canal. Communication from the President. S. Doc. 
122. August 26, 1960. 2 pp. 

Chemical-Biological-Radiological (CBR) Warfare and Its 
Disarmament Aspects. A study prepared by the Dis- 
armament Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Rela- 
tions Committee. August 29, 1960. 43 pp. [Committee 
print] 

Sugar. Report to accompany H.R. 13062. H. Rept. 2200. 
August 29, 1960. 8 pp. 

Overall Limitation on Foreign Tax Credit. Conference 
report to accompany H.R. 100S7. H. Rept. 2199. Au- 
gust 29, 1060. 13 pp. 

Amendments to Public Law 480. Report to accompany 
H.R. 12720. H. Rept. 2216. August 31, 1960. 14 pp. 

Sugar. Report to accompany H.R. 13062. S. Rept. 1940. 
August 31, 1960. 2 pp. 

Report on United States Relations With Panama. Re- 
port by the Inter-American Affairs Subcommittee of 
the House Foreign Affairs Committee. H. Rept. 2218. 
August 31, 1960. 89 pp. 



582 



Department of State Bulletin 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



U.N. General Assembly Holds Fourth Emergency Session; 
Endorses Secretary-General's Policy in the Congo 



Following are statements made by U.S. Repre- 
sentative James J. Wadsworth during the debate 
on the Congo in the fourth emergency special 
session of the U.N. General Assembly, September 
17-20, together with the text of a resolution 
adopted by the Assembly in the early morning of 
September SO. 



STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 17 

D.S. delegation press release 3488 
Admission of New Members 

Before moving into the substance of this ques- 
tion I would crave your indulgence for just one 
moment for what might possibly be considered as 
somewhat of an explanation of vote, or explana- 
tion of lack of vote, on the procedural motion 
which has just been adopted by this Assembly. 1 

The original proposal made by the United 
States was to admit now new members who would 
have been admitted in a matter of only 2 or 3 days. 
The reason for this was that we believed that all 
the present members, or most of the present mem- 
bers, would without hesitation wish to make it 
possible for as many new members as might be 
available to participate in this important debate 
which affects so many of them so closely. I made 
it clear, however, in an earlier intervention — and 
I should like to remind members of this — after 
the unanimous adoption of my motion that it 



1 On Sept. 17 Ambassador Wadsworth on a point of 
order had moved that the item on "Admission of new 
members to the United Nations" be transferred from the 
provisional agenda of the loth General Assembly to the 
4th emergency special session. The proposal was unani- 
mously adopted, but later a procedural motion to adjourn 
the debate was adopted by a vote of 43-0-26. 



would be agreeable to the United States to give 
more time for consideration if that were the wish 
of the Assembly. 

I must confess to considerable astonislunent that 
the Assembly has voted for an indefinite postpone- 
ment in the face of the realities of the day. But 
since that has been the Assembly's decision, I 
accept it without further argument, as I indicated 
I would. 

Security Council's Action on the Congo 

To take up the substance of this question, the 
United States took the initiative in proposing this 
emergency session because we are convinced that 
no effort can or should be spared to insure success 
for the United Nations action in the Congo. The 
Security Council had, until last night, been able 
to act effectively in taking the necessary decisions 
to support that action. Even last night we be- 
lieved and we hoped that the Council would adopt 
a useful and moderate resolution sponsored by 
Ceylon and Tunisia. 2 That resolution, in our 
view, sought to achieve a reasonable goal that none 
could oppose — at least oppose and still maintain 
any appearance of support for the United Nations 
in the Congo. Apparently our estimation was 
shared by all but two members of the Council. 
But an unfavorable vote on the part of the Soviet 
Union dashed our hopes. 

Fortunately a procedure exists precisely to pre- 
vent such attempts to paralyze essential action by 
the United Nations. 

Thus, for the fourth time in its history, the Se- 
curity Council, frustrated by the use of the veto, 
has called the General Assembly into emergency 



2 For background and text of resolution, see Bulletin 
of Oct. 3, 1900, p. 527. 



October 10, 1960 



583 



session under the procedure known as "uniting 
for peace." 3 Never was that phrase "uniting for 
peace" more significant than at this moment. 

The Council's Mandate 

Since the night of July 13 the Security Coun- 
cil has dealt with the crisis of the Congo, the 
breakdown of public order, the outside interven- 
tion, and all the urgent and far-reaching conse- 
quences of those events. 4 Under the Council's 
mandate the Secretary-General has assembled in 
the Congo a United Nations Force of some 18,000 
soldiers, deployed in every province of the Congo. 
Despite enormous difficulties the United Nations 
Force has made significant progress in restoring 
public order and security. It has acted with 
strict impartiality to protect all those, of what- 
ever faction, whose lives were threatened by mob 
violence. All of these steps have been reported 
meticulously and faithfully to the Security Coun- 
cil by the Secretary-General. 

In addition the Secretary-General has been able 
to report activities by the United Nations in pro- 
viding emergency food rations, emergency medi- 
cal services, administrative support to depart- 
ments of the Congolese Government, and many 
other services which have helped to save lives and 
prevent even more widespread suffering among 
the people of the Congo. 

Never in the history of international organiza- 
tion has such a great operation been mounted so 
quickly. The selfless dedication of the Secretary- 
General and his entire staff in carrying on this 
operation, and the ready response and great self- 
sacrifice — not to say physical bravery — of the men 
and women serving the United Nations all the 
way from Ireland to Ethiopia are all beyond 
praise. In this "year of Africa" we who have 
supported the United Nations in this great under- 
taking believe that the future of freedom in 
Africa, and even the peace of the world, is to a 
great extent in the hands of the United Nations 
and that we could not afford to fail. That knowl- 
edge has inspired exertions which can well be 
described, in many instances, as heroic. 

One of the premises on which the Security 



Council's action was based, and by which the Sec- 
retary-General was guided in assembling the 
United Nations Force, was that no permanent 
member of the Security Council should contribute 
troops to the force. This, in turn, was based on 
an even more fundamental premise: that, if the 
Congo was to have any future at all, it must not 
become a battleground in a conflict between great 
powers. 

U.S. Faithful to U.N. Principle 

The United States has been faithful to that 
principle. We have sent no troops and no weapons 
to the Congo. "We have sent no personnel or ma- 
terial of any kind except at United Nations re- 
quest and under United Nations authority. We 
have made extraordinary efforts to support the 
United Nations action and have placed at the dis- 
posal of the Secretary-General and his staff our 
transport aircraft and many other services. We 
have not taken one single step in the Congo inde- 
pendent of the United Nations. 

We followed this course not only out of respect 
for this organization but also because the avoid- 
ance of needless conflict between great powers is 
a matter of the most elementary prudence. And 
we honestly hoped that all others would do the 
same. 

The United States was by no means alone in ex- 
pressing this hope and in warning against the 
danger of great-power conflict hi Africa. The 
record of the Security Council debates is full 
of statements on this subject. The same point 
was made very clearly by the recent conference 
of independent African states in Leopoldville, 5 
which warned that the territory of the Republic 
of the Congo must not become a cold-war arena. 

Soviet Defiance of Council's Decisions 

If that advice had been heeded by all concerned, 
the General Assembly would not be in session to- 
night. But it was not heeded. The Soviet Union, 
alone among the great powers of the world, chose 
to defy the Security Council decisions for which 
it had voted and to strike out on its own path. 

In direct violation of the Security Council's 
proceedings the Soviet Union dispatched to the 



s For text of the Uniting-for-Peace resolution, see ibid., 
Nov. 30, 1950, p. 823. 

' For background, see ibid., Aug. 1, I960, p. 159 ; Aug. 8, 
1960, p. 221 ; Sept. 5, 1960, p. 384 ; and Sept. 12, 1960, p. 421. 



6 For a message from Acting Secretary Dillon to the 
chairman of the conference, see ibid., Sept. 19, 1960, 
p. 440. 



584 



Department of State Bulletin 



Congo hundreds of so-called "technicians" — whose 
character may be judged by the fact that only a 
few days ago the Congolese authorities ordered 
these men to leave the Congo. Meanwhile, nearly 
two dozen Soviet transport aircraft and 100 Soviet 
trucks appeared in the Congo — not to participate 
in the United Nations program, not to put them- 
selves under the United Nations authorities there, 
but to promote strife and bloodshed between 
Congolese tribes and factions. 

All the while the Soviet propaganda machine 
beamed inflammatory broadcasts to Africa incit- 
ing civil strife and slandering the United Nations, 
its Secretary-General, and his representatives. 
Soviet propaganda pamphlets bearing the same 
message were distributed in the Congo itself, with 
Comrade Khrushchev's picture on the front page. 

Consequences of Soviet Action 

The United Nations operation in the Congo has 
so far withstood that assault, but the consequences 
which flowed from the Soviet action have made it 
necessary to act without delay if we are to prevent 
attempts to subvert the Congo and thwart the 
United Nations. This, and the necessity of pro- 
viding funds to support the United Nations action 
in the Congo, was the primary focus of the recent 
series of Security Council meetings. 

The Council, after considering the situation, 
took up a draft resolution sponsored by Tunisia 
and Ceylon. It contained several important pro- 
visions but none more urgent than that of para- 
graph 5, which I now quote : 

Reaffirms specifically — 

(a) its request to all States to refrain from any action 
which might tend to impede the restoration of law and 
order and the exercise by the Government of the Congo of 
its authority and also to refrain from any action which 
might undermine the territorial integrity and the political 
independence of the Republic of the Congo and decides 
that no assistance for military purposes be sent to the 
Congo except as part of the United Nations action. 

That draft resolution was vetoed by the Soviet 
Union, and the purpose of the veto was made clear 
by Mr. [Valerian] Zorin [Soviet representative] 
in a statement from which I now quote: 

The representative of Ceylon and later the representa- 
tive of Tunisia themselves stated that we — 

in this case he meant the Soviet Union — 

have no right to deprive the Government of military 
assistance. They also said that such assistance should, 

October 10, 1960 



according to our proposal, be provided exclusively 
through United Nations channels. ... We feel that it is 
not at all possible to take such a course. 

Thereby the Soviet Union asserted a unilateral 
right to introduce military personnel and mate- 
rial into the Congo in defiance of the Security 
Council and in total disregard of the consequences. 
The issue, Mr. President, was clearly joined. 

Actions Needed To Reinforce U.N. Mandate 

The General Assembly has now met to clarify 
and reinforce the mandate of the United Nations. 
Let me now summarize briefly what we believe 
the General Assembly must do if it is to preserve 
the vital momentum of the United Nations opera- 
tion and thereby save the Congo from chaos. 

First, we believe that the Assembly should 
uphold the principle that the United Nations in 
this critical period must be the source of outside 
assistance to the Eepublic of the Congo. In this 
respect we seek to affirm and strengthen the man- 
date already given to the Secretary-General by 
the Security Council. 

Secondly, we would urge member states to make 
voluntary financial contributions to a United Na- 
tions fund for the Congo to be used under United 
Nations control. The present disruption of the 
economic, administrative, and judicial machinery 
of the Congo makes it imperative to furnish aid as 
rapidly and as generously as possible. The 
Eepublic of the Congo faces a dire threat of 
imminent bankruptcy. Its economic life has been 
disrupted and crippled by civil strife. The 
United Nations must forestall the disaster of 
hopelessness and hunger which hangs over the 
Congo. Aid must be forthcoming immediately. 
Thirdly, we would place the full weight of the 
United Nations behind an appeal to all Congolese 
to avoid further recourse to violence. There have 
been encouraging signs recently in this respect. 
But the threat of civil war still hangs over certain 
areas of the country, and this threat should now 
be removed. 

Fourthly— and this is vital— unilateral actions 
from whatever source must not be permitted 
to obstruct the United Nations effort in the 
Congo. It would be particularly dangerous if 
any power were again to send personnel or equip- 
ment into the Congo which would frustrate the 
purposes of the United Nations. The alternative 
to United Nations action to prevent tins is unilat- 



585 



eral action, with all the grave consequences this 
would entail. 

This is a critical and vital moment for the 
future of Africa, and perhaps even more for the 
future of the United Nations. It is not a moment 
to falter. "We must maintain the authority and 
the momentum of the efforts we have begun. We 
must insure that the Congo is not made the scene 
of international conflict as the result of outside 
interference with the United Nations effort. The 
issue is clearly drawn, not between great powers 
that belong to the United Nations but between 
those who would foment war in the Congo to 
promote their own ambitions and the community 
of nations which would seek to place the Congo 
on the path of true independence and peace. The 
decision between the two will go far to determine 
the fate and future of us all. 

Mr. President, in this year of destiny for 
Africa may this Assembly make the right 
decision. 



STATEMENT OF SEPTEMBER 19 

U.S. delegation press release 3490 

In my opening speech to this emergency As- 
sembly on Saturday, I said that the historic 
United Nations action in the Congo was at the 
crossroads. 

It was at the crossroads in two ways. First, 
the actions and impartial direction of the Secre- 
tary-General of the United Nations have been put 
under bitter and unfounded attack from the 
U.S.S.E. The whole Assembly— the whole 
world— has heard these attacks. This attack 
was even participated in by the head of the So- 
viet Union, Chairman Khrushchev, who said on 
September 12 : 

The colonialists and imperialists are carrying out 
their policy through the hands of the U.N. Secretary- 
General, Mr. Hammarskjold. It is not as if Mr. Ham- 
marskjold does not understand this. No, he is fully 
aware of it and he is doing it consciously. 

This attack on the Secretary-General and the 
others preceding and following it have now been 
formalized further in the resolution the U.S.S.E. 
has introduced today, as well as in the amend- 
ments that they have produced to the Asian-Afri- 
can resolution. 

Second, the Soviet Union was and is doing 



586 



everything within its power to frustrate the suc- 
cess of the United Nations effort by sending men, 
supplies, and equipment to the Congo in defiance 
of Security Council decisions. 

The Soviet representative reflected this brazen 
Soviet desire to satellize the Congo when in the 
Security Council he vetoed the resolution intro- 
duced by Ceylon and Tunisia. He then said — 
he accused these two states : 

"They also said that such military assistance 
. . . should be provided exclusively through 
United Nations channels. . . . We" —meaning 
the Soviet Union in this case — "feel that it is not 
at all possible to take such a course." 

This policy, Mr. President, and nothing else, is 
what has dictated the Soviet Union's cold fury 
against the Secretary-General and the United 
Nations Command in the Congo. This was an 
issue which had to be faced and faced squarely. 
The only alternative to United Nations preventive 
action was unilateral action with all the grave 
consequences that this would entail. 

These issues were the same as those which faced 
the Security Council. The Ceylon-Tunisian reso- 
lution in the Security Council dealt with them 
fortlmghtly. It backed up the Secretary-General 
for his vigorous efforts to carry out the Security 
Council resolutions. It called on all states to re- 
frain from sending any supplies or men for mili- 
tary purposes to the Congo. The resolution was 
therefore vetoed by the U.S.S.E., and it was 
necessary for this Assembly to be convened. 

Afro-Asian Resolution 

We now have befoi-e us a resolution presented 
by 17 states, including all the African states. 6 I 
must say frankly that there are some deficiencies 
in this draft which under ordinary circumstances 
we would feel it desirable to correct. In fact, I 
have quite frankly voiced this opinion in discus- 
sion with various delegations since the introduc- 
tion of the resolution. However, we are not acting 
in normal circumstances. We are acting in 
emergency session, and we should reach decisions 
quickly. The best, therefore, must not become 
the enemy of the good. 

On the two key issues on which this Assembly 
was required to express itself, this draft is 
unequivocal. 



• U.N. doc. A/L. 292/Rev. 1. 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



First, the resolution "fully supports" the reso- 
lutions of the Security Council. It then asks the 
Secretary-General "to continue to take vigorous 
action" in accordance with them and to continue 
to assist the Government of the Congo to maintain 
order and safeguard the unity of the Congo. This 
language clearly expresses the opinion of the 
Assembly that the Secretary-General has properly 
in the past and should continue in the future to 
act in accordance with those resolutions and in 
accordance with the principles set forth in the 
Secretary-General's reports which the resolution 
endorsed. The confidence of the Assembly in the 
Secretary-General and in the execution of United 
Nations resolutions in the Congo is thus clearly 
stated. When contrasted with the demands of the 
Soviet draft resolution for a censure of the Secre- 
tary-General, the intent of the sponsors of this 
draft is even more pointedly apparent. 

Second, the draft resolution has faced directly 
and squarely up to the realities of Soviet policy 
toward the Congo. Paragraph 6 is crystal clear 
in stating that, even though the United Nations 
recognizes the sovereign rights of the Congo, it 
is nevertheless calling upon all states— and that 
must include the Congo as well as the U.S.S.K. 
and its friends — to refrain from allowing any as- 
sistance of a military nature in the Congo except 
upon the request of the United Nations through 
the Secretary-General. 

I note with pleasure the straightforward inter- 
pretation which the representative of Ghana [Alex 
Quaison-Sackey] made on this point in intro- 
ducing the resolution last night : 

We go on to say that there should be no provision of 
arms, whether directly or indirectly, or of other materials 
of war and military personnel, or other assistance for 
military purposes, during the temporary period of mili- 
tary assistance through the United Nations. ... I think 
the phrase "except upon the request of the United Na- 
tions through the Secretary-General" must be underlined. 

We feel very strongly that no help whatsoever should be 
sent to the Congo without the express request of the 
United Nations, and that this help should go only through 
the United Nations medium. 

The injunction is categorical. It is made even 
more categorical by endorsing the Security Coun- 
cil call on all states not to take any steps which 
would make maintenance of law and order more 
difficult. For our part, I can assure the Assembly 
that the United States has not sent any men, sup- 
plies, or materials to the Congo for military pur- 



poses except in support of the United Nations 
Force and at direct United Nations request. The 
United States fully intends to continue that policy. 
It is now the responsibility of the U.S.S.K. and 
any others to do likewise. 

Other Constructive Steps Proposed 

The resolution, of course, is not confined to these 
overwhelming issues. It also proposes other con- 
structive steps. 

Among other things, the resolution appeals to 
all Congolese to seek a solution of their conflict 
by peaceful means and authorizes "as appropriate" 
and "in consultation with the Secretary-General" 
the appointment by the Advisory Committee of 
representatives for the purpose of assisting in 
conciliation. We concur with this appeal for a 
solution by peaceful means and can foresee circum- 
stances where United Nations assistance in concili- 
ation might be useful. We are pleased, moreover, 
that the language of the last part of the para- 
graph is permissive and that consultation with 
the Secretary-General is also envisaged. We 
must guard carefully against introducing, our- 
selves, any complicating elements into the Congo. 
The timing and nature of any such efforts, as well 
as the willingness of those concerned to accept 
them, should be carefully considered before they 
are initiated. 

Finally, the resolution makes an appeal for 
voluntary contributions for a fund for the Congo 
to be used under United Nations control. We feel 
that the language which sets out the purposes of 
this fund is slightly ambiguous. We take it to 
mean, however, that the fund is to be used for 
purposes specified in the Secretary-General's 
fourth report. 7 With this understanding the 
United States will give prompt consideration to 
the appeal. 

The United States, in the context of these com- 
ments, will vote for the resolution if it is not ad- 
versely amended. 

The Soviet Resolution 

Finally, Mr. President, there is also another 
resolution before us — the resolution of the 
U.S.S.R. 8 I do not believe that too much com- 
ment on it is necessary. To our mind it is full of 



: U.N. doc. S/4482 and Add. 1, 2, and 3. 

1 U.N. doc. A/L. 293 ; withdrawn by the Soviet Union. 



October 10, 1960 



587 



U.S. Contributes $5 Million 
to U.N. Fund for the Congo 

U.S. /U.N. press release 3496 

Following is the text of a letter from Secretary 
Ecrtcr to Secretary-General Hammarskjold upon 
presentation by Mr. Eerter of a $5-million check as 
a U.S. contrihution for the United Nations Fund for 
the Congo. 

September 23, 1960. 

Excellency: This is in response to your letter 
of September 20, I960* referring to the General 
Assembly resolution of September 20 * which ap- 
pealed to "all Member Governments for urgent vol- 
untary contributions to a United Nations Fund for 
the Congo" for which you estimate a need of 
$100,000,000. 

My Government is prepared to respond to your 
request and is immediately making an advance 
contribution of $5,000,000 on the assumption that 
contributions will also be forthcoming from other 
Governments. Additional contributions will be 
made as specific plans and requirements are de- 
veloped by the United Nations. 

No decision can be made at this time concerning 
the total amount which the United States is pre- 
pared to contribute to the United Nations Fund 
for the Congo because of conditions established by 
United States legislation. In particular, exist- 
ing legislation under which funds are now available 
to the United States Government provides that the 
United States contribution will not exceed 40% of 
the total made available to the United Nations for 
this purpose. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

Christian A. Herteb 

Secretary of State of the 

United States of America 



1 Not printed. 

' U.N. doc. A/RES/1474/Rev. 1 (ES-IV). 



misstatements of fact and of slanderous allegations 
against the Secretary-General, the United Nations 
Command, and other member states of the United 
Nations. It demands a policy totally at variance 
with the one in the other draft. The United States 
will vote against it and hopes the Assembly will 
reject it decisively. 

The same considerations apply to the amend- 
ments which the U.S.S.E. has moved to the Afri- 
can draft 9 under the guise of seeking general 



agreement. The Soviet Union, in our opinion, is 
trying in these amendments to impose its own 
views concerning the Government of the Congo. 
It is trying to shift the attention of the Assembly 
from the U.S.S.E., which has been sending mili- 
tary equipment and personnel into the Congo, to 
Belgium, which has been taking its troops out. 
It is trying to change the resolution from one 
supporting the Secretary-General to one critical 
of him. It is trying to take out of United Nations 
control a fund which is supposed to be a United 
Nations fund. 

The United States will therefore vote against 
these amendments and hopes the Assembly will 
reject them decisively. 



AFRO-ASIAN RESOLUTION >° 

The General Assembly, 

Having considered the situation in the Republic of the 
Congo, 

Taking note of the resolutions of 14 and 22 July and of 
9 August 19G0 of the Security Council, 

Taking into account the unsatisfactory economic and 
political conditions that continue in the Republic of the 
Congo, 

Considering that, with a view to preserving the unity, 
territorial integrity and political independence of the 
Congo, to protecting and advancing the welfare of its 
people, and to safeguarding international peace, it is 
essential for the United Nations to continue to assist the 
Central Government of the Congo, 

1. Fully supports the resolutions of 14 and 22 July and 
of 9 August of the Security Council ; 

2. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to take 
vigorous action in accordance with the terms of the afore- 
said resolutions and to assist the Central Government of 
the Congo in the restoration and maintenance of law and 
order throughout the territory of the Republic of the 
Congo and to safeguard its unity, territorial integrity 
and political independence in the interests of international 
peace and security ; 

3. Appeals to all Congolese within the Republic of the 
Congo to seek a speedy solution by peaceful means of all 
tbeir internal conflicts for the unity and integrity of the 
Congo, with the assistance, as appropriate, of Asian and 
African representatives appointed by the Advisory Com- 
mittee on the Congo, in consultation with the Secretary- 
General, for the purpose of conciliation ; 

4. Appeals to all Member Governments for urgent 



1 U.N. doc. A/L. 294 ; withdrawn by the Soviet Union. 



"U.N. doc. A/RES/1474/Rev. 1 (ES-IV) (A/L.292/ 
Rev. 1) ; adopted on Sept. 20 (a.m.) by a vote of 70 to 0, 
with 11 abstentions (Soviet bloc, France, and Union of 
South Africa). 



588 



Department of State Bulletin 



voluntary contributions to a United Nations Fund for the 
Congo to be used under United Nations control and in 
consultation with the Central Government for the purpose 
of rendering the fullest possible assistance to achieve the 
objective mentioned in the preamble ; 

5. Requests: 

(a) All States to refrain from any action which might 
tend to impede the restoration of law and order and the 
exercise by the Government of the Republic of the Congo 
of its authority and also to refrain from any action 
which might undermine the unity, territorial integrity 
and the political independence of the Republic of the 
Congo ; 

(b) All Member States, in accordance with Articles 25 
and 49 of the Charter, to accept and carry out the de- 
cisions of the Security Council and to afford mutual as- 
sistance in carrying out measures decided upon by the 
Security Council ; 

6. Without prejudice to the sovereign rights of the Re- 
public of the Congo, calls upon all States to refrain from 
the direct and indirect provision of arms or other mate- 
rials of war and military personnel and other assistance 
for military purposes in the Congo during the temporary 
period of military assistance through the United Nations, 
except upon the request of the United Nations through 
the Secretary-General for carrying out the purposes of 
this resolution and of the resolutions of 14 and 22 July 
and of 9 August 1960 of the Security Council. 



U.N. Admits to Membership 
13 African States and Cyprus 

Statement by Secretary Herter 1 

Let me begin by offering you the congratula- 
tions of the United States on your election to the 
high post of President of the General Assembly. 2 
By your past distinguished services to this Organ- 
ization you have earned our confidence and re- 
spect. We wish you every success. 

The United States wholeheartedly welcomes the 
admission into the United Nations of the newly 
independent states of Africa and the state of 
Cyprus. Their achievement of independence rep- 

*Made in plenary session on Sept. 20 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3491). The General Assembly on Sept. 20 
admitted to U.N. membership by acclamation the follow- 
ing new members: Republic of Cameroun, Central Afri- 
can Republic, Republic of Chad, Republic of the Congo 
(Brazzaville), Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville), 
Republic of Cyprus, Republic of Dahomey, Gabon Repub- 
lic, Republic of the Ivory Coast, Malagasy Republic, 
Republic of the Niger, Republic of Somalia, Togolese 
Republic, and Republic of the Upper Volta. 

' Frederick H. Boland, representative of Ireland. 



resents a dramatic expansion of freedom. This 
strikes a responsive note in the hearts of the people 
of the United States, for it is less than 200 years 
ago that the United States achieved its own inde- 
pendence and we do not forget that our national 
existence stems from a declaration stating that all 
men are created equal and that they have a God- 
given right to certain basic freedoms. 

I need hardly add that with freedom comes 
responsibility, responsibility for national develop- 
ment as well as participation in the international 
development of the world community. Just as 
freedom for individuals is an essential for a free 
nation, so freedom of individual nations is an es- 
sential part of a healthy world community. By 
entering the United Nations you are taking on a 
share of the task of maintaining and expanding 
liberty in the world. 

With the conclusion last night of the emergency 
session on the Congo, 3 the United Nations has 
successfully met a severe test on an issue of par- 
ticular importance to the new states. The United 
Nations is now in a position to deal even more 
effectively with matters of vital concern to peace 
and security and to the welfare of its members. 
The United Nations, by its very nature, is in a 
unique position to help newly developing states 
to attain stable and democratic government, with 
higher living standards for their peoples. 

The United States will continue to support and 
cooperate with the United Nations effort. We are 
confident that the admission of the new states to- 
day marks a beginning of a long and fruitful col- 
laboration of these countries in the work of the 
United Nations. As one of their new partners 
we extend to them our warmest welcome. 



United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development 
and Planning 

The Departments of State and Commerce an- 
nounced on September 21 (Department of State 
press release 552) that John J. Allen, Jr., Under 
Secretary of Commerce for Transportation, has 



3 See p. 583. 



October 10, 1960 



589 



been designated U.S. representative to the sixth 
session of the Working Party on Economic De- 
velopment and Planning of the U.N. Economic 
Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE ) , 
which will be held at Bangkok, September 27- 
October 8, 1960. 

This session of the Working Party will deal for 
the first time with the role of transportation in 
economic development. Transportation officials 
from the following 24 member states of ECAFE 
have been invited to attend this meeting : Afghan- 
istan, Australia, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, China, 
France, India, Indonesia, Iran, Japan, Korea, 
Laos, Malaya, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, 
Pakistan, Philippines, Thailand, U.S.S.R., United 
Kingdom, United States, and Viet-Nam. 

Other members of the U.S. delegation include 
Ben F. Dixon, American Embassy, Bangkok; 
William A. Fagan, U.S. Operations Mission, 
Taipei; Andrew Ness, Jr., American Embassy, 
Bangkok ; Edward G. Schiffman, U.S. Operations 
Mission, Bangkok. 

ECE Electric Power Committee 

The Department of State announced on Septem- 
ber 23 (press release 555) that Jarvis D. Daven- 
port, president, Sturgis Water Works Co., Sturgis, 
S.D., will serve as the U.S. delegate to the 19th 
session of the Committee on Electric Power of the 
U.N. Economic Commission for Europe (ECE), 
which will be held at Geneva, October 3-7. Mr. 
Davenport left Washington on September 23 for 
Paris to participate in a tour of rural electrifica- 
tion installations in France. At the conclusion of 
the Geneva meeting, he and delegates from other 
countries will participate in a study tour of elec- 
trical installations in Rumania. 

The Electric Power Committee was established 
in 1947 and is one of the principal bodies of the 
ECE. Its studies include economic questions con- 
cerning transmission of electric power and rural 
electrification. This session of the Committee will 
deal, among other topics, with problems of in- 
vestment of the construction and operation of 
electric power plants. 

Mr. Davenport will be assisted by Truman E. 
Hienton, chief, Farm Electrification Research 
Board, Department of Agriculture, and members 
of the U.S. resident delegation. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Antarctica 

The Antarctic Treaty. Signed at Washington December 
1, 1959. 1 
Ratification deposited: France, September 16, I960. 

Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Done 
at New York October 26, 1956. Entered into force July 
29, 1957. TIAS 3873. 
Ratification deposited: Chile, September 19, 1960. 



BILATERAL 



Denmark 

Agreement amending the agreement of November 16, 1951, 
and April 28, 1952 (TIAS 2726), relating to the dis- 
position of equipment and material no longer required 
by Denmark in the furtherance of its mutual defense 
assistance program. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Copenhagen September 12, 1960. Entered into force 
September 12, 1960. 

Spain 

Agreement to facilitate interchange of patent rights and 
technical information for defense purposes. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Madrid July 13 and 21, 1960. 
Entered into force July 21, 1960. 

Union of South Africa 

Agreement providing for the establishment and operation 
of tracking stations at Esselen Park, Olifants Fontein, 
and Johannesburg. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Pretoria September 13, 1960. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 13, 1960. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Recess Appointments 

The President on September 24 appointed Joseph 
Palmer II as Ambassador to the Federation of Nigeria. 
(For biographic details, see Department of State press 
release 556 dated September 24.) 



1 Not in force. 



590 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 10, 1960 



Index 



Vol. XLIII, No. 1111 



Africa 

Department Welcomes African Students to United 

States (Thayer) 559 

President Eisenhower Addresses U.N. General 
Assembly 551 

U.N. Admits to Membership 13 African States and 
Cyprus (Herter) 589 

Agriculture. Secretary Benson Visits South Amer- 
ica To Promote Market Development .... 559 

American Republics 

The Bonds That Unite U.S. and Latin America 

(Eisenhower) 557 

Secretary Benson Visits South America To Promote 
Market Development 559 

Asia. ECAFE Working Party on Economic Devel- 
opment and Planning (delegation) 5S9 

Congo, Republic of the 

U.N. General Assembly Holds Fourth Emergency 
Session ; Endorses Secretary-General's Policy in 
the Congo (Wadsworth, text of resolution) . . 583 

U.S. Contributes $5 Million to U.N. Fund for the 
Congo (Herter) 58S 

Congress, The. Congressional Documents Relating 
to Foreign Policy 582 

Cyprus. U.N. Admits to Membership 13 African 

States and Cyprus (Herter) 589 

Department and Foreign Service. Recess Appoint- 
ments (Palmer) 590 

Disarmament. President Eisenhower Addresses 

U.N. General Assembly 551 

Economic Affairs 

ECAFE Working Party ou Economic Development 

and Planning (delegation) 589 

ECE Electric Power Committee (delegation) . . 590 
Economic Interdependence in the Free World 

(Adair) 572 

New Economic Horizons (Burgess) 568 

New Opportunities in Foreign Trade (Dillon) . . 563 
President Eisenhower Welcomes India-Pakistan 

Indus River Pact 577 

Secretary Benson Visits South America To Promote 

Market Development 559 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Department Welcomes African Students to United 

States (Thayer) 559 

Noah Langdale Named to Advisory Commission 

on Educational Exchange 582 

Europe 

ECE Electric Power Committee (delegation) . . 590 
New Economic Horizons (Burgess) 568 

Immigration and Naturalization. The Visa Process 
and Review of Visa Applications (Auerbach) . 57S 

India. President Eisenhower Welcomes India- 
Pakistan Indus River Pact 577 

International Organizations and Conferences 

ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development 

and Planning (delegation) 589 

ECE Electric Power Committee (delegation) . . 590 
New Economic Horizons (Burgess) 568 

Japan. Japanese Foreign Minister Confers With 
Secretary Herter ( texts of joint communique and 
exchange of letters between President Eisen- 
hower and Prime Minister Ikeda) 561 

Mali, Republic of. U.S. Recognizes Republic of 

Mali and Republic of Senegal 567 

Nigeria. Palmer appointed Ambassador .... 590 



Pakistan. President Eisenhower Welcomes India- 
Pakistan Indus River Pact 577 

Panama. President Directs Panamanian Flag Be 
Flown in Canal Zone (Farland, Wheaton, text 
of U.S. note) 558 

Presidential Documents 

The Bonds That Unite U.S. and Latin America . 557 
Japanese Foreign Minister Confers With Secretary 

Herter (exchange of letters between Presideut 

Eisenhower and Prime Minister Ikeda) . . . 561 
President Eisenhower Addresses U.N. General 

Assembly 551 

President Eisenhower Welcomes India-Pakistan 

Indus River Pact 577 

Senegal, Republic of. U.S. Recognizes Republic of 

Mali and Republic of Senegal 567 

Treaty Information. Current Actions .... 590 

United Nations 

President Eisenhower Addresses U.N. General 

Assembly 551 

U.N. Admits to Membership 13 African States and 

Cyprus (Herter) 589 

U.N. General Assembly Holds Fourth Emergency 

Session ; Endorses Secretary-General's Policy in 

the Congo (Wadsworth, text of resolution) . . 5S3 
U.S. Contributes $5 Million to U.N. Fund for the 

Congo (Herter) 588 

Name Index 

Adair, Charles W., Jr 572 

Auerbach, Frank L 578 

Burgess, W. Randolph 568 

Dillon, Douglas 563 

Eisenhower, President 551, 557, 562, 577 

Farland, Joseph S 558 

Herter, Secretary 561, 588, 5S9 

Ikeda, Hayato 562 

Kosaka, Zentaro 561 

Palmer, Joseph II 590 

Thayer, Robert H 559 

Wadsworth, James J 583 

Wheaton, Anne 558 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 19-25 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to September 19 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 529 of 
September 12, 536 of September 14, and 544 and 
545 of September 15. 

No. Date Subject 

551 9/20 Burgess: "New Economic Horizons." 

552 9/21 Delegation to ECAFE Working Party 

(rewrite). 

*553 9/21 Yoe designated USOM director, The 
West Indies (biographic details). 

*554 9/22 Delegation to Nigerian independence 

ceremonies. 
555 9/23 Delegation to ECE Electric Power Com- 
mittee (rewrite). 

*556 9/24 Palmer appointed ambassador to Ni- 
geria (biographic details). 



*Not printed. 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I960 




the 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D.C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, S300 

(GPO) 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



DOCUMENTS ON DISARMAMENT 

November 15, 1945, through December 29, 1959 



Department 

of 

State 



This two-volume publication contains important postwar docu- 
ments regarding negotiations on the international control of 
atomic energy, the reduction of armaments and armed forces, 
safeguards against surprise attack, the problem of nuclear weap- 
ons tests, various problems of outer space, and related questions. 

All the papers in the collection have previously been released, 
but this is the first time that some of them have been made widely 
available. Volume I covers the years 1945-56 and Volume II the 
period 1957-59. The number of papers selected for the 5 years 
from 1955 through 1959 is much larger than for the preceding 10 
years. This is because the developments of recent years bear more 
directly upon the current negotiations in this general field and 
because recent years have witnessed intensified discussion of nu- 
clear testing, safeguards against surprise attack, and outer space. 



Publication 7008 



Price: $4.50 




Grder Form 



To: Supt of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Enclosed find: 

$ 

(cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 



Name 

Street Address : 

City, Zone, and State: 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



SaeSRaP!! 



5ft 



llil 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1112 



October 17, 1960 



IE 

FICIAL 

EKLY RECORD 

ITED STATES 
[REIGN POLICY 



PRESIDENT EISENHOWER REPLIES TO LETTER RE- 
GARDING MEETING WITH SOVIET PREMIER . 595 

A BROAD LOOK AT THE INTERNATIONAL SITUA- 
TION O by Under Secretary Dillon 597 

U.S. PARTICIPATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS 

DURING 1959 • President's Letter Transmitting 14th An- 
nual Report to Congress 624 

THE FINANCIAL PROBLEMS OF A DEVELOPING 

WORLD ECONOMY • Annual Meetings of Boards of 

Governors of World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and 

I nternational Finance Corporation 

Statements by Secretary of the Treasury Robert B. Anderson . 607 

Message From President Eisenhower 607 

Statement by Under Secretary of State Douglas Dillon . . . . 608 
Statement by Assistant Secretary of the Treasury T. 

Graydon Upton 616 

ton Public Library 
.erintendent oi Documents 

.141960 

For index see inside back cover 

DEPOSITORY 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1112 • Publication 7087 
October 17, 1960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government l'rinting Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 

Price: 

52 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 19J8). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State BtniETiN as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and tlie Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



President Eisenhower Replies to Letter 
Regarding Meeting With Soviet Premier 



White House press release dated October 2 

Following is the text of identical out individual 
replies by President Eisenhower to the commu/rd- 
cation of September 29th received from President 
Nkrumah of Ghana, President Sukarno of Indo- 
nesia, President Nasser of the United Arab Re- 
public, President Tito of Yugoslavia, and Prime 
Minister Nehru of India. 

I have received your letter of September 29, in- 
forming me of your intention to submit to the 
current session of the General Assembly a resolu- 
tion calling for a meeting between the Chairman 
of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. and 
myself. I assure you again that I share the con- 
cern expressed in this communication over the 
present state of international relations, and I 
understand and sympathize with the motives 
which led you to propose this step. 

As President of the United States I have sought 
on every occasion to explore to the. full any possi- 
bility for the resolution of outstanding interna- 
tional questions by negotiation. 

Following the refusal last May of the Soviet 
government to participate in the long awaited 
Summit Conference which was to deal with cer- 
tain of these questions, especially disarmament and 
problems arising out of the war, the President of 
France, the Prime Minister of the United King- 
dom and I issued a declaration which stated: 
"They remain unshaken in their conviction that 
all outstanding international questions should not 
be settled by threat or the use of force but by 
peaceful means through negotiation. They them- 
selves remain ready to take part in such negotia- 
tions at any suitable time in the future." * 

Speaking for the United States this statement 
still holds good. 



I have at no time utilized any threats whatsoever 
with reference to any international question. This 
is, I am sure you will agree, a matter of historical 
record. 

On the other hand, the Soviet Union far from 
following a comparable policy of restraint ap- 
pears to have undertaken with deliberate intent 
a policy of increasing tension throughout the 
world and in particular of damaging relations 
with the United States. 

Instead of avoiding threats of the use of force, 
the Soviet government has tlu'eatened rocket re- 
taliation against many members of the United Na- 
tions including the United States on the pretext of 
contrived and imaginary intentions on the part of 
these countries. While these threats have neces- 
sarily only strengthened our resolve to maintain 
our readiness to deter and, if necessary, to resist 
any aggression, they have nevertheless caused un- 
easiness throughout the world. 

The Soviet Government has refused any thought 
of an impartial international body to investigate 
the shooting down on July 1 of an aircraft of the 
United States Air Force, and is still holding in- 
communicado two members of its crew. 2 

The Soviets have unilaterally disrupted the ten- 
nation disarmament talks in Geneva with full 
knowledge that the Western Powers there repre- 
sented were about to submit new proposals which 
took into account those made earlier by the Soviet 
Union. 3 

I believe that a comparison of the international 
behavior of the participants of the Paris Meeting 
since its collapse demonstrates where the responsi- 
bility lies for the increase of international tension 



1 For text, see Bulletin of June 6, 1960, p. 905. 
October 77, 7960 



2 For background, see ibid., Aug. 1, 1960, p. 163 ; Aug. 8, 
1960, p. 209 ; and Aug. 15, 1960, p. 235. 

3 Ibid., July 18, 1960, p. 88. 

595 



and the failure to make any progress in the solu- 
tion of outstanding problems. 

I reiterate what I said in my speech before the 
General Assembly on September 22 : 4 The United 
States is always ready to undertake serious nego- 
tiations with the Soviet Union and other inter- 
ested countries on any unresolved international 
question, and especially in the field of disarma- 
ment. I also pointed out that there are needs for 
great constructive action, for which I have made 
proposals to the General Assembly, that are pri- 
mary in their importance to the peace and prog- 
ress of major areas of the world. However, the 
chief problems in the world today are not due to 
differences between the Soviet Union and the 
United States alone, and therefore are not possible 
of solution on a bilateral basis. 

The questions which are disrupting the world 
at the present time are of immediate and vital con- 
cern to other nations as well. The importance of 
these matters is such as to go beyond personal or 
official relations between any two individuals to 
impede their solution, and I have many times per- 
sonally pledged myself, regardless of every kind of 
personal consideration, to meet with anyone at any- 
time if there is any serious promise of productive 
results. There is nothing in the words or actions 
of the government of the Soviet Union which gives 
me any reason to believe that the meeting you sug- 
gest would hold any such promise. I would not 
wish to participate in a mere gesture which, in 
present circumstances, might convey a thoroughly 
misleading and unfortunate impression to the peo- 
ples of the world. 

If the Soviet Union seriously desires a reduction 
in tensions it can readily pave the way for useful 
negotiations by actions in the United Nations and 
elsewhere. If Soviet representatives should wish 
to discuss concrete measures to reduce tensions my 
representatives, including the Secretary of State, 
are always available for this purpose. Should such 
exploratory discussions reveal that the Soviet 
Union is prepared to return to the path of peaceful 
negotiation with some prospect of fruitful results 
then I personally would be prepared to meet and 
negotiate with the representative of the Soviet 
Government and with the heads of other govern- 
ments as their interests were involved. 
Sincerely, 

Dwight D. Eisenhower 



* For text, see ibid., Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 
596 



British, Australian Prime Ministers 
Meet With President Eisenhower 

JOINT STATEMENT, SEPTEMBER 27 

White House press release dated September 27 

The President of the United States and the 
Prime Minister of Great Britain [Harold Mac- 
millan] had a breakfast meeting this morning 
starting at 8 :00 o'clock in the President's suite in 
the Waldorf Astoria Hotel. They were joined at 
9:00 a.m. by the Secretary of State and British 
Foreign Secretary Lord Home. 

The President and the Prime Minister reviewed 
the situation in the General Assembly of the 
United Nations and considered the policies best 
pursued by their two countries towards their com- 
mon goal. They were in complete agreement as 
to the vital role of the United Nations, particu- 
larly in the Congo crisis and the need to give full 
support to the Secretary-General in his task. 
They greatly hope that after a stormy start the 
General Assembly will now be able to concentrate 
on serious, sober and constructive work, notably 
in the matter of disarmament. 



JOINT STATEMENT, OCTOBER 2 

White House press release dated October 2 

The Prime Minister of Australia [R. G. Men- 
zies] met for an hour and a half at the White 
House this morning with the President of the 
United States and the Prime Minister of the 
United Kingdom. They continued the discussion 
of current problems at the United Nations which 
the President and Mr. Macmillan had started in 
New York on Tuesday last. They adjourned their 
meeting at 10 : 50 a.m. 

All three were agreed in the hope that the Gen- 
eral Assembly will now be able to achieve real 
progress on the problems confronting it, notably 
that of disarmament. 

The United States and British Secretaries of 
State plan to meet again this afternoon at the 
British Embassy at 2:30 to carry forward the 
review of certain of the points under discussion 
this morning. 

Department of State Bulletin 



A Broad Look at the International Situation 



by Under Secretary Dillon : 



I am deeply honored to participate in this 80th 
anniversary of the Polish National Alliance, 
which has a proud history of service to its wide- 
spread membership and of patriotic dedication to 
the best interests of our country. Your untiring 
efforts to help keep the flame of liberty burning 
brightly in the hearts of the courageous people of 
Poland command the admiration of all your fellow 
Americans. 

A major factor influencing present-day Polish- 
American relations is the friendship which has 
existed between our peoples since the days of the 
American Revolution. This friendship has been 
enhanced over the years by a large emigration to 
our shores of Poles who, as welcome and respected 
members of the American community, have broad- 
ened the ties between our two nations. Indeed, it 
is difficult to find a Pole without a relative in Buf- 
falo, Pittsburgh, or here in Chicago. 

American policy toward Poland reflects these 
ties, as well as our continuing interest in the wel- 
fare of the Polish people. We have advanced sub- 
stantial credits for the purchase of our surplus 
agricultural commodities and, in more limited 
amounts, for the purchase of other necessities. 
These arrangements have brought great benefits 
to the Polish people. For example, in recent years 
we have extended credits to buy polio vaccine 
which has been used, together with privately do- 
nated American supplies, to immunize about 3 mil- 
lion Polish children. 

We favor increased trade with Poland. We 
encourage expanded educational, informational, 
cultural, and other exchanges between the two 
countries. The United States distributes a Polish- 
language magazine in Poland, while a Polish 



1 Address made before the Polish National Alliance 
at Chicago, 111., on Oct. 2 (press release 577 dated Oct. 1). 



publication appears on newsstands in this country. 
A year ago we reopened the American consulate 
in Poznan, and the Poles reestablished their 
consulate here in Chicago. 

Despite differences in social systems, we believe 
that we should continue to provide tangible 
evidence of our sympathetic interest in the welfare 
of the Polish people. We also believe that the 
Polish people welcome our assistance and ap- 
preciate our concern for them. 

As we meet here this evening, the world's atten- 
tion is focused upon New York City, where repre- 
sentatives of nearly 100 countries are gathered for 
a long and difficult General Assembly of the United 
Nations which is of critical importance to all men 
everywhere. Tonight I would like you to join me 
in a broad look at the state of our international 
relations, at the underlying problems which con- 
front humanity today, and at the efforts we must 
make to resolve these problems by working with 
other countries — both friendly and unfriendly — 
within the framework of the United Nations. 

In several respects the international scene in- 
spires hope and confidence. The last 15 years 
have witnessed great progress : 

• Despite serious breaches of the peace, man- 
kind has thus far avoided the incredible horrors 
of a general war. 

• Man has moved beyond our planet and begun 
probing outer space. 

• Science has developed means to eradicate or 
control many serious diseases and has helped to 
increase production of goods vitally needed in the 
unending struggle against hunger and want. 

• A great many peoples have achieved national 
independence. At no time in history have so many 
new nations come into existence in so short a 
period. At the United Nations tonight there are 



October 17, 7960 



597 



representatives of more than a dozen governments 

who were nut i here a year ago. 

• Most important of all has been the growth of 
international cooperation. Never before have so 
many nations, both old and new alike, worked to- 
gether through the U.X. and various regional or- 
ganizations to promote scientific advancement, to 
eliminate disease, to mitigate poverty, to assure 
international security, and to establish and main- 
tain conditions of lasting peace. Despite setbacks, 
despite the never-ending efforts of the Soviet 
Union to sabotage relations between nations by 
demagoguery, deceit, and duplicity, cooperation 
has become a concrete fact of international life. 
A dramatic case in point was the action of the 
United Nations when it firmly rebuked Soviet in- 
tervention in Africa and voted 70 to nothing, with 
the Soviet bloc abstaining, to support U.N. Secre- 
tary-General Dag Hammarskjold's impartial ef- 
forts to bring order out of chaos in the Congo. 2 

The progress I have outlined should give us 
hope for the future. But we are compelled to 
recognize that the world is confronted today by 
grave problems which influence every sector of 
human activity — and even endanger the existence 
of the whole human species. 

Buildup in World Tensions 

The first of these basic international problems 
is the steady buildup in world tensions deliberately 
engineered by the Soviet Union — of which Pre- 
mier Khrushchev's performance at the General 
Assembly is but the most recent example. 

In his intemperate attack upon Secretary-Gen- 
eral Hammarskjold, Premier Khrushchev made it 
clear that he seeks nothing less than to destroy 
the authority of the U.N. by turning executive au- 
thority over to a Soviet-type presidium. He does 
so because Soviet doctrine allows for only one 
world system — a Communist one, ruled from Mos- 
cow — and cannot tolerate any rival organization 
with effective strength or authority. 

The Soviets will not, of course, succeed in their 
efforts to destroy the authority, the dignity, and 
the prestige of the U.N. Mr. Khrushchev's 
statements and conduct since the Assembly began 
its current work are an affront to the intelligence 
and judgment of the leaders of all non-Commu- 



2 Bi'i.i.ktin of Oct. 10. I960, p. 583. 
598 



ni-t countries — and particularly to the leaders of 
those nations which have only recently achieved 
independence. For these leaders recognize that 
the U.N. is a principal vehicle for the advance- 
ment of their national interests and the strongest 
safeguard of their newly won freedom. They 
know that it is to the U.X.. with its stature as the 
forum in which the hopes and aspirations of man- 
kind can be freely expressed — and, when neces- 
sary, protected — that all countries can turn in 
time of need. They are anxious to see the U.N. 
strengthened rather than weakened. 

Menace of Communist Imperialism 

Mr. Khrushchev's strident and bellicose at- 
tempts to convert the U.N. into an instrument of 
Communist power politics have roots in an even 
more fundamental problem, which is the second 
great problem confronting the world today — and 
perhaps the most important of all. This is the 
menace of Communist imperialism. 

Imperialism is an old problem. But all reason- 
able men recognize that 19th-century colonialism 
has outlived its day and is fast disappearing. 
Since the end of World War II some 35 former 
colonies, protectorates, and other dependent 
areas — with a total population of over 800 million 
people — have won independence as members of 
the free world. In most cases they were helped to 
freedom by the same Western powers they were 
previously dependent upon, and have received sub- 
stantial economic aid from fellow members of the 
free world. 

It is against this background that Mr. Khru- 
shchev has just demanded an end to "colonialism." 
This is surely one of the most audacious demon- 
strations in history of the "big lie" technique. 
For, while the colonialism of the Western Euro- 
pean powers is steadily and surely making way 
for independence, the reverse process has been 
ruthlessly put into operation within the Soviet 
bloc by the Soviet Communist Party. Today the 
world is confronted by a new kind of imperial- 
ism—Soviet Communist imperialism — which is 
more comprehensive and more infamous than any- 
thing mankind has ever known. 

During the revolutionary events of 1917 in 
Russia, Lenin proclaimed the slogan of self-deter- 
mination of peoples. What did this mean in prac- 
tice? After the downfall of the former czarist 

Department of State Bulletin 



empire, many of its peoples organized their own 
governments. But no sooner had Soviet power 
established itself than the slogan of self -deter- 
mination was annulled. Self-determination, yes, 
the Bolsheviks said, for all peoples who wish to 
escape from the domination of imperial powers— 
but, since we have determined that our Soviet state 
is, by self -definition, not an imperialist, state, no 
people have the right to escape from it. 

Under the banner of this sophistry, Soviet power 
ruthlessly proceeded to crush every attempt by 
non-Russian peoples to free themselves from the 
new colonial yoke of Soviet communism. The 
Armenians, the Georgians, the Ukrainians, the 
Tatars, the Turkomans, Uzbeks, and Tajik — and 
many others who attempted to escape from the 
czarist "prison-house of the nations," as Marx 
called it — were thrust by force into the Communist 
strait jacket. 

Nor did the Russian people themselves have any 
opportunity freely to determine the form of gov- 
ernment and economic system under which they 
would live. The only free election ever held in 
Russia — the election in 1917 of deputies to the 
Constituent Assembly — resulted in a disastrous de- 
feat for the Bolsheviks, who thereupon dispersed 
the Constituent Assembly at bayonet point. 

Communist imperialism has also been extended 
to Eastern Europe, where today 100 million people 
live in subjugation to an alien and unwanted ideol- 
ogy, maintained by fire and sword — as the bloody 
massacres of Budapest testify. 

Let us consider but a few aspects of this new 
20th-century colonial imperialism : 

Let us take Central Asia: In Kazakhstan, ac- 
cording to the latest Soviet census, Russians out- 
number the Kazakhs, who now account for only 
30 percent of the population. In their own coun- 
try, therefore, the Kazakhs are rapidly being re- 
duced to a minority which, even if the opportu- 
nity for true self-determination were ever granted, 
could not hope to establish a national state re- 
sponsive to their legitimate aspirations. Today 
a growing number of people are being sent to 
Kazakhstan from the European part of the 
U.S.S.R. in furtherance of a policy of deliberate 
Russification. Whereas the cities and the ruling 
elements of Kazakhstan are now preponderantly 
Russian, the Kazakhs are the peasants who are 
allowed to work the collective farms for their 
Russian masters. 



In Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia large num- 
bers of the Baltic peoples have been sent to die in 
prison camps in remote parts of the Soviet em- 
pire, while colonizers from Russia have been 
moved in to take their places. 

Smaller nations, such as the Tatars of the 
Crimea and the Volga Germans, have simply dis- 
appeared. 

The fate of 17 million East Germans, cruelly 
and arbitrarily separated from their kin and com- 
patriots in the Federal Republic, is a particularly 
sordid example of Soviet scorn for the principle 
of free self-determination. 

If anyone should doubt the existence and char- 
acter of this new imperialism, let him consider that 
nowhere else in the world, except in the anthill dic- 
tatorship of Communist China, do governments 
find it necessary to fence their peoples in by force. 
The sealed borders of the Soviet empire, the im- 
possibility of obtaining a passport for foreign 
travel unless one is a member of the new Com- 
munist ruling class — these are the most eloquent 
testimony to the fate of subject peoples under the 
Communist colonial system. 

The new nations represented tonight at the Gen- 
eral Assembly would do well to remember these 
tragic human realities when they hear Communist 
boasts of "progress." They would also do well 
to remember that Sino-Soviet Communist leaders 
have openly and repeatedly asserted their deter- 
mination to establish a universal Communist dic- 
tatorship. Communist leadership is pursuing its 
goal with tenacious energy, using a massive va- 
riety of techniques. Sometimes— as in Korea, 
Hungary, and Tibet — it employs naked force. 
Sometimes it seeks to establish control through 
invasions disguised as revolutions or civil wars. 
It employs a flood of propaganda, specifically 
tailored to the prejudices and interests of each 
country. It employs a vast network of espionage 
and subversive agents, sometimes masquerading 
as friendly technicians. It supports Communist 
political parties in every nation which permits 
opposing political parties to function. It uses 
cultural contacts, and economic and technical aid, 
as well as trade, to serve the purpose of political 
penetration. There is virtually no aspect of hu- 
man life which communism has not utilized as 
a weapon for expansion. So\4et Communist im- 
perialism is not an ideological theory but a sordid 
fact. 



October 17, 1960 



599 



The Soviet imperialists speak of "peaceful co- 
existence." It is important that this jargon be 
translated into words that ordinary men can un- 
derstand. The actual meaning is relatively sim- 
ple: It is the slogan under which these 20th 
century imperialists aim to conquer the world 
without risking general war. They utilize eco- 
nomic pressure, political infiltration, and civil dis- 
turbances. However, they have proved over and 
over again, in Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, 
East Germany, Estonia, Hungary, Korea, Latvia, 
Lithuania, Poland, Rumania, Tibet — and Fin- 
land — that they are prepared to use violent means 
whenever their ambitions cannot be realized by 
other means. 

Unquestionably, the threat of aggressive Com- 
munist imperialism is severe. However, I have the 
utmost confidence that the Soviet leaders will not 
succeed in their ambitions. The lively spirit of in- 
dependence exhibited by the leaders and peoples 
of the new nations reinforces my conviction that 
they will successfully repel Moscow ? s attempts to 
subjugate them. Human beings everywhere are 
demanding freedom for themselves and their chil- 
dren, and they will not lightly barter it away for 
false promises of material progress when this sup- 
posed "progress" carries with it loss of liberty and 
human dignity. The new nations now coming into 
existence will survive and prosper in freedom and 
independence long after the Communist system 
itself has become obsolete ! And we can be certain 
that sooner or later the freedom so dear to the 
peoples of Eastern Europe will be theirs once 
again. The Soviet Communist overlords will not 
be able to keep these proud peoples in bondage 
indefinitely. Certainly we in the United States 
will never accept the present situation in Eastern 
Europe as anything but a temporary nightmare 
before the inevitable dawn of freedom. 

Disarmament 

A third great problem confronting the world at 
this time — and one which the United States has 
actively worked to solve — is to reach agreement on 
controlled disarmament. The menace of nuclear 
aggreasion from the Soviets and the expansion of 
their military capabilities behind their mantle of 
secrecy have left us no alternative but to maintain 
our own defensive position. Thus we have been 
forced against our will into an armaments race 
which obviously contributes to international ten- 



sions. It increases the risk of war by accident or 
miscalculation. It complicates the settlement of 
political disputes. It involves a tremendous waste 
of human and material resources. It produces a 
steady drain upon capital, manpower, raw ma- 
terials, and industrial production, which might 
otherwise be used to improve the living standards, 
health, and general well-being of all mankind. 

The United States has sought agreement on dis- 
armament for many years. As early as 1946 we 
offered to give up our monopoly of nuclear weap- 
ons. Since that time we have made many other 
specific disarmament proposals. Just 10 days ago 
President Eisenhower presented to the United Na- 
tions bold and far-reaching suggestions that would 
advance the ultimate goal of verified general and 
complete disarmament. 3 Among other sugges- 
tions, the President proposed the controlled end 
of the production of fissionable material for nu- 
clear weapons as a step toward their elimination, 
and a United Nations surveillance body to reduce 
the danger of war by miscalculation. 

We call upon the Soviet Government to coop- 
erate in removing the shadow of annihilation 
which hangs over mankind. We are prepared to 
continue negotiations toward this goal — at any 
time, at any place, and under any conditions which 
offer a reasonable opportunity for genuine 
progress. 

We are also prepared to conduct these negotia- 
tions in a spirit of sincerity and conciliation. We 
do not insist that a single disarmament plan must 
be accepted and that all other possibilities must 
be excluded. We will not "walk out" of disarma- 
ment negotiations — as the Soviets have done — 
simply because our own proposals are not adopted 
without qualification. We insist only that any 
disarmament program, to be effective, must em- 
body certain fundamental principles. 

The first principle is that any disarmament ar- 
rangements must be accompanied by workable 
measures for verification and control. We have 
never asked for unreasonable inspection, but we 
have steadfastly maintained that effective controls 
must accompany disarmament at every stage. It 
would be inconceivable for the free world to dis- 
mantle its defensive power while permitting the 
Soviet Union to maintain a wall of secrecy around 
its armaments. Disarmament must be a verifiable 
fact, not merely a promise. Verification and con- 



1 IMA., p. 551. 



600 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



trol procedures cannot, as the Soviet Union pro- 
poses, apply solely to those elements of the mili- 
tary establishment that are to be reduced, but 
must also be applied to those elements that remain. 
In other words, it is not enough to know how 
many soldiers have been demobilized. Even more, 
it is vital to know how many soldiers remain under 
arms. 

Secondly, it is imperative that any disarmament 
program proceed in carefully planned stages, 
which will insure protection for all nations. The 
world cannot afford, at any step in the disarma- 
ment process, to have any nation or group of 
nations gain decisive military superiority over 
other nations or groups of nations. A disarma- 
ment program which permitted the Communist 
empire to attain, even temporarily, an overwhelm- 
ing superiority would not bring the peace we all 
seek but might well precipitate a deadly war. 

Economic Growth of Underdeveloped Areas 

The fourth great problem confronting the 
world today is the problem of economic and tech- 
nical growth of underdeveloped areas. Even if 
there were no danger of Communist imperialism, 
we nevertheless could not escape the fact that a 
large part of the world is still suffering from 
abysmal poverty, ignorance, and disease. In some 
areas these conditions have existed for generations. 
But such conditions are intolerable in a world 
which has the means to provide a remedy. 

We Americans took the lead in providing such 
a remedy through our bilateral programs of aid to 
needy peoples which have been under way since 
the close of World War II. We are now being 
joined with increasing vigor by our prospering 
allies of Western Europe and Japan, who have 
recovered from the ravages of war with our help. 
But more — much, much more — remains to be done. 

In extending aid, both bilaterally and through 
international organizations, we are concerned not 
only with the suffering of human beings but with 
the whole fabric of international society. It will 
be difficult for the newly independent states to 
preserve their freedom unless they can resolve the 
problems of economic and social stability. It 
would be difficult to achieve genuine and construc- 
tive international cooperation so long as many 
peoples of the world remained uneducated and 
lacked the simple necessities of life. We cannot 



expect men to be calm and reasonable when they 
are hungry, resentful, and afraid. 

The problem of economic and teclinical devel- 
opment is exceedingly complex. It cannot be 
solved solely with the resources of the less devel- 
oped countries themselves, although their peoples 
must make an all-out effort in their own behalf. 
It cannot be solved simply by outside help. It can 
only be solved through wide, energetic, and 
thoughtful international cooperation. 

It is equally clear that the task of economic and 
technical development cannot be accomplished 
through any single channel. In many instances a 
major contribution can be made through private 
investment and private industry. In other in- 
stances contributions must be made through bilat- 
eral arrangements between individual govern- 
ments. In still other instances effective results 
may be obtained from regional programs. Fi- 
nally, it is essential that the entire world com- 
munity, acting through the U.N., contribute to the 
developmental process. 

This last point was the essence of President 
Eisenhower's proposal at the General Assembly, 
when he called for massive aid to the new African 
states, especially the Congo, and asked that such 
aid be channeled through the United Nations. 

While we Americans are justly proud of our 
social, political, and economic system, we do not 
proclaim its universal triumph nor seek to impose 
it on other nations. On the contrary, we have 
always sought to maintain friendly relations with 
nations having political and economic systems 
very different from our own. We have often 
given these nations substantial aid and support. 
In the case of Poland, for example, we have taken 
steps to develop our relations in many areas. 

The United States does not ask that other na- 
tions attempt to remake themselves in the Ameri- 
can image. We ask only that they maintain a 
genuine independence of their own, that they not 
conspire against the freedom of their neighbors, 
and that they fulfill their international obliga- 
tions. Friendship does not require conformity. 
It requires only mutual responsibility and mutual 
respect. 

We Americans seek peace. But there is a war 
which I believe we must wage. Not a war against 
other nations or peoples. But a war in alliance 
toith other nations and peoples — endless and re- 



Ocfofaer 17, I960 



601 



lentless war — war against conditions which weak- 
en the bodies and strangle the spirits of human 
beings. AVe must wage a powerful and concerted 
war against poverty, ignorance and disease, op- 
pression and injustice. 

Never before has mankind been confronted by 
sucli grave dangers nor by such magnificent 
opportunities. In the same hand we hold the 
power of death and destruction and the power of 
life and progress. We Americans have a pro- 
found conviction that mankind will choose t he- 
pathway of life. In this conviction — and no 
matter what the provocations with which we are 
confronted by Soviet Communist leaders at the 
United Nations — we must dedicate ourselves anew 
to the principles of the U.N. Charter and to the 
pursuit of peace, freedom, and prosperity for all 
the peoples of the earth. 



General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1960 

A PROCLAMATION 1 

Whereas during our war for independence a young 
Polish patriot in exile. Count Casimir Pulaski, joined the 
Continental Array, was appointed a brigadier general and 
commander of cavalry, distinguished himself in various 
engagements, and raised and commanded a corps called 
the Pulaski Legion ; and 

Whereas while leading an assault to relieve the cap- 
tured city of Savannah, Georgia, Pulaski received a wound 
which proved fatal on October 11, 1779; and 

Whereas the present year marks the one hundred and 
eighty-first anniversary of Pulaski's death ; and 

Whereas in his selfless devotion to the cause of liberty, 
Pulaski is a continuing example to all men who strive 
toward the goals of freedom and justice: 

Now, therefore, I, Dwioht D. EISENHOWER, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby designate 
Tuesday, October 11, 1960, as General Pulaski's Memorial 
Day. 

I direct the appropriate officers of the Federal Govern- 
ment to display the flag of the United States on all 
Government buildings on that day ; and I request the 
appropriate officers of the State and local governments 
likewise to display the flag on that day. 

I also invite the people of the United States to observe 
the day in their homes, schools, churches, and other suit- 
able places with ceremonies and with thoughts commemo- 
rative of the ideals and the heroism of General Pulaski. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 
affixed. 



Done at the City of Washington this twenty-third day 
of September in the year of our Lord nineteen 

[seal! hundred and sixty, and of the Independence of 
the United States of America the one hundred 

and eighty-fifth. 

By the President : x / (7 j 

Douolas Dillon, XJ UL>y L4~Zutt-<j~. X/k^-n, 

Acting Secretary of State. / 



Western Commandants in Berlin 
Protest East German Travel Curbs 

Press release 563 dated September 27 

There follows the text of a Utter from Gen. 
Jean Lacomme, French Commandant in Berlin, 
on behalf of the American, British, and French 
Commandants in reply to a letter of September 
13 ' from Ma'). Gen. N. ZaJcharov, Commandant of 
Soviet Forces in Berlin, concerning travel restric- 
tions imposed by East German authorities? The 
tripartite reply was delivered to General Zal-harov 
on September 27. 

Your letter of September 13 contains such mis- 
apprehensions that I must once again call your 
attention to a few well-known facts. 

As the Soviet Government was informed on 
October 3, 1955, by the Governments of France, 
the United Kingdom, and the United States, 3 the 
agreements of September 20, 1955, to which you 
refer, cannot alter, or in any way affect, the 
quadripartite status of Berlin or relieve the 
U.S.S.R. of its responsibilities, which it shares 
with France, the U.K., and the U.S., with respect 
to Berlin. In particular, the thesis implied in 
your letter that the eastern sector of Berlin is on 
the territory of the "GDR" [German Democratic 
Republic] or forms part of the territory of the 
"GDR" is in direct conflict with Berlin's quadri- 
partite status. Furthermore, the restrictions an- 
nounced by East German officials on August 30 
and September 8, 1960, were in open violation of 
the right of free circulation in Berlin, as well as 



1 No. 3375 ; 25 Fed . Roy. 92S4. 



1 Not printed. 

2 For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 19, I960, p. 
439. and Sept. 26, 1960, p. 473. 

3 For text of the U.S. note, see ibid., Oct. 17, 1955, p. 
616. 



602 



Department of State Bulletin 



in direct contravention of the agreement made at 
Paris on June 20, 1949. 4 

The last two paragraphs of your letter refer to 
the air corridors. You will certainly recall that 
these were established by the decision of the Al- 
lied Control Council of November 30, 1945. The 
Three Allied Powers do not acknowledge any re- 
striction on the. use of the corridors by their air- 
craft and will continue to hold the U.S.S.R. fully 
responsible for ensuring air safety in them. 



NATO Secretary General 
Visits Washington 

Press release 564 dated September 27 

Paul-Henri Spaak, Secretary General of the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, will visit 
Washington from October 2 to October 4, at the 
invitation of the Secretory of State. 

Mr. Spaak, accompanied by Ambassador W. 
Randolph Burgess, U.S. Permanent Representa- 
tive to the North Atlantic Council, will arrive at 
Friendship Airport, Baltimore, October 2. 

While in Washington, Secretary General Spaak 
will meet with the President, the Secretary of 
State, the Secretary of Defense, and other officials 
of both Departments. 



U.S. Citizens Advised To Refrain 
From Travel to and Within Cuba 

Department Statement 

Press release 574 dated September 30 

As the result of events in Cuba, the conditions 
prevailing there, and recent advice given to 
United States dependents, the Department of 
State has received inquiries from American citi- 
zens as to the advisability of tourist travel to and 
within Cuba. 

In view of the circumstances it is believed 
prudent to advise United States citizens to refrain 
from travel to and within Cuba unless there are 
compelling reasons for such travel. 



4 For text, see ibid., July 4, 1949, p. 857. 



U.S. Protests Nationalization 
of U.S. Banks in Cuba 



Press release 575 dated September 30 
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT 

On September 29, 1960, U.S. Ambassador to 
Cuba Philip W. Bonsai personally delivered to 
the Deputy Foreign Minister of Cuba [Carlos 
Olivares Sanchez] a note strongly protesting the 
nationalization of three American-owned banks in 
Cuba. After reading the note of protest the 
Cuban official objected to certain language con- 
tained in the U.S. note and indicated his rejection 
of the protest. The note included the following 
sentence: "These statements recall only too vividly 
the statements which characterize the fraudulent 
propaganda of international communism." The 
statements to which the U.S. note referred are 
found in the resolution issued by the President 
and Prime Minister of Cuba on September 17, 
1960, nationalizing the banks, among which are 
the following: 

Whereas : It is not possible for a considerable portion 
of national banking to remain in tbe hands of imperial- 
istic interests that inspired tbe reduction of our sugar 
quota by an act of cowardly and criminal economic 
aggression. 

Whereas : Following the reduction of the sugar quota 
the Government of the United States of America and the 
representatives of the monopolistic interests of that coun- 
try have continued repeating acts of open aggression 
against tbe Cuban economy, such as those limiting com- 
merce between the two countries for the evident purpose 
of obstructing the economic development of Cuba, as well 
as the embargoes ordered, under tbe legal appearance 
of civil debts, against commercial aircraft of Cuban com- 
panies for the implicit purpose of diminishing our essen- 
tial means of international communication, in an effort 
more marked from day to day, to isolate our country. 

Whereas : There is no doubt that the survival of Ameri- 
can banking in Cuba, the genuine and typical expression 
of the imperialistic phenomenon, is an obstacle to national 
liberation. 

Whereas : To the above stated facts is joined the in- 
tentional conduct of the United States Government of 
facilitating and stimulating in its territory counter- 
revolutionary activities in which war criminals and fugi- 
tive traitors participate. 

Whereas : In addition the work of international espio- 
nage carried on under orders of that Government with 
utter disregard of international law and a marked inten- 
tion of developing conspiratory action in our country has 
been intensified. 



October 17, J 960 



603 



TEXT OF U.S. NOTE 

September 29, 1960 

Excellency : I have the honor to refer to the 
Embassy's note number 344 of July 16, 1960 ' in 
which, under instructions from my government, 
I conveyed to Your Excellency the protest of the 
United States Government against Law Number 
851 adopted by the Council of Ministers of the 
Government of Cuba on July 6, 1960. By this law, 
the President and Prime Minister of Cuba were 
empowered to decree the nationalization through 
forced expropriation of property located in Cuba 
of citizens of the United States of America. I 
reiterate that this law is in its essence discrimina- 
tory, confiscatory and arbitrary. 

I refer also to my note number 362 of August 8, 
I960, 2 in which I conveyed to Your Excellency the 
indignant protest of the Government of the United 
States against the action of the President and 
Prime Minister of Cuba, acting under the author- 
ity of the above cited law, in ordering, through 
resolution number one of August 6, 1960, the na- 
tionalization through forced expropriation of the 
properties of 26 companies wholly or partially 
owned by citizens of the United States of America. 

The President and Prime Minister of Cuba have 
now issued resolution number two of September 
17, 1960, also under color of the above-cited law, 
decreeing the nationalization through forced ex- 
propriation of the branches in Cuba of the Chase 
Manhattan Bank, the First National City Bank of 
New York and the First National Bank of Boston. 
I have been instructed by my government to pro- 
test against this new and unjustified action of 
Your Excellency's government, and to reject cate- 
gorically the false statements concerning the ac- 
tivities and policies of these banks and of the 
Government of the United States which Your Ex- 
cellency's government sets forth as reasons for 
the action in question. These statements recall 
only too vividly the statements which characterize 
the fraudulent propaganda of international com- 
munism. 

I am further instructed to inform Your Excel- 
lency that the Government of the United States, 
on behalf of the banks affected, reserves any and 
all rights to which they and other American corpo- 
rations and individuals whose properties have been 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1960, p. 171. 
3 For text, see ibid., Aug. 29, 1960, p. 316. 



expropriated are entitled under Cuban law and 
under international law. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

Philip W. Bonsal. 



United States To Suspend Operation 
of Nickel Facility in Cuba 

Department Statement 

Press release 567 dated September 29 

The Government of the United States on Sep- 
tember 29 notified the Government of Cuba of 
its intention to suspend the operations of the U.S. 
Government-owned Nicaro nickel facility located 
in the Province of Oriente in Cuba. The Gov- 
ernment of the. United States has reluctantly con- 
cluded that it has no alternative but to close the 
plant in view of the imposition by the Government 
of Cuba of confiscatory taxes upon Nicaro in vio- 
lation of a binding international agreement, the 
intermittent embargo on the export of the product, 
and the continued harassment of the operation by 
delaying or failing to approve the exportation of 
the product and the importation of critically 
needed supplies and replacement parts. 

As early as December 1959 the Government of 
the United States, in response to an expression of 
interest in the purchase of Nicaro by the Govern- 
ment of Cuba, indicated its willingness to under- 
take discussions. An embargo imposed on the 
export of the Nicaro product by the Government 
of Cuba was temporarily lifted in December 1959 
for 90 days for the clearly stated purpose of per- 
mitting negotiations. Yet at no time during this 
period did the Government of Cuba make any 
offer to negotiate. The embargo was reimposed by 
the Government of Cuba in March 1960 despite the 
reiterated expressions of the Government of the 
United States of its willingness to negotiate. Not 
until June 1960 did the Government of Cuba re- 
spond to these proposals when it agreed to meet 
representatives of the United States. 

The meetings which began in Washington on 
June 28 were held primarily to discuss the sale 
of the Nicaro plant to the Government of Cuba 
and, if agreement could not be reached on the 
terms of sale, to discuss a modification of the tax 



604 



Department of State Bulletin 



and other arrangements which would permit the 
continued operation of the plant on an orderly, 
efficient, and economic basis. In an exchange of 
notes prior to the first meeting, the Government 
of Cuba agreed to suspend the collection of taxes 
and the embargo on the export of the Nicaro prod- 
uct until the negotiations had reached a definite 
conclusion. 

After repeated delays by the Government of 
Cuba, the talks were resumed in Habana on Au- 
gust 2 lasting until August 5 and, following an 
additional series of delays on the part of the Gov- 
ernment of Cuba, were reconvened once more in 
Washington on September 20. On the latter date 
the Cuban Government reiterated a previous offer 
of $5,386,000 for a plant which had cost the U.S. 
Government almost $110 million. This offer is 
considered to be so ridiculously low as to bring 
in question the good faith of the Government of 
Cuba in making it. Attached to this unacceptable 
offer were conditions which would have required 
the U.S. Government to purchase a specified 
amount of the output of the plant at a price in 
excess of the world market price. 

On the occasion of this meeting with represent- 
atives of the Cuban Government, which was in 
no sense a negotiation or discussion, the U.S. Gov- 
ernment was confronted with an ultimatum that 
after October 1 no nickel could be shipped from 
Cuba without the payment of taxes, which the 
Government of the United States considers to be 
both confiscatory and in violation of a binding 
international agreement on tax exemption for 
Nicaro. In addition, this action is clearly in vio- 
lation of the agreement under which discussions 
were being held. 

Despite the position of the Government of the 
United States that a binding international agree- 
ment exists which exempts Nicaro from taxes such 
as those imposed by the Cuban mining law of Oc- 
tober 1959, the Government of the United States 
has indicated its willingness to reach a new agree- 
ment with the Government of Cuba for the pay- 
ment of a reasonable tax. The Government of 
Cuba not only rejected the United States position 
but, for a time, imposed an embargo on all ship- 
ments from Nicaro and harassed the operation by 



withholding or deliberately delaying the issuance 
of import permits for vitally needed fuel, replace- 
ment parts, and other supplies. 

The operation of Nicaro obviously cannot be 
continued without export and without assurances 
of reasonable operating conditions. Because of 
the confiscatory taxes which the Government of 
Cuba has now reimposed in clear violation of a 
binding international agreement, the uncertainty 
brought about by the harassment described above, 
and the repeated delays of the Government of 
Cuba in carrying out its stated intention of nego- 
tiating a mutually satisfactory solution of the 
Nicaro problem, the Government of the United 
States has no choice but to order the suspension of 
the Nicaro operation. 



Prime Minister of Malaya 
To Visit the United States 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 27 (press release 561) that arrangements 
are being completed for the visit to the United 
States this fall of His Excellency Tunku Abdul 
Kahman Putra, Prime Minister of the Federation 
of Malaya. 

The Prime Minister will make an official visit 
at the invitation of President Eisenhower. He 
will arrive at the Washington National Airport on 
October 25 and will leave Washington on October 
28 for a tour which will include visits at Pitts- 
burgh, San Francisco, Akron, and New York. 
The Prime Minister will leave New York for Eng- 
land on November 6. 



Letters of Credence 

Ireland 

The newly appointed Ambassador of Ireland, 
Thomas Joseph Kiernan, presented his credentials 
to President Eisenhower on September 28. For 
texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the Presi- 
dent's reply, see Department of State press release 
565 dated September 28. 



October 77, 7960 



605 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 1 



Adjourned During September 1960 

14th Annual Edinburgh Film Festival 

21st International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art 

5th World Forestry Congress 

Ad Hoc Committee of U.N. General Assembly To Consider General 
Questions of Transmission of Information. 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: Group of Experts . . 

Information Officers of Colombo Plan Countries: 2d Conference . 

COAS Special Committee To Study Formulation of New Measures 
for Economic Development: 3d Meeting. 

International Scientific Radio Union: 13th General Assembly . . 

ICAO Legal Committee: 13th Session 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 3d Session of Standing 
Committee. 

U.N. ECE Steel Committee: Specialists on Steelmaking Processes . 

UNICEF Committee on Administrative Budget 

GATT Working Party on Market Disruption 

Inter-American Travel Congresses: 3d Meeting of Technical Com- 
mittee of Experts on Travel Plant. 

International Lead and Zinc Study Group: 2d Session 

IAEA Board of Governors: 18th Session 

ITU CC1R Study Group V Working Party 

Inter-American Social Security Conference: 6th General Assembly . 

WMO Interregional Seminar on Tropical Agrometeorology . . . 

U.N. ECE Coal Committee: 50th Session 

GATT Council of Representatives 

International Rubber Study Group: 15th Meeting 

International Council for the Exploration of the Sea 

U.N. Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic 
Session. 

GATT Article XXII :1 Consultations with Italy 

International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Inter- 
national Monetary Fund, and International Finance Corporation: 
Annual Meetings of Boards of Governors. 

U.N. ECE Conference of European Statisticians: 8th Session . . 

6th International Technical Conference on Lighthouses and Other 
Aids to Navigation. 



48th Meeting . 
Radiation: 8th 



Edinburgh Aug. 21-Sept. 10 

Venice Aug. 24-Sept. 7 

Seattle Aug. 29-Sept. 10 

New York Sept. 2-20 

Geneva Sept. 5-6 

Bangkok Sept. 5-8 

Bogota Sept. 5-13 

London Sept. 5-15 

Montreal Sept. 6-24 

Geneva Sept. 7-9 

Geneva Sept. 12-14 

New York Sept. 12-14 

Geneva Sept. 12-16 

Washington Sept. 12-16 

Geneva Sept. 12-19 

Vienna Sept. 13-16 

London Sept. 13 (1 dav) 

Mexico, D.F Sept. 14-26 

Maracav, Venezuela Sept. 15-28 

Geneva". Sept. 19-23 

Geneva Sept. 19-23 

Kuala Lumpur, Malaya . . . Sept. 19-26 

Moscow Sept. 19-28 

Geneva Sept. 19-30 

Geneva Sept. 19 (1 day) 

Washington Sept. 26-30 



Geneva Sept. 26-30 

Washington Sept. 26-30 



In Session as of September 30, 1960 

Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests . . . Geneva Oct. 31, 1958- 

12th Triennale de Milano Milan July 16- 

5th Round of GATT Tariff Negotiations Geneva Sept. 1- 

Postal Union of the Americas and Spain: 8th Congress Buenos Aires Sept. 12- 

U.N. General Assembly: 15th Session New York . . Sept. 20- 



IAEA General Conference: 4th Regular Session 

FAO Regional Conference for the Near East 

FAO Working Party on Pasture and Fodder Development in Tropi- 
cal America: 1st Meeting. 

ILO Ad Hoc Meeting on Civil Aviation 

WMO Regional Association VI (Europe) : 3d Session 

GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade . . . 

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Economic Development and 
Planning: 6th Session. 

Interparliamentary Union: 49th Conference 



Vienna Sept. 20- 

Tehran Sept. 21- 

Maracay, Venezuela Sept. 26- 

Geneva Sept. 26- 

Madrid Sept. 26- 

Geneva Sept. 26- 

Bangkok Sept. 27- 

Tokyo Sept. 29- 



1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Sept. 29, 1960. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCIR, 
Comite consultatif international des radio communications; COAS, Council of the Organization of American States; 
ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; FAO, Food and 
Agriculture Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; IAEA, International Atomic Energy Agency; 
ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ILO, International Labor Organization; ITU, International Tele- 
communication Union; U.N., United Nations; UNICEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WMO, World Meteorological 
Organization. 



606 



Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



The Financial Problems of a Developing World Economy 



ANNUAL MEETINGS OF BOARDS OF GOVERNORS OF WORLD BANK, INTERNATIONAL 
MONETARY FUND, AND INTERNATIONAL FINANCE CORPORATION 



The Boards of Governors of the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the 
International Monetary Fund, and the Interna- 
tional Finance Corporation- held their annual 
meetings at Washington, D.O., September 26-30. 
Following are texts of a message from President 
Eisenhower to the joint meeting of the Boards of 
Governors and statements made by Secretary of 
the Treasury Robert B. Anderson, Under Secre- 
tary of State Douglas Dillon, and Assistant Sec- 
retary of the Treasury T. Gray don Upton. 



FIRST^STATEMENT BY MR. ANDERSON > 

As Governor for the United States, I offered a 
resolution at the last annual meeting calling for 
a study by the Bank Executive Board of the pro- 
posed International Development Association. 2 
This resolution was adopted by the Governors. In 
a notably brief time, the Directors formulated 
articles of agreement which were submitted to the 
governments for acceptance. The articles have 
now been accepted by the countries with the re- 
quisite portion of capital subscriptions to bring 
them into effect. 3 Other countries will, I hope, 
soon join in this new affiliate of the Bank so that 
its active operations may begin and that it may 
deal with those problems of development finance 
which cannot be met by existing arrangements. 

I should like to express the hope that the estab- 
lishment of IDA represents a recognition that a 



1 Made at the opening joint session of the IBRD, IMF, 
and I FT on Sept. 26. Mr. Anderson is U.S. Governor of 
the IBRD Mild IMF. 

2 For statements and remarks made at the last meet- 
ing, together with text of the IDA resolution, see Bulletin 
of Oct. 10, 1959, p. 531. 

* See p. 617. 



great number of the stronger countries have a 
stake in the advance of the less developed coun- 
tries. Collective action through an international 
association is one step. Other effective measures 
should be devised to utilize surplus foreign ex- 
change receipts of the economically stronger coun- 
tries to provide larger capital funds for invest- 
ment in the less developed areas on satisfactory 
terms. Failure to take these steps places strains 
on other countries, developed and less developed 
areas, and tends to hold back the progress of all 
in meeting the challenge of our day. This chal- 
lenge is to enable all countries to take advantage 
of scientific and technical advances to raise their 
levels of production. International organizations 
and individual country efforts are both needed to 
realize this goal. 

These annual meetings bring together the finan- 
cial leaders of our member governments, and they 
provide an occasion for the exchange of views on 
questions of common interest. I hope from our 
discussions that we may all gain a greater insight 
into the financial problems of a developing world 
economy which has become increasingly complex 
with the passage of time. My delegation is look- 
ing forward to discussions in these 1960 meetings 
in the expectation that they will contribute, as 
have meetings in the past, to a greater mutual un- 
derstanding among our countries. 



MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER < 

On a number of occasions I have had the 
pleasure of personally welcoming to Washington 
the Governors of the International Monetary Fund 
and the International Bank for Reconstruction 



* Read by Mr. Anderson at the opening joint session of 
the IBRD, IMF, and IFC on Sept. 26. 



October 17, 1960 



607 



and Development. I regret that I am unable to 
attend their opening meeting today but I wish to 
send them my warm greetings. 

The Fund and the Bank have achieved much for 
the benefit of mankind. 

The Fund has made a strong contribution to 
financial stability and sound practices in the field 
of foreign exchange policy. Its resources have 
been used to advance worthwhile programs. The 
recent increase in its resources should enable the 
Fund to broaden and intensify its work. 

On Thursday, in my statement to the United 
Nations I spoke of the expanding role the Bank 
will play in the developing countries of the world. 5 
My reference to the World Bank, of course, in- 
cluded the International Development Association 
which will come into operation shortly. This As- 
sociation will provide new and enlarged means of 
dealing with some of the development problems 
that could not otherwise be handled. My reference 
also included the International Finance Corpora- 
tion which has done and will continue to do a most 
important work in assisting the investment of pri- 
vate capital in productive enterprise. 

These international financial institutions have 
steadfastly and effectively pursued the objectives 
for which they were created. The people of the 
world look to them for continuing leadership in the 
coming years. 

I am sure that the discussions of the Governors 
at this meeting will provide for further progress 
based upon the good relations of the member coun- 
tries with each other and upon the great institu- 
tions which embody so much of our hope for in- 
ternational cooperation in financial affairs. 

STATEMENT BY MR. DILLON' 

The past year has been one of gathering mo- 
mentum in cooperative international efforts to 
assist the peoples of the newly developing areas 
in their unremitting battle for economic and social 
progress under conditions of individual freedom 
and national independence. 

There is today, throughout the free world, a 
greater awareness than ever before of the historic 
importance of winning this battle. There is also 



5 BuriXETiN of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 

" Made on Sept. 27 during the World Bank's annual dis- 
cussion. Mr. Dillon is U.S. Alternate Governor of the 
IBRD. 



608 



a greater determination than ever before to see to 
it that the battle is won. 

The World Bank, under the wise and imagina- 
tive leadership of President Eugene Black, has 
helped greatly to create this heightened aware- 
ness and this strengthened determination. We 
regret that President Black, because of illness, 
cannot be here today, and we extend to him our 
warm wishes for a full and speedy recovery. 

It is especially fitting that, in President Black's 
absence, the annual address should be presented by 
Vice President [W. A. B.] Iliff, who, as we all 
know, has done so much to bring to a successful 
conclusion the agreement on the Indus Basin set- 
tlement plan, signed only a few days ago at 
Karachi. 7 

This is a remarkable achievement in many ways. 
The plan will make a significant contribution to 
the economic potential of India and Pakistan 
through better irrigation, increased hydropower, 
soil reclamation, and flood protection. It repre- 
sents the peaceful termination of a protracted in- 
ternational dispute over water rights. And it 
enlists the cooperative help of a number of cap- 
ital-exporting nations under the aegis of the Bank, 
thus demonstrating once again that international 
cooperation can often achieve what no one nation 
can do alone. 

The United States is happy to be a participant in 
this constructive and far-reaching enterprise. At 
the same time we recognize, as I am sure other con- 
tributing governments do, the need for a contin- 
uing flow of external resources into the general 
economic development programs of India and Pak- 
istan, apart from the Indus Basin project. 

The Bank is also to be congratulated on the 
entry into force, just announced, of the articles 
of agreement establishing its new affiliate — the In- 
ternational Development Association. It is our 
hope that the IDA can begin its operations by the 
first of the year and that, in accordance with the 
spirit of its articles, it will operate in a vigorous 
and flexible manner to fill needs of the developing 
countries which cannot be met from the Bank's 
ordinary resources. The lending institutions of 
the United States are prepared to cooperate fully 
with the IDA, as they have in the past with the 
Bank. 

We hope also that the satisfactory relationship 



' For background, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1900, p. 577. 
Deparfment of State Bulletin 



which has long existed between the Bank and the 
United Nations, and more recently between the 
Bank and the Special Fund of the United Nations, 
will be broadened to include the IDA. 

While the IDA is safely launched, it cannot be- 
come fully effective until its membership is ex- 
tended more broadly. A number of countries have 
so far failed to take the necessary steps for rat- 
ification. This is regrettable, especially in the 
case of the newly developing countries, since non- 
participation in the IDA by a developing country 
can only serve to reduce the potential availability 
of external resources for the development of the 
country concerned. 

Forms of Cooperation for Economic Development 

Multilateral cooperation for economic develop- 
ment has also been broadened and strengthened 
during the year with the establishment of the In- 
ter-American Development Bank, which will open 
its doors for lending this coming Saturday [Octo- 
ber l]. 8 This new financial organization is an im- 
portant addition to the long-established institu- 
tions of the inter-American system. Just this 
month, at Bogota, the American Republics acted 
to broaden the role of the Inter- American Bank 
to include important functions in the field of social 
development as well as basic economic and indus- 
trial development. In the Act of Bogota 9 the 
Latin American governments expressed their de- 
termination to further social progress hand in 
hand with economic development, and the United 
States recorded its intention to establish a special 
fund to provide flexible financing for Latin Amer- 
ican social development. It is proposed that the 
Inter- American Development Bank should become 
the primary mechanism for administering this 
new fiuid. Thus the Inter-American Bank will 
be able to cooperate with the Latin American 
countries in their efforts to achieve better educa- 
tion, housing, and public health and to carry out 
their programs for improving systems of land 
tenure, rural resettlement, and taxation. 

But multilateral development institutions can- 
not meet all the needs of the developing countries 
for external assistance. Bilateral programs of 
long-term assistance by the capital-exporting na- 
tions are also essential. Greater bilateral efforts 



are especially necessary on the part of those indus- 
trialized countries, such as the Federal Republic 
of Germany, which in recent years have been gen- 
erating large and increasing balance-of-payments 
surpluses. This is a responsibility to the free- 
world community which cannot be shirked. It 
used to be said that a good creditor country should 
pursue a liberal import policy. Nowadays a good 
creditor country must not only welcome imports ; 
it must also be prepared to finance its export sur- 
pluses so that these resources can be channeled 
into the developing countries on terms suited to 
their special needs. It is to be regretted that this 
fact, while generally recognized in principle, has 
so far not been adequately implemented by certain 
of the most important creditor countries of the 
free world. The task before us is huge, and it is 
critical. The eyes of the struggling people in the 
newly developing countries are upon us. They 
are looking in particular to leading creditor coun- 
tries, especially in continental Western Europe, 
for an effort more in line with their capacities. In 
the interest of the safety and progress of the free 
world we must see to it that their hopes in this 
regard are met. 

The growing importance of bilateral assistance 
efforts led to the establishment early this year of 
a Development Assistance Group among several 
capital-exporting nations. 10 Its purpose is to dis- 
cuss the best ways of mobilizing and increasing 
resources for development assistance and to en- 
courage the use of terms of repayment appropriate 
both to the long-term nature of the development 
process and to the prospective balance-of-pay- 
ments situation of the borrower. It is not the re- 
sponsibility of the Development Assistance Group 
' to engage in operations or to discuss the specific 
development projects or programs of particular 
countries or areas. 

The World Bank has participated in the dis- 
cussions of the Development Assistance Group, 
which also provide an opportunity for exchange 
of views and experience with other international 
organizations concerned with development prob- 
lems. 

As many of you are aware, plans are being made 
for the absorption of the Development Assistance 
Group by the proposed Organization for Eco- 
nomic Cooperation and Development — which will 
be a reconstitution or remodeling of the present 



8 For background, see ibid., Feb. 29, 1960, p. 344. 
" For text, see ibid., Oct. 3, 1960, p. 537. 

October 17, I960 

566815—60 3 



' For background, see ibid., Apr. 11, 1960, p. 577. 



609 



Organization for European Economic Coopera- 
tion — when the OECD has been formally estab- 
lished. The present draft of the charter of the 
OECD would authorize it to enter into relations 
with other international organizations. In our 
view the objectives of the OECD will be best 
served by establishing an effective liaison between 
the OECD and other international institutions 
having related interests, including the World 
Bank and the Organization of American States. 

Bank Activities in Year Past 

Turning to the operations of the Bank during 
the past year, we are happy to note that its lending 
activities continue at a high level and that its 
technical assistance activities have expanded. In 
addition the Bank has performed a notable service 
in bringing together several countries providing 
bilateral assistance to India. Group discussions 
such as these are useful and practicable where the 
scale of the Bank's lending, the size of the do- 
mestic development program, and the magnitude 
of the external resources being supplied from sev- 
eral capital-exporting nations are all very large. 
It is our hope that the similar arrangements which 
the Bank is now preparing in connection with the 
economic development program of Pakistan will 
prove equally fruitful. 

The Bank's report, reveals the continuing suc- 
cess of the management in enlisting the partici- 
pation of private investors in the Bank's loans. 
Sales to private institutional and other investors 
of portions of the Bank's loans were 64 percent 
over the level of the previous year, itself a high 
point. This is a healthy and encouraging trend 
since the private market is the largest potential 
source of development capital. The United 
States will continue to do all that it properly can 
to encourage the flow of private capital to the less 
developed areas. But these efforts can succeed 
only in the measure that private capital is made 
welcome in the developing countries themselves. 
Unfortunately, arbitrary and punitive actions 
against foreign private investment in one country, 
such as we have witnessed recently in Cuba, tend 
to have discouraging effects on investment in 
other developing countries as well. It is the hope 
of the United States that these effects will be 
limited and of short duration, but reassurance and 
encouragement to the private investment commu- 
nity on the part of all of us will be necessary. 



The annual report calls attention to two im- 
portant structural problems which continue to 
hamper economic growth in the less developed 
areas. These are, first, the problem of surpluses, 
which depress the prices of several basic commodi- 
ties on which a number of less developed countries, 
especially in Latin America, are heavily depend- 
ent for their earnings of foreign exchange, and, 
second, the problem presented by the increasing 
accumulation of international indebtedness by the 
developing countries. 

We agree that the accumulation of debt, espe- 
cially of short- and medium-term debt, has become 
increasingly serious. This fact merely under- 
scores, once again, the need for long-term de- 
velopment lending on the part of the capital-ex- 
porting nations and the need for prudence on the 
part of borrowing countries in avoiding the use of 
short-term credit for long-term development pur- 
poses. It also points to the wisdom of providing 
a larger share of development assistance in the 
form of flexible loans suited to the balance-of- 
payments situation of the borrower. Neither 
lenders nor borrowers can benefit from the con- 
tinued piling up of excessive international debt, 
much of it extended on unsuitable terms. 

The accumulation of debt on onerous terms in- 
evitably leads to demands for adjustment in these 
terms in order to prevent the disturbing conse- 
quences of default. We should all, therefore, make 
every effort to assure that in our development as- 
sistance programs we arrange in the first instance 
for terms and conditions that will keep the balance- 
of-payments effect of debt accumulation within 
manageable limits. In many cases this will also 
mean a sensible restraint on the use of normal com- 
mercial export credit and especially on the clearly 
unsuitable use of such credit for long-term develop- 
ment projects. 

The problem of wide fluctuations in foreign ex- 
change earnings arising from sharp movements in 
the prices of primary products is admittedly a 
difficult one. A part of the answer lies in the 
economic diversification of the developing coun- 
tries. Also difficulties affecting particular com- 
modities are being looked at, on a case-by-case 
basis, in the various groups and organizations con- 
cerned with these problems. One aspect of this 
situation, however, is of special relevance to de- 
velopment lending. This is the potential impact 
of development assistance on surplus production. 



610 



Department of State Bulletin 



All of us who participate in development assist- 
ance, whether as lender or borrower, should keep 
these surplus problems in mind in considering 
suitable development projects and programs. 

In closing, may I add our words of welcome to 
Nepal and Nigeria, which will shortly join our 
company. And may I venture the hope that all 
of the new nations of Africa, many of which have 
just become members of the United Nations, will 
also soon participate in the Bank and Fund. The 
successful economic development of the free na- 
tions of Africa is a vital task for the future and 
one to which the Bretton Woods institutions 
should lend their full support. 

Once again the management and staff of the 
Bank have earned our thanks for a job well done. 
We can be confident that under their guidance 
the Bank will continue to grow in meeting the 
expanding needs of its members. 

SECOND STATEMENT BY MR. ANDERSON " 

In many ways the past year has been one of con- 
tinued economic and financial progress. As the 
annual report has stated, world industrial produc- 
tion and trade have increased and there has been 
broad success in sustaining expanded output and 
real income within the framework of reasonable 
price stability. These gains have not been shared 
by all countries, however, and continued relative 
weaknesses in the markets for some primary prod- 
ucts and foodstuffs have presented serious prob- 
lems for a number of the less developed countries. 
Even in these cases pressures have been eased by 
sharp recovery in industrial countries in 1959 and 
continued high levels of economic activity in 1960. 

The work of the Fund during the year focused 
on several matters which are of great interest to 
the United States. We welcomed the Executive 
Board's decision on discriminatory restrictions last 
October, 12 which recognized that progress toward 
general convertibility of currencies had very 
largely eliminated the basis for discriminatory re- 
strictions on payments. In the past 2 years we 
have come much closer to the end of the postwar 
period which in the field of international finance 
was characterized by widespread discrimination, 
especially directed at the dollar area. The Fund 



11 Made on Sept. 28 during the International Monetary 
Fund's annual discussion. 
a For text, see Bulletin, of Nov. 9, 1959, p. 681. 



deserves a great deal of the credit for the concerted 
and successful effort which has been made to re- 
duce restrictions and eliminate discrimination. 
Some discriminatory restrictions still remain, 
however, and we hope that the Fund and the mem- 
bers will devote attention to rapid completion of 
the task of doing away with them. 

In another important decision, foreshadowed at 
the last annual meeting, the Executive Board in 
June agreed on the guidelines which might be use- 
ful to members as they consider undertaking all 
of the obligations of article VIII [of the IMF 
articles of agreement]. We can anticipate that 
during the coming year a number of additional 
countries will take that action, which will be espe- 
cially important as a formal evidence of the ap- 
proach to full convertibility of currencies. 

In the past year Fund members in very large 
part completed the process of increasing the re- 
sources of the Fund, which had its inception in 
the resolution adopted by this Board at the New 
Delhi meeting in 1958. 13 Scarcely half a dozen 
members have not yet consented to quota increases, 
and some of them are in the process of taking the 
necessary legislative and administrative action. 
We may therefore anticipate that very nearly all 
Fund members will in the end consent to quota 
increases. This near-unanimity of action is an- 
other important recognition by members of the 
great usefulness of the Fund. The increase in 
resources has put the Fund in a much better posi- 
tion to deal with the exchange shortages which 
from time to time confront individual countries 
and with broader difficulties in the field of foreign 
exchange. 

To my mind one of the most heartening and 
important aspects of the work of the Fund is 
its patient, close, and intensive collaboration with 
members in efforts to achieve financial stabiliza- 
tion. Countries have long needed an impartial 
and reliable ally in the struggle against financial 
instability and the inflation which accompanies it. 
The Fund has demonstrated that it is such an ally, 
and we can draw great encouragement from the 
fact that members from all parts of the world 
continue to turn to the Fund for support and tech- 
nical advice. There has been evident and encour- 
aging progress in stabilization during the year, 
and we have reason for much satisfaction that so 
many countries — industrial and less developed 



' Ibid., Nov. 17, 1958, p. 793. 



October 17, 1960 



611 



alike — have participated in these vital efforts to 
establish and maintain sound and reliable curren- 
cies. Substantial completion of the task of dealing 
with excess internal liquidity inherited from 
World War II and resulting from inflationary 
practices and the advent of much wider converti- 
bility have helped create the more favorable con- 
ditions for success which have emerged in the past 
few years. 

I agree with the general conclusion in the an- 
nual report that the policies of the Fund relating 
to the use of its resources continue to be appro- 
priate and beneficial. They comprise a successful 
merging of two important considerations. On the 
one hand, members must have assurance that 
Fund resources are available to them when need 
arises. On the other hand, the Fund must have 
assurance that members are taking reasonable and 
effective steps to deal with the causes of imbalance 
and to maintain or reestablish internal and ex- 
ternal stability. The wide range of members 
which have drawn on the Fund year by year, and 
the great variety of circumstances under which 
they have drawn, serve as good evidence that Fund 
resources are fulfilling the purposes for which 
they have been subscribed. 

We have studied with close interest the con- 
sideration given in the annual report to broad de- 
velopments in balances of payments and in the 
levels of reserves. I shall shortly have something 
to say about what has happened in the United 
States in this respect during the year. But it may 
be noted at this point that international liquidity 
improved during 1959. The increase in Fund re- 
sources was, of course, one element in this improve- 
ment. Other important aspects were the growing 
strength of the reserve positions of industrial 
countries and the continuing relaxation of ex- 
change restrictions, and particularly restrictions 
on movements of capital. These favorable devel- 
opments have meant that the free world's banking 
system, which plays such an important role in 
the financing of international trade in goods and 
services, has been able more effectively to add to 
international liquidity when it is needed. 

Functioning of International Financial System 

During the year there has been much discussion 
of the way in which the international financial 
system is functioning. A number of suggestions 
have been made for changes which might be made 



in that system. My own conclusion is that the in- 
ternational system has continued to function effi- 
ciently in financing trade and providing increased 
freedom of movement of short-term funds among 
a widening group of convertible currencies. This 
emerging convertibility, together with the renewed 
vigor of commercial banking institutions in the 
international field and the strengthening of the 
Fund resources, has contributed to the flexible and 
smooth operation of the system. Taken as a whole 
the system has been able to finance a growing 
volume and value of world trade in commodities 
and services and to provide standby and emergency 
assistance to countries in need of it. We are not 
confronted with any immediate need to consider 
changes in the system as a whole or in the Interna- 
tional Monetary Fund. 

Less rapid progress has been made in the field of 
longer term financing of economic development. 
In my remarks a year ago I pointed out that there 
must be a reorientation of the policies of the earlier 
postwar period and a new determination by all the 
industrial countries to face the common obligation 
to share in the task of providing capital to the 
less developed parts of the free world. Since that 
time the large capital-providing nations have 
made a step forward in the formation of the De- 
velopment Assistance Group, the third meeting of 
which will take place next week, 14 where means 
and techniques for speeding up the flow of capital 
to the less developed countries will be under ac- 
tive discussion. However, a number of industrial 
countries have continued to increase their reserves 
and certain ones have accumulated substantial gold 
and foreign exchange holdings. This is particu- 
larly true of the Federal Republic of Germany. It 
therefore becomes even more vital than before for 
the strong surplus countries to take adequate steps 
to facilitate the movement of international capital 
on longer terms to the less developed areas of the 
world. I believe it is considerably more important 
to seek ways to deal with this problem than to 
concern ourselves at this time with proposals for 
new facilities which may build still larger accumu- 
lations of a liquid character. 

One fundamental point must be reemphasized — 
and on this I believe there is general agreement. 
The international financial system should and does 



" The Development Assistance Group will meet in Wash- 
ington, D.C., on Oct. 3. 



612 



Department of State Bulletin 



provide help in times of emergency and assist 
countries which are striving to deal with their own 
problems. But I am sure we have all learned that 
there is an inexorable rule applying to all coun- 
tries. Begardless of the technical and mechanical 
aspects of the international financial system, each 
country is always confronted with the stern neces- 
sity of achieving and maintaining reasonable equi- 
librium in its own balance of payments. Each 
capital-exporting country — whether it is in over- 
all surplus or deficit — must achieve reasonable bal- 
ance over time between its current receipts from 
abroad and its current expenditures abroad plus 
the total which it is prepared to lend, invest, and 
provide through grants. And each capital- 
importing country must strive for a reasonable 
equilibrium between its net current deficit and the 
amount which it can reasonably expect to obtain 
from abroad in the form of loans and grants. 

Performance of U.S. Economy 

I should like again this year to describe briefly 
the present course of economic and financial events 
in the United States and to report on the way our 
balance of payments appears to be developing, as 
we approach the end of the third quarter of 1960. 

In evaluating the performance of the United 
States economy thus far in 1960, as well as pros- 
pects for the future, it is essential to maintain 
perspective. Excessive optimism colored some 
forecasts early in the year, and some observers have 
now altered their opinions and suggest that the 
economy is trending downward. While judg- 
ments of reasonable men can differ, it is my strong 
view that the outlook for economic activity in this 
country is favorable, both for the near future and 
for many years ahead. 

Unquestionably, there are some sectors of our 
economy which give concern. The problem of un- 
employment is still troublesome and deserves con- 
tinued attention, especially in those areas which 
have not shared fully in national gains because of 
special circumstances. In addition, steel produc- 
tion has continued at a low level relative to our 
greatly enlarged productive capacity. But, espe- 
cially considering the fundamental readjustments 
that have been taking place in the United States 
economy in 1960, it can be said that our free-enter- 
prise system has once again demonstrated its great 
underlying strength and resilience. 

In speaking of fundamental readjustments in 



our economy, I refer to the fact that the economic 
environment of 1960 is a new environment. After 
almost 20 years of recurrent inflationary pressures, 
it is understandable that a free economy would 
have to undergo some deep-seated adjustments 
once appropriate fiscal and monetary policies had 
struck down both the fear and the fact of infla- 
tion. It is indeed heartening that, despite the im- 
pact of this adjustment to a new economic environ- 
ment, total output and the income of individuals 
have advanced to all-time peaks. Moreover, civil- 
ian employment in August established a record for 
the month, with over a million more persons em- 
ployed than a year earlier. Industrial production, 
which has been most directly affected by the adjust- 
ments occurring this year, has shown little change. 
In the aggregate it is only slightly below its Janu- 
ary peak and, when production of iron and steel is 
excluded, is somewhat above the first-quarter level. 

The most important single fact leading to the 
decline in inflationary expectations was the realiza- 
tion, last January, that the $12.4 billion Federal 
deficit of fiscal year 1959 would be replaced by a 
surplus in fiscal year 1960. This surplus actually 
totaled $1.1 billion. Thus, the domestic economy 
is now functioning without the dangerous stimulus 
of inflationary expectations or fears of shortages. 
Businessmen can now make plans and calculate 
costs on the basis of a reasonably stable dollar. 

This is precisely what we have been striving for 
throughout the postwar period. It is precisely 
what is required if this nation is to achieve the 
maximum rate of sustainable economic growth 
without inflation. 

As reflected in business attitudes and practices 
the major impact of this fundamental readjust- 
ment to the decline in inflationary pressures and 
expectations has been on business spending for 
inventories — that is, buying of goods for indus- 
trial use or resale. In the first quarter of 1960 
businesses were accumulating inventories at the 
near-record annual rate of $11.4 billion. This 
rapid rate of accumulation was partly the result 
of resumption of steel output after a long strike 
and partly the result of expectations of limited 
supply, rising prices, and vigorous demand in 
1960. But, as it became clear in ensuing months 
that most industrial goods and materials would 
continue to be readily available at reasonably 
stable prices, the rate of accumulation began to 
decrease. The available evidence now indicates 



October 17, 7960 



613 



that inventories are no longer rising but are per- 
haps declining slightly. Overall, therefore, the 
annual rate of inventory spending has fallen by 
$11 billion to $12 billion. This sharp decline in 
inventory spending is the key fact in our domestic 
business picture and accounts for the relative sta- 
bility of industrial production in 1060, despite a 
substantial expansion in final demand. 

It is highly significant that the recent decrease 
in inventory spending is even larger than the drop 
in inventory buying in 1957-58, which was the 
most important factor depressing spending and 
output at that time. It is apparent, therefore, 
that in the past 8 months we have experienced 
another major postwar shift in inventory spend- 
ing. But in contrast to some of the earlier expe- 
riences—notably 1948-49, 1953-54, and 1957-58— 
the recent inventory adjustment has proceeded 
smoothly and, of primary importance, has been 
offset by strong final demand. Even with this 
major shift in inventory spending, total economic 
activity, measured by gross national product, has 
risen in 1960. 

The inventory adjustment appears now to be 
nearing completion. Business spending for new 
plant and equipment, according to the latest Gov- 
ernment survey, continues at a high and sustained 
level. Governmental spending for goods and 
services, embracing State and local as well as Fed- 
eral outlays, continues to advance. Recent sur- 
veys indicate that consumer buying plans were 
well maintained during the summer and that con- 
sumers increasingly regard their financial posi- 
tions as favorable. As already noted, personal 
income has continued to rise and, with inflation 
under control, rising personal income means rising 
purchasing power for the consumer. 

Of considerable importance from a financial 
standpoint has been the significant easing of mon- 
etary policy in recent months, which was appro- 
priate in view of the shift to a budget surplus and 
the accompanying decline in inflationary pres- 
sures. The Federal Reserve authorities have 
twice reduced the rate of interest on loans to mem- 
ber banks; margin requirements for stock-market 
loans have been lowered, reserve requirements of 
member banks have been reduced, and, of primary 
importance, the reserves of the banking system 
have been supplemented through purchases of 
Government securities. 

The results of these monetary actions are clearly 



discernible. Since Hay the privately held money 
supply, which had been declining, has grown by 
more than $1 billion, or at an annual rate of about 
3 percent. Time deposits in banks and share ac- 
counts in savings and loan associations, which con- 
stitute important types of "near money," have also 
been increasing at a substantial rate. Business 
loans at banks have not grown as much as usual 
since midyear, largely due to the decline in in- 
ventory spending, but banks have used the addi- 
tional reserves to add significantly to their hold- 
ings of Government securities and other liquid 
assets. Interest rates have declined from the 
peaks of early winter. 

The easing of credit and the decline in interest 
rates are encouraging new long-term bond flota- 
tions by State and local governments and business 
corporations, and the Treasury has succeeded in 
extending a significant amount of its intermediate- 
term debt to longer maturity, through an advance 
refunding. Credit, to support residential and 
other construction is more readily available, at 
lower interest rates. This in turn has helped 
sustain the level of housing starts. Construction 
contract awards have also increased recently. 
Thus, the outlook for a rising volume of construc- 
tion is favorable. 

These facts, in my judgment, reflect the basic 
underlying strength of the United States economy. 
The adjustments that our economy has undergone 
this year provide the base for a long period of 
sustainable, noninflationary growth. Primarily 
because of effective attention to our domestic fiscal 
and monetary policies, we can view the future of 
our economy with confidence. 

U.S. Balance of Payments 

Let us now turn to the United States balance 
of payments. You may recall that the United 
States balance of payments showed an overall 
deficit of $3.5 billion in 1958 and $3.8 billion in 
1959. You may also recall that this very unsatis- 
factory situation resulted from three main factors. 
First, our merchandise imports had increased very 
sharply from a level of around $13 billion per year 
to more than $15 billion in 1959. Secondly, our 
merchandise exports had declined from more than 
$17 billion in 1956 and $19 billion in 1957 to $16 
billion in 1958 and 1959. Tliird, three important 
elements in our balance of payments were large 
and, in view of our general international responsi- 



614 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



bilities, were not susceptible to easy adjustment. 
These three elements were military expenditures 
overseas, a net outflow of U.S. private capital, and 
Government loans and grants. These have in total 
ranged about $8 billion in recent years. 

What has been happening in 1960 ? First, our 
exports at midyear were running at an aimual rate 
of about $20 billion, which was equal to the peak 
reached in 1957 and up almost one-fourth from 
the level of 1958 and 1959. There has been good 
progress in expanding our exports, covering a 
very wide range of commodities and markets. 
With imports at about the same level as in 1959, 
our net exports surplus is accruing at an annual 
rate of more than $4 billion, exceeded in the past 
decade only in 1956 and 1957. But the movements 
of capital and other nontrade items have left us 
with an overall payments deficit which appears to 
be running this year at an annual rate of some- 
thing like $3 billion. This is a substantial deficit, 
even though it represents a reduction from the 
deficit of $3.8 billion recorded in 1959. 

The outflow of gold continued in 1960 and has 
now reached about $700 million. In the same 
period foreign countries increased their total hold- 
ings of short-term dollar claims, and the gold flow 
has generally reflected the normal reserve prac- 
tices of foreign financial institutions. 

During 1960 short-term interest rates have 
moved sharply and in some cases in opposite direc- 
tions, notably downward in the United States and 
upward in the United Kingdom and Germany. 
We cannot expect that liquid fimds would be un- 
responsive to these changes, and, as I have just 
mentioned, there has been a substantial outflow of 
short-term funds from the U.S. chiefly to Europe, 
although some of it comprises a U.S. liquid claim 
on other countries. 

We have made real progress toward the con- 
tinuing and essential objective of reasonable 
equilibrium in our balance of payments. But we 
have not reached that objective. As we advance 
toward it our aim is to merit continued confidence 
at home and abroad. We shall do this by resolute 
adherence to domestic and foreign economic and 
financial policies which will maintain the dollar 
at its existing gold parity as a sound and reliable 
currency. However, I should like to venture a 
little broader comment. International trade is 
increasing and the interdependence of the eco- 
nomic and monetary policies of all nations is be- 



coming ever more apparent. This obliges all of 
us as we frame and pursue our policies to realize 
that the free countries of the world must have the 
common objective of maintaining stability and 
convertible currencies and must keep ever in mind 
that the actions of each affect and concern all of 
the others. 

We are taking certain steps, notably in expand- 
ing our export-insurance facilities and in more in- 
tensive display of our products overseas, to en- 
courage our exporters to search more actively for 
markets. We believe they are doing so with good 
results. In this connection we hope and expect 
that other countries and groups of countries, such 
as the European Common Market and the Euro- 
pean Free Trade Area, will pursue liberal com- 
mercial policies with respect to imports from the 
rest of the world. This is especially needed with 
respect to agricultural products. The negotiations 
which have recently started in Geneva will be 
concerned with the tariffs of the Common Market 
as well as those of other countries in the GATT, 
and will provide an opportunity for real progress 
in that direction. 15 We have high hopes for a suc- 
cessful outcome. 

Correcting Imbalance in International Payments 

I have so far been talking about the United 
States balance of payments. Last year I men- 
tioned the very large payments surpluses which a 
number of other industrial countries were record- 
ing not only with the United States but also with 
the less developed countries, and I ventured to say 
that this did not represent a satisfactory pattern 
of world payments and could not be expected to 
persist. I am glad to see that the annual report 
has very properly directed attention to this im- 
portant imbalance in international payments aris- 
ing out of the continuing payments surpluses of 
these industrial countries. This is a most impor- 
tant, indeed a crucial, problem now facing us in 
world finance. Both the less developed countries 
and the strong industrial countries have a vital 
and mutual interest in bringing about a more rea- 
sonable equilibrium in the payments relationships 
between these areas. One important need is an 
increase in the flow of capital, and particularly 
of long-term capital, from these countries to the 



K For a statement made at the opening meeting by 
Clarence B. Randall, see Bulletin of Sept. 19, 1960, p. 453. 



Ocfober 17, 7960 



615 



less developed areas, which I have already men- 
tioned. Another form of adjustment of a mutu- 
ally beneficial character could result from the ex- 
pansion of imports of goods and services by the 
surplus countries from the less developed areas 
and from the United States as well. As one ex- 
ample consideration could be given to reducing 
internal taxes on commodities imported from the 
less developed countries. 

We are very acutely aware of the importance of 
securing for ourselves that freedom of action 
which is essential if we are to use fiscal and mone- 
tary policy flexibly as a major means of dealing 
with both inflationary and deflationary forces. 
This is another and very important reason which 
will impel us over the years through proper poli- 
cies to maintain a sound balance-of -payments posi- 
tion and an adequate reserve level. We rely on 
our large reserves to provide this freedom of 
action, and we have exercised it during 1960 as we 
have applied our fiscal and monetary policies. 
But we can preserve it over the long run only as 
we succeed in our objective to achieve and maintain 
a reasonable equilibrium in our balance of pay- 
ments. 

The free world is moving through an epoch of 
vastly significant economic, social, and political 
events. In every field— health, technology, 
transportation, social welfare — new achievements 
stream from the minds and the labor of men. 
People who in the past could expect little of life 
see horizons of which they never dreamed; they 
are moved by aspirations which they never before 
dared to have. Out of this has appropriately 
emerged a surging demand for higher living 
standards and a drive for the economic develop- 
ment which will make them possible. This drive is 
pressing on the resources of all countries, because 
in even the most highly developed there is a 
demand for improved production facilities, better 
roads, more schools and hospitals, and more hous- 
ing. 

All of this is of the most intensely practical con- 
cern to us, as treasury officials and as central 
bankers. We have a vital role to play in the ful- 
fillment of this compelling urge for economic ex- 
pansion. On the one hand, we must encourage 
adherence to the time-tested rule that economic 
and social progress and sound currencies are in- 
separable — that one cannot exist without the other. 
On the other, we must demonstrate that our 



financial and monetary policies and institutions, 
operating within a free economic system, can con- 
t ribute to the objectives of economic growth, social 
progress, and the security of the free world, and 
thus help meet the great challenges of our time. 



STATEMENT BY MR. UPTON »• 

This is my second opportunity to address this 
distinguished group at an annual meeting, and I 
am gratified to find before us, as we found last 
year, an annual report which records definite fur- 
ther growth by the Corporation. Happily, this 
growth has not been limited to the Corporation's 
investment portfolio alone. It extends as well, 
and as importantly, to the Corporation's fund of 
operating experience. 

President [Robert L.] Garner's report is a well- 
considered statement of the problems, and the 
promise, of private enterprise investment in the 
less developed areas of the world. We might all 
take particular note of his statement that, regard- 
less of the special difficulties involved in introduc- 
ing new techniques into the developing areas, ''the 
sound principles of business and finance are the 
same everywhere." This is the conviction on 
which the Corporation was founded 4 years ago, 
and we have no reason to doubt its general appli- 
cability. Human energy, talent, and judgment 
exist in abundance around the world ; properly ap- 
plied to the challenging opportunities for private 
enterprise that exist in similar abundance, they 
offer the prospect of important increases in pro- 
duction, wealth, and well-being. In my own coun- 
try the prospect has been repeatedly fulfilled. In 
many other countries the private enterprise ap- 
proach remains far from being fully accepted. 
Here the IFC, with the perspective gained in the 
past 4 years, can perhaps make its most significant 
contribution. It can, I am confident, continue to 
an increasing degree to stimulate, lead, counsel, 
and caution. It can, and I am sure it will, bring 
about a wider realization of the full potential of 
productive private investment. 

The Corporation's investment activity, as de- 
scribed in the report, is quite apparently beginning 
to gain the momentum we have anticipated. We 
note the significant fact that the volume of net 



"Made on Sept. 29 during the International Finance 
Corporation's annual discussion. Mr. Upton is Temporary 
Alternate Governor for the United States. 



616 



Department of Sfofe Bulletin 



commitments in the last fiscal year exceeded net 
commitments of all previous years combined. 
Similarly, last year's disbursements exceeded the 
total of all disbursements made previously. In- 
deed, it is my understanding that investments 
made since the close of the fiscal year and invest- 
ments in prospect will shortly push the total gross 
commitments past the halfway mark of the Cor- 
poration's authorized capital. Eleven enterprises 
have been added to this year's list of investments 
by the Corporation, and six more countries now 
have IFC-assisted enterprises within their terri- 
tories. We anticipate continued growth in this re- 
spect now that the Corporation has firmly estab- 
lished itself. 

The "catalytic" function of IFC we have talked 
about frequently in the past continues to be per- 
formed. An examination of the investments made 
in the past fiscal year shows that funds totaling 
roughly three times the amount of the Corpora- 
tion's investment have been put into these same 
projects by other investors, both local and foreign. 
IFC's resources cannot, of course, be fully effective 
without this important companion flow of private 
investment. 

In this regard there is good reason to welcome 
the $6 million of participations arranged by the 
Corporation in connection with two of its invest- 
ments. A portion of these participations represent 
true portfolio sales, having been arranged for after 
the Corporation undertook its own firm commit- 
ment. Although the sums involved are small as 
yet, this development is of major importance as a 
means whereby the Corporation can more rapidly 
revolve its funds. 

In their remarks today, Mr. Garner and others 
have laid before us one of the important problems 
confronting the Corporation, that of investment 
in equity securities. It is a problem whose outlines 
have become clear only after considerable experi- 
mentation on the part of the Corporation with 
convertible debentures, stock options, and other 
techniques. My Government recognizes that for 
the Corporation to perform its function new tools 
must be made available to it. The arguments for 
the proposed change are persuasive, and we are 
happy to join with others in supporting a thorough 
examination of its merits. I might note that a 
similar examination was carried out recently with 
respect to IDA which led to such a satisfactory 
conclusion. 



As we enter the fifth year of IFC's existence, 
new problems loom and new opportunities beckon. 
Certainly there is a need for alertness to the struc- 
tural and institutional changes taking place in the 
world of international finance. International cap- 
ital markets are reviving. Restrictions on the flow 
of private capital are being relaxed, and new 
organizations are emerging. We may hope that 
the management and Directors of the IFC will 
always search for opportunities to work in close 
cooperation with international and national insti- 
tutions under these changing conditions and that 
this cooperation will prove constructive and will 
facilitate the economic development of the private 
sector of the less developed countries. 

The validity of the ideas of personal freedom 
and of private enterprise is being tested today in 
many places. I commend the Corporation for its 
efforts to demonstrate the soundness of the prin- 
ciples to which we collectively subscribe and at the 
same time give it our sincere support in its renewed 
labors in the demanding year ahead. 



IDA Ready To Begin Formal Operations 

The International Development Association 
(IDA), a new international agency for financing 
economic growth in the less developed countries, 
came into being on September 26 as an affiliate of 
the World Bank. 

Fifteen countries have already become mem- 
bers, bringing total subscriptions to the equivalent 
of $68G million. If all members of the Bank join 
IDA, its initial resources will be the equivalent of 
$1,000 million, of which the equivalent of $787 
million will be available on a fully convertible 
basis. 

IDA is to be administered by the World Bank. 
It will seek to promote economic development by 
providing finance to the less developed countries 
on terms more flexible and bearing less heavily on 
their balance of payments than conventional loans, 
thereby furthering the development objectives and 
supplementing the activities of the Bank. The 
first meeting of the Executive Directors of IDA, 
representing its member countries, will be held 
later in the fall. On the date of this meeting IDA 
will formally begin operations. 

IDA had its beginnings in a resolution sub- 
mitted by Senator A. S. Mike Monroney to the 



October 17, 7960 



617 



U.S. Senate at the end of 1957. His idea was 
taken up by the U.S. administration, and in re- 
sponse to an administration proposal the Bank's 
Hoard of Governors, at its annual meeting in 1959, 
resolved that the Executive Directors of the Bank 
should draft articles of agreement for IDA. 1 The 
completed articles were transmitted to the Bank's 
member countries in February 1960. Govern- 
ments thereafter began the legislative action nec- 
essary to enable them to accept IDA membership. 

IDA will provide development finance to the 
less developed areas of the world included within 
its membership. A considerable degree of flexibil- 
ity is given to IDA by its articles of agreement, 
both in the purposes for which it may provide 
finance and in the terms on which it may make 
loans. IDA will finance a wider range of projects 
than the Bank, but since both agencies will have 
the same management, it is to be expected that 
IDA will maintain the same high standard as the 
Bank with respect to the planning, management, 
and financing of the projects which it assists. 

A unique feature of IDA is the division of 
member countries into two groups for purposes of 
subscription of funds. Subscriptions will be pay- 
able over a 5-year period, and the countries in both 
groups will pay 10 percent of their initial sub- 
scriptions in gold or freely convertible currencies. 
One group, however, the 17 more industrialized 
member countries of the Bank, will pay the re- 
maining 90 percent in five equal installments in 
gold or freely convertible currencies; the other 
group, the 51 less developed countries, will pay 
their 90 percent in their national currencies, which 
IDA will not be free to convert into other curren- 
cies or to use to finance exports from the country 
concerned without its consent. 

IDA is to keep the adequacy of its resources un- 
der regular review. It is contemplated that the 
first review will take place before the end of the 
first 5-year period and subsequent examinations 
at intervals of approximately 5 years thereafter. 
General or individual increases in subscriptions 
may be authorized at any time. 

International Development Association 
Members as of September 26, 11)60 

Initial subscriptions 
{US$ millions) 

Australia 20. 18 

Canada 37. 83 

China 30. 26 



Germany 52. 96 

India 40. 35 

Italy 18. 16 

Malaya 2. 52 

Norway 6. 72 

Pakistan 10. 00 

Sudan 1. 01 

Sweden 10. 09 

Thailand 3.03 

United Kingdom 131. 14 

United States 320. 29 

Viet-Xam 1. 51 

$686. 14 

In addition to the above countries, the following 
have also signed the articles of agreement but 
require to complete other formalities for 
membership : 

Ecuador Honduras 

Ethiopia The Netherlands 

Other present member countries of the Bank can 

still become original members of IDA up to 

December 31, I960. 



Mali and Senegal Admitted to U.N. 

Statement by James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative in the Security Council 1 

The United States warmly welcomes the appli- 
cations of the Republic of Senegal and the Re- 
public of Mali for membership in the United Na- 
tions. They both bring old and honorable names 
to the roster of the United Nations, and we look 
forward to the contributions that both will make 
to our work. 

The Republic of Mali, as its birthright by geog- 
raphy and history, has inherited a great name. 
The Mali Empire for hundreds of years was the 
richest and most powerful as well as the most cul- 
tured of the ancient Sudanese empires. But Mali 
also looks to the future with confidence and 
energy. In the days ahead she will be one of the 
great nations in a renascent Africa. It is engaged 
in a program of economic development which 
holds great promise and which we hope will 
achieve success. 

The United Nations itself is challenged as never 
before. The United States welcomes the enthu- 
siasm, and vitality which the Republic of Mali will 
brine to what Prime Minister Modibo Keita has 



1 Bulletin of Oct. 19, 1959, p. 531. 
618 



'Made in the Security Council on Sept. 28 (U.S./U.N. 
press release 3510). 

Department of State Bulletin 



described as the United Nations' "great crusade 
for peace." 

The Republic of Mali has had a long and rich 
experience. It has men of stature to lead it. It 
has its independence and is anxious to help in the 
work of the. United Nations. 

Then, Mr. President, with independence the 
opportunities of the Republic of Senegal for self- 
expression and for service to the world are tre- 
mendously enhanced. Senegal is fortunate in 
having men of ability in many fields — government, 
art, and sciences — to fulfill its obligations. It 
even has that rarest of individuals in our special- 
ized age, a poet and grammarian who is also an 
outstanding statesman. I refer, of course, to Sen- 
egal's President, Leopold Senghor. Its Prime 
Minister, Mamadou Dia, and others are equally 
well known to us for the leading part they have 
played in the political life of their country. Its 
capital, Dakar, is one of the intellectual cent ere 
of Africa, the seat of the University of Dakar. 
Its level and rate of economic development is one 
of the highest in Africa. Its high standard of 
leadership and economic activity give promise of 
a stable future. 

Therefore, Mr. President, the United States 
will vote with sympathy and pleasure for the res- 
olutions recommending the admission of the Re- 
public of Senegal and the Republic of Mali. We 
are happy to see that later today the General 
Assembly will also have the opportunity to pass on 
these two applications. We anticipate with pleas- 
ure the participation of Senegal and Mali in the 
important work which faces us. 2 



U.S. Supports United Nations 
Against Soviet Attack 

Statement by James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations 1 

I rise in right of reply to the Soviet Union on 
behalf of and with the authorization of the Sec- 
retary of State. 



The United Nations is in a crisis. It is in a 
crisis, first through the effort of the Soviet Union 
to turn the world's greatest body for peace into a 
propaganda forum to serve the interests of Com- 
munist imperialism. 

The Soviet Union has, I am sorry to say, chosen 
the path of invective and falsehood instead of the 
path of constructive progress outlined in the 
speech of President Eisenhower. 2 The response 
of the United States will be vigorous, brief, and 
straightforward. Let there be no mistake that it 
was the Soviet LTnion which injected into this 
Assembly an atmosphere of dissension and 
vindictiveness. 

Chairman Khrushchev has accused the United 
States of aggressive acts against the Soviet Union 
and has demanded they be discussed immediately 
in plenary session. The Security Council has al- 
ready rejected these charges. 3 The Soviet Union 
itself vetoed our offer of an impartial investiga- 
tion of the wanton destruction of the RB-47 over 
international waters. The Soviet charges are false, 
and they are not made in good faith. They should 
not be on our agenda in the first place. We will 
oppose the kind of debate that the U.S.S.R. wishes 
to have in plenary session on these subjects, al- 
though we will never object to having the truth 
brought out in the proper committee forum, as 
we will demonstrate in the General Committee 
deliberations soon to come. 

Chairman Khrushchev accuses the United 
States, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and 
Canada of having "indulged in nothing but mean- 
ingless talk'' about disarmament in the 10-member 
committee. Let us leave it to the verbatims of 
those talks as to whether his charge is correct, 
and let us remember that it was the Soviet Union 
wliich walked out of these talks at the very 
moment when it was told that new Western pro- 
posals were about to be submitted. 4 This is not 
the first time that the U.S.S.R. has walked out 
on disarmament negotiations. The same Soviet 
delegate — Mr. [Valerian] Zorin — walked out of 
the disarmament negotiations in London in 1957, 
immediately after new Western proposals had 
been put forward. 



2 The Security Council on Sept. 28 unanimously recom- 
mended the admission of the Republic of Mali and the 
Republic of Senegal ; on the same day the General As- 
sembly admitted them by acclamation. 

'Made in plenary session cm Sept. 23 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3497). 



■ For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1900, p. 551. 

8 lhiil.. June 13, 1960, p. 955, and Aug. 15, 1960, p. 235. 

' For text of the report of the U.S. delegation to the 
Conference of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament, 
see ibid., Aug. 22, 1900, p. 207. 



Ocfober 17, J960 



619 



Let the United States attitude in this, Mr. Pres- 
ident, not be construed as meaning that we will 
not continue to try to get the U.S.S.R. to negotiate 
seriously even though we have failed so far. But 
we will not, and cannot, and should not tolerate 
disarmament being made into a sheer propaganda 
battle. We wUl oppose its being taken up in 
plenary and will press for thoughtful considera- 
tion by all members of this Assembly in the 
First Committee. 

The Soviet Union also demands immediate 
plenary consideration of the elimination of 
colonialism in the world. This is a strange de- 
mand indeed from a country whose imperialism 
has embraced more people, more territory, and 
more oppression than anything else the 20th cen- 
tury has ever seen. 

We are in agreement, Mr. President, with the 
principle that the world has long realized that 
colonialism must go. President Eisenhower 
made this clear yesterday — both the 19th-century 
type of colonialism which is already disappearing 
and the 20th-century Communist colonialism 
which at present is rampant — but the Soviet pro- 
posal in their declaration as presented today is not 
the way to deal with either type of colonialism. 
If we of the Assembly succumb to the emotional 
pressures which the Soviet Union is seeking to 
generate, it will make more difficult, not less diffi- 
cult, the unprecedented rapid progress toward 
independence and self-government which the 
world is undergoing and which is reflected in the 
happy presence of so many new states at this ses- 
sion, particularly from Africa. Let our decisions 
be sober and constructive, not flamboyant and 
destructive. 

But there is a second and possibly even more 
serious crisis, a crisis which consists of an attempt 
to destroy the office and the very structure of the 
Secretary-General and the Secretariat and through 
it to destroy the United Nations. 

This is the same sustained crisis which the Soviet 
Union posed at the recent meetings of the Security 
Council and in the emergency General Assembly 
which closed just before this 15th General Assem- 
bly opened, and in both these bodies the United 
Nations stood firmly and the Assembly firmly 
endorsed the stand. 5 The crisis has now been 
sharpened by a direct attack from the head of the 



Soviet state himself against the office of the Secre- 
tary-General. 

The Soviet Union has sought to crush another 
Secretary-General, Mr. Trygve Lie, because he 
stood up against Communist aggression in Korea. 
It is now attempting to crush the very office of the 
Secretary-General itself, in keeping with the 
philosophy of what we might term "what we can- 
not control we will destroy." 

The United Nations, Mr. President, must face 
this crisis head on. If it does not, it will fail. 



U.S. Views on Soviet Proposal 

To Enlarge Disarmament Committee 

Following is a statement read to news corre- 
spondents on September 27 by Francis W. Car- 
penter, spokesman for the UJ3. delegation to the 
United Nations, in response to questions about a 
Soviet proposal 1 to add five countries to the Ten- 
Nation Committee on Disarmament. 

U.S. delegation press release 3505 

The disarmament question is not primarily a 
problem of the structure of the negotiating body. 
It is a question of the willingness of the Soviet 
Union to negotiate an equitable and realistic 
agreement. 

There have been numerous United Nations 
bodies for disarmament, none of which so far has 
been able to overcome Soviet refusal to accept 
balanced and controlled disarmament proposals. 

We have had commissions for conventional and 
atomic disarmament, the Disarmament Commis- 
sion, the Subcommittee of the Disarmament Com- 
mission (which the U.S.S.R. boycotted in 1957), 
an enlarged 25-member Disarmament Commission 
(in which the U.S.S.R. refused to participate), an 
82-member Disarmament Commission (which the 
U.S.S.R. threatened to boycott this summer), and 
the 10-member committee (which the U.S.S.R. 
walked out of in June and to which we have un- 
successfully urged them to return). 

The problem is not one of making another 
forum — the U.S.S.R. itself proposed the 10-nation 
committee — it is one of willingness to negotiate 
with integrity. I would remind you of what Am- 
bassador Wadsworth pointed out in the General 



1 Ibid., Oct. 3, I960, p. 527, and Oct. 10, 1960, p. 583. 
620 



1 For text, see U.N. doc. A/4509. 

Department of State Bulletin 



Assembly the other day [September 23] : Twice 
in recent years the U.S.S.R. has refused to return 
to disarmament negotiations at a time when new 
Western proposals were introduced. 



U.S. Replies to Cuban Attack 
in General Assembly 

Statement by James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations 1 

I have asked to speak briefly under the right 
of reply to the intervention made here yesterday 
afternoon and evening by the Prime Minister of 
Cuba [Fidel Castro]. As we all know, most of 
this speech consisted of charges against the 
United States. 

Although confronted with charges of a provoca- 
tive character, we do not intend to reply in kind 
but only in the quiet and constructive tones used 
by Ambassador [Henry Cabot] Lodge in the Se- 
curity Council on this same subject, 2 and to which 
this Assembly is entitled. This is particularly 
true when dealing with our sister Republic and 
neighbor, Cuba, with whom our traditional ties 
of friendship have been so intimate and so strong. 

The relations between the Cuban Government 
and people and the Government and people of the 
United States have been friendly, cordial, and 
close. And when the present Government of Cuba 
came into power there was widespread sympathy 
all over the United States for the aims and ideals — 
including particularly those of land reform — 
which the new Government professed, and the 
United States Government promptly recognized 
that new Government. 

I will not attempt to deal now with the numer- 
ous charges which were laid against us yesterday. 
Most of these charges — which are not new — have 
already been answered by the United States both 
in the Security Council and in the Organization 
of American States, both of which bodies have 



rejected them. 3 In order that the new members 
of the United Nations and others who were not 
present at these occasions may have the correct 
facts, however, the United States will make avail- 
able a document within the next few days dealing 
fully with the issues involved. 

At this point I would add just one other word. 
The United States has constantly sought a con- 
structive approach to the complaints of the Cuban 
Government. During the past month, the United 
States has urged utilization of the ad hoc commit- 
tee created by the Organization of American States 
to clarify facts and extend good offices. 4 This com- 
mittee was created by the Seventh Meeting of For- 
eign Ministers of the American Republics at San 
Jose, Costa Rica, in August. As we have said 
before, Mr. President, our record in our relations 
in Cuba is an open book. We are prepared to co- 
operate with this committee of which I have 
spoken, and we have urged Cuban cooperation. So 
far Cuba has ignored the OAS efforts to deal with 
the question. 

We remain confident today, Mr. President, in 
spite of attacks which seek to divide us, that the 
Cuban people and the American people will remain 
close in mutual esteem and respect, for the simple 
reason that they are bound by common ideals and 
aspirations, as well as the links of history, geog- 
raphy, and economic well-being. 



Graham A. Martin Given Rank 
of Ambassador by President 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 28 (press release 568) that President Eisen- 
hower on that date gave Graham A. Martin, the 
newly appointed U.S. Representative to the Euro- 
pean Office of the United Nations and Other Inter- 
national Organizations, the personal rank of 
Ambassador. 



'Made in plenary session on Sept. 27 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3506). 

* Bulletin of Aug. 8, 1960, p. 199. 



3 For statements by Secretary Herter at the Seventh 
Meeting of Consultation of the American Foreign Min- 
isters and the text of the Declaration of San Jose, see 
Hid., Sept. 12, 1960, p. 395. 

'Members of the Ad Hoc Good Offices Committee are 
Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Venezuela. 



October 17, 7960 



621 



U.S. Supports Inclusion on General Assembly Agenda off Items 
on Tibet, Soviet Complaint of U.S. Aggression, and Hungary 



Following are statements made by Ambassador 
James J. Wads worth, U.S. Representative to the 
United Nations, in General Committee on Septem- 
ber 22 regarding inclusion of an agenda item on 
Tibet and on September 23 regarding items on 
Soviet charges of U.S. aggression and on Hungary. 



TIBET 

U.S. delegation press release 3494 

Last year the General Assembly discussed the 
question of Tibet and adopted a resolution by 
which it expressed its grave concern at the denial 
of fundamental human rights and freedoms to the 
people of Tibet and deplored the effect on inter- 
national relations of the events in that unhappy 
land. 1 

The General Assembly issued a solemn appeal 
which called for respect for the fundamental hu- 
man rights of the Tibetan people and for their 
distinctive cultural and religious life. Despite 
this appeal the fundamental human rights of the 
Tibetan people continued to be systematically dis- 
regarded and equally systematically destroyed. 
For this reason the delegations of the Federation 
of Malaya and Thailand have proposed that the 
Assembly again address itself to the plight of 
these unfortunate people. 

In recent years the moral mfluence of the Gen- 
eral Assembly has increasingly been brought to 
bear on questions regarding fundamental human 
rights in all parts of the world where these rights 
have been denied. Tibet is surely one of the most 
grievous examples of this denial and one upon 



which the General Assembly must bring its in- 
fluence. 

Although we may all regret the deterioration 
which has taken place in Tibet, it is this situation 
which makes it all the more necessary for the 
General Assembly to discuss this item. The 
United States therefore fully supports the inclu- 
sion of the Tibetan item on our agenda, and at the 
appropriate time we will support its debate in 
plenary session. 

SOVIET COMPLAINT OF U.S. AGGRESSION 

U.S. delegation press release 3499 

There have been no aggressive actions by the 
United States against the Soviet Union or against 
any other country. The item proposed by the 
Soviet Union on this subject is founded on false- 
hood — not a new falsehood, Mr. President, but 
one which has already been exposed in the United 
Nations. 

In the RB^jTT case the Soviet Union vetoed an 
impartial investigation of its charges against us. 2 
Furthermore, it still detains illegally two eyewit- 
nesses, two surviving American fliers from the 
aircraft which they shot down, and have denied 
them any contact with the outside world. Thus 
they have refused to let the world look behind 
their story to establish the facts. 

The United States has nothing to fear from 
these repudiated charges. We are certain that con- 
sideration of them by the General Assembly will 
again expose them as groundless. 

In line witli our usual practice of favoring full 
debate of accusations against us, the United States 
will vote to inscribe this Soviet item. 



1 Bui.letin of Nov. 9, 1959, p. G83. 
622 



'Ibid., Aug. 15, 1960, p. 235. 

Department of State Bulletin 



At the same time, Mr. President, we consider 
that the title of this item is not worded in the 
customary manner and is totally prejudicial to the 
debate which will follow its inscription. I there- 
fore formally propose that the title of this item 
be amended to read: "Complaint of the U.S.S.R. 
about a menace to world peace created by aggres- 
sive actions of the United States of America 
against the Soviet Union." 

[In a further statement Ambassador Wadsworth said:] 

Very briefly, Mr. President, regardless of what 
Chairman Khrushchev might have said todaj 7 , re- 
gardless of what the distinguished representative 
of the Soviet Union might have said today, the 
fact remains that this is a complaint by the Soviet 
Union. The facts remain that the complaint by 
the Soviet Union having been taken up already 
in one of the main organs of the United Nations 
has not been upheld as being accurate, and the fact 
therefore remains that my formulation, as I have 
suggested it, is the proper one. 



HUNGARY 

U.S. delegation press release 3501 

I will be brief. The necessity for the. inscription 
of this item is abundantly clear. But before enter- 
ing into my brief argument I wish to apologize 
most profoundly to Sir Leslie Munro for the com- 
pletely inadvertent slip of the tongue which I com- 
mitted in a previous intervention. Anyone who 
knows Sir Leslie knows perfectly well that he could 
not be the tool of anyone. 

Now, he was appointed by resolution 1312 
(XIII) 3 for the purpose of reporting to member 
states or to the General Assembly on significant 
developments relating to the implementation of the 
General Assembly's resolution on Hungary. After 
receiving and debating the objective and detailed 
report of the Special Representative, the 14th 
General Assembly on December 9, 1959, in resolu- 
tion 1454 (XIV) 4 requested him to continue his 
efforts. Both of these resolutions I have mentioned 
specifically call upon the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics and the present Hungarian regime to 
cooperate with the United Nations Special Rep- 
resentative. 



On April 8, 19C0, in a press conference held at 
the European offices of the United Nations in 
Geneva, the Special Representative announced 
that his efforts to consult with the Foreign Min- 
isters of the Soviet Union and Hungary pursuant 
to his mandate had been rebuffed. Therefore it 
is obvious that the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics and the present Hungarian regime have 
deliberately ignored the appeal of the General As- 
sembly contained in resolution 1454. 

The Special Representative at the same press 
conference also publicly asked for certain details 
concerning the partial amnesty which was an- 
nounced by the present Hungarian regime on 
March 31, 1960. He also indicated his continuing 
desire to enter into consultation with the appro- 
priate authorities of Hungary and the Soviet 
Union in order to discharge the task assigned to 
him by the General Assembly. 

Mr. President, the intransigence of the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics and the present Hun- 
garian authorities requires that this Assembly 
again consider the serious situation posed by the 
continued defiance of the Assembly's resolutions 
on the question of Hungary. 

[In a further statement Ambassador Wadsworth said:] 

Mr. President, I know that I share with vir- 
tually all the other members of this committee 
hesitation in prolonging this particular discussion. 
But two or three things simply call in my mind 
for comment. 

The representative of Bulgaria has repeatedly 
referred to Sir Leslie Munro as the "so-called rep- 
resentative of the General Assembly," which ap- 
parently means that he does not recognize the 
resolution which created the position nor the action 
which put Sir Leslie Munro into that position. 
One might suppose from the remarks of our es- 
teemed colleague from Rumania that any resolu- 
tion which he dislikes is therefore automatically 
illegal. 

I think that this committee should take a de- 
cision here and now on this question, remembering 
always that this question has been discussed be- 
fore, that there are completely legal and valid 
resolutions of the General Assembly dealing with 
it, and that the Assembly is certainly, and should 
be, seized of it. 8 



3 For test, see ibid., Jan. 12. 1959, p. 62. 

4 For text, see ibid., Dee. 28, 1959, p. 946. 



5 The General Committee recommended inclusion of the 
Tibet item on Sept. 22 and the Soviet complaint and the 
Hungary item on Sept. 23. 



October 77, J 960 



623 



U.S. Participation in the United Nations During 1959 



Following is the text of a letter from President 
Eisenhower transmitting to the Congress the 14-th 
annual report on U.S. participation in the United 
Nations. 1 

To the Congress of the United States : 

Pursuant to the United Nations Participation 
Act, I transmit herewith the fourteenth annual 
report, covering United States participation in the 
United Nations during the year 1959. 

Once again in 1959 the United Nations demon- 
strated its value in promoting the goals of peace 
which the people of the United States hold in 
common with the great majority of the peoples 
of the world. Especially significant were United 
Nations actions in response to a request for help 
from Laos ; in promoting cooperation in the peace- 
ful use of outer space ; in furthering the economic 
and social welfare of peoples in rapidly or newly 
developing nations; and in guiding and assisting 
the rapid, historic evolution of dependent peoples 
toward self-government or independence. 

1. When the Kingdom of Laos asked the help 
of the Security Council in preserving its freedom 
and independence, the Council dealt with the sit- 
uation swiftly and effectively. Its decision to send 
a subcommittee to Laos provided a tranquilizing 
influence and was followed by further important 
steps. 

The crisis developed from attempts by the Com- 
munist bloc to subvert the independence of Laos. 
Rebel forces within the country were receiving 
active support from the Communists in north Viet- 
Nam. Communist propaganda emanating simul- 
taneously from Hanoi', Peiping, and Moscow 
sought to confuse world opinion. 

In these circumstances, the Lao Government 



1 Reprinted from V.8. Participation in the UN: Report 
by the President to the Congress for the year 1959 (H. 
Doc. 378, 86th Cong., 2d sess.) ; Department of State 
publication 7016, for sale by the Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, 
D.C. ( ix, 282 pp., 75 cents) . 



appealed to the United Nations for assistance. 
Over Soviet opposition the Security Council 
adopted a resolution introduced by the United 
States establishing a fact-finding subcommittee 
consisting of Argentina, Italy, Japan, and 
Tunisia. 2 

This subcommittee visited Laos to obtain the 
facts of the situation at firsthand. Its presence 
there immediately had a quieting effect. Fighting 
abated, and the threat to the nation's independ- 
ence was reduced. 

After completing its inquiry the subcommittee 
issued a report on its findings 3 which helped the 
Security Council and world opinion to understand 
better the danger confronting Laos. 

In November Secretary-General Hammarskjold 
visited Laos. He reached the conclusion that one 
way to speed the return of stability to Laos was 
to provide international aid and guidance in eco- 
nomic development. He later sent a personal 
representative, Mr. Sakari Tuomioja, a former 
Prime Minister of Finland and Executive Secre- 
tary of the Economic Commission for Europe, to 
consider how the United Nations could best assist 
Laos in this field. Before the end of the year Mr. 
Tuomioja completed a report recommending a 
broad economic and technical assistance program 
for the development of the country. 

The Security Council's action on Laos also 
opened up new possibilities for action in the Se- 
curity Council free of the veto. In establishing a 
subcommittee in spite of an attempted Soviet veto, 
the Council showed that it would not allow the use 
of the so-called "double veto" to prevent it from 
taking a step which was clearly procedural under 
the Charter. 

2. Peaceful cooperation in the realm of outer 
space took an important step forward in Decem- 
ber 1959 when a new United Nations Committee on 
the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space was established 



2 Bulletin of Sept. 28, 1059, p. 456. 

3 U.N. doc. S/4236. 



624 



Department of State Bulletin 



by the General Assembly. 4 This step resulted 
from extensive discussions at the United Nations 
among representatives of the United States, the 
Soviet Union, and other interested states. Thereby 
new possibilities have been opened for cooperation 
in a field which, like that of atomic energy, prom- 
ises widespread benefits to mankind. 

The basis for this forward step was laid when 
the original Ad Hoc Committee on the Peaceful 
Uses of Outer Space was set up by the General 
Assembly in December 1958. 5 This Committee 
met in May and June. It prepared a valuable re- 
port 6 which described existing international in- 
terests in this field, suggested technical areas where 
international cooperation could immediately con- 
tribute to progress, and identified potential legal 
problems. 

However, the Committee had to conduct its work 
without the participation of the U.S.S.R., 
Czechoslovakia, and Poland, who refused to ac- 
cept the General Assembly's decision on composi- 
tion of the Committee. India and the United 
Arab Republic thereupon also declined to attend. 
Nevertheless, the Committee under the able chair- 
manship of Japan was able to perform much use- 
ful exploratory work, and its report provided a 
sound basis for further consideration of the peace- 
ful uses of outer space during the 14th session. 

In December, after long negotiations at the 14th 
session of the General Assembly, the Soviet Union 
decided to participate in a new Outer Space Com- 
mittee of twenty-four members. The General 
Assembly thereupon established this new group 
and asked it to study outer space programs which 
might appropriately be undertaken under United 
Nations auspices and the nature of legal problems 
that might arise in outer space. 

The General Assembly also assigned to the Outer 
Space Committee responsibility for working out 
proposals for an international scientific conference 
of members of the United Nations and the Spe- 
cialized Agencies on the peaceful uses of outer 
space, to be held in 1960 or 1961. The Soviet 
Union's suggestion of such a conference was im- 
mediately welcomed by the United States. It can 
bring about an important exchange of knowledge 
in both the science and the technology of outer 
space. 



3. Again in 1959 the General Assembly gave ex- 
pression to the widespread desire for a sound and 
workable system of controlled disarmament, and 
showed its interest in the efforts of the powers 
principally involved to work out such a system. 

In August 1959 the United States, France, the 
United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union agreed to 
set up outside of the United Nations framework a 
new ten-nation Committee to explore possible 
avenues by which progress might be made in the 
disarmament field. 7 In addition to these four 
states its membership includes Bulgaria, Canada, 
Czechoslovakia, Italy, Poland, and Rumania. It 
first convened at Geneva in March 1960. 

In announcing the formation of this group, the 
four countries emphasized that the establishment 
of this Committee "in no way diminishes or en- 
croaches upon the United Nations responsibilities 
in this field." They also made clear their inten- 
tion to keep the United Nations Disarmament 
Commission informed of the progress of the de- 
liberations and to submit reports to it regularly. 

Disarmament took up a major part of the de- 
bates of the 14th General Assembly. Altogether, 
the Assembly heard the views of 65 member 
states, including those of the United States, 
United Kingdom, France, and the Soviet Union. 
A resolution was unanimously adopted which ex- 
pressed the hope that "measures leading toward 
the goal of general and complete disarmament 
under effective international control" would be 
agreed upon in the shortest possible time. 8 The 
resolution also transmitted various disarmament 
proposals, including those of the Soviet Union 
and the United Kingdom, to the new 10-nation 
group for its consideration. Also submitted to 
this group was an Irish proposal calling for study 
of the problem of further dissemination of nuclear 
weapons. 9 

Two resolutions were passed relating to nuclear 
weapons tests. The first, addressed to the three 
powers negotiating in Geneva for an end to such 
tests, urged them to continue their efforts to reach 
an agreement "including an appropriate inter- 
national control system," and meanwhile to con- 
tinue their present voluntary discontinuance of 



4 Bulletin of Jan. 11, 1960, p. 64. 
• Ibid., Jan. 5, 1959, p. 24. 
" U.N. doc. A/4141. 



' Bulletin of Sept. 28, 1959, p. 438. 

8 For text, see ibid., Nov. 23, 1959, p. 766. 

' For background on the conference of the Ten-Nation 
Committee which met at Geneva Mar. 15-June 28, 1960, 
see ibid., Aug. 22, 1960, p. 267, and Sept. 5, 1960, p. 382. 



October 17, 1960 



625 



nuclear tost ing. 1 " The other resolution requested 
France not to hold its scheduled tests in the 
Sahara." 

i. The tragedy of Communist China's actions 
in Tibet confronted the United Nations with a 
serious challenge. 

In early March world opinion was shocked by 
the brutal actions of the Chinese Communists in 
their efforts to impose communism on Tibet by 
force. Later the Dalai Lama, the spiritual and 
temporal leader of the Tibetan people, was forced 
to flee. From his asylum in India he appealed to 
the United Nations to consider the plight of his 
countrymen. 

The situation in Tibet was of direct concern 
to the General Assembly in fulfilling its Charter 
responsibility to promote universal respect for 
fundamental human rights and freedoms. Over 
the opposition of the Soviet Union the Assembly 
adopted a resolution 12 sponsored by Malaya and 
Ireland in which it expressed its grave concern 
over the situation in Tibet and called for respect 
for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan 
people and for their distinctive cultural and re- 
ligious life. 

5. The United Nations once again gave atten- 
tion to the continuing repression of the people of 
Hungary. 

Both the Soviet Union and the Hungarian re- 
gime have consistently refused to permit the 
United Nations Special Representative on Hun- 
gary, Sir Leslie Munro, to enter Hungary on be- 
half of the United Nations. In spite of this in- 
transigent attitude, he compiled an impressive 
report 13 on current conditions in Hungary which, 
among other matters, noted that Hungarian pa- 
triots of 1956 were still being put to death. 

On the initiative of the United Nations Special 
Representative and the United States, the General 
Assembly again placed the question of Hungary 
on its agenda. The Soviet delegate strongly op- 
posed inscription of an item on Hungary, claim- 



10 For text of resolution, see ibid., Dec. 21, 1959, p. 919 ; 
for an article by William J. Gehron on "Geneva Con- 
ference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests," 
sec ibid., Sept. 26, 1900. p. 482. 

11 D.N. doc. A/RES/1379 (XIV). 

13 For background and text of resolution, see Bttixetin 
of Nov. 9, 1959, p. 683. 
" U.N. doc. A/4304. 



ing that it would be contrary to what he called 
the "spirit of Camp David" — a theme which the 
Soviet. Union sought to exploit throughout the 
session. 

Ambassador [Henry Cabot] Lodge immediately 
and correctly replied that nothing took place dur- 
ing discussions at Camp David with Premier 
Khrushchev which would require the United Na- 
tions to ignore or condone what was happening 
in Hungary. 14 Fie emphasized that if the Soviet 
Union wished to live up to the spirit of Camp 
David it should abide by the United Nations reso- 
lutions on Hungary and cooperate with Sir Leslie 
Munro in his efforts to carry out his mandate. 

The United States, together with twenty-three 
other nations, introduced a resolution deploring 
the disregard of the Assembly's resolutions by the 
Soviet and Hungarian authorities and calling 
upon them to cooperate with the LTnited Nations 
Representative. 15 This resolution was adopted by 
a large majority. In addition, the Assembly once 
again refused to accept the credentials of the rep- 
resentatives of the Hungarian regime. 16 To- 
gether, these actions demonstrated the world 
community's indignation over the continued So- 
viet-inspired repression in Hungary. 

6. The problem of the future of approximately 
one million Arab refugees from Palestine, most 
of whom are now in Jordan, the Gaza Strip and 
Lebanon, has been a matter of concern to the 
United Nations since 1949. 

This problem required thorough reexamination 
by the General Assembly in 1959 because the man- 
date of the United Nations Relief and Works 
Agency for Palestine Refugees was due to expire 
June 30, 1960. The United States has continued 
its substantial support for this major L'nited Na- 
tions activity in the interest of the well-being of 
the refugees and the stability of the area. 
UNRWA has done an effective job in providing 
relief to the refugees at a low per capita cost. 

The Assembly took several constructive steps in 
an effort to better the present situation and to 
find a solution to this pressing problem. It unani- 
mously extended UNRWA's mandate for three 
years with provision for a review at the end of 
two years. It urged the acceleration of programs 



u Bulletin of Dec. 14, 1959, p. 875. 
IS Ibid., Dec. 28, 1959, p. 942. 
" Tiid., Jan. 4, 1960, p. 17. 



626 



Department of State Bulletin 



to make more of the refugees self-supporting. It 
asked that irregularities in the distribution of 
relief rations be stopped. Finally, it requested the 
Palestine Conciliation Commission to make fur- 
ther efforts to secure the implementation of the 
Assembly's decision in 1948 that the refugees 
wishing to return to their homes and to live at 
peace with their neighbors should be permitted to 
do so and that compensation should be paid for 
property left behind by those not choosing to 
return. 

The United States stressed during the debate 
that a fundamental solution of the problem must 
be sought by all available means. 17 

7. The Assembly made a further significant con- 
tribution to stability in the Middle East by voting 
continued support for the United Nations Emer- 
gency Force. 

UNEF consists of about 5,000 soldiers from 
seven countries, patrolling the armistice demar- 
cation lines between the Egyptian part of the 
United Arab Republic and Israel. It is a re- 
markable demonstration of what international 
cooperation can do to help keep the peace. 

The cost of maintaining UNEF is the collec- 
tive responsibility of all member nations who are 
assessed for its upkeep on the basis of their con- 
tributions to the regular budget of the United 
Nations. However, the Soviet Union has refused 
to pay any of its share. A number of member 
states have found difficulty in paying even small 
amounts. In an effort to reduce the burden on 
these countries, the United States and a few other 
countries have made voluntary contributions over 
and above their regular shares during the past 
few years. 

At its last session the Assembly adopted a reso- 
lution under which the voluntary contributions 
amounting to about $3J million will be applied 
to reduce by 50 percent the assessments of mem- 
bers beginning with those with the smallest 
assessments. 

For our part, the United States will continue 
to support UNEF because we firmly believe it 
constitutes a major bulwark of peace in the Middle 
East. 

8. The review and possible revision of the 



United Nations Charter continue to attract con- 
siderable interest. 

With the full support of the United States, the 
General Assembly decided again at its 14th ses- 
sion to continue its Committee on Arrangements 
for a Charter Review Conference and asked the 
Committee to report again no later than the 16th 
session of the Assembly. The United States con- 
tinues to favor the holding of a review confer- 
ence whenever a substantial majority of the 
member states believe that the international cli- 
mate is conducive to constructive review. 

9. As at the 13th and earlier sessions, the As- 
sembly, once again by a sizable majority, decided 
not to consider the question of Chinese repre- 
sentation. 13 As a result, the position of the Gov- 
ernment of the Republic of China in the United 
Nations was maintained. 

10. The General Assembly also once again re- 
affirmed its desire, against Soviet opposition, to 
bring about the unification of Korea on the basis 
of genuinely free elections under United Nations 
supervision. 19 

11. The United Nations contributed further in 
1959 to progress for dependent peoples toward 
the Charter goal of self-government or independ- 
ence. In recognition of the rapid progress they 
have made, the General Assembly acted to termi- 
nate United Nations trusteeship in three trust 
territories in Africa — Cameroun, Togoland, and 
Somalia — as well as in Western Samoa in the 
Pacific. The first to achieve independence was 
Cameroun. A distinguished United States dele- 
gation headed by Ambassador Lodge attended 
the Cameroun inaugural ceremonies on January 1, 
1960. 

In six other trust territories the United Nations 
trusteeship system continues to encourage prog- 
ress in advancing the people toward self-govern- 
ment or independence. 

12. It is especially gratifying for Americans 
that the General Assembly, in reviewing the 
progress of dependent territories throughout the 
world, commended the United States for bring- 
ing about full statehood for Hawaii and Alaska. 
On July 4, 1959, the new 49-star American flag 
was raised at the United Nations, and the 50-star 
flag replaced it this July. 



"Ibid., p. 31. 
October 17, 1960 



" Ibid., Oct. 12, 1959, p. 517. 
"Ibid., Jan. 4,1960, p. 18. 



627 



13. Multilateral action for economic advance- 
ment, of underdeveloped countries was given 
added impetus in 1959 as a result of a series of 
developments in which the United States took an 
active and leading role. 

The financial resources of the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development were 
doubled and the capital of the International Mone- 
fcary Fund was increased by 50 percent. The 
United States, pursuant to Congressional action, 
has increased its subscriptions to these two inter- 
national financing institutions. 20 

The Board of Governors of the "World Bank ap- 
proved the United States proposal to establish an 
International Development Association as an 
affiliate of the Bank. We hope that this institu- 
tion, which is designed to assist the underdevel- 
oped countries by financing long-term, low-inter- 
est projects which cannot be considered by the 
Bank under its charter, will become operational in 
the latter part of 1960. 

The United Nations Special Fund, which re- 
sulted from the initiative of the United States, 
began its operations on January 1, 1959, with 
pledges totaling about $25.8 million of which the 
United States contribution amounted to about 
$10.3 million. Pledges for 1960, including the 
United States share, will total an estimated $38.8 
million — half again as much as in the first year. 

The Special Fund added significantly to the 
effective work of the United Nations Technical 
Assistance Program which conducted its activities 
in 1959 with financial resources amounting to 
about $29.7 million. The United States contri- 
buted about $11.9 million of this amount. 

The United Nations is a growing organization — 
growing both in membership and in maturity. 
Each year it has been confronted with new issues 
and, in meeting them, has demonstrated anew what 
great value it has for man in his quest for peace 
with justice. Given our sustained and vigorous 
support, it will continue to advance the interests 
of the American people and of free nations every- 
where. 

Dwight D. Eisenhower 

The White House, August 16, 1960. 



United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

ECE Timber Committee 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 30 (press release 569) that William Gar- 
rard Reed, chairman, Simpson Timber Co., Seattle, 
Wash., has been designated U.S. delegate to the 
18th session of the Timber Committee of the U.N. 
Economic Commission for Europe (ECE), which 
will be held at Geneva October 3-7. 

The Timber Committee is one of the principal 
committees of ECE, which provides a forum in 
which experts in the field of timber may meet 
periodically to consider matters of common inter- 
est. Discussions at this session will be devoted to 
a review of the European timber market and a 
study of certain economic and technological prob- 
lems of the European timber industry. 

Mr. Reed will be assisted by members of the U.S. 
resident delegation at Geneva. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 1 

Economic and Social Council 

Technical Assistance Activities of the United Nations. 
Corrigendum to report by the Secretary-General. E/ 
3366/Corr. 1. June 20, 1960. 1 p. 

Technical Assistance in Public Administration : Provision 
of Operational, Executive and Administrative Person- 
nel. Corrigendum to report by the Secretary-General. 
E/3370/Corr. 1. June 20, 19G0. 1 p. 

Economic Development of Under-developed Countries : 
Opportunities for International Co-operation on Behalf 
of Newly Independent Countries. Report of the Secre- 
tary-General. E/3387/Add. 1. June 20, 1960. 12 pp. 

World Economic Situation: Evaluation of Long-Term 
Economic Projections. Replies of governments, inter- 
governmental organizations, and specialized agencies to 
the questionnaire on long-term economic projections. 
E/3379/Add. 3, June 20, 1960, 98 pp. ; Add. 4, June 28, 
I960, 45 pp. 

Survey on the Main Trends of Inquiry in the Field of the 
Natural Sciences, the Dissemination of Scientific Knowl- 
edge and the Application of Such Knowledge for Peace- 
ful Ends. Comments of the Director General of 
UNESCO. E/3362/Add. 1. June 22, 1960. 10 pp. 

General Review of the Development and Co-ordination 
of the Economic, Social and Human Rights Programmes 
and Activities of the United Nations and the Specialized 
Agencies as a Whole: Report of the World Health 
Organization. E/3364/Add. 1. June 23, 1960. 12 pp. 



w For background, see ibid., Feb. 23, 1959, p. 279 ; Mar. 
9, 1959, p. 347; and Oct. 5, 1959, p. 488. 



1 Printed materials may be secured in the United 
States from the International Documents Service, Colum- 
bia University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. 
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents) 
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the 
United States. 



628 



Department of State Bulletin 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Income-Tax Convention 
Signed With Israel 

Press release 571 dated September 30 

A convention between the United States and 
Israel for the avoidance of double taxation of 
income and for the encouragement of international 
trade and investment was signed at "Washington 
on September 30 by Christian A. Herter, Secretary 
of State, and Avraham Harman, Israeli Ambas- 
sador in "Washington. 

The provisions of the convention follow, in gen- 
eral, the pattern of income-tax conventions pres- 
ently in force between the United States and a 
number of other countries. In accordance with 
the announced administration policy of assisting 
in the promotion of private investment in under- 
developed countries by allowing a credit for 
income-tax incentives granted in such countries, 
the convention contains a provision for this 
purpose. 

The convention provides that upon the exchange 
of instruments of ratification it shall be effective 
(a) in the case of U.S. tax, for taxable years 
beginning on or after January 1 of the year in 
which the exchange takes place and (b) in the 
case of Israeli tax, for the tax years beginning on 
or after April 1 of the year in which the exchange 
takes place. 

The convention will be submitted to the Senate 
for advice and consent to ratification early in the 
first session of the 87th Congress. 



U.S. and Scandinavian Countries 
Conclude Air Consultations 

Press release 566 dated September 28 

Aviation delegations representing the Govern- 
ments of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden on the 
one hand and the Government of the United 
States on the other met at Copenhagen for con- 
sultations during the period September 12 through 



September 28, 19(50. These consultations were 
held on U.S. initiative for the purpose of resolving 
certain basic differences in interpretation and ap- 
plication of the capacity provisions of the air 
transport agreements between the United States 
and the three Scandinavian countries. It became 
clear during the course of the discussions that the 
views held by the respective delegations on the 
capacity provisions of the agreements differed con- 
siderably. The consultations have been conducted 
in the friendly atmosphere that has traditionally 
characterized the relations between the Scandi- 
navian countries and the United States in the field 
of civil aviation. The delegations will now re- 
port to their respective Governments. 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Done 
at New York October 26, 1956. Entered into force July 
29, 1957. TIAS 3873. 
Acceptance deposited: Ghana, September 28, 1960. 



BILATERAL 
India 

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities 
agreement of May 4, 1960, as supplemented (TIAS 4499 
and 4543), with exchange of notes. Signed at Wash- 
ington September 23, 1960. Entered into force Septem- 
ber 23, 1960. 

Indonesia 

Agreement for cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic 
energy. Signed at Washington June 8, 1960. 
Entered into force: September 21, I960. 

Italy 

Agreement amending the agreement of November 20 and 
December 14, 1951 (TIAS 3136), concerning the disposi- 
tion of equipment and material furnished in connection 
with the mutual defense assistance program. Effected 
by exchange of notes at Rome September 7, 1960. En- 
tered into force September 7, 1960. 

Korea 

Agreement supplementing and amending the agricultural 
commodities agreement of June 30, 1959, as amended 
(TIAS 4256 and 439.3). Effected by exchange of notes 
at Seoul September 14, 1960. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 14, 1960. 

United Arab Republic 

Agreement supplementing and amending the agricultural 
commodities agreement of August 9, 1960 (TIAS 4551 |. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Cairo September 17, 
1960. Entered into force September 17, 1960. 



October 77, I960 



629 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Post at Lagos Raised to Embassy 

The Department of State announced on September 30 
(press release 573) that the American consulate general 
at Lagos, Federation of Nigeria, will be elevated to an 
Embassy on October 1, 19(10, upon the accession of that 
country to independence. Joseph Palmer II has been ap- 
pointed the first American Ambassador to the new nation. 

The United States first opened a consulate in Lagos in 
1916. Today the U.S. mission there consists of the con- 
sulate general, an International Cooperation Administra- 
tion liaison office established in 1958, and the United 
States Information Service, there since 1949. At the 
present time there are four U.S. information centers in 
Nigeria. The principal one is located in the federal 
capital, Lagos, and one in each of the regional capitals, 
Ibadan, Kaduna, and Enugu. 



Designations 

Milton Barall as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter- 
Anierican Affairs, effective October 3. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press reelase 576 dated 
October 1.) 

Russell Fessenden as Director, Office of European 
Regional Affairs, effective September 4. 

Robert N. Magill as Deputy Director, Office of European 
Regional Affairs, effective September 4. 

Robert G. Miner as Director, Office of Greek, Turkish, 
and Iranian Affairs, effective October 2. 

John L. Roach as Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
Nepal, effective September 29. (For biographic details, 
see Department of State press release 546 dated Sep- 
tember 16. ) 

Leonard J. Saccio as Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
Brazil, effective September 26. (For biographic details, 
see Department of State press release 557 dated September 
26.) 

William C. Wild, Jr., as Director, U.S. Operations Mis- 
sion, Sudan, effective September 18. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 560 dated 
September 26. ) 

Harry W. Toe as Director, U.S. Operations Mission, 
The West Indies, effective September 21. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 553 dated 
September 21.) 



Resignations 

Leonard J. Saccio as Deputy Director of the Interna- 
tional Cooperation Administration, effective September 25. 
(For an exchange of correspondence between President 
Eisenhower and Mr. Saccio, see White House press release 
dated September 22. ) 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: September 26 October 2 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Subject 

Saccio designated USOM director, 

Brazil (biographic details). 
Upturn in issuance of visitors' visas. 
Delegation to 11th UNESCO General 

Conference (rewrite). 
Wild designated USOM director, Sudan 

(biographic details). 
Visit of Prime Minister of Malaya 

(rewrite). 
Merchant: arrival of Crown Prince 

and Princess of Japan. 
Western Commandants in Berlin reply 

to Soviet letter of September 13. 
Visit of NATO Secretary-General. 
Ireland credentials (rewrite). 
Air talks with Denmark, Norway, and 

Sweden. 
U.S. suspends operation of Nicaro 

nickel facility in Cuba. 
Martin given rank of Ambassador 

(rewrite). 
Delegate to ECE Timber Committee 

(rewrite). 
Program for visit of King and Queen 

of Denmark. 
Signing of income-tax convention with 

Israel. 
Herter : independence of Nigeria. 
Consulate general at Lagos, Nigeria, 

raised to Embassy (rewrite). 
Advice to prospective travelers to Cuba. 
Department protests Cuban nationali- 
zation of U.S. banks. 
Barall designated Deputy Assistant 

Secretary for Inter-American Affairs 

(biographic details). 
Dillon : Polish National Alliance. 



No. 


Date 


*557 


9/26 


t558 
t559 


9/26 
9/26 


*560 


9/26 


561 


9/27 


t562 


9/27 


563 


9/27 


564 
565 
566 


9/27 
9/28 
9/28 


567 


9/29 


568 


9/28 


569 


9/30 


t570 


9/30 


571 


9/30 


t572 
573 


9/30 
9/30 


574 
575 


9/30 
9/30 



*576 10/1 



577 10/1 



♦Not printed. 

fHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



630 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 17, 1960 



Index 



Vol. XLIII, No. 1112 



Australia. British, Australian Prime Ministers 
Meet With President Eisenhower (texts of 
joint statements) 596 

Aviation. U.S. and Scandinavian Countries Con- 
clude Air Consultations 629 

Communism. A Broad Look at the International 

Situation (Dillon) 597 

Congress, The. U.S. Participation in the United 

Nations During 1959 (Eisenhower) .... 624 

Cuba 

U.S. Citizens Advised To Refrain From Travel to 

and Within Cuba 603 

U.S. Protests Nationalization of U.S. Banks in Cuba 

(text of U.S. note) 603 

IS. Replies to Cuban Attack in General Assembly 

(Wadsworth) . 621 

United States To Suspend Operation of Nickel 

Facility in Cuba 604 

Denmark. U.S. and Scandinavian Countries Con- 
clude Air Consultations 629 

Department and Foreign Service 

Designations (Barall, Fessenden, Magill, Miner, 

Roach, Saccio, Wild, Yoe) 630 

Post at Lagos Raised to Embassy 630 

Resignations (Saccio) 630 

Disarmament 

A Broad Look at the International Situation 

(Dillon) 597 

U.S. Views on Soviet Proposal To Enlarge Disarma- 
ment Committee 620 

Economic Affairs 

ECE Timber Committee (delegate) 628 

The Financial Problems of a Developing World 
Economy (Anderson, Dillon, Eisenhower, 

Upton) 607 

IDA Ready To Begin Formal Operations .... 617 
United States To Suspend Operation of Nickel 

Facility in Cuba 604 

Germany. Western Commandants in Berlin Pro- 
test East German Travel Curbs 602 

Hungary. U.S. Supports Inclusion on General As- 
sembly Agenda of Items on Tibet, Soviet Com- 
plaint of U.S. Aggression, and Hungary 
(Wadsworth) 622 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and 

Meetings 606 

ECE Timber Committee (delegate) 628 

The Financial Problems of a Developing World 
Economy (Anderson, Dillon, Eisenhower, 
Upton) 607 

Graham A. Martin Given Rank of Ambassador by 

President 621 

IDA Ready To Begin Formal Operations .... 617 

Ireland. Letters of Credence (Kiernan) . . . 605 

Israel. Income-Tax Convention Signed With 

Israel 629 

Malaya. Prime Minister of Malaya To Visit the 

United States 605 

Mali. Mali and Senegal Admitted to U.N. 

(Wadsworth) 618 

Mutual Security. Saccio resigns as deputy di- 
rector, ICA 630 

Nigeria. Post at Lagos Raised to Embassy . . 630 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO Sec- 
retary General Visits Washington .... 603 

Norway. U.S. and Scandinavian Countries Con- 
clude Air Consultations 629 



Poland 

A Broad Look at the International Situation 

(Dillon) 597 

General Pulaski's Memorial Day, 1960 (text of 

proclamation) 602 

Presidential Documents 

The Financial Problems of a Developing World 

Economy 607 

General Pulaski's Memorial Day, l'.MJO 002 

President Eisenhower Replies to Letter Regarding 

Meeting With Soviet Premier 595 

U.S. Participation in the United Nations During 

1959 624 

Senegal. Mali and Senegal Admitted to U.N. . . 618 

Sweden. U.S. and Scandinavian Countries Con- 
elude Air Consultations 629 

Tibet. U.S. Supports Inclusion on General Assem- 
bly Agenda of Items on Tibet, Soviet Com- 
plaint of U.S. Aggression, and Hungary 
(Wadsworth) 622 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 629 

U.S.S.R. 

A Broad Look at the International Situation 

(Dillon) 597 

President Eisenhower Replies to Letter Regarding 

Meeting With Soviet Premier 595 

U.S. Supports Inclusion on General Assembly 
Agenda of Items on Tibet, Soviet Complaint 
of U.S. Aggression, and Hungary (Wads- 
worth) 622 

U.S. Supports United Nations Against Soviet 

Attack (Wadsworth) 619 

U.S. Views on Soviet Proposal To Enlarge Dis- 
armament Committee 620 

Western Commandants in Berlin Protest East 

German Travel Curbs 602 

United Kingdom. British, Australian Prime Min- 
isters Meet With President Eisenhower 
(texts of joint statements) 596 

United Nations 

Current U.N. Documents 628 

Mali and Senegal Admitted to U.N. (Wads- 
worth) 618 

President Eisenhower Replies to Letter Regarding 

Meeting With Soviet Premier 595 

U.S. Participation in the United Nations During 

1959 (Eisenhower) 624 

U.S. Replies to Cuban Attack in General Assem- 
bly (Wadsworth) 621 

U.S. Supports Inclusion on General Assembly 
Agenda of Items on Tibet, Soviet Complaint 
of U.S. Aggression, and Hungary (Wads- 
worth) 622 

U.S. Supports United Nations Against Soviet At- 
tack (Wadsworth) ... 619 

U.S. Views on Soviet Proposal To Enlarge Dis- 
armament Committee 620 

Name Index 

Anderson, Robert B 607 

Barall, Milton 630 

Bonsai, Philip W 603 

Dillon, Douglas 597, 607 

Eisenhower, President 595, 602, 607, 624 

Fessenden, Russell 630 

Kiernan, Thomas Joseph 605 

Magill, Robert N 630 

Miner, Robert G 630 

Roach, John L 630 

Saccio, Leonard J 630 

Upton, T. Graydon 607 

Wadsworth, James J 618, 619, 621, 622 

Wild, William C, Jr 630 

Toe, Harry W 630 

U.S. GOVERNMENT MlNTlHS OFFICE, I9«0 



• I 








the 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D.C. 

OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, S300 

(GPO) 



DOCUMENTS ON DISARMAMENT 

November 15, 1945, through December 29, 1959 



Department 

of 

State 



This two-volume publication contains important postwar docu- 
ments regarding negotiations on the international control of 
atomic energy, the reduction of armaments and armed forces, 
safeguards against surprise attack, the problem of nuclear weap- 
ons tests, various problems of outer space, and related questions. 

All the papers in the collection have previously been released, 
but this is the first time that some of them have been made widely 
available. Volume I covers the years 1945-56 and Volume II the 
period 1957-59. The number of papers selected for the 5 years 
from 1955 through 1959 is much larger than for the preceding 10 
years. This is because the developments of recent years bear more 
directly upon the current negotiations in this general field and 
because recent years have witnessed intensified discussion of nu- 
clear testing, safeguards against surprise attack, and outer space. 



Publication 7008 



Price: $4.50 



Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 

Enclosed find: 



$ 

(cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 



Please send me copies of Documents on Disarmament. 

Name: 

Street Address: 

City, Zone, and State: 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 



>^ 



Xo 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1113 October 24, 1960 

NO 
B. 

KEY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COMMUNIST 

THREAT • by Charles E. Bohlen 635 

DOES HIGHER EDUCATION HAVE OBLIGATIONS 
IN RELATION TO POLITICAL OBJECTIVES 

ABROAD? • by Robert H. Thayer 646 

THE 1960 UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON 

TIN • Article by C. W. Mchols 661 



ITED STATES 
REIGN POLICY 



For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1113 • Publication 7091 
October 24, 1960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 

Price: 

52 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 26 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
of State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the ivork of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy , 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various pliases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which tlxe United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



Key Characteristics of the Communist Threat 



by Charles E. Bohlen 

Special Assistant to the Secretary of State 1 



It is an honor for me to be here with you this 
evening to participate with so distinguished a 
group of citizens in a discussion of what few would 
question as the central problem of our times. If we 
fail to understand the true nature of communism 
and its implications to our national security, we 
shall have increasing difficulties in dealing with 
this central problem in the coming decade and 
as citizens in supporting the decisions which must 
be taken by our Government to meet it. 

"Project Alert'' is a good designation for the 
kind of job of education that has to be done not 
only in your community but throughout this na- 
tion. I have been particularly impressed by the 
sobriety and seriousness with which this problem is 
presented in the statement of policy setting forth 
the aims and purposes of Project Alert. I have 
been especially heartened by the emphasis placed 
upon education and understanding and not an 
attack upon persons or groups, nor does it seek to 
present, in your own words, "an opportunity to get 
rid of emotional and uninformed and biased opin- 
ion." This is most certainly the proper way to 
approach the problem of understanding the true 
nature of the danger we face generally encom- 
passed in the term "Communist" and a healthy 
warning of the undoubted fact that without so- 
briety and understanding of its true nature the 
struggle against communism can be easily per- 
verted to the real detriment of our society. 

I have spent virtually all of my adult life in 
dealing in one form or another with this problem. 
I am all too aware that people can be blind to the 

'Address made at El Paso, Tex., on Oct. 7 at the 
opening program of Project Alert, a community educa- 
tion program sponsored by the El Paso City Council Ad- 
visory Committee (press release 587). 



dangers of communism, but I am also conscious 
of the fact that they can be blinded by it. 

Communism is a very large and complicated 
subject. Literally thousands of books have been 
written about its various aspects — historical, ideo- 
logical, political, economic, sociological. It is ob- 
viously not possible in the confines of a short talk 
to cover all the aspects of the Communist problem 
or indeed to go thoroughly into any one of them. 
I shall try, however, tonight to select those which 
seem to me to be the controlling factors of the 
Communist problem as it affects our country and 
our society and indeed, I might add, all of the 
nations of the free world. I do not propose to- 
night to dwell particularly upon the domestic as- 
pects of the Communist danger in the United 
States. 

I would only say that under present conditions 
the domestic threat of communism is not primarily 
political. By this I mean the possibility of a 
sufficient number of our citizens accepting the 
Communist doctrine and the discipline of the Com- 
munist Party so as to become a political threat to 
our democratic system. The domestic danger of 
communism here lies not in the field of open politi- 
cal activity but rather in the field of espionage 
and the possibility of infiltration and penetration 
of concealed Communist agents in the Govern- 
ment, labor unions, student associations, and other 
private bodies. Defending ourselves against this 
aspect of the danger, however, is one for the agen- 
cies of the United States Government both Federal 
and local which are particularly qualified to deal 
with this problem. The chief of these, of course, is 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which has 
long experience in this matter and needs no 
special project to make them alert to its dangers. 



October 24, I960 



635 



It is a technical job, and, while the clanger is al- 
ways there, I believe we are well armed against 
it. 

It is, however, on the domestic scene that we 
must bear in mind the words of your statement of 
policy which I cited earlier. The dangers and 
temptat ions to use the domestic aspect of the Com- 
munist menace for other purposes, such as to in- 
criminate or slander individuals or groups of dif- 
ferent views, must be guarded against. The real 
danger of communism must never be used as a 
smokescreen for the persecution of those with 
whose views on social, economic, and political mat- 
ters we may not agree. "We should learn from the 
history of the Fascist dictatorships the dangers 
to a democracy of the loose or calculated use of 
the charge of communism. It is of vital impor- 
tance that we should not permit this struggle to 
be transformed into an impairment of the free- 
doms guaranteed by our Constitution. To make 
the proper distinction which would permit us on 
the one hand to deal with the danger as it is, 
without abuse and damage to the very things we 
seek to defend, requires mature judgment and a 
clear recognition of the nature of the problem on 
the part of our citizens. 

Not only because I have dealt during my life 
with our foreign affairs but also because the real 
menace of communism to the United States comes 
from without, I shall deal primarily tonight with 
the nature of this external danger and its effect 
upon our foreign relations and security. 

Historical Development of Communism 

It is necessary before discussing the present 
world scene and our relations to it, however, to 
deal briefly with the theory and practice of com- 
munism, including a word on its historical origins 
and development. Volumes have been written on 
this subject, but I believe a few observations on 
this point are necessary in order to understand 
why communism enshrined in power in a number 
of countries in the world constitutes the greatest 
menace that this country has ever experienced 
since its founding. I shall only talk on those as- 
pects of the origin and development of this doc- 
trine which are of particular relevance today. 

Marxism is a theory that developed in the 
middle of the 19th century, in large measure as a 
result of the impact of industrialization on the 
semifeudal societies of Europe at that time. It 



was a theory whereby the history of human society 
was explained solely in terms of the class struggle, 
that is, an irreconcilable conflict between those 
classes of society which own the instruments of 
production, described by Marx as bourgeois, and 
those who had no property and only their labor 
power to sell, described as the proletariat. It 
asserted that Marx and his associate, Engels, had 
discovered what they termed the scientific laws for 
the development of human society : that following 
the period of capitalism the proletariat, who, 
according to this theory, would become the over- 
whelming majority in any industrial society, 
would seize power, establish socialism, and pro- 
ceed to construct a classless society under the '"dic- 
tatorship" of the proletariat. 

"While in general during the latter part of the 
19th century and the early part of the 20th these 
doctrines in theory were accepted by the majority 
of European socialists, the influence of the 
humanistic traditions of European civilization, 
as well as the development of capitalism itself, led 
to a considerable modification in practice of this 
theory. By the time of "World War I the Marxian 
doctrine of the inevitability of violent revolution 
as well as certain other aspects of the theory had 
been modified so that by 1914 "social democracy," 
as it came to be known, operated much more on the 
basis of evolution through the process of democ- 
racy than on the belief of violent revolution. 

Had it not been for the accident — and I mean 
the accident — of the seizure of power in Russia in 
November 1917 by a small band of revolutionary 
known as Bolsheviki headed by Lenin, it is very 
likely that in Europe, at least, communism would 
have continued to develop along the lines of social 
democracy and as such would have presented no 
real problem and certainly no threat to the United 
States. An example of this is the British Labor 
government in England or the Social Democratic 
governments in the Scandinavian countries. 
However, Lenin and his associates, as dedicated 
Marxists, took as the basis of their action and be- 
liefs this doctrine in its original, harshest, and 
more extreme form, disregarding, and indeed de- 
nouncing, the evolutionary trend which Western 
civilization had brought to it in the intervening 
period. The result of the impact of this Marxian 
doctrine on the war weary in the semifeudal em- 
pire of the czars in the hands of professional Rus- 
sian revolutionary produced what in official jargon 



636 



Department of State Bulletin 



is called "Marxism-Leninism," or more properly 
"bolshevism." Bolshevism, in my opinion there- 
fore, is a much more accurate description of the 
doctrinal aspect of the problem we face than is the 
term "communism." 

It is one of the ironies of history that power in 
Russia was seized not by a revolution in the true 
sense of the word but by a coup d'etat and by a 
group of fanatical followers of Marx in a country 
where the circumstances at that time contained 
none of the prerequisites which Marx had laid 
down for the establishment of a socialist society. 
It was a seizure of power by a minority represent- 
ing considerably less than 1 percent of the people 
in Russia and far inferior in numbers to other 
political parties existing in 1917. No objective 
historian asserts that the Bolshevik regime in 
Russia was established in conformity with the will 
of its people. On the contrary, the Constituent 
Assembly elected previous to the Bolshevik seizure 
of power in the only free and universal election 
which Russia had known before or has known 
since was dissolved by Bolshevik bayonets pre- 
cisely because these elected representatives of the 
people were overwhelmingly non-Bolshevik. 

It is, of course, not its historical origin or the 
factors which led to the seizure of power in Russia 
in 1917 that make the Communist problem of par- 
ticular interest to the United States in the 1960's. 
They are only relevant and important to the degree 
to which they have continued to exercise a con- 
trolling influence on its nature and development. 

Role of Ideology 

The fact that in Russia this doctrine was en- 
shrined by a tiny minority is still a very important 
conditioning factor in its present form. In reality, 
although any Communist would deny it with 
utmost heat and passion, the theory of communism 
is no longer the central and vital factor in the 
movement. It is, of course, essential to have some 
understanding of the ideology and the particular 
role it plays in Soviet policy and in the attempt 
to extend Communist power to other countries, but 
I give it lower priority than other factors precisely 
because its powers of persuasion have greatly di- 
minished in the postwar world. 

Ideology is important in that it represents a 
body of thought conditioning the mentality of the 
Soviet leaders, affecting their choice of alterna- 
tives and reaction in a given situation. It also 



continues to be the honey that catches the flies 
abroad, although to a much less degree than, say, 
during the decade of the 1930's — during the period 
of the worldwide depression. It has another func- 
tion under which its followers are relieved from 
chief one, deriving from the assertion that Marx- 
ism represents a scientific analysis of the inevitable 
development of human society coupled with a de- 
nial of the existence of any objective standard of 
morality or ethics. 

Ideology thus constitutes a permanent dispensa- 
tion under which its followers are relieved from 
the observance of any standard whatsoever of mo- 
rality, ethics, or fair play. This I assure you is 
very important. It permits, and indeed justifies, 
Communists to lie, deceive, and operate with a 
disregard of human suffering without undue vio- 
lence to their consciences as human beings. They 
believe they are operating in accordance with the 
iron laws of history and that all, and quite liter- 
ally all, is permitted for the achievement of Com- 
munist aims. Ideology, despite the extremely im- 
portant role it plays, is not in my opinion among 
the controlling factors in its operation today. If 
it were and if Communists were prepared to sub- 
mit their doctrine to the interplay in the free 
marketplace of ideas and sought merely to con- 
vince people of the correctness of their theory, they 
would not be in power anywhere in the world 
today. There is no instance when a Communist 
system has been consciously voted into power by 
any people in any country in the world. There- 
fore, without underrating the influence it does 
play, I believe other factors are more controlling. 

These factors are power, discipline, and decep- 
tion. 

Power, Discipline, and Deception 

It is the power of the Soviet Union and the 
growing power of Communist China that consti- 
tute the core of the menace we face. Under the 
centralized ruthless dictatorship of the successors 
of the tiny minority that seized power in Russia 
in 1917, the Soviet Union, always a country of 
great potentiality, has made remarkable advances 
in developing the sinews of state power. The fact 
that this is done at the expense of the Russian peo- 
ple with a total disregard for the rights of the 
individual, democracy, and freedom, should not 
blind us to the simple fact of the continued growth 
of Soviet power, both military and industrial. 



October 24, J 960 



637 



Although by all economic indices the Soviet Union 
is considerably behind the United States in all 
sectors of its economy, nonetheless the Soviet 
riders have been and are able to divert more of 
their gross national product to the sinews of na- 
tional power than we have. Therefore, in terms of 
power, a purely statistical comparison can be mis- 
leading. The same can be said, although at an 
earlier stage in its development, of Communist 
China, 

To the reality of great and increasing national 
power — and I am speaking now only of the Soviet 
Union — should be added the fact that the same 
group of men that rules the Soviet Union also 
commands the obedience and services of a world- 
wide network of agencies — the Communist part- 
ies — which quite literally operate in every country 
in the world. In the countries of Eastern Europe, 
where the Communist parties have been installed 
by the Soviet armies, they control the govern- 
ments. Despite the acquisition of government 
power these parties, with one exception — Yugo- 
slavia, where the conquest of power was not due 
to Soviet arms — are still subservient to the dictates 
of Moscow. This network of parties does not con- 
stitute an international movement in the true sense 
of the word if by this we mean a free association of 
independent political parties bound together by a 
common doctrine. This is what the Soviets have 
consistently sought to depict these parties as being. 
In reality they are in the truest sense of the word 
obedient and subservient instruments of Soviet 
policy. 

In short, the Soviet Government in addition to 
its own national power enjoys the great advantage 
of maintaining fifth columns in every country in 
the world. It is here that the second controlling 
element of the Communist organization and dis- 
cipline is most clearly manifest, Since the orig- 
inal formulation of the Communist Interna- 
tional, or "Comintern," as it was known, in 1919, 
the Communist parties of the world have become 
progressively subordinate in every respect to the 
will of the rulers of the Soviet Union. The 
Soviets, particularly under Stalin, did not seek 
to recruit members for Communist parties for 
reasons of ideological belief — indeed there are 
many evidences that the idealist is deeply dis- 
t lusted — but rather disciplined soldiers who would 
carry out unquestionably the orders received from 
above. 



It is because of this tight, disciplined organiza- 
tion of the Communist parties that the Soviet 
Union has been able to command the consistent 
chorus of support in words and deeds for any one 
of the zigzags of Soviet policy no matter how 
contradictory. It is also the reason why the 
Soviets have been able to utilize for espionage 
purposes citizens of other countries. While tech- 
nically the Comintern, or its postwar successor in 
Europe, the Cominform, no longer exists, the 
basic form of organization and subservience to 
Moscow has remained unchanged. It is in recogni- 
tion of this fact that the law of the United States 
makes membership in the Communist Party a 
criminal offense while imposing no legal sanctions 
whatsoever in conformity with our Bill of Rights 
against individuals or groups who may be inter- 
ested or even attracted by Marxian ideology as 
such. 

The third factor to which I think importance 
should be attached is that of deceit. In effect the 
use of deception stems logically from what I have 
said before. Since Communist ideology in most 
countries has limited popular appeal, it is not used 
to extend Soviet power and influence. The true 
aims of the Communist Party have been masked 
under the guise of other causes and purposes. The 
wide development of what is termed "front organ- 
izations" is a clear evidence of this fact. This 
does not mean — and I do not wish to be misunder 
stood on this point — that any group or in- 
dividual supporting such popular causes is Com- 
munist influenced or should be placed in the cate- 
gory of Communist sympathizers. I merely state 
that Communist parties find it necessary now be- 
cause of the lack of appeal of the open propaga- 
tion of their ideas very often to conceal their 
activities under many guises. In its international 
relations, likewise, the Soviet Union has not in 
recent j'ears as a government openly supported the 
local Communist parties. Bather it will seek to 
enhance its influence and control by other methods. 
For example, in the newly independent countries 
the Soviet Union poses as the champion of anti- 
colonialism. 

The ultimate aim everywhere remains the in- 
stallation of the Communist power, but Soviet 
policy being highly flexible in many areas of the 
world may well consider its interests best served 
by genuine support at the present world juncture 
of non-Communist movements or countries. 



638 



Department of State Bulletin 



Their chief purpose at the present time is to dis- 
rupt wherever possible the cohesion of the free 
world, and they support the concept of neutrality 
as a means of weakening or disrupting the col- 
lective security measures of the free world. 

I might add on the subject of neutrality that, 
while it is, of course, up to each nation to decide 
the course of its foreign policy, neutrality in the 
sense of nonpartieipation in military alliance is 
a perfectly responsible posture and one which we 
from our history should recognize as such. Neu- 
tralism in a sense of pretending to be indifferent 
to the gigantic struggle which is going on in the 
world today is quite another matter. I might, 
however, add that while the Soviets and their 
Communist adherents support neutrality wherever 
it can weaken the free world they do not accept it 
ever in connection with the Communist bloc. The 
tragic events in Hungary in the fall of 1956 are 
bloody and eloquent witnesses to the truth of this 
statement. 

Communist Aims 

A few words on the subject of Communist aims. 
There is no subject that is more difficult to as- 
sess in its true value than this one. The doctrine 
by its very terms is worldwide in its application, 
and in this sense the entire world is its objective. 
On the other hand, the history of the Soviet Union 
has demonstrated that it regards with hostility 
and suspicion any system whether Communist or 
not that it does not guide and control. I would 
seriously doubt that the men in the Kremlin be- 
lieve as a practical matter that they could exercise 
control over a Communist world. Here you have 
an interesting but not necessarily important con- 
tradiction between the universal applicability of 
the theory and the Kremlin's insistence upon domi- 
nation of the movement. 

For our purposes, however, I would submit that 
it is irrelevant whether the Soviet ambition is to 
dominate the whole world or merely to dominate 
a sufficient part of it to exercise a dictatorial and 
controlling interest in world affairs. If war 
comes, an event which we must all devoutly hope 
will not occur, it will in my opinion not be be- 
cause of the global aspirations of the Communist 
leaders but over some aggression by Communist 
armed forces against the free world at any point 
on the globe where the frontiers of freedom and 
Communist dictatorship meet. 



I have thus briefly touched on the ingredients 
which seem to me to constitute the nature of the 
menace we face. I am sure from this you will 
agree that at the present time the danger is pri- 
marily one from abroad, one primarily based upon 
Soviet and Chinese Communist national strength 
uninhibited by any considerations of morality or 
ethics in their single-minded pursuit of power, 
and reinforced by a disciplined network of fifth 
columns. While, as I have indicated, ideology 
is a vital part of this process, we should not be 
deluded into the belief that the possible intellec- 
tual appeal of Communist doctrine is the major 
danger we face. If this danger must be summed 
up in one word, I would say it is power. 

This naturally presents us with what we, the 
United States and its citizens, must do in the face 
of what is unquestionably the greatest challenge 
to our country, our society, and our civilization 
that we have ever faced since the founding of this 
Kepublic. Time will not permit me to go into 
every aspect of what is necessary to meet this chal- 
lenge. I am sure, given the ruthlessness of our 
enemy, no one would disagree with the statement 
that the United States and its associates in the free 
world cannot tolerate a Soviet superiority in mili- 
tary power. I do not w T ish to infer that the prob- 
lem of military aggression is the only one we face. 
Far from it. But certainly without a continued 
margin of military superiority all other efforts 
will be unavailing and our survival as a nation 
and those of our partners in the free world would 
exist at the sufferance of dictators who have 
never shown the slightest restraint except fear of 
the consequences in the exercise of military power. 

Secondly, our society must be strong and vigor- 
ous and must continue to demonstrate to the world 
that national purpose, economic growth, and social 
progress flourish but in freedom, and outmatch in 
any area of human society the Communist dic- 
tatorships. 

Lastly, and this is particularly fresh in my mind 
coming as I do directly from the present session 
of the General Assembly of the United Nations, 
the battleground between the two conflicting con- 
cepts of human society may well be in what is 
generally called underdeveloped countries of the 
world. This is a general term which is frequently 
abused, but in essence it means those countries that 
for one historical reason or another have not made 
the economic and technical advances which the 



Ocfober 24, 7960 



639 



older industrialized countries have made. They 
also comprise, in particular, countries whose in- 
dependence has been recently achieved and which 
indeed in some cases can be measured in months. 
This problem, vast in its dimensions, will pose for 
the Government and the people of the United 
States a challenge in the true sense of that over- 
worked word. It will require economic and 
technical assistance from us for which we propose, 
as you will have seen from the President's speech 
of September 22 before the General Assembly, 2 
to utilize to much greater extent than in the past 
the facilities of the United Nations. In addition 
to material and technical assistance this task will 
require from us a very great exercise of imagina- 
tion and understanding. 

We will have to recognize that no system of 
society, however successful it has been at home, 
can be automatically transferred abroad. Nor 
should we expect that the consciousness of our own 
virtues, however brightly they might shine against 
the Soviet record in world affairs, will be auto- 
matically accepted as such by foreign countries. 

I would venture to predict — which is of course 
a foolish thing to do- — that the outcome of the 
great struggle now in which we are engaged will 
in large measure be decided on the success or 
failure of the policies of the free world in regard 
to the underdeveloped nations. This struggle, 
erroneously stated by the Communists to be one 
between communism vs. capitalism, is really the 
age-old struggle in a most dangerous form between 
freedom and tyranny. 



U.S. Protests Provocative Flight 
by Cuban Aircraft 

Press release 5S9 dated October 8 

The U.S. Government on October 7 protested 
the unwarranted and provocative flight of a Cuban 
Air Force plane which had on that day made re- 
peated low passes in an aggressive manner over a 
U.S. submarine off the Florida Keys. The inci- 
dent occurred between 11 : 47 a.m. and 12 : 24 p.m. 
in an area regularly used for training exercises 
and located 28 miles southwest of Key West, Fla., 
in clearly defined international waters. 

At the time indicated, the U.S.S. Balao to- 



gether with an unarmed United States S-2F air- 
craft were jointly engaged in peaceful maneuvers 
when a Cuban "Sea Fury"' fighter aircraft bearing 
the number 510 suddenly dove on them and made 
repeated low-level passes. 

The protest, in the form of a note * addressed to 
the Cuban Charge dAffaires, was delivered to the 
Cuban Embassy in Washington at 7 : 30 p.m. In 
addition to the protest the Government of Cuba 
was requested to take such steps as may be required 
to prevent a repetition of such incidents. 



U.S. Position on Dominican Sugar 
Purchases Explained to Venezuela 

On September 26 Dr. Carlos Perez de la Cova, 
Charge d' 'Affaires ad interim of Venezuela, pre- 
sented to the Department of State an aide memoir e 
expressing his Government's concern over recent 
authorization for U.S. purchases of sugar in the 
Dominican Republic. The Department trans- 
mitted its reply to the Venezuelan Embassy by an 
aide memoire dated September 30. Following are 
texts of the U.S. and Venezuelan aide memoire. 

U.S. AIDE MEMOIRE 

Press release 5S3 dated October 5 

The Department of State refers to the Em- 
bassy's Aide Memoire of September 26, 1960, ex- 
pressing the concern of the Government of 
Venezuela on learning "of the recent decision 
taken by the Government of the United States to 
acquire three hundred and twenty-one thousand 
extra tons of sugar from the Dominican Re- 
public". 

It is believed that the concern of the Venezuelan 
Government derives from a misunderstanding of 
the nature of the action taken. When the Con- 
gress of the United States, in July 1960, modified 
the existing sugar legislation to authorize the 
President to reduce imports from Cuba 2 it specif- 
ically provided that any resulting deficit in im- 
ports should be made up by authorization to pur- 
chase sugar from other producing countries in- 
cluding the Dominican Republic, in accordance 
with a detailed formula made obligatory by the 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 
640 



1 Not printed. 

1 Bulletin of July 25. 1960, p. 140. 



Department of State Bulletin 



law. The President allocated the required in- 
crease in quota to the Dominican Eepublic but de- 
layed authorizing such purchases. In the light of 
the events which led up to the Sixth Meeting of 
Foreign Ministers at San Jose in August of this 
year and the results of that meeting 3 the President 
asked the Congress to change the law and grant 
discretionary authority with respect to authoriza- 
tion for such purchases from the Dominican Re- 
public. 4 The Congress, however, adjourned with- 
out action on this request. 

The debate in the Congress regarding the pro- 
posed revision of the legislation received wide- 
spread publicity and it was believed therefore that 
knowledge of the existing legislation was adequate 
throughout the American republics, when, follow- 
ing the failure of Congress to provide relief, the 
President was unable to delay further the im- 
plementation of the law as regards authorization 
for such purchases. 

On taking this action, the President observed the 
spirit of the Sixth Meeting of Foreign Ministers 
within his existing authority, by imposing a fee 
of two cents per pound on purchases of sugar from 
the Dominican Republic, which purchases the law 
required to be authorized. This has the effect of 
establishing a price for such imports approximat- 
ing the world market price rather than the higher 
United States price which would otherwise have 
prevailed. The Dominican Republic thus has been 
deprived of special benefits enjoyed by all other 
countries which currently sell sugar in the United 
States market. As compared to sales in available 
world markets, shipments to the United States 
should not be construed as providing to the Do- 
minican Republic either greater total exports or 
higher prices. On the other hand, the United 
States price benefits of which the Dominican Re- 
public is thus deprived, would amount to an es- 
timated thirteen million dollars for this calendar 
year, provided of course that the imports pres- 
ently authorized actually take place. 

The Government of the United States is of the 
opinion that its action with regard to price is not 
only consistent with the letter and the spirit of the 
decisions taken at the Sixth Meeting of Foreign 
Ministers, but that, in addition, its action goes 



a For background, see ibid., Aug. 8, 1960, p. 224, and 
Sept. 5, 1960, p. 355. 

'■Ibid., fiept. 12, 1960, p. 412. 



beyond that of any other American state, with the 
possible exception of Venezuela, in the magnitude 
of economic measures which are being applied. 

The Embassy and the Government of Venezuela 
may rest assured that the Government of the 
United States will continue its efforts, within the 
framework of its constitutional and legal possi- 
bilities, to pursue the objectives manifested in 
the discussions and understanding of the Sixth 
Meeting of Foreign Ministers at San Jose. 



VENEZUELAN AIDE MEMOIRE 

Translation 

The Government of Venezuela has learned with sur- 
prise and great concern of the recent decision taken by 
the Government of the United States for acquiring 321,000 
tons extra of sugar from the Dominican Republic. 

The Embassy of Venezuela, in compliance with in- 
structions from its Government, wishes to make known to 
the Department of State the unfavorable repercussions 
that this decision has caused in the political circles of 
the country, that is complicating its present political sit- 
uation and that undoubtedly will extend to all the con- 
tinent, in the moment in which there is required greater 
understanding and solidarity to defend the unity of the 
Americas. 

The Government of Venezuela considers that this de- 
cision of the Government of the United States impairs 
that which was agreed in the Sixth Meeting of the Amer- 
ican Foreign Ministers which recently took place in San 
Jose\ Costa Rica, and disorients the continental public 
opinion with respect to the collective efforts that should 
be carried out in order to maintain the prestige and the 
solidarity of the inter-American system. 

Upon expressing these sentiments of its Government, the 
Embassy of Venezuela would appreciate receiving the 
assurances of the Government of the United States to the 
effect that it will continue, within its constitutional and 
legal powers, its efforts toward modifying the present sit- 
uation, thus also to achieve the collective application of 
effective economic sanctions for the objective of com- 
plying with that which was decided in the Foreign Min- 
isters' meeting above referred to. 

Washington, D.C., 26 September 1960 



Inter- American Advisory Committee 
Holds Sixth Meeting 

Press release 580 dated October 5 

The Department of State announced on October 
5 that the National Advisory Committee on Inter- 
American Affairs is meeting in the Department 
October 5-6. The Acting Secretary [Douglas 



October 24, 7960 



641 



Dillon] will participate in the meeting of the 
Committee. 

This will be the sixth meeting of the Committee 
since its creation by President Eisenhower on No- 
vember 14, 1959. 1 The purpose of the Committee 
is to consider, on a continuing basis, current and 
long-range problems of our relations with Latin 
America and to make recommendations thereon to 
the Secretary of State. 



Crown Prince and Princess 
of Japan Visit Washington 

Crown Prince Akihito and Crown Princess 
Michiko of Japan made an official visit to Wash- 
ington September 27-30. Following are texts of 
an exchange of greetings between the Croion 
Prince and Under Secretary Merchant at the 
Washington National Airport on September 27 
and an exchange of toasts between the Crown- 
Prince and President Eisenhower at a state dinner 
at the White House on the same day, together with 
a list of the members of the official party. 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS 

Under Secretary Merchant 

Press release 562 dated September 27 

On behalf of President Eisenhower I am de- 
lighted to welcome Your Imperial Highnesses, 
Crown Prince Akihito and Crown Princess Mi- 
chiko, to Washington. We in the United States 
have been looking forward with great pleasure to 
this visit, and we know that as representatives of 
the great nation and the friendly people of Japan 
you will find an unusually warm welcome wher- 
ever 3 r ou go. 

In this centennial year of relations between the 
United States and Japan, there have been held in 
both nations many celebrations commemorating 
the first Japanese diplomatic mission to visit 
Washington. 2 The pleasure of receiving Your 
Imperial Highnesses in Washington is for us a 



1 For background, see Bulletin of July 25, 1960, p. 148. 

a For an article by B. Taylor Parks on "The First Jap- 
anese Diplomatic Mission to the United States — 1860," see 
Bulletin of May 9, 1960, p. 744. 



fitting climax to these celebrations, and a further 
opportunity to express our deep friendship for the 
people of Japan. 

It is our sincere wish that you will enjoy your 
stay among us, and we know that you will find in 
the friendly reception you will receive a happy 
indication of the close and friendly ties between 
our two peoples. 

Crown Prince Akihito 

The Princess and I are most grateful for your 
very cordial welcome. It is a great honor and a 
great pleasure for us to visit Washington as guests 
of the President of the United States. 

We bring with us the warm greetings of the 
people of Japan. We are happy to join with the 
people of the United States in celebrating the cen- 
tennial of the formal opening of diplomatic rela- 
tions between our two countries. 

We look forward with you to a brilliant new 
century of Japanese-American friendship and co- 
operation for world peace and prosperity. 



EXCHANGE OF TOASTS 

White House press release dated September 27 
The President 

Your Imperial Highnesses, ladies and gentle- 
men : In the past 8 years that it has been the good 
fortune of my wife and myself to entertain repre- 
sentatives of nations great and small at this table, 
one thing is certain: we have never entertained a 
couple who showed such youth, vitality, and 
charm as the couple that we are so fortunate as 
to have this evening. 

Possibly they won the hearts of America as they 
have come across our continent partially because of 
their youth, because our country is a young coun- 
try. But we must remember also that Japan, 
although a very old nation, is also young. Start- 
ing just a century ago, there began in that country 
a great renaissance. We are proud that we had a 
small part in bringing about its beginning. 

Today it is flowering into a great production 
and prosperity that will certainly continue on into 
the future, and Japan stands again as one of the 
proud countries that values its independence and 
with us believes in the democratic ideal of life. 



642 



Department of State Bulletin 



So I think all of us will deem it a great privilege, 
as we honor the Crown Prince and the Crown 
Princess at this table, to drink a toast also to this 
country and its Emperor, His Imperial Majesty 
the Emperor of Japan. 

Crown Prince Akihito 

Mr. President, Mrs. Eisenhower, and distin- 
guished guests : I am deeply moved, Mr. President, 
by the cordial words addressed directly to me and 
to the Princess, and through us I believe to the 
people of my country. 

May I say, Mr. President, that you are held by 
all free peoples the world over in the highest re- 
spect and affection because of your candor and 
sincerity, your warmness of heart, and above all 
your love of peace. 

Ladies and gentlemen, I have the honor to pro- 
pose a toast to the great friend and preeminent 
leader of the free world, the President of the 
United States and his gracious lady. 



OFFICIAL PARTY 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 15 (press release 543) that the following 
would accompany Crown Prince Akihito and 
Crown Princess Michiko as members of the official 
party : 

Koichiro Asakai, Ambassador of Japan to the United 
States 

Madame Koichiro Asakai, wife of the Ambassador of 
Japan 

Shinzo Koizumi, Special Adviser to the Crown Prince's 
Household 

Shigenobu Shima, Deputy Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs 
of Japan 

Kikao Suzuki, Grand Master of the Crown Prince's House- 
hold 

Xasuhiko Yamada, chamberlain to His Imperial High- 
ness the Crown Prince 

Yukihisa Tamura, Counselor of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs of Japan 

Toshiro Shimanouchi, Counselor, Embassy of Japan 

Madame Sumiko Makiuo, chief lady-in-waiting to Her 
Imperial Highness the Crown Princess 

Madame Tatsuo Takaki, lady-in-waiting to Her Imperial 
Highness the Crown Princess 

Yasuhide Toda, chamberlain to His Imperial Highness 
the Crown Prince 

Masaaki Yumoto, physician to Their Imperial Highnesses 
the Crown Prince and Crown Princess 

Madame Yoshiko Imamura, lady-in-waiting to Her Im- 
perial Highness the Crown Princess 



Letters of Credence 

Union of South Africa 

The newly appointed Ambassador of the Union 
of South Africa, Willem Christiaan Naude, pre- 
sented his credentials to President Eisenhower on 
October 6. For texts of the Ambassador's re- 
marks and the President's reply, see Department 
of State press release 584 dated October 6. 



President and Secretary Congratulate 
Nigeria on Independence 

MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER 

White House press release dated October 1 

The White House on October 1 made public the 
following message from President Eisenhower to 
the Government and people of the Federation of 

Nigeria. 

September 30, 1960 

On behalf of the people of the United States of 
America, I wish to extend to the Government and 
people of Nigeria heartiest congratulations on the 
occasion of their independence. 

"We in the United States have watched with 
sympathy and admiration the progress of the 
people of Nigeria toward this historic and welcome 
event which is the result of fruitful cooperation 
between the people of Nigeria and the Govern- 
ment and people of the United Kingdom. We are 
confident that this spirit of cooperation will inspire 
Nigeria's future relationships with all who hold 
freedom dear. 

In expressing the best wishes of my country, I 
speak for a people who cherish individual liberty 
and independence, and who have made great sac- 
rifices so that these vital principles might endure. 
It is with special pleasure, therefore, that we 
witness the assumption by this new nation of its 
sovereign place in the world community. 

I am keenly conscious of the friendship which 
has marked the relations of our two countries. "We 
take great pride in bonds established by Nigerian 
government leaders whom we were privileged to 
receive as guests, and by the many Nigerians who 
have studied in our land. 

For the future, we in the United States stand 



Ocfober 24, I960 



643 



ready to work with the people of Nigeria to reach 
the goals we all share of health, enlightenment 
and material well being. I am confident that in 
years to come our two countries will stand as one 
in safeguarding the greatest of all bonds between 
us, our common belief in a free and democratic 
way of life. 

Dwight D. Eisenhower 



MESSAGE FROM SECRETARY HERTER 

Press release 572 dated September 30 

Following is the text of a message from Secre- 
tary Herter to the people of Nigeria on the occa- 
sion of their independence, October 1, 1960. The 
message was recorded by the Secretary for trans- 
mission by the Voice of America. 

I am very happy indeed to have this oppor- 
tunity to express my warm good wishes, as well 
as those of the American people, on the occasion 
of Nigeria's achievement of independence. We 
are proud of the Nigerian ancestry of many 
Americans, of the fact that some of your great 
leaders received their higher education at Ameri- 
can universities, and of the spiritual kinship be- 
tween our federal constitutions. We are pleased 
to see the steady growth of many projects of co- 
operation between Nigeria and the United States 
in the fields of economics and education, and we 
look forward to ever closer bonds in these fields. 

Here at the United Nations, where I am cur- 
rently leading the delegation of my country to 
the General Assembly, we are very much aware 
that this year is the year of Africa. The United 
States has welcomed the presence of an unprec- 
edented number of new members, all but one of 
them African. The admission of Nigeria to this 
world organization will be a worthy culmination 
of this African year. 1 We wish the people of 
Nigeria the blessings of freedom, prosperity, and 
internal harmony, and we are looking forward 
to the contribution which the wise counsels of its 
representatives to the United Nations will cer- 
tainly make to the cause of world peace. 



1 For texts of statements by Secretary Herter and As- 
sistant Secretary Francis O. Wilcox at the time of the 
admission of the Federation of Nigeria to the United Na- 
tions on Oct. 7, see p. 659. 



India and U.S. Open Aviation 
Consultations at New Delhi 

Press release 578 dated October 3 

The Governments of India and the United 
States began civil aviation consultations on Octo- 
ber 3 at New Delhi. These consultations will pro- 
vide the first opportunity for a general review of 
civil aviation matters since the two countries 
signed the Air Transport Services Agreement of 
February 3, 1956. 1 

The chairman of the U.S. delegation will be 
Edward A. Bolster, Director of the Office of 
Transport and Communications of the Depart- 
ment of State. The chairman of the Indian dele- 
gation will be K. M. Raha, Director General, Civil 
Aviation. 



Century 21 Exposition 



White House press release dated September 24 
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT 

The President has signed an Executive order 
designating the Department of Commerce as the 
agency to head up Federal participation in the 
Century 21 Exposition scheduled to be held at 
Seattle, Wash., in 1962. This action formalizes 
2 years of activity since passage of Public Law 
85-880, the basic act for Federal participation in 
the exposition. 

This public law authorized the President to des- 
ignate an agency to first conduct a study to deter- 
mine the extent to which the U.S. Government 
should participate in Century 21 and requested 
cooperation with State and local exposition offi- 
cials. The legislation also called for the appoint- 
ment by the President of a U.S. Commissioner for 
the Federal exhibit. 

In November 1958 President Eisenhower ad- 
dressed the Secretary of Commerce and requested 
that this study be made under his direction. U.S. 
participation in the exposition was declared to be 
both important and timely, and in July 1959 the 
President directed the Secretary of State to trans- 
mit invitations to foreign governments to also take 



'Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3504. 



644 



Department of State Bulletin 



part. 1 In September of that year the Congress 
appropriated $9 million for a U.S. Government 
exhibit. 

Philip M. Evans, formerly of Seattle and an 
Assistant to the Secretary of Commerce, was ap- 
pointed U.S. Commissioner. 

Congress also directed that the objective of the 
exhibit be to depict the role of science in modern 
civilization. As a result the building, permanent 
in nature, will house the most comprehensive dis- 
play of science subjects ever assembled. In carry- 
ing out this mission the Executive order directs 
that interested departments and agencies of the 
Government, including the Department of State 
and the National Science Foundation, give appro- 
priate cooperation to the Federal Commissioner 
for the U.S. science exhibit and to the Department 
of Commerce. 

EXECUTIVE ORDER 10887 

Designating the Department of Commebce To Pebfobm 

Functions With Respect to Pabtictpation of the 

United States in the Centubt 21 Exposition 

By virtue of the authority vested in me by the act of 

September 2, 1958, 72 Stat. 1703, as amended, hereinafter 

called the act, and by the Public Buildings Act of 1959 

(73 Stat. 479), and as President of the United States, it 

is ordered as follows : 

Section 1. The Department of Commerce is hereby 
designated as the department to perform all functions 
provided for in the act except those functions which the 
act either authorizes other agencies to perform or vests, 
in terms, in the President. 

Sec 2. Other interested departments and agencies of 
the Federal Government, including the Department of 
State and the National Science Foundation, are requested 
to cooperate as provided by section 4 of the act with the 
Department of Commerce in carrying out the provisions 
of the act. 

Sec. 3. Any building constructed pursuant to the act 
shall become and shall be a "public building" under the 
Public Buildings Act of 1959 upon the close of the Exposi- 
tion referred to in the act. 

Sec 4. This order supersedes the letter of the President 
to the Secretary of Commerce dated November 13, 1958 
(23 F.R. 9169), but shall not affect Proclamation No. 3302 
of July 10, 1959, entitled "World Science-Pan Pacific 
Exposition (Century 21 Exposition)." 



The White House, 
September 23, 1960. 



/O ca*4> l2~iu0-<^~ X^^x 



1 Bulletin of Aug. 3, 1959, p. 1G3, and Sept. 14, 1959, p. 
378. 

'25 Fed. Reg. 9195. 



Development Assistance Group 
Concludes Third Meeting 

Press release 5S8 dated October 8 

Following is the text of a communique issued at 
Washington, D.C., on October 5 by the Develop- 
ment Assistance Group at the close of its third 
meeting? 

The third meeting of the Development Assist- 
ance Group took place in Washington, D.C. from 
October 3-5. The United States acted as host 
government and the Honorable T. Graydon Upton, 
Assistant Secretary, U.S. Treasury Department, 
was Chairman of the meeting. 

The membership of the Development Assist- 
ance Group is as follows: Belgium, Canada, 
France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, 
Portugal, the United Kingdom, the United States, 
and the Commission of the European Economic 
Community, all of whom participated in the meet- 
ing. The Group extended a cordial welcome to 
Mr. Thorkil Kristensen, the Secretary-General of 
the OEEC [Organization for European Economic 
Cooperation] and Secretary-General designate of 
the OECD [Organization for Economic Coopera- 
tion and Development], who attended the pro- 
ceedings of the Group for the first time. Mr. 
Kristensen welcomed the fact that the Group was 
to function within the framework of the OECD, 
as agreed upon last July by the Ministerial Con- 
ference. 

In accordance with the procedures adopted for 
previous DAG meetings, Delegations from each 
country made statements informing the Group of 
developments in their aid policies, programs, and 
institutions since the last meeting. Several rep- 
resentatives noted an increase in their countries' 
financial commitments to the less-developed areas, 
and some countries referred to changes in the ad- 
ministration of their aid programs designed to 
make them more effective. Several countries 
stated their intention of increasing their contribu- 
tions to the UN Special Fund and Expanded Tech- 
nical Assistance Program, and the meeting gen- 
erally expressed the hope that the total annual re- 
sources of these two programs would reach, as 
soon as possible, the target figure of $100 million. 

The greater part of the meeting was devoted to 



1 For text of a communique issued after the first meeting, 
see Bulletin of Apr. 11, 1960, p. 577. 



October 24, J 960 



645 



a discussion of pre- investment technical assistance. 
Representatives from the following international 
organizations took part in the discussion on this 
subject: The United Nations, including its Special 
Fund, the Expanded Technical Assistance Pro- 
gram and representatives of UN regional economic 
commissions; the International Bank for Kecon- 
struction and Development; the Organization of 
American States; the Inter-American Develop- 
ment Bank ; the European Productivity Agency ; 
and the Commission on Technical Assistance in 
Africa South of the Sahara. Following introduc- 
tory statements by the representatives of these in- 
ternational organizations, there was a discussion 
of the methods of extending teclmical assistance 
for economic develoj^ment policies and planning; 
the importance of resources and engineering sur- 
veys and feasibility studies; the linking of pre- 
investment technical assistance to the operations 
of capital lending institutions; the role and func- 
tion of national and international agencies in pre- 
investment programs ; and the means of exchang- 



ing information and consultations regarding pre- 
investment technical assistance activities. A 
dominant theme of the discussion was the impor- 
tance of making more effective use of human, as 
well as the material, resources of the less developed 
areas and, to this end, the need for manpower sur- 
veys and the development of training facilities. 

As a result of the studies carried out since the 
previous meeting, the Group reached agreement 
as to the basis on which comparable data could be 
provided by DAG members about the flow of funds 
from their countries to the less developed areas. 
Agreement was reached that DAG members would 
in the future exchange information on this basis. 
The Group also stressed the importance of obtain- 
ing widespread public understanding and support 
in their respective countries for effective programs 
of aid to the less developed areas. 

At the invitation of the Government of the 
United Kingdom, it was agreed that the next 
meeting of the DAG should be held in London in 
the spring of 1961. 



Does Higher Education Have Obligations in Relation 
to Political Objectives Abroad? 

by Robert H. Thayer 1 



It is a great pleasure to be here today and to 
have the privilege of discussing with you the im- 
portant and complex topic which has been as- 
signed to me. We start, I think, with several 
very definite assumptions born of recent rapid 
events. The United States Government in its 
foreign relations has passed through two dis- 
tinct phases. Directly after World War II it 
plunged into economic aid programs in order to 



1 Address made before the American Council on Educa- 
tion at Chicago, IU., on Oct. G (press release 5S2 dated 
Oct. 4). Mr. Thayer is Special Assistant to the Secretary 
of State for the Coordination of International Educa- 
tional and Cultural Relations. 



put our allies back on their feet. We then moved 
to the second phase through the offer of technical 
assistance to the less developed areas of the world. 
Point 4, it was called. Today we are entering, in 
fact we are in the midst of, a third and new phase 
which I shall call the phase of education, where 
the U.S. Government is being called upon to find 
places for students in colleges and universities, 
both undergraduate and postgraduate, to find pro- 
fessors, teachers, and specialists in all disciplines, 
to construct whole universities in different areas 
of the world, and to expand existing universities 
with entire new departments and new disciplines. 
The United States Government today is in the 
business of education. It is not equipped for 



646 



Department of State Bulletin 



education. It must be assumed that it is to the 
universities that the Government will turn for as- 
sistance in the implementation of this policy. It 
must be assumed also that the conditions which 
brought the Government into this third phase will 
have also a direct impact upon the universities. 

The topic of this discussion as first given to me 
in a letter from Dr. Adams [Arthur S. Adams, 
president of the American Council on Education] 
was in the form of a question reading as follows : 
"Does Higher Education Have Obligations in Re- 
lation to Political Objectives Abroad?" Now it 
seems to me that this question has wider implica- 
tions than the general topic for discussion by this 
panel as given in the agenda. You will recall that 
in the agenda our general topic is "Impact on Col- 
leges and Universities of "VYorld Responsibilities." 
There is a subtle difference between these two, al- 
though they are obviously closely related, and that 
difference, it seems to me, is that the question orig- 
inally given to me is not only broader in its sig- 
nificance but more positive than the agenda topic. 

Maintaining the Integrity of the University 

I find here also some degree of ambivalence, an 
ambivalence not only reflected as between Dr. 
Adams' question and this particular agenda topic 
but also as between this question and all topics 
throughout your agenda. To discuss the impact 
on the universities of world responsibilities to me 
indicates a worry, a concern, about the action of 
external forces on the life of the university or, 
if you will, on its integrity. This implies the need 
to preserve the ancient concept of the integrity of 
the university against external forces. To ask 
whether or not the university has obligations to 
political objectives abroad implies to me that the 
writer of the question assumed there were such 
obligations and that they needed some definition. 
It implies a search not for a new definition of the 
function and role of the university but for ways 
in which higher education can meet the challenges 
of a world that is coming into being and for ways 
that institutions of integrity can assist in the 
creation of that world. The topics and questions 
of other parts of the agenda reflect the same de- 
gree of worry and concern regarding the integrity 
of the university and the purpose of the university 
in relation to sponsored research and to State 
governments as does our own topic here. 

I will not read those questions and topics to you. 



You have the agenda and I am sure have studied 
it as closely as I have and so are aware as I am 
of the manner in which the agenda truthfully re- 
veals the strong currents and undercurrents at 
work in our universities today. There are the 
forces, honest and conservative, that fear that the 
external pressures bearing on the universities from 
many directions may mean the loss in some degree 
of the integrity of the university. Then there are 
the forces, within universities, moving to precipi- 
tate them into what seem to be wholly new situa- 
tions, to involve them in international programs 
and international responsibilities and to tie them 
increasingly to research related to modern de- 
velopment financed from outside the universities. 

These are difficult and important questions, and 
in thus discussing the agenda I speak in no critical 
spirit. Quite the contrary. It seems to me that 
the agenda written in relation to the complex prob- 
lems of the university is a reflection of the condi- 
tions so characteristic of all American life during 
the last decade. The university's problem is in 
one sense peculiar to the university, but it is only 
part of a wider problem, the problem of defining 
the purposes, obligations, and responsibilities of 
the United States in world affairs. 

The problem of integrity is surely a university 
problem, but it is also a problem for the Govern- 
ment in all our foreign relations. This Nation as 
a nation has traditions and principles and a very 
definite integrity in the face of the world, and this 
must be preserved despite the changing world and 
our position in it. I welcome the lack of certainty 
of direction revealed in the agenda, for it means 
that the academic community is now conducting 
its own debate on the role and function of the 
university in these most difficult times. And it is 
within the universities that the debate needs to go 
forward and not a debate, as some have seemed to 
think it was, between the Government and the 
universities. I think I am correct in saying that 
it is only in recent years that such topics as we 
are discussing at tins conference were generally 
considered worthy of debate, and I do know that 
only 4 years ago nearly all the conversations be- 
tween representatives of the Government and of 
the universities on international educational prob- 
lems were little more than discussions between 
Government and university lawyers and account- 
ants over contractual relations with ICA [Inter- 
national Cooperation Administration]. I suppose 



October 24, J 960 



647 



that such discussions still go on, that legal prob- 
lems and contractual problems still present them- 
selves and will continue to do so, but now we have 
here a meeting that brings to the real problem, the 
most important basic problem, the intellectual 
force and strength of our universities. 

The real problems confronting the universities 
are now being posed. They are well stated in our 
agenda. They lie within the universities, and it 
is within the universities that they need to be 
debated. As a citizen and as a member of a great 
university, as well as a Government official, I have 
no doubt that the debate which will and must go 
on until we enter a new period of history will 
show the way in which the integrity of the uni- 
versity will not only be preserved but strength- 
ened; and as it is strengthened, the university's 
concept of itself will be broadened, and it will 
bring to the work of the Nation an intellectual 
renaissance which will be a determining factor in 
shaping the world of tomorrow. 

Participation in International Affairs 

I would like in passing to be a little philosophi- 
cal and somewhat more intellectual than is re- 
quired of a bureaucrat and in so doing to tread on 
very dangerous ground. I have in these past 2 
years attended innumerable meetings with uni- 
versity people, and I think it is fair for me to say 
that at every meeting there have been some ex- 
pressions of reluctance on the part of university 
officials to participate in international affairs. 
This has been a puzzle to me. I have wondered 
much about the reasons for this reluctance. I have 
found it difficult to believe that it was largely a 
financial problem, although financing interna- 
tional work is difficult. I have found it impossible 
to believe that our universities regarded them- 
selves as such independent corporate bodies that 
they could exist independently of the problems of 
the larger society of which they are and must be a 
part. I have not been able to accept the thesis that 
the university has purposes so distinct from that 
of other institutions that they might be distorted 
if they were concerned with problems beyond our 
shores. I find it hard to accept the antagonism 
toward Washington which frequently creeps into 
these meetings. 

In looking back over the past it is apparent that 
our colleges and universities have had no difficulty 
in adapting themselves to the ever-changing 



American scene. They have fully taken part in 
an evolving national purpose. The university in 
America, as we know it, is after all of very recent 
development in our society. Our colleges are old 
and the use of the word university is old, but the 
complex which we now call a university is really 
the creation of the 20th century and is a result of 
the pressures of modern society and the reaction 
of the university to those pressures. Harvard 
College in the 17th century graduated men to 
preach and teach as was required in New England 
in those days. Today our universities provide in- 
struction and teaching in almost any subject one 
can name, and our chairman here today, Dr. 
[J. L.] Morrill, has referred to institutions of 
higher learning not as universities but as "multi- 
versities," thus defining the university in terms of 
our own complex and pluralistic society, in which 
there is no unity in the sense in which one could 
use that word in the Middle Ages. 

So what is my answer to the problem of the 
apparent reluctance on the part of universities to 
participate in international affairs in the face of 
the vitality of the movement of the Eussian Soviets 
into the world ? Does the answer to the problem 
as related to the universities and to other institu- 
tions, and to people generally in the United 
States — for we are all faced with the problem of 
defining ourselves and our Nation in this new 
world — lie perhaps in 20th-century man's view of 
himself, in the assumptions we make as to the 
nature of truth, of knowledge, and of learning? 
I will not attempt to answer my own question, but 
I want to raise it with you for discussion. It does 
seem to me that the more scientific and technologi- 
cal we have become, the more we have become frag- 
mented and the less we have been concerned with 
some of the fundamental aspects of national pur- 
pose. The so-called objective pursuit of facts, 
whether in a scientific laboratory or by a historian, 
a sociologist, or a political scientist, seems to me 
to tend to inhibit rather than to promote political 
action and political purpose. To describe society 
faithfully and accurately is one thing; to move 
politically, intuitively, and creatively to organize 
a society is quite another thing. Are our uni- 
versities, as our people may be, caught up in a 
world which is overly concerned with facts in a 
scientific manner to the extent that the humanistic, 
the political problem, is of less significance than 
it once was? The equating, which has increased 



648 



Department of State Bulletin 



over the last century, of man with matter without 
ideal assumptions as to what man is and ought to 
be surely tends to fragment society, and if we have 
no ideal concept of either man or society but only 
a tendency to explore scientifically man, matter, 
and society, it is very hard to embark on great 
programs in the humanistic and liberal political 
tradition of the Western World. 

Why Was the Question Asked? 

I have been overly long in getting to my subject, 
but that has been deliberate. I did not really 
come here today as an official of the Government to 
answer your question, and, in a way, I have been 
discussing what I regard as perhaps a more im- 
portant question than the one addressed to me, 
and that question is : Why was the question asked ? 
I have already stated how important I think it is 
that so many questions indicating that our uni- 
versities are searching for answers to difficult and 
important problems have been asked, and if you 
can answer the question as to why they have 
had to be raised you will go a long way to answer- 
ing all the questions in the agenda. The impor- 
tant thing is that they have been raised, that our 
intellectual community is taking stock of itself and 
therefore of the Nation, and from this great bene- 
fits cannot help but flow. The answers to your 
questions cannot really come from me, or any 
Government official, though I would hope that my 
remarks here today would contribute to your 
debate. 

My work in the Government has been directed, 
in many ways, to stirring up such a debate as your 
agenda suggests is needed ; or perhaps I should not 
use the word "debate" but the more current pop- 
ular word "dialog." The concept of the debate 
or dialog which I have had in mind was that of 
communication between groups in our society, in- 
cluding Government, as well as within those 
groups. From my office went the proposal to Dr. 
Heald [Henry T. Heald, president of the Ford 
Foundation] that the study on "The University 
and World Affairs'' be undertaken. This pro- 
ceeds under the leadership of Dr. Morrill. We in 
the Department of State have sponsored confer- 
ences on "International Education" and on "Cul- 
tural Relations of the United States and the Soviet 
Union" and are now planning in December and 
January conferences on "Science and the Scientist" 
and "Business and Industry in International Edu- 

October 24, I960 

567601: — 60 3 



cational and Cultural Affairs." Each of these 
conferences has really been concerned with the 
problem set here regarding our universities — what 
is required of the various groups composing our 
society at this crisis in our affairs and the affairs of 
the world. Have they obligations in relations to 
political objectives abroad? What is the impact 
on them of world responsibilities? From these 
various groups must come the answers ; such is the 
structure and composition of our society. 

Now to answer Dr. Adams' question is a very 
large order, and I do not hesitate to give you a 
very simple and direct answer at all. The an- 
swer to the question is, of course, yes. Higher 
education has very definite obligations in relation 
to political objectives abroad. There is no other 
possible answer from my point of view as a citi- 
zen and a member of a great university, leaving 
wholly aside my position in the Government. But 
to explain my affirmative answer immediately in- 
volves me in great complexities. It pushes me in 
the very center of the debate which your agenda 
calls for, and again I can only say that the final 
answer to this question lies with you and not with 
me and can only come over many, many years. 
To answer it, as I would if I could, would mean 
that I am prepared to define the role of the uni- 
versity, to explore with you the state of the Na- 
tion and the place of the university in the Na- 
tion, and to discourse at length on the problems of 
the world and the relationship of the international 
to the national and to the university. Dr. Adams 
lias paid me a great compliment in asking me to 
speak on this question. 

Defining the Role of the University 

I feel that I must say something about the defi- 
nition of the role of the university, and, like a good 
graduate student, I will footnote my text with 
references to higher authority. I accept whole- 
heartedly Dr. Morrill's statement that our uni- 
versities are to be distinguished from universities 
in other countries by their sense of social responsi- 
bility. I believe in a recent book he described 
the University of Minnesota as an institution that 
reached to all the boundaries of the State of Min- 
nesota. I also accept the definition of a university 
as given last spring by Dean Bundy of Harvard. 
His was the historic definition of the university as 
an institution existing for the increase and diffu- 
sion of knowledge. If, therefore, a university 



649 



exists to increase knowledge and to diffuse knowl- 
edge, and if also it has a sense of social responsi- 
bility, then I submit that the answer to the ques- 
tion must be in the affirmative. I cannot say much 
more to the question, for is it not up to the uni- 
versity to define what it means by increasing 
knowledge, diffusing knowledge, and by social re- 
sponsibility ? These things have all once upon a 
time been defined and redefined, and they will be 
defined and redefined again, with increasing repe- 
tition as our society speeds through lightning 
change after change. 

In the 17th century in New England the prob- 
lems that preoccupied our colleges were religious 
to a large extent. "What is knowledge?" remains 
a fair question for speculation. Our colleges and 
universities have additional preoccupations today. 
Once the diffusion of knowledge was limited to a 
small and select group in society. Today we be- 
lieve in mass education and reach a point in our 
wealth and concept of education where it may soon 
be possible for every American boy and girl who 
is interested to have a college education, and some- 
times it seems to me that the time is coming when 
a college education of some sort will be needed 
just to live in this complex society of ours. 

Politically we were once a very small nation 
consisting of a few States strung along the east- 
ern seaboard of the continent. There are now 50 
States and some 200 millions of people who have, 
willy-nilly, assumed certain obligations abroad. 
Some of those so-called obligations are clear and 
specific and have been reduced to written agree- 
ments, but that is by no means the whole story and 
I think perhaps it is the smallest part of it. Those 
obligations represent the changing nature of world 
society and of our own. They bespeak the fact 
that increasingly it is impossible to distinguish 
between the national and the international. One 
can no longer consider the one without the other. 
We have moved into a world that is in the process 
of definition, and we are called upon to be parties 
to that definition within our historic traditions. 
The role of the university in specific terms in this 
new world has not been defined and can only be 
denned by the universities under the pressure of 
events and by such intellectually creative work 
within the universities as will guide events. 

We move as a nation into an unknown future 
as man has always moved into the unknown. At 
this juncture of history the movement is faster and 



the events whirl us along. For better or worse 
this Nation has been carried to the four corners 
of the world, and the university has no alternative 
but to move with the Nation with such speed as 
it can. In so doing, it takes on no new obligations 
whatsoever. All that is taking place is an ex- 
pansion of the horizon of the university and of its 
obligations within that horizon. It existed yes- 
terday to increase and diffuse knowledge and to 
fulfill its social responsibilities. It exists for this 
purpose today and will tomorrow. Its problem 
is but the ways and means of diffusing and in- 
creasing knowledge in a larger world and from 
a different point of view than it has been previ- 
ously concerned with, and in fulfilling its respon- 
sibilities to a world society. 

Our American universities are already fulfilling 
their responsibilities in this regard. Twenty- 
seven universities under the leadership of Harvard 
have agreed to embark upon an ambitious program 
in cooperation with the Carnegie Corporation, the 
African-American Institute, and the United 
States Government to bring African students in 
great numbers for study and training in this 
country. The Massachusetts Institute of Technol- 
ogy, with the assistance of the Ford Foundation, 
is sending eight MIT fellows to Africa to serve as 
staff assistants in government ministries, industrial 
corporations, and similar institutions engaged in 
economic development in Africa. 

Finally, it does seem to me that each and every 
American — that all our institutions are faced with 
this same challenge, the same need for growth and 
expansion, so that we can live in a world such as 
our forefathers could not dream of — a world where 
time and distance have shrunk, a world that has 
the possibility of plenty born of our scientific and 
technological revolution, a world in which nations 
must live in a degree of intimacy almost akin to 
that of states in a federal union. The obligation, 
the responsibility, of the university in the inter- 
national field will be defined over time by the 
pragmatic decisions that will be from day to day 
made in the universities, by theoretical discussion 
such as this, and I am sure they will be made 
within the concept of the integrity of the univer- 
sity and of the integrity of the Nation. And as 
universities increasingly involve themselves in in- 
ternational educational and cultural problems, the 
university, the Nation, and the world will all 
benefit tremendouslv therefrom. 



650 



Department of State Bulletin 



Record Number of Visitors' Visas 
Issued in Fiscal Year 1960 

Press release 55S dated September 26 

The Department of State announced on Septem- 
ber 26 that a recordbreaking 670,833 visitors' visas 
were issued during the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1960, to persons desiring to enter the United 
States temporarily for business, pleasure, educa- 
tion, or other temporary purpose. 

In releasing the annual statistics compiled by 
the Visa Office on nonimmigrant and immigrant 
visas issued by the Department and the Foreign 
Service throughout the world, John W. Hanes, Jr., 
Administrator of the Bureau of Security and 
Consular Affairs, pointed out that the number of 



visitors' visas issued was 13 percent higher than the 
previous year. Mr. Hanes stated that part of this 
increase undoubtedly reflected the effects of Pres- 
ident Eisenhower's designation of the year 1960 as 
'"Visit the United States of America Year." He 
recalled that the President has assumed a posi- 
tion of leadership in seeking to promote the inter- 
change of friendly visits among the peoples of 
the world. 

A total of 252,641 quota and nonquota immi- 
grant visas were also issued during the 1960 fiscal 
year to aliens wishing to reside permanently in 
the United States. More immigrant visas were 
issued to Canadians (32,558) than to any other 
nationality. Germans (32,521) came next, fol- 
lowed by Mexicans (30,782) and British (25,587). 



Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Visas Issued Br Diplomatic and Consular Offices Throughout the World 

Fiscal Year 1960 
(July 1, 1959, Through June 30, 1960) 



Country 



Annual 
quota 



Quota 

visas 

issued ' 



Nonquota 
sec. 101 
(a)(27)> 



Nonquota 
symbol K' 



Total 
immigrant 



Nonimmi- 
grant 
(nationality) 



Total Immi- 
grant and non- 
immigrant 



Afghanistan 

Albania. _ 

Andorra 

Arabian Peninsula 

Argentina 

Asia Pacific 

Australia 

Austria 

Belgium 

Belgian Congo 

Bhutan 

Bolivia 

Brazil 

Bulgaria 

Burma 

Cambodia 

Cameroons 

Cameroun 

Canada 

Canal Zone 

Ceylon 

Chile 

China 

Chinese persons 

Colombia 

Costa Itica 

Cuba 

Czechoslovakia 

Danzig 

Denmark.. 

Greenland 

Dominican Republic 

Ecuador 

El Salvador 

Estonia 

Ethiopia 

Finland 

France 

Algeria 

French Guiana 

French Polynesia 

French Somaliland 

Guadeloupe 

See footnotes at end of table 
October 24, 7960 



100 
100 
100 
100 

100 

100 

1,405 

1,297 

100 



100 
100 
100 
100 
100 



100 

100 
105 



2,859 

100 

1, 175 



115 

100 

566 

3,069 



26 
93 



93 

91 

1,314 

1,030 

33 



84 

84 

1 



67 

84 
19 



2,791 

95 

1, 149 

1 



106 

48 

539 

2,797 

2 

3 

4 

99 



2, 879 

408 

193 

349 

74 

1 

378 
1, 373 

18 

1 



1 

32, 558 

1 

1 

769 

1,467 

2, 740 
675 

8, 604 

360 

40 

228 

828 

1, 467 

1,018 

30 

2 

77 

1,643 

2 

1 

5 

10 



49 



22 
43 
79 

1 



45 
1 



1 
958 



19 
o 



17 

18 
78 



27 
150 

2 

2,879 

523 

327 

1,742 

1, 105 

34 

378 

1.373 

147 

86 

1 

i 

32, 558 

1 

69 

769 

2,509 

19 

2,740 

675 

8,604 

3, 170 

137 

1,378 

1 

828 

1,467 

1,018 

153 

50 

634 

4,518 

4 

1 

8 

4 

109 



176 

12 

1 

18 

12,435 

261 

16, 382 

4,981 

4, 732 

1 

1,095 

12,511 

125 

420 

158 

10 

8 

2,490 

349 
7,089 
5,367 

14,372 

2,817 

41, 105 

449 

8, 125 



2,371 

4,769 

3,371 

234 

280 

3,812 

23, 291 



203 

162 

1 

20 

15, 314 
784 

16, 709 
6,723 
5.837 

34 

1 

1,473 

13,884 

272 

506 

159 

10 

9 

35, 048 

1 

418 

7,858 

7,876 

19 

17, 112 
3,492 

49, 709 

3,619 

137 

9,503 

1 

3, 199 

6,236 

4,389 

387 

330 

4,446 

27, 809 

4 

1 

8 

4 

109 



651 



Immigrant \.vn Nonimmigrant Visas Issued By Diplomatic and Consular Offices Throughout the World — Con. 

Fiscal Year 1960 
(July 1, 1959, Through June 30, 1960) 



Country 


Annual 
quota 


Quota 

visas 

issued ' 


Nonquota 
sec. 101 
(a)(27)» 


Nonquota 
symbol Ks 


Total 
immigrant 


Nonimmi- 
grant 
(nationality) 


Total Immi- 
grant and non- 
immigrant 


France — Continued 


25, 814 

100 

65, 361 

308 
100 

865 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
17,756 
100 
5,666 
185 
100 
100 

100 
235 
100 
100 


26 

7 

1 

3 

24, 988 

27 

24, 772 

28 

98 

100 

97 

1 

100 

78 

100 

100 

91 

79 

4 

3 

1 

22 

98 

95 

95 

21 

99 

7 

100 

33 

10 

3 

100 

1 

90 

100 

2 

20 

35 

I 

32 

1 

2 

98 

5 

284 

748 
99 
86 
85 
47 
92 

7,655 
98 

5,519 
91 
94 
30 

219 
92 
34 


1 
4 

1 
4 

7,404 

779 

80 
164 
218 

4 
44 
37 
76 
46 

4 

2 

19 

5 

791 

74 

38 

44 

9 
23 

1 
2 

I 

225 

1,286 
286 

985 

707 

130 

63 

88 

38 

49 

43 

49 

147 

3,687 

4, 536 

105 

770 

1 

1 

39 

158 


129 

36 

4 

68 

4 

1 

18 

43 

1 

8 

160 

2 

93 

6 
1 

i 

64 
1,598 

920 

1 

41 

6,432 

57 

57 

116 

5,896 

617 

18 

558 

54 
176 


1 

30 

7 

1 

5 

3 

32, 521 

27 

25, 587 

28 

182 

264 

383 

1 

104 

126 

138 

194 

180 

83 

4 

5 

1 

22 

118 

108 

1,046 

23 

266 

7 

138 

33 

10 

3 

150 

1 

99 

124 

2 

21 

38 

1 

33 

1 
2 

387 

5 

3, 168 

285 

985 

707 

1,798 

163 

215 

6,555 

153 

192 

7,704 

361 

15, 102 

5, 244 

217 

1,358 

1 

1 

312 

426 

34 


48, 236 

243 

84, 809 

6,752 

5, 104 

51 

3, 160 

2,300 

242 

754 

6,759 

1,227 

3,633 

843 

4,086 

7,627 

27, 633 

17,961 

460 

1,489 

56 

107 

99 

2,097 

394 


1 




30 




7 




1 


St. Pierre and Miquelon 


5 




3 




80, 757 




270 


Great Britain and Northern Ireland. 


110,396 

28 


Antigua - 


182 




264 




383 


Basutoland- - 


1 




104 


British Guiana 


126 


British H onduras 


138 


British Virgin Islands 


194 




180 




83 


Falkland Islands 


4 


Fiji 


5 




1 




22 




118 




108 




1,046 




23 


Malta - 


266 




7 




138 




33 




10 




3 


St. Christopher- 


150 


St. Helena _ 


1 


St. Lucia 


99 


St. Vincent ... 


124 




2 




21 




38 




1 




33 




1 




o 


Trinidad and Tobago 


387 




5 




9, 920 




5,389 




51 


Haiti 


4, 145 




3,007 




2, 040 




917 


India . . _ .. - . 


6,974 




7,782 




3,786 


Iraq . . 


1,035 


Ireland . — - 


11,790 
7,988 


Italy 


42, 735 


Japan . ... 


23, 205 




677 


Korea - . 


2,847 


Kuwait . .. 


57 


Laos 


108 




411 




2,523 


Liberia - 


428 



652 



Department of State Bulletin 



Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Visas Issued By Diplomatic and Consular Offices Throughout the World — Con. 

Fiscal Year 1960 
(July 1, 1959, Through June 30, 1960) 



Country 



Annual 
quota 



Quota 
visas 

Issued * 



Nonquota 
sec. 101 
(a) (27)' 



Nonquota 
symbol K 3 



Total 
Immigrant 



Nonimmi- 
grant 
(nationality) 



Total immi- 
grant and non- 
immigrant 



Libya 

Liechtenstein 

Lithuania 

Luxembourg 

Malaya 

Mexico 

Monaco 

Morocco 

Muscat 

Nauru 

Nepal 

Netherlands 

Netherlands Antilles 

Netherlands New Guinea 

Surinam 

New Guinea 

New Zealand 

N icaragua 

Norway 

Pacific Islands 

Pakistan 

Palest ine 

Panama 

Paraguay 

Peru 

Philippines 

Poland 

Portugal 

Angola 

Cape Verde Islands 

Goa 

Macao 

Mozambique 

Ruanda-Urundi 

Rumania 

Samoa, Western 

San Marino. 

Saudi Arabia 

Somaliland 

South-West Africa 

Spain 

Sudan 

Sweden 

Switzerland 

Tanganyika 

Thailand 

Togo 

Tunisia 

Turkey 

Union of South Africa 

U.S.S.R 

United Arab Republic 

Uruguay 

Venezuela 

Viet-Nam 

Yemen 

Yugoslavia 

No nationality 

Total 



100 
100 
384 
100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
3, 136 



100 
100 

2,364 
100 
100 
100 



100 

6,488 
438 



100 
289 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
250 
100 
3,295 
1,698 
100 
100 
100 
100 
225 
100 
2,697 
100 



100 
100 
942 



5 

368 

80 

20 

7 
74 



1 

901 

100 

4 

38 

2 

80 

300 
93 
54 
75 



48 

6,207 

389 

1 

11 



2 

244 

91 

99 

1 

3 

203 

81 

2,307 

1,624 

11 

62 

1 

92 

196 

74 

2,606 

94 



43 

98 
742 



6 

54 

31 

4 

30, 782 

144 



349 
10 

8 



77 

1,288 

127 

30 

27 

15 

1,700 

48 

1,526 

2,267 

1, 227 

1,229 

1 

51 

1 



125 
3 
6 



872 

1 

73 

148 
1 
8 

25 

184 

56 

138 

111 

159 

654 

3 

3 

393 



32 
2 



1, 169 
3 

115 



177 

430 

5,011 

2 

30 



249 
10 



364 
1 

12 

7 

11 
209 

47 

586 



875 



105 

5 

454 

113 

24 

30, 782 

7 

224 



1 

4,419 

110 

4 

49 

2 

157 

1,288 

2,427 

123 

81 

205 

1,700 

48 

1,526 

2,492 

7,864 

6,629 

4 

92 

1 

2 

2 

2 

618 

94 

115 



1 

3 

1,439 

83 

2,380 

1,784 

12 

77 

1 

128 

589 

130 

2,791 

791 

159 

654 

46 

101 

2,010 



148 

15 

66 

276 

252 

127, 868 

8 

428 



85 
20, 052 



4,898 

2,018 

11,380 

1,264 

1,497 

7 

3,032 

350 

5,382 

7,231 

2,037 

3,313 



150 

138 

12 

312 

25 

3 

8,899 

148 

8,518 

8,377 

51 

1,565 

7 

262 

2,596 

3,032 

3,053 

2,082 

1,256 

27, 115 

1,555 

10 

2,027 

8,294 



154,887 



99, 334 



125, 444 



27, 863 



252, 641 



* 670, 833 



253 

20 

520 

389 

276 

158, 650 

15 

652 



86 

24, 471 

110 

4 

49 

2 

5,055 

3,306 

13, 807 

1,387 

1, 578 

212 

4,732 

398 

6,908 

9,723 

9,901 

9,942 

4 

92 

1 

2 

2 

2 

768 

232 

127 

312 

26 

6 

10, 338 

231 

10, 898 

10, 161 

63 

1,642 

8 

390 

3, 185 

3, 162 

5,844 

2,873 

1,415 

27, 769 

1,601 

111 

4,037 

8,294 



923. 474 



1 Figures represent actual quota visa issuances by consular offices and do not include quota numbers used for ad- 
justments of status under sec. 245 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, reductions of quotas by private laws, and 
other provisions of law. 

1 Nonquota visas issued pursuant to the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended. 

'Special nonquota visas issued pursuant to the acts of September 11, 1957 (Public Law 85-316, as amended), 
September 2, 1958 (Public Law 85-892), and September 22, 1959 (Public Law 86-363). 

4 Includes nonimmigrant visas revalidated. 



October 24, 1960 



653 



Breakdown and Total of Visas Issued by Diplomatic and Consular Offices Throughout the World 

Fiscal Years 1946 Through 1960 





Immigrant 


Total 


Nonimmigrant 


Nonimmigrant 
revalidations 


Total 


Grand total 




Quota > 


Nonquota 




1946 _ -- 


37, 083 
78, 873 

93, 222 
» 133,839 

■ 205, 365 
* 170, 166 

■ 180,660 
'87,211 
1 86, 356 

81, 027 

86, 449 

97, 684 

105, 474 

94, 805 
99, 334 


47, 327 

66, 844 

72, 869 

b 70, 096 

d 63, 541 

< 61, 137 

h 88, 286 

94, 306 

k 122, 866 

1 163, 844 

m 245, 958 

"219, 728 

° 154, 450 

" 130, 128 

o 153, 307 


84, 410 
145,717 
166,091 
203, 935 
268, 906 
231,303 
268, 946 
181,517 
209, 222 
244, 871 
332, 407 
317,412 
259, 924 
224, 933 
252, 641 


247, 672 
313,279 
309, 730 
261,071 
242, 784 
271, 706 
318,872 
349, 388 
399, 994 
420, 095 
425, 421 
501,692 
530, 857 
508, 634 
581, 122 


5,306 

32 

2, 164 

7,487 

11, 199 

23, 108 
21,017 
11,990 
18, 197 

24, 943 
70, 666 
87, 495 
81, 967 
86, 445 
89, 711 


252, 978 
313,311 
311,894 
268, 558 

253, 983 
294, 814 
339, 889 
361,378 
418, 191 
445, 038 
496, 087 
589, 187 
612, 824 
595, 079 
670, 833 


337, 388 


1947 


459, 028 


1948 -- 


477, 985 


1949 -- -- - 


472, 493 


1950 


522, 889 


1951 


526, 117 


1952 .- 


608, 835 


1953 


542, 895 


1954 


627, 413 


1955 - 


689, 909 


1956 


828, 494 


1957 - 


906, 599 


1958 


872, 748 


1959 


820, 012 


1960 _-- 


923, 474 







1 Figures represent actual quota visa issuances by consular offices and do not include quota numbers used for adjust- 
ments of status under sec. 245 of the act, reductions of quotas by private laws, and other provisions of law. 

a Includes 55,639 quota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

b Includes 339 nonquota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

c Includes 131,901 quota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

d Includes 261 nonquota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

e Includes 104,571 quota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

* Includes 747 nonquota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

« Includes 106,497 quota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

h Includes 3,037 nonquota visas issued pursuant to the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

' Includes 459 (sheepherders) quota visas issued under Public Law 307 (82d Cong.) and 5,089 cases of aliens who 
enjoyed a preference under sec. 3(c) of the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as amended. 

> Includes 5,722 cases of aliens who enjoyed a preference under sec. 3(c) of the Displaced Persons Act of 1948, as 
amended. 

k Includes 500 nonquota visas issued to orphans under Public Law 162 (83d Cong.) and 5,633 nonquota visas issued 
pursuant to the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, as amended. 

1 Includes 353 nonquota visas issued under Public Law 770 (sheepherders) 83d Cong., 2d sess., and 32,009 nonquota 
visas issued pursuant to the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, as amended. 

m Includes 32 nonquota visas issued under Public Law 770 (sheepherders) 83d Cong., 2d sess., and 84,151 visas issued 
under the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, as amended. 

" Includes 68.442 nonquota visas issued under the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, as amended. 

° Includes 27,337 nonquota Symbol K visas issued pursuant to the act of Sept. 11, 1957 (Public Law 85-316). 

» Includes 25,608 nonquota Symbol K visas issued pursuant to the acts of Sept. 11, 1957 (Public Law 85-316), and 
Sept. 2, 1958 (Public Law 85-892). 

" Includes 27,863 nonquota Svmbol K visas issued pursuant to the acts of Sept. 11, 1957 (Public Law 85-316, as 
amended), Sept. 2, 1958 (Public Law 85-892), and Sept. 22, 1959 (Public Law S6-363). 



Immigration Quotas Established 
for Fourteen New Nations 

White House press release dated September 24 
WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT 

The President has signed a proclamation estab- 
lishing annual immigration quotas of 100 each for 
the Kepublic of Cameroun, which came into exist- 
ence on January 1, 1960, upon the termination of 
the United Nations trusteeship, for the Kepublic 
of Togo, which was established on April 27, 1960, 



upon the termination of the United Nations 
trusteeship, and for the new African states of the 
Malagasy Kepublic, the Central African Republic, 
the Kepublic of Chad, the Kepublic of Congo 
(former Middle Congo), the Republic of 
Dahomey, the Gabon Republic, the Republic of 
Ivory Coast, the Republic of Niger, and the Re- 
public of Upper Volta, all of which were formerly 
autonomous republics within the French Com- 
munity and which were granted independence by 
France within the period of June 26 to August 17, 
1960. The proclamation signed by the President 
also establishes an annual quota of 100 for the 



654 



Department of State Bulletin 



Republic of the Congo, the former Belgian Congo, 
which was granted independence by Belgium on 
June 30, 1960, for the Somali Republic, which 
came into existence on July 1, 1960, by the union 
of the former Italian Trust Territory of Somali- 
land and the former British Somaliland, and for 
the Republic of Cyprus, a former British crown 
colony, which was granted independence by the 
Government of the United Kingdom on August 
16, 1960. 

TEXT OF PROCLAMATION 1 

Immigration Quotas 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(a) of 
the Immigration and Nationality Act, each independent 
country, self-governing dominion, mandated territory, and 
territory under the international trusteeship system of 
the United Nations, other than independent countries of 
North, Central, and South America, is entitled to be 
treated as a separate quota area when approved by the 
Secretary of State ; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 201(b) of the 
Immigration and Nationality Act, the Secretary of State, 
the Secretary of Commerce, and the Attorney General, 
jointly, are required to determine the annual quota of any 
quota area established pursuant to the provisions of 
section 201(a) of the said Act, and to report to the Pres- 
ident the quota of each quota area so determined ; and 

Whereas under the provisions of section 202(e) of the 
said Act, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Com- 
merce, and the Attorney General, jointly, are required to 
revise the quotas, whenever necessary, to provide for 
any political changes requiring a change in the list of 
quota areas; and 

Whereas the Republic of Cameroun came into exist- 
ence on January 1, 1960, with the termination of the 
United Nations Trusteeship ; and 

Whereas the Republic of Togo was established on 
April 27, 1960, upon the termination of the United Na- 
tions Trusteeship ; and 

Whereas the Malagasy Republic, a former Autonomous 
Republic of the French Community, became independent 
on June 26, 1960 ; and 

Whereas the Republic of the Congo, the former Bel- 
gian Congo, was granted independence by Belgium on 
June 30, 1960 ; and 

Whereas the Somali Republic came into existence on 
July 1, 1960, by the union of the former Italian Trust 
Territory of Somaliland and the former British Somali- 
land ; and 

Whereas the Central African Republic, the Republic 
of Chad, the Republic of Congo (former Middle Congo), 
the Republic of Dahomey, the Gabon Republic, the Re- 
public of Ivory Coast, the Republic of Niger, and the 



Republic of Upper Volta, previously Autonomous Re- 
publics within the French Community, were granted 
independence by France between August 1 and August 17, 
1960; and 

Whereas the Republic of Cyprus, the former British 
Crown Colony of Cyprus, was granted independence by 
the Government of the United Kingdom on August 16, 
1900; and 

Whereas the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Com- 
merce, and the Attorney General have jointly determined 
and reported to me the immigration quotas hereinafter 
set forth : 

Now, therefore, I, Dwight D. Eisenhower, President 
of the United States of America, acting under and by 
virtue of the authority vested in me by the aforesaid 
Act of Congress, do hereby proclaim and make known that 
the annual quotas of the quota areas hereinafter desig- 
nated have been determined in accordance with the law 
to be, and shall be, as follows : 

Quota area Quota 

Cameroun 100 

Central African Republic 100 

Chad 100 

Congo 100 

Congo, Republic of the 100 

Cyprus 100 

Dahomey 100 

Gabon ioo 

Ivory Coast ioo 

Malagasy Republic 100 

Niger ioo 

Somali Republic 100 

Togo ioo 

Upper Volta ioo 

The establishment of an immigration quota for any 
quota area is solely for the purpose of compliance with 
the pertinent provisions of the Immigration and National- 
ity Act and is not to be considered as having any sig- 
nificance extraneous to such purpose. 

Proclamation No. 3298 of June 3, 1959, entitled "Im- 
migration Quotas," a is amended by the abolishment of 
the immigration quotas established for Cameroun (trust 
territory, France), Somaliland (trust territory, Italy), 
Togo (trust territory, France), and by the addition of 
the immigration quotas established by this proclamation. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
and caused the Seal of the United States of America to 
be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington this twenty-third day 

of September in the year of our Lord nineteen 

[seal] hundred and sixty and of the Independence of 

the United States of America the one hundred 

and eighty-fifth. 

By the President : 
Douglas Dillon, 
Acting Secretary of State. 



1 No. 3372 ; 25 Fed. Reg. 9283. 



! For text, see Bulletin of July 6, 1959, p. 19. 



October 24, I960 



655 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



U.S. Commends Secretary-General 
on Reply to Soviet Attack 

Following is a statement made on October 3 by 
U.S. Representative James J. Wadsworth when 
he was asked to comment upon an address by Secre- 
tary-General Dag Hammarskjold before the U.N. 
General Assembly on that date. Mr. Hammar- 
skjold defended his actions as Secretary-General 
against charges by Soviet Premier Nikita Khru- 
shchev, who in an address to the General Assembly 
on October 3 asked for the resignation of Mr. 
Hammarskjold and a reorganization of the office 
of the Secretary-General. 

U.S. delegation press release 3518 

Mr. Hammarskjold showed tremendous courage. 
I am sure Mr. Khrushchev was not happy about 
this speech — as was shown by his pounding his 
desk. 

Mr. Hammarskjold's statement that he will stay 
to the end of his term is a very fine augury for the 
future. 

Modifications proposed by Mr. Khrushchev and 
Mr. Nkrumah, 1 which in each case amount to 
government by committee, will not work. Mr. 
Khrushchev's proposal for a three-man committee 
to run the Organization is the most ludicrous 
thing I have ever heard and if taken seriously 
shows a determination to destroy the United 
Nations. 

Puerto Rico Refutes Charges of U.S. 
Colonialism by Cuba and U.S.S.R. 

U.S. delegation press release 3513 dated September 29 

Following is the text of a letter from Ambassa- 
dor James J. Wadsworth, U.S. Representative to 
the United Nations, to Ambassador Frederick H. 
Boland, President of the General Assembly, trans- 
mitting a letter and message from Luis Munoz 



1 Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana, addressed the 
General Assembly on Sept. 23. 



Marin, Governor of the C ommonioealth of Puerto 
Rico, to the President of the General Assembly 
and to all members of tlie United Nations. 



LETTER OF AMBASSADOR WADSWORTH 

September 28, 1960 

Excellency : I have the honor to enclose a letter 
in both the English and Spanish languages which 
I have received from the Honorable Luis Mufioz 
Marin, Governor of the Commonwealth of Puerto 
Rico, relating to statements made in the General 
Debate concerning Puerto Rico. He has asked 
that I make known to you and to all members of 
the United Nations the views of the Common- 
wealth Government as set forth in a message which 
Governor Munoz Marin attached to his letter. 

I would be grateful if you would arrange to have 
Governor Munoz Marin's letter and his mes- 
sage circulated to the members of the General 
Assembly. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Jakes J. Wadsworth 
His Excellency 
Mr. Frederick H. Boland 
President of the Fifteenth Session 
of the General Assembly. 



LETTER OF GOVERNOR MUNOZ MARIN 

September 27, 1960 

Chairman of the United States Delegation 

to the United Nations 
2 Park Avenue 
New York 16, N.Y. 

Dear Mr. Chairman : In view of the charges of 
United States colonialism against Puerto Rico 
raised at the General Assembly of the United 
Nations by the Soviet and the Cuban delegations, 
I should appreciate your making known to the 
President of the General Assembly and to all mem- 



656 



Department of State Bulletin 



bers of the United Nations the views of the Com- 
monwealth Government which I have included in 
the attached message. 
Sincerely, 

Luis Munoz Marin 

Enclosure 

September 27, 1960 

Message From the Honorable Luis Munoz Marin, Gov- 
ernor of the Commonwealth of Puebto Rico, to the 
President of the General Assembly and to All 
Members of the United Nations 

In view of the charges of United States colonialism 
against Puerto Rico, raised at the General Assembly of 
the United Nations by the Soviet and Cuban delegations, 
I have the honor of bringing to your attention the follow- 
ing views of the Commonwealth Government. 

The people of Puerto Rico strongly adhere to the demo- 
cratic way of life, based on the respect of minority rights, 
the protection and furtherance of individual freedoms, 
and the effective exercise of the right to vote in free, un- 
hindered elections. There can be no genuine self-deter- 
mination unless these conditions are met. 

Puerto Rico has truly and effectively met them and it 
has freely chosen its present relationship with the United 
States. The people of Puerto Rico are a self-governing 
people freely associated to the United States of America 
on the basis of mutual consent and respect. The policies 
regarding the cultural and economic development of 
Puerto Rico are in the hands of the people of Puerto Rico 
themselves for them to determine according to their best 
interests. 

The United Nations General Assembly, by Resolution of 
November 19.">3, has solemnly recognized that the people 
of Puerto Rico effectively exercised their right to self-de- 
termination in establishing the Commonwealth as an auto- 
nomous political entity on a mutually agreed association 
with the United States. 1 In further regard to the prin- 
ciple of self-determination, the Commonwealth Legisla- 
tive Assembly has approved this very year a law author- 
izing another vote on Puerto Rico's status whenever 10 
per cent of the electors request it. 

More than 13,000 visitors and trainees from all over 
the world, including thousands from the new states in 
Africa and Asia now represented at the United Nations, 
have seen with their own eyes the social and economic 
achievements of the Commonwealth under free, demo- 
cratic institutions. As an example of Puerto Rico's great 
forward strides as a Commonwealth, the rate of growth of 
the net Commonwealth income in 1959 was 9.4%, one of 
the highest in the entire world. 

The People of Puerto Rico fully support the United 
Nations as a symbol of a world order, ruled by law and 
the principle of self-determination, and hope that through 
the United Nations a militant campaign for peace is de- 
veloped that would avoid the nuclear extinction of our 
civilization. 



U.S. Requests Inclusion of Item 
on Africa in U.N. Agenda 

Following is a statement by James J. Wads- 
xoorth, U.S. Representative, made in the General 
Committee on September 28, together with the text 
of a letter from Mr. Wadsworth to Secretary- 
General Hammarskjold requesting inclusion of an 
item on Africa in the agenda of the 15th regular 
session of the U.N. General Assembly. 

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR WADSWORTH 

U.S. delegation press release 3511 

The United States requests inclusion of an addi- 
tional item of an important and urgent character 
entitled "Africa : A United Nations Program for 
Independence and Development." This request is 
a natural result of the desire of my Government, 
as expressed to the General Assembly by Presi- 
dent Eisenhower on September 22, 1 to achieve the 
objectives of the United Nations Charter in the 
continent of Africa. 

The United States seeks the inscription of this 
new item in order to encourage constructive de- 
bate and positive results at the 15th session of the 
General Assembly. 

In our view a broad United Nations program 
of assistance is needed urgently, one in which all 
members may participate to the benefit of human 
progress in Africa. 

Proposals for achieving these goals were pre- 
sented, as I say, by President Eisenhower and are 
included in the explanatory memorandum which 
members of this committee will find before them 
iu document A/4515. I trust that the committee 
will find it possible to include this in their recom- 
mendation for inscription. 



TEXT OF LETTER 

U.S. delegation press release 3509 

September 28, 1960 
Dear Mr. Secretary-General: On behalf of 
the Government of the United States, I have the 
honor to request inclusion of the following addi- 
tional item of an important and urgent character, 
under Eule 15 of the General Assembly's Kules of 



1 For background and text of the resolution, see Bul- 
letin of Dec. 14, 1953, p. 841. 



1 Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 



Ocfober 24, I960 



657 



Procedure, in the agenda of the Fifteenth Regu- 
lar Session : 

"Africa : A United Nations Program for Inde- 
pendence and Development". 

In accordance with Rule 20 of the Rules of Pro- 
cedure, an explanatory memorandum is attached 
to this letter. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

James J. Wadsworth 

Explanatory Memorandum 

In his statement before the General Assembly 
on 22 September, 1960, the President of the United 
States proposed a five-point program for assist- 
ance to the new countries of Africa. United Na- 
tions action is required, the President stated, "be- 
cause the drive of self-determination and of rising 
human aspirations is creating a new world of in- 
dependent nations of Africa, even as it is produc- 
ing a new world of both ferment and of promise 
in all developing areas. An awakening humanity 
in these regions demands as never before that we 
make a renewed attack on poverty, illiteracy and 
disease." 

The challenges of peace and orderly progress in 
freedom can best be met by the combined efforts of 
the world community operating through the 
United Nations. The United States has already 
made substantial direct contributions to the de- 
velopment of new countries and will continue to 
do so, but the efforts of any one country or group 
of countries are insufficient to raise all the funds, 
provide all the skills and assure the complete im- 
partiality of action required by the new nations. 
It is imperative that the international community 
protect the newly emerging countries of Africa 
from outside pressures that threaten their inde- 
pendence and sovereign rights and that retard 
their development in all fields. 

The new African states which have become 
members of the United Nations at this session as 
well as the others who will be admitted later this 
year and in 1961 have the right to choose their 
own way of life and to determine for themselves 
the course they wish to follow. The United States 
believes that all member states should pledge 
themselves to refrain from intervening in the in- 
ternal affairs of these nations, to refrain from 
generating disputes between them and to desist 



from all actions designed to intensify or exploit 
present unsettled conditions in the Congo. 

The United Nations should make it clear that 
it is prepared to assure the security of the new 
African states and to help them avoid wasteful 
competition in armaments through appropriate 
machinery, thus helping them to free their re- 
sources for more constructive purposes. As a 
token of willingness to cooperate, in such a pro- 
gram, the United States hopes that member states 
will pledge substantial resources to the interna- 
tional program of assistance to the Congo organ- 
ized by the Secretary General. 

United Nations institutions and affiliated or- 
ganizations should help African countries to shape 
their long-term development programs, in order 
to assist in their war against poverty, illiteracy 
and disease. The United Nations Special Fund 
and expanded Technical Assistance Program 
should be increased so that in combination they 
can reach their annual $100,000,000 goal in 1961. 
The Special Fund's functions should be expanded 
so that it can assist countries in planning economic 
development. Similarly, the United Nations 
Operational and Executive Personnel Program for 
making available trained administrators to the 
new countries should be placed on a permanent 
basis. The World Bank and International Mone- 
tary Fund should be encouraged increasingly to 
provide counsel and timely assistance to the new 
states, as they qualify for aid. 

Inasmuch as national independence is an essen- 
tial step toward the ultimate goal of individual 
freedom, an expanded all-out United Nations ef- 
fort to assist in educational advancement should 
be undertaken. As part of this effort, the family 
of United Nations organizations in the educational 
field should collaborate with the new African 
states to assist and establish such new or expanded 
programs as they might desire. 

The Government of the United States of Amer- 
ica believes that these and similar proposals would, 
if implemented vigorously, go far towards placing 
the independence of the new African states on the 
soundest possible footing. In the words of the 
Charter, a United Nations program for Africa 
would help "to develop friendly relations among 
nations based on respect for the principle of equal 
rights and self-determination of peoples . . ." 
It would also be a manifestation of "international 
cooperation in solving international problems of 



658 



Department of State Bulletin 



an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian 
character, and in promoting and encouraging re- 
spect for human rights and for fundamental free- 
doms for all . . ." In serving the cause of human 
progress in dignity and freedom in Africa, the 
United Nations would be serving the highest as- 
pirations of mankind. 

In order to achieve the foregoing objectives, the 
United States is accordingly submitting an item 
entitled "Africa : A United Nations Program for 
Independence and Development". 



Federation of Nigeria Admitted 
to U.N. Membership 

Following are statements made on October 7 
by Secretary Herter in the Security Council and 
by U.S. Representative Francis O. Wilcox in 
plenary session on the application of the Federa- 
tion of Nigeria for membership in the United 
Nations. 1 



STATEMENT BY SECRETARY HERTER 

U.S. /U.N. press release 3521 

Since I will be unable to attend the meeting of 
the General Assembly this afternoon to partici- 
pate at the ceremonies there which we all 
anticipate with so much pleasure, I asked for the 
privilege of participating in the meeting of the 
Security Council this morning. I could not ask 
for a more pleasant occasion to make my debut than 
the present one, when we are being asked to recom- 
mend to the General Assembly that the Federa- 
tion of Nigeria be admitted to United Nations 
membership. The United States endorses this 
recommendation with great pleasure. 

This is perhaps a good time to look briefly at 
the remarkable renaissance which is going on in 
Africa. I feel certain that historians when they 
examine the events of this year will single out as 
the outstanding political fact of the year, if not, 
indeed, of the decade, the remarkable advancement 
of political freedom in Africa. Other events may 
cause more passing furor, but the achievement of 



1 The Security Council on Oct. 7 unanimously recom- 
mended the admission of the Federation of Nigeria, and 
on the same day the General Assembly admitted it by 
acclamation. 



independence by 16 new African states during the 
first 10 months of 1960 is one of the stirring phe- 
nomena of our days. Today virtually all of west 
x\frica is either independent or soon to achieve 
independence. 

The people of Nigeria have won their independ- 
ence, but they have won our warmest admiration 
by the way they have gone about the winning of it. 
They have done it by demonstrating, time and 
again and in many fields, that Nigerians are 
anxious to enjoy the satisfactions of independence 
and fully capable of assuming its responsibilities. 
They have done it also by reaching agreement 
among themselves on the form and structure of 
their federation in one of the most constructive 
acts of statesmanship of the past decade. 

When the green and white Nigerian flag was 
raised at one minute past midnight on October 1, 
it marked the culmination of a process which be- 
gan nearly a century ago. 

During a recent visit to New York a dis- 
tinguished Nigerian said : 

Our country presents a picture of political stability. 
There is no absence of politics, and at times controversy 
runs high, as it does in any free country, but the basic 
factor in our political life is stability. We have not rushed 
unprepared into independence, but we have advanced step 
by step over the years. . . . 

Through the enlightened policies of Great 
Britain, Nigerians have been trained in ever larger 
numbers for the responsibilities of leadership. 
This policy has been carried out right here at the 
United Nations, where Nigerian officials have for a 
number of years followed United Nations activi- 
ties closely as members of United Kingdom delega- 
tions. Today they are thoroughly familiar with 
the practices and procedures of the United Nations 
and will be able to make an important contribution 
to our work without delay. Already Nigeria has 
agreed to send a battalion to the Congo to join the 
United Nations Force there, which is a signal 
service which we all applaud warmly. 

It is no exaggeration to say that the world lias 
watched Nigeria's progress toward independence 
with unparalleled attention. Certainly few recent 
events have so captured the imagination of the 
American people. This, I believe, is due to a num- 
ber of related reasons. 

First, Nigeria is the most populous country on 
the African Continent, containing about 15 per- 
cent of Africa's total population. 



October 24, 1960 



659 



Secondly, Nigeria, with its great size and diver- 
sity, has become a functioning federation. To 
operate a federal structure effectively, as our 170 
years of experience with this system of govern- 
ment shows, requires a willingness to accept diver- 
sity and to cultivate a spirit of accommodation 
and conciliation. Nigerians have already abun- 
dantly demonstrated these qualities. They have 
adopted a course of freedom and equality for all 
ethnic groups. This, we believe, is the real road to 
lasting national unity. 

Thirdly, Nigeria has all the muscle and sinew 
required for great economic expansion. Not only 
does it possess great natural resources, but its 
people are hard working. Moreover, its Govern- 
ment, with its kind of experience and dedicated 
officers, can be expected to follow wise economic 
policies. With these essential ingredients for eco- 
nomic development, and with the assistance of the 
United Nations and of its friends — among whom 
the United States is proud to count itself — eco- 
nomic advancement can be confidently expected. 

Nigeria will face serious challenges in the de- 
velopment of its new state. We believe, however, 
that Nigeria has the men, the resources, and the 
will to succeed. 

But Nigeria can accomplish more than national 
fulfillment, important though this is. It has a 
role to play in Africa as well. It enters upon in- 
dependent life at a time when the African Conti- 
nent is alive to the needs for closer cooperation 
and searching for the proper forms to express it. 
Nigeria, with its unity formed from diversity and 
its dedication to freedom, can do much to point the 
proper way toward a wider unity. 

We have with us today Nigeria's Federal Prime 
Minister, Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, 
and the members of his delegation. He has im- 
pressed all who have met him with his wisdom and 
political realism. On many occasions he has given 
generously of his time to Americans visiting his 
country, and therefore I am particularly pleased 
to welcome him to these shores. 

Mr. President, the United States will vote with 
great satisfaction for the resolution * submitted by 
the United Kingdom, Tunisia, and Ceylon recom- 
mending that the Federation of Nigeria be admit- 
ted to membership in the United Nations. 



: U.N. doe. S/4548. 



STATEMENT BY MR. WILCOX 

U.S. delegation press release 3522 

This morning in the Security Council Secretary 
of State Herter spoke at some length about the 
reasons why the United States considers this such 
an auspicious day. It is Nigeria's day at the 
United Nations, and there could not be very many 
better reasons for joy than that. 

But as Secretary Herter said this morning, 
we believe Nigeria's day here gives us also 
the occasion to contemplate the truly remark- 
able renaissance that is going on in all of Africa 
and to applaud the vital forces of liberty and 
national dignity which are reaching floodtide 
there. 

Indeed, I would go so far as to say that the 
rapid advance of political freedom in Africa con- 
stitutes one of the most important developments of 
the 20th century. Never before in history have 
so many independent states emerged upon the 
world scene in such a short period of time. 

We in the United States cannot help but be pro- 
foundly moved by these developments. Many mil- 
lions of our citizens have their racial origins in 
Africa. The United States itself is a young coun- 
try. We know from intimate experience what it 
means to forge a nation from a population of di- 
verse origin and experience. We know also from 
firsthand experience of the exhilaration which 
can come from hard work and cooperative effort 
which newly won independence can inspire. 

Nigeria begins its national life with many ad- 
vantages and with many friends. We have just 
heard warm speeches of welcome from Nigeria's 
partners in the Commonwealth. 

The United States salutes the United Kingdom 
and the other members of the Commonwealth on 
this day when the newest member enters the 
United Nations. But most of all, Mr. President, 
we bid a warm and cordial welcome to Nigeria, 
its people, and its leaders. AVe look forward to a 
valuable and cooperative association with Nigeria 
in the important work of the United Nations. 

Mr. President, in our country we have watched 
Nigeria progress toward independence with great 
attention and admiration. We extend our hearty 
congratulations and our sincere best wishes to the 
Government and people of that great land for con- 
tinued progress in the years that lie ahead. 



660 



Department of State Bulletin 



The 1960 United Nations Conference on Tin 



by C. W. Nichols 



The 1960 United Nations Conference on Tin 
met at the headquarters of the United Nations, at 
New York, from May 23 to June 24. It was the 
third negotiation to be convened under the auspi- 
ces of the U.N. for the purpose of establishing an 
intergovernmental agreement to regulate interna- 
tional trade in tin. 

The other two negotiating conferences had been 
arranged at the request of the International Tin 
Study Group, which had the world tin situation 
under very active review during the years 1947- 
53. 1 The members of the Study Group were gov- 
ernments of countries which were substantially 
interested in the production or consumption of 
tin. 

The first of these conferences, held in 1950, was 
unable to reach an agreement. The second was 
held late in 1953 and established the text of an 
agreement which was opened for signature on be- 
half of governments as of March 1, 1954. 2 This is 
the existing International Tin Agreement, which 
entered into force on July 1, 1956, and is scheduled 
to expire on June 30, 1961. 

The present agreement is administered by the 
International Tin Council, in which all govern- 
ments participating in the agreement are repre- 
sented. The Council gave consideration during 
the years 1958 and 1959 to the need for a continu- 
ing program of international control and decided 
that the present agreement should be succeeded by 
a second agreement, which should take effect with- 
out any lapse or interval. 

The Council thereupon requested the United Na- 



tions to convene a conference for the consideration 
of a second agreement. The Secretary-General of 
the U.N., on the advice of the Interim Coordinat- 
ing Committee for International Commodity Ar- 
rangements, extended invitations to governments 
and circulated, as a basis for discussions at the 
Conference, the draft of a new agreement which 
had been prepared by a technical committee of 
the International Tin Council. 

The world market for tin had, of course, known 
international control arrangements of various 
kinds from time to time long before the establish- 
ment of the United Nations. The earliest of those 
were negotiated and administered by private com- 
panies without the official participation of govern- 
ments. Later arrangements were official in char- 
acter and had as participants the governments of 
countries which accounted for the bulk of world 
production and exports. 

Governments of consuming countries, as well as 
those of producing countries, participated in the 
administration of programs for international al- 
location of tin during World "War II and the early 
postwar period. 

During the decade of the 1940's there came to 
be general acceptance of the principle that interna- 
tional commodity control arrangements should be 
open to the governments of countries having a 
substantial interest in consumption or trade as 
well as those which are principally interested in 
production. 



1 For an article by Mr. Nichols on the Study Group, see 
Bulletin of May 18, 1953, p. 724. 

* For an article by Mr. Nichols on the 1953 Conference, 
see ibid., Feb. 15, 1954, p. 239. 



• Mr. Nichols is Special Assistant to the 
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs. 
He was the observer for the United States 
at the 1960 V.N. Conference on Tin. 



October 24, 1960 



661 



The institutional arrangements and methods of 
operation have changed very greatly, but some 
of the interests involved and the general objec- 
tives of present controls have much in common 
with the earlier international schemes for tin. 

Tin is produced principally in underdeveloped 
countries; revenues derived from its sale are very 
important to several of them. "World consump- 
tion of tin has experienced less growth than that of 
other raw materials. World production of tin is 
largely concentrated in a few countries which have 
small consumption but export the bulk of their 
output. Neither production nor consumption re- 
sponds readily to a modest change in price. In 
the absence of regulation, the market for tin has 
been subject to extreme price fluctuations and these 
have sometimes had very adverse effects not only 
in producing countries but also in consuming 
countries. 

Problems of International Control 

All of the international tin arrangements have 
sought to reduce the tendency of the tin market 
toward excessive instability of price. While the 
need for greater stability has not been widely chal- 
lenged, there have been differences of opinion con- 
cerning the best means to that end, and these 
questions continue to be subject to debate. 

There is danger that controls which are under- 
taken for the purpose of price stabilization may 
inhibit increased productivity and place undue 
restriction on the development of more economical 
production. The significant effects on prices 
might not be limited to the smoothing of extreme 
swings. There is some concern and some evidence 
that price stabilization programs raise the aver- 
age price over a representative period of time. 
The maintenance of high prices could put an un- 
reasonable burden on consumers and jeopardize 
the longer term interests of efficient producers in 
an expansion of consumption. 

These reservations concerning the various kinds 
of international controls which have been applied 
to tin raise questions which are difficult to resolve. 

Consideration must be given to the vulnerability 
of underdeveloped countries to short-term fluctua- 
tions of commodity prices. These are character- 
istically more extreme than would be necessary 
to warn producers and consumers of the future 
needs of the market. The countries which are 



the principal producers of tin have a clear need 
for more income and capital. Tin is consumed 
principally in industrialized countries which have 
achieved a level of income that is generally higher 
than that of the producing countries and is not 
heavily dependent on the price of tin. 

Most proponents of the tin agreement insist 
that it is not the intention or the desire to raise 
the level of the market price, on the average, 
over a period of time. However, it appears that 
this has been the effect and that this is the pros- 
pect under a continuation of such regulation. The 
revenues derived from the export of tin seem 
to be higher in the short and medium term, at 
the expense of consumers, than would otherwise 
be the case. The longer term effects are less clear. 
These will depend upon the impact of the controls 
themselves upon the future volume of consump- 
tion, the trend of prospecting and development, 
and other circumstances which are not readily 
predictable. 

The apparent short-run advantage which the 
agreement offers to the producing countries is, 
within limits, considered by some to be a justi- 
fiable form of international cooperation in view 
of the broad international interest in the economic 
progress of those countries. Others emphasize, 
however, that much of the additional payments 
exacted from consumers of tin by the operation of 
the agreement does not get back to projects and 
programs of economic development which have 
broad national interest in the producing countries 
and which constitute the subject of particular in- 
ternational concern. It would seem likely that 
only a part of the special addition to export rev- 
enues which accrues from the operation of the 
agreement gets back to basic economic develop- 
ment, and that part might be seen to be relatively 
small if it were possible to trace all of the trans- 
fers and alternatives. 

Some opinion, of course, takes direct issue with 
the basic proposition that an international com- 
modity control agreement should not raise the 
average price, contending instead that the cir- 
cumstances under which tin and other primary 
commodities are produced and marketed tend — in 
the absence of regulatory machinery — toward per- 
sistent deterioration in the economic position of 
primary-product producers and an inequitable re- 
lationship to manufacturing industries and the 
prices of fabricated goods. 



662 



Department of State Bulletin 



Basic Elements of Second Agreement 

Invitations to the Tin Conference of 1960 were 
sent to all governments which are members of the 
United Nations, the Interim Commission for the 
International Trade Organization, the Food and 
Agriculture Organization of the U.N., and the 
International Tin Council. 3 Twenty-three gov- 
ernments were represented by delegates. Ob- 
servers were present to represent 12 other gov- 
ernments and 4 international organizations. 

The United States had participated hi the ne- 
gotiations of 1950 and 1953 but was represented 
in the 1960 conference by an observer, since this 
Government was not participating in the exist- 
ing agreement and did not expect to become a sig- 
natory to the second agreement. 

The new agreement which was prepared by this 
Conference is similar in its basic elements to the 
present control program. 

The proposed second agreement provides for a 
price range and seeks to prevent excessive fluctua- 
tions by attempting to keep the price of tin on the 
London Metal Exchange within the limits of this 
range as established by the agreement or subse- 
quently revised by the Council. The stabilization 
objectives are sought partly through the opera- 
tion of a buffer stock but principally through the 
authority of the Council to establish quantitative 
restrictions on exports from producing countries 
which participate in the agreement. The Council 
is also empowered to make recommendations to 
participating countries in the event of a tin 
shortage. 



' Delegates attended for all of the producing countries in 
the present agreement (Belgian Congo and Ruanda- 
Urundi, Bolivia, Indonesia, Malaya, Nigeria, and Thai- 
land) and for the following countries which participate 
in this agreement as consumers : Australia, Belgium, 
Canada, Denmark, France, India, Italy, Korea, the Nether- 
lauds, Spain, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Dele- 
gates also attended for five countries which do not par- 
ticipate in the present agreement: the Federal Republic 
of Germany, Guinea, Japan, Mexico, and the United 
Arab Republic. 

Israel, a participant in the present agreement, was not 
represented at the Conference; Austria, also a partici- 
pant, was represented by an observer. Observers were 
also present for Brazil, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, 
Norway, Peru, Rumania, Sweden, the U.S.S.R., the United 
States, Venezuela, Viet-Nam, the International Labor Or- 
ganization, the Food and Agriculture Organization, tile 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 
and the International Monetary Fund. 



Many consuming interests have considered that 
the midpoint of the price range in the present 
agreement is above the average price which might 
reasonably be expected to materialize over a rep- 
resentative period of time in the absence of con- 
trols. They notice that the supply of tin on the 
world market has been restricted by the continua- 
tion of export quotas under the agreement even 
when demand was at levels generally considered to 
be normal or above. Their viewpoint is in con- 
flict, of course, with the desire of some producing 
interests that the agreement should have a target 
price range even higher than it has at present. 

The Conference decided that the initial prices in 
the second agreement will be £730-£880 sterling 
per long ton (91140-$1.1O per pound) , unless other 
prices are in force at the date of the termination 
of the first agreement, in which case these other 
prices would be substituted. The "ceiling" of 
£880 sterling, therefore, continues for the present 
as it was negotiated in 1953. The "floor" price of 
£610 sterling which was negotiated originally in 
the first agreement was raised to £730 sterling by 
vote of the International Tin Council in 1957. 

Enlarged Powers of Council 

The specific provisions of the second agreement 
differ in numerous aspects from those in the first 
agreement. 

The Council is given considerably greater dis- 
cretion. It will be authorized to change the three 
sectors which subdivide the price range for pur- 
poses of buffer-stock operations. The Council 
will also be authorized to suspend buffer-stock op- 
erations. The additional flexibility of the second 
agreement includes other new authorities for the 
Council, such as power to reduce the quantity of 
metal which the buffer stock must hold as a prereq- 
uisite for the control of exports, to borrow funds 
for buffer stock operations, and to pledge assets 
of the buffer stock for such loans. 

The enlarged powers of the Council will also in- 
clude new authorities for temporary reallocation 
(with the consent of the countries concerned) of 
the shares which producing countries have in the 
total of permissible exports; for extension of the 
duration of the agreement for a period or periods 
up to 1 additional year beyond 5 years ; and for 
the determination of the length of time, up to 1 
year, during which the second agreement may be 
provisionally in force on the basis of notifications 



Ocfober 24, J 960 



663 



by governments of their intention to accept and 
in the absence of the specified minimum number 
of completed formal acceptances. 

The size of the buffer stock will be reduced from 
the 25,000 tons specified in the first agreement to 
20,000 tons in the second agreement. This reduces 
more or less proportionately the capacity of that 
stock to safeguard consumers against the danger 
that export restrictions established on the basis of 
estimates of future demand might prove in fact to 
be overly severe in relation to actual demand. 
Safeguards for consumer interests are also weak- 
ened by the reduction from 10,000 tons to 5,000 
tons in the amount of metal which must be held in 
the buffer stock as a precondition for the estab- 
lishment of export controls after a period in which 
controls are not in effect. 

Bolivia and Indonesia would start the second 
agreement with somewhat smaller shares of the 
total permissible exports than they had at the 
outset of the first agreement. The percentages 
of both countries had already been reduced, and 
the percentages of other exporting countries in- 
creased, by decisions taken in the administration 
of the first agreement. The initial percentages of 
the respective producing countries under the sec- 
ond agreement would not be changed very much 
from the actual percentages which they have in 
1960-61, the final year of the present agreement. 

The second agreement eliminates the obligation 
which was placed on the Council by the first 
agreement to consider annually a limited reallo- 
cation of producing countries' percentages with 
a view toward providing relatively increasing op- 
portunities for more effective suppliers. The sec- 
ond agreement substitutes new provisions under 
which a redetermination of these percentages will 
be made from time to time in proportion to the 
actual production of the countries concerned in 
periods of four or more consecutive quarters dur- 
ing which exports are not controlled. No rede- 
termination would occur if exports were controlled 
in parts of each period of 12 consecutive months. 
The effects might be similar to those of the origi- 
nal provision, but the new provision might also 
encourage some producing countries to associate 
themselves with consuming countries in allowing 
periods of freedom in relatively balanced market 
situations, thereby reducing any danger that the 
Council might be unduly reluctant to remove ex- 



port res! lict ions completely except in an unusually 
strong market. 

The second agreement will be open for signature 
at London from September 1, 1960, until Decem- 
ber 31, 1960, by governments which were repre- 
sented at the Conference this year. The agree- 
ment will enter into force on July 1, 1961, if a suffi- 
cient number of signatory governments accept or 
ratify to meet the minimum requirements of nine 
consuming countries and six producing countries 
entitled to specified numbers of votes in the new 
Council. 

If the original entry into force is provisional, 
by virtue of being based on notifications of in- 
tention rather than on completed acceptances, 
additional ratifications or acceptances will bring 
the agreement definitively into force within a year 
after July 1, 1961, if they are sufficient to reach 
the required minimum of formal acceptances. If 
there are not enough acceptances, the agreement 
will terminate not later than June 30, 1962. 

Assuming that the agreement enters definitively 
into force, its duration, except in certain specified 
special circumstances, would be 5 years, during 
which period accession would be open to any gov- 
ernment with the consent of, and upon conditions 
to be determined by, the Council. 

United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

llth Session of the UNESCO Genera! Conference 

The Department of State announced on Septem- 
ber 26 (press release 559) that President Eisen- 
hower had on that day appointed the following 
persons to be U.S. representatives to the llth 
session of the General Conference of the United 
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or- 
ganization (UNESCO), to be held at Faris from 
November 14 to December 13, 1960 : 

Robert H. Thayer, chairman, Special Assistant to the Sec- 
retary of State for the Coordination of International 
Educational and Cultural Relations 

William S. Dix, viae chairman, librarian of Princeton 
University and chairman of the U.S. National Commis- 
sion for UNESCO 

Bertha S. Adkins, Under Secretary of Health, Education, 
and Welfare 

Horace E. Henderson, former Deputy Assistant Secretary 
of State for International Organization Affairs 

George N. Shuster, U.S member of UNESCO Executive 
Board 



664 



Department of Sfofe Bulletin 



In addition to two congressional advisers, who 
will be designated, the principal adviser to the 
U.S. delegation will be Henry J. Kellermann, U.S. 
Permanent Kepresentative to UNESCO in Paris. 

Other members of the U.S. delegation will 
include : 

Advisers 

Frederick H. Burkhardt, president, American Council of 
Learned Societies 

Alfred De Grazia, chairman, Institute of Applied Social 
Science Research, New York University 

Frank England, Office of International Conferences, 
Department of State 

Magdalen Flexner, American Embassy, Paris 

Harry Goldberg, International Affairs Department, AFL- 
CIO 

James F. Hughes, American Embassy, Paris 

Frank Maria, labor-management consultant, Lowell, 
Mass. 

L. Arthur Minnich, Jr., director, secretariat of the U.S. 
National Commission for UNESCO 

John H. Moore, Office of International Administration, 
Department of State 

E. Frederic Morrow, administrative officer (special proj- 
ects), Executive Office of the President 

Joseph B. Piatt, president, Harvey Mudd College 

Wilbur L. Schramm, director, Institute of Communica- 
tions Research, Stanford University 

James Simsarian, Office of International Economic and 
Social Affairs, Department of State 

Fredericka M. Tandler, Office of Education, Department 
of Health, Education, and Welfare 

Andy G. Wilkison, secretariat of the U.S. National Com- 
mission for UNESCO 

William B. Young, Office of International Conferences, 
Department of State 

The General Conference is UNESCO's govern- 
ing body. It consists of delegates from each of 
the 82-member states and meets once every 2 years 
to study and adopt the program and budget and 
to decide on major policy issues. Air Executive 
Board, elected by the General Conference, super- 
vises the execution of the program between ses- 
sions of the General Conference. 

For the 1961-62 biennium, the Director General, 
Yittorino Veronese, has presented a program call- 
ing for an appropriation from member states of 
approximately $29 million, about a 13.5 percent 
increase over 1959-60. 

UNESCO proposes during 1961-62 to concen- 
trate its efforts and resources on those activities 
which will contribute optimum results to the 
advancement of peace and international under- 
standing. These activities include the continuing 
campaign to eradicate illiteracy, to encourage 



scientific cooperation, particularly in arid-zones 
research and oceanography, to develop mass-media 
techniques in the emerging nations, and to en- 
courage appreciation of the cultures of all mem- 
ber states. In this field UNESCO is spearheading 
an international campaign to preserve the historic 
sites and monuments of the Nubia, an area which 
will be flooded when the Aswan Dam is con- 
structed. 

In the deliberations of the General Conference 
at Paris in November, special consideration will 
be given to the urgent need for larger educational 
facilities in Asia, the Near East, and Africa. 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Atomic Energy 

Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Done 
at New York October 26, 1956. Entered into force July 
29, 1957. TIAS 3873. 
Ratification deposited: Colombia, September 30, 1960. 

Automotive Traffic 

Convention on road traffic with annexes, and protocol con- 
cerning countries or territories at present occupied. 
Done at Geneva September 19, 1949. Entered into force 
March 26, 1952. TIAS 2487. 
Accession deposited: Chile, August 10, I960. 1 

Customs convention on the temporary importation of pri- 
vate road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 1954. 
Entered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 3943. 
Extension to: British Honduras, September 12, 1960. 

Patents 

Agreement for the mutual safeguarding of secrecy of in- 
ventions relating to defense and for which applications 
for patents have been made. Done at Paris September 
21, 1960. Enters into force 30 days after deposit of 
second instrument of ratification or approval. 
Signatures : Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, Greece, Italy, Luxembourg, 
Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Turkey, United 
Kingdom, and United States, September 21, 1960. 

Postal Services 

Universal postal convention with final protocol, annex, 
regulations of execution, and provisions regarding air- 
mail, with final protocol. Done at Ottawa October 3, 
1957. Entered into force April 1, 1959. TIAS 4202. 



1 Excluding annex 1 from application of convention. 



Ocfober 24, 7960 



665 



Ratification deposited: Federal Republic of Germany, 
August 30, I960. 

Telecommunications 

Telegraph regulations (Geneva revision, 1958) annexed 
to the international telecommunication convention of 
December 22, 1952 (TIAS 3266), with appendixes and 
final protocol. Done at Geneva November 29, 1958. 
Entered into force January 1, 1960. TIAS 4390. 
Notification of approval: Poland, August 22, 1960. 

Trade and Commerce 

Declaration on relations between contracting parties to 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the 
Government of the Polish People's Republic. Done at 
Tokyo November 9, 1959. 2 

Signature (subject to ratification) : Ghana, August 19, 
1960. 
Proces-verbal further extending the validity of the decla- 
ration extending the standstill provisions of article 
XVI :4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 
(TIAS 4345). Done at Tokyo November 19, 1959. 2 
Signatures: Austria and Finland, November 19, 1959; 
Belgium (subject to ratification), February 24, 1960: 
Denmark, February 25, 1960 ; France, March 9, 1960 ; 
Norway, March 14, 1960; Luxembourg, April 12, 1960; 
Japan,' April 26, 1960; Netherlands, May 12, 1960; 
Turkey, July 7, 1960; United States (with a state- 
ment) , August 2, 1900. 
Declaration confirming signature: Belgium, April 5, 
1960. 

Whaling 

International whaling convention and schedule of whal- 
ing regulations. Signed at Washington December 2, 
1946. Entered into force November 10, 1948. TIAS 
1849. 

Adherence deposited (ivith a statement) :) Norway, 
September 23, 1960. 



BILATERAL 

Ceylon 

Agricultural commodities agreement under title I of the 
Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 455; 7 U.S.C. 1701-1709), 
with exchange of notes. Signed at Colombo September 
30, 1960. Entered into force September 30, 1960. 

France 

Amendment to agreement of June 19, 1956, as amended 
(TIAS 3689, 3883, and 4313), for cooperation concerning 
the civil uses of atomic energy. Signed at Washington 
September 30, 1960. Enters into force on the day each 
Government receives from the other written notification 
that it has complied with all statutory and constitu- 
tional requirements. 

Israel 

Convention for the avoidance of double taxation of income 
and for the encouragement of international trade and 
investment. Signed at Washington September 30, 1960. 
Enters into force upon exchange of instruments of 
ratification. 

Liberia 

Agreement relating to investment guaranties authorized 
by section 413(b)(4) of the Mutual Security Act of 
1954, as amended (68 Stat. 847; 22 U.S.C. 1933). Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Monrovia September 6 
and 12, 1960. Entered into force September 12, 1960. 



Luxembourg 

Agreement amending the memorandum of understanding 
of July 7, 1954 (TIAS 3029), relating to the disposal of 
redistributable and excess property furnished in connec- 
tion with the mutual defense assistance program. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Luxembourg March 4 
and June 10, I960. Entered into force June 10, 1960. 

Norway 

Agreement amending the agreement of February 13, 1960, 
relating to a weapons production program. Effected 
bv exchange of notes at Oslo April 26 and September 
16, 1960. 

Pakistan 

Agreement supplementing the agricultural commodities 
agreement of April 11, 1960 (TIAS 4470). Effected by 
exchange of notes at Karachi September 23, 1960. En- 
tered into force September 23, 1960. 



Correction 

Bulletin of October 3, 1960. p. 531, 18th line of text 
of second statement of September 17 : The sentence 
should read, "This negative policy has been emphasized 
continually in Soviet action outside the United Nations 
and in attacks on all aspects of the United Nations 
program." 



No. Date 



578 
579 


10/3 
10/3 


580 


10/5 


581 


10/4 



' Not in force. 



Checkl ist of Department of State 
Press Releases ^October 3-9 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office 
of News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to October 3 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 543 of Septem- 
ber 15, 558 and 559 of September 26, 562 of Sep- 
tember 27, and 572 of September 30. 

Subject 

Aviation talks with India. 

Cultural exchange (Republic of the 
Congo). 

Meeting of National Advisory Com- 
mittee on Inter- American Affairs. 

Thayer : "The Growing Role of Cul- 
tural Exchange in International Re- 
lations." 

Thayer : "Does Higher Education Have 
Obligations in Relation to Politi- 
cal Objectives Abroad?" 

Aide memoire to Venezuela on Do- 
minican sugar purchases. 

Union of South Africa credentials (re- 
write). 

Cultural exchange. 

Merchant : Paderewski "Champion of 
Liberty" stamp. 

Bohlen : El Paso City Council Advisory 
Committee. 

Development Assistance Group com- 
munique. 

Buzzing of U.S. submarine by Cuba. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



582 10/4 



583 


10/5 


584 


10/6 


*585 
f586 


10/6 
10/8 


587 


10/7 


588 


10/S 


589 


10/8 



666 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 24, 1960 



Index 



Vol. XLIII, No. HIS 



Africa 

Immigration Quotas Established for Fourteen New 
Nations (text of proclamation) 65-4 

U.S. Requests Inclusion of Item on Africa in U.N. 
Agenda (Wadsworth) 657 

American Republics. Inter-American Advisory 

Committee Holds Sixth Meeting 641 

Aviation. India and U.S. Open Aviation Consulta- 
tions at New Delhi 644 

Communism. Key Characteristics of the Com- 
munist Threat (Bohlen) 635 

Cuba 

Puerto Rico Refutes Charges of U.S. Colonialism by 

Cuba and U.S.S.R. (Mufioz Marin, Wadsworth) . 656 
U.S. Protests Provocative Flight by Cuban Aircraft 640 

Cyprus. Immigration Quotas Established for 

Fourteen New Nations ( text of proclamation ) . 654 

Dominican Republic. U.S. Position on Dominican 
Sugar Purchases Explained to Venezuela (texts 
of U.S. and Venezuelan aide memoire) .... 640 

Economic Affairs 

Development Assistance Group Concludes Third 

Meeting (text of communique) 645 

The 1960 United Nations Conference on Tin 

(Nichols) 661 

U.S. Position on Dominican Sugar Purchases Ex- 
plained to Venezuela (texts of U.S. and Vene- 
zuelan aide memoire) 640 

Educational and Cultural Affairs 

Does Higher Education Have Obligations in Rela- 
tion to Political Objectives Abroad? (Thayer) . 646 

11th Session of the UNESCO General Conference 

(delegation) 664 

Immigration and Naturalization 

Immigration Quotas Established for Fourteen New 
Nations (text of proclamation) 654 

Record Number of Visitors' Visas Issued in Fiscal 
Tear 1960 651 

India. India and U.S. Open Aviation Consulta- 
tions at New Delhi 644 

International Information. Century 21 Exposi- 
tion (text of Executive order) 644 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Development Assistance Group Concludes Third 

Meeting (text of communique) 645 

11th Session of the UNESCO General Conference 

(delegation) 664 

Japan. Crown Prince and Princess of Japan Visit 
Washington (Eisenhower, Merchant, Prince 
Akihito) 642 



Nigeria 

Federation of Nigeria Admitted to U.N. Member- 
ship (Herter, Wilcox) 659 

President and Secretary Congratulate Nigeria on 

Independence 643 

Presidential Documents 

Century 21 Exposition 644 

Crown Prince and Princess of Japan Visit Washing- 
ton 642 

Immigration Quotas Established for Fourteen New 

Nations 654 

President and Secretary Congratulate Nigeria on 

Independence 643 

Science. Century 21 Exposition (text of Executive 

order) 644 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 665 

Union of South Africa. Letters of Credence 

(Naude) 643 

U.S.S.R. 

Key Characteristics of the Communist Threat 

(Bohlen) 635 

Puerto Rico Refutes Charges of U.S. Colonialism 
by Cuba and U.S.S.R. (Munoz Marfn, Wads- 
worth) 656 

U.S. Commends Secretary-General on Reply to 

Soviet Attack (Wadsworth) 656 

United Nations 

Federation of Nigeria Admitted to U.N. Membership 

(Herter, Wilcox) 659 

The 1960 United Nations Conference on Tin 

(Nichols) 661 

Puerto Rico Refutes Charges of U.S. Colonialism 
by Cuba and U.S.S.R. (Munoz Marfn, Wads- 
worth) 656 

U.S. Commends Secretary-General on Reply to 

Soviet Attack (Wadsworth) 656 

U.S. Requests Inclusion of Item on Africa in U.N. 
Agenda (Wadsworth) 657 

Venezuela. U.S. Position on Dominican Sugar Pur- 
chases Explained to Venezuela (texts of U.S. and 
Venezuelan aide memoire) 640 

Name Index 

Bohlen, Charles E 635 

Eisenhower, President 642, 643, 644, 654 

Herter, Secretary 643, 659 

Merchant, Livingston T 642 

Munoz Marin, Luis 656 

Naude, Willem Christian 643 

Nichols, C. W 661 

Prince Akihito i;4i> 

Thayer, Robert H 646 

Wadsworth, James J 656, 657 

Wilcox, Francis O 659 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I960 



£66 6 





the 
Department 



-DEC 
PUBLIC LIBRARY 
STATISTICAL DEPARTMENT 
COPLEY SQUARE 
G BOSTON I SS 

United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D.C. 



I 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, S300 

<GPO> 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



Participation of the United States Government 

in 

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 

July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959 



Of 

State 



This volume is designed to serve as a reference guide to the official 
participation of the U.S. Government in multilateral international 
conferences and meetings of international organizations during the 
period July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959. The United States participated 
officially in 394 international conferences and meetings during the 
12-month period covered. 

In addition to a complete list, the volume presents detailed data 
on many of the conferences, including the composition of the U.S. 
delegation, principal officers, participation by other countries and 
organizations, and brief statements of the actions taken. 



Publication 7012 



Price: $1 



To: 





Order Form Please send me copies of Participation of the United States Govern- 
ment in International Conferences, July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959. 
Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. Name: 

Enclosed find: gtreet Address . 

$ 

(cash, check, or money City, Zone, and State: 

order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




October 31, 1960 



THE CRUCIAL DECADE • by Assistant Secretary Berding . 671 



U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY AGAIN DECODES NOT 
TO CONSIDER QUESTION OF CHINESE REP- 
RESENTATION • Statements by Ambassador James J. 
Wadsworth 678 



a 

FFICIAL 

EEKLY RECORD 

\ 

NITED STATES 

IREIGN POLICY 



U.S. ISSUES REPLY TO CHARGES MADE BY CUBAN 
PRIME MINISTER IN THE U.N. GENERAL 
ASSEMBLY 690 

ton Public Library 
perintendent ol Documents 

1961 

DEPOSITORY 



For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1114 • Publication 7094 
October 31, I960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.C. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 25 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may- 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
of State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government tcith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. Tlie BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



The Crucial Decade 



by Andrew H. Berding 

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs 1 



Last week at the United Nations General As- 
sembly in New York I handed to Secretary of 
State Herter a message from President Eisen- 
hower. This had just been delivered to our dele- 
gation headquarters. It had been transmitted 
via the satellite Courier, which had entered orbit 
around the earth only a couple of hours before. 

This extraordinary message from the President 
conveyed his special greeting to the peoples of the 
United Nations. It expressed his hope that they 
would continue to witness such scientific ad- 
vances as this communications satellite. These 
advances, the President said, could not fail to lend 
force and meaning to his recent statement at the 
United Nations 2 that the means were at hand to 
build the structure of true peace, a peace in which 
all peoples might progress constantly to higher 
levels of human achievement. 

I believe it particularly significant to mention 
this fact in an address to this great institution 
of technical education, Kensselaer Polytechnic In- 
stitute, while the General Assembly is in session 
in this State of New York. For it indicates the 
ever-increasing demands being made upon the 
scientific community by practitioners in foreign 
affairs for assistance in building toward an or- 
ganization for peace. 

We have already received enormous help from 
the engineers in perfecting means of communica- 
tion whereby our cables to and from distant parts 
of the world arrive in code and are quickly de- 
ciphered. They enable us to convey to or receive 



President Sends Message to U.N. 
by Courier Satellite 

Following is the text of a message transmitted by 
the satellite Courier on October lj from President 
Eisenhower to Secretary Herter, head of the V.8. 
delegation to the United Nations. 

U.S. delegation press release 3519 

Taking advantage of the opportunity of this first 
flight of an advanced communications satellite, 
specifically designed to transmit a teletyped message 
from one part of the world to another, I should like 
to convey a special greeting to the peoples of the 
United Nations whose representatives are now in 
historic session in New York City. 

During the less than 2 years since my voice was 
first transmitted to the earth from an experimental 
satellite, 17 new nations have gained their inde- 
pendence and 16 have been admitted to the United 
Nations. It is my hope that they will continue to 
witness such scientific advances as this, which can- 
not fail to lend force and meaning to my recent 
statement at the United Nations that the means 
are at hand to build the structure of true peace — 
a peace in which all peoples may progress constantly 
to higher levels of human achievement. 



'Address made before the School of Humanities at 
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute at Troy, N.Y., on Oct. 12 
(press release 592). 

2 For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 



messages from foreign governments or reports 
from our embassies that only a few decades ago 
would have taken days and even weeks. 

We have called ceaselessly on American tech- 
nicians to assist us in the operations of the mutual 
security programs, especially the technical as- 
sistance programs. 

Now we are asking scientists to develop means 
of detecting underground nuclear explosions 
below the 4.75 degree of power. If these means 
can be developed, the way will be open for an 



October 31, 1960 



671 



agreement on a comprehensive treaty to discon- 
tinue the testing of nuclear weapons. 3 

We are also expecting the scientists to arrive at 
better means for inspecting armaments, so that a 
disarmament agreement can be achieved which 
will lessen the burdens of arms on our own and 
other peoples. 

Furthermore, the spectacular developments in 
the field of earth satellites will tie in closely with 
our advances in the field of foreign policy. 

The United States has long sought to reach 
agreement with the Soviets to eliminate the pos- 
sibility of surprise attack. At our urging a con- 
ference was held in Geneva nearly 2 years ago. 4 
It failed because, whereas we sent scientists to 
the meeting, the Soviets sent political men who 
had no intention of reaching agreement. 

But as verification satellites come into being on 
both sides they will supplement an agreement 
against surprise attack. And if the possibility of 
surprise attack is greatly reduced or eliminated, a 
condition of confidence will gradually be created 
which can have endless positive results for reduc- 
ing armaments and for peace. 

President Eisenhower laid before the General 
Assembly 3 weeks ago a four-point program to 
control the future of outer space. He said that 
"agreement on these proposals would enable fu- 
ture generations to find peaceful and scientific 
progress, not another fearful dimension to the 
arms race, as they explore the universe." Here 
again we shall have to request the scientific fra- 
ternity for extensive help. 

The President also called for the convening of 
experts of the nations producing nuclear weap- 
ons to design a system for terminating, under ver- 
ification procedures, all production of fissionable 
materials for weapons purposes. 

He likewise suggested that the experts could 
also consider how to verify the complete elimina- 
tion of nuclear weapons, which the United States 
proposed at Geneva on June 27. 6 There is as yet 
no known means of demonstrably accomplishing 
this, and we would hope that the experts could 
develop such a system. 

In all these and other endeavors, therefore, men 



3 For an article by William J. Gehron on the Geneva 
Conference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon 
Tests, see Hid., Sept. 26, 1960, p. 482. 

' For background, see ibid., Jan. 5, 1959, p. 13. 

6 Ibid., July 18, 1960, p. 90. 



such as are graduated by Rensselaer Polytechnic 
Institute will be of invaluable assistance in the 
advancement of our foreign policy. They can 
make an outstanding contribution to world peace. 

In other ways American scientific and technical 
personnel, outside as well as inside government, 
have materially assisted us in promoting friendly 
relations with other nations. I must confess that 
they often find it easier to reach agreement with 
their colleagues in other countries than we in the 
diplomatic field do with the diplomatic repre- 
sentatives of other nations. 

Institutions of learning such as Rensselaer 
Polytechnic Institute have immensely assisted in 
building a bedrock of good relations with other 
peoples by receiving and educating foreign stu- 
dents. There are more than 40,000 foreign stu- 
dents in the United States each year. The 
cumulative value of this relationship, year after 
year, is incalculable. 

In the nearly 3 years of our formal exchange 
agreements with the Soviet Union, scores of dele- 
gations of American technical people have gone 
to Russia and about the same number of delega- 
tions of Soviet technical people have come to the 
United States. The Americans in great majority 
have been private citizens. 

We believe that these exchanges have been fruit- 
ful. They have wafted some breath of the free 
air of American life and thinking into the Soviet 
Union. Undoubtedly they have contributed to 
that process of evolution which is even now going 
on in the Soviet Union. This is an evolution in 
the direction of more demands for consumer goods 
but somewhat less satisfaction, and more, demand, 
and somewhat less satisfaction, for personal free- 
doms, including the freedom of expression. If it 
proceeds far enough, it could change the thinking 
of Soviet rulers — if not the present ones, then 
future ones — away from the concept of world 
domination and toward concentration on national 
betterment. This evolution cannot be expected to 
produce results overnight or perhaps for many 
years, but it offers the only real hope for eventual 
true peace with the Soviets. 

Until that true peace can be reached, or unt il a 
disarmament agreement safeguarded by inspection 
can be signed, we must maintain our defenses 
strong, in conjunction with our allies. The tools 
and methods of defense are constantly changing. 
Here we must rely on our scientists, research ex- 



672 



Department of State Bulletin 



perts, and inventors to keep us ahead of the 
Soviets. 

When I say "keep us ahead," I mean just that. 
I do not share the belief stated by some persons 
that we are lagging behind the Soviets. I am 
confident that in overall military power we are 
ahead. And, in addition, we have valiant and 
capable allies with us. One reason that we are 
ahead is that our scientists, constantly looking into 
the future, have produced literally miracles of 
invention. 

The first sputnik gave the Soviets a psycholog- 
ical advantage that cannot be denied. But since 
that date, a few days more than 3 years ago, we 
have made almost incredible progress in exploring 
outer space. Our own people and other peoples 
need to know more fully the extent of this 
progress. 

In the last 3 years the United States has 
launched 26 earth satellites and 2 deep-space 
probes. The Soviet Union has launched 6 earth 
satellites, 1 deep-space probe, and 1 satellite to the 
moon. And the American satellites have made a 
far greater contribution to the world's scientific 
knowledge and development than have the Soviet 
satellites. Finally, we have been much more gen- 
erous than the Soviets in passing on to the rest of 
the world the benefit of our research. 

Before I handed Secretary Herter the other day 
the message from the President which I mentioned 
earlier, I looked at the capacity of the Courier 
communications satellite which relayed it. I 
could scarcely believe what I saw, and that was 
this. The Courier can transmit approximately 
68,000 words per minute and simultaneously re- 
ceive and store the same number of words. In a 
5-minute pass the satellite can simultaneously 
send and receive approximately 340,000 words. 
This is about the news content of a large Amer- 
ican newspaper. 

This may not be startling to you who are better 
acquainted with these esoteric events. But to me 
it is breathtaking. 

Mr. Khrushchev at the General Assembly 

I have spent most of the last 3 weeks at the 
United Nations General Assembly in New York. 
This has certainly begun as an historic meeting, 
not just because many chiefs of state and heads of 
government have attended but more particularly 
because 17 new members have been admitted. 



A flood of oratory has poured forth, much of 
it constructive, some of it inflammatory. But I 
am sure that it is better to let off steam in the 
General Assembly than to let frictions develop 
into conflict. 

It certainly has been heartening to see the devo- 
tion to the United Nations expressed by virtually 
all the smaller states, including the new members. 

Mr. Khrushchev set out to wreck the executive 
function of the United Nations by proposing the 
abolition of the office of the Secretary-General. 
He would substitute a committee of three, one 
from the Soviet bloc, one from what he calls the 
capitalist bloc, and one from what he ealls the 
neutralist bloc, each with the right of veto. You 
can readily conclude that no action whatever 
would come from such a group. 

The Soviets want to emasculate the executive 
arm of the U.N. and leave only a sounding board 
for their propaganda maneuvers. Mr. Khru- 
shchev's attack on Secretary-General Hammar- 
skjold is part of his attack on the United Nations 
itself. As Mr. Hammarskjold himself said, this is 
not a question of a man but of an institution. 

Since the Soviets were not able to force Mr. 
Hammarskjold to do their bidding, they now want 
to destroy his office and him. This is in line with 
their custom of trying to destroy what they 
cannot rule. 

When Mr. Khrushchev believed he could not get 
great concessions from the summit conference in 
Paris, he destroyed it. The U-2 was merely an 
excuse. 8 

When the Soviets saw they could not dominate 
the disarmament conference in Geneva, they 
walked out of it. 7 

But, ironically, Mr. Khrushchev has unwit- 
tingly been the means of strengthening the United 
Nations. His attacks on the Secretary-General 
have served to awaken the great majority of mem- 
bers to the need for strengthening, rather than 
weakening, the organization. And his presence 
at the U.N., which no doubt stimulated the at- 
tendance of some other chiefs of state and heads 
of government, has served to direct much more 
world attention to the organization than would 
otherwise have been the case. 

Fortunately most of the smaller nations see 
through Mr. Khrushchev's proposal for a trium- 



* For background, see ibid., June 6, 19G0, p. 899. 
7 For background, see ibid., Aug. 22, 1960, p. 267. 



October 31, I960 



673 



virate. Instead of being beguiled by the prospect 
of a nation from their group being one of the 
triumvirate, with the power of veto, they realize 
quite clearly what Mr. Khrushchev has in mind. 

I have seen it stated that Mr. Khrushchev has 
had the initiative at the General Assembly. Quite 
frankly I get a little irritated with the assertion 
we often hear that the Soviet bloc has the initiative 
or that they are on the offensive and the United 
States and the free world are on the defensive. 
When this assertion is analyzed, we generally find 
it is based on the fact that the Soviets are making 
some move or other or making some statement or 
other or delivering some note or other. 

If by initiative one means trumpeting accusa- 
tions, making threats, pounding on the table, 
shouting at the speaker who has the floor, or put- 
ting on a circus to get. publicity, I might be will- 
ing to admit that the Soviet bloc has the initiative. 
But in the same way you might say that a whirling 
dervish lias the initiative simply because he never 
stands still. 

If by initiative one means coming forward with 
constructive proposals and following through on 
them, then I think the United States and other 
nations of like mind have the initiative. 

President Eisenhower said in a press conference 
a few weeks ago that he would not go to the 
United Nations to debase it. No one else should 
either. The hopes of all peoples, whether on this 
side or the other side of the Iron Curtain, lie in 
the United Nations. They should not be disap- 
pointed. 

I am confident that the great majority of dele- 
gations at the United Nations see through the So- 
viet maneuvering and stage acting that has been 
going on and will not relish the efforts to make 
the U.N. a propaganda sounding board. 

As for the United States, President Eisenhower 
made a series of proposals to the General Assem- 
bly. These Avere not just so many words in a 
speech. They were carefully thought through; 
they were designed to contribute to international 
agreement ; and we intend to follow up on them 
during the General Assembly. 

The United States delegation has already pro- 
posed an agenda item to cany forward the Presi- 
dent's live-point program proposed for the or- 
derly and peaceful development of Africa. 8 In 
so doing, our delegation staled that this program 



8 [bid., Oct. 24, 1960, p. 057. 



would be spelled out in more concrete detail later 
on in the Assembly. We are in course of these 
preparations now. 

We are likewise moving forward on the other 
proposals contained in the President's address, 
such as those on outer space and on disarmament. 
These proposals will be discussed shortly in the 
committees of the General Assembly. 

As Mr. Khrushchev prepares to leave New 
York tomorrow, after 3 weeks at the United Na- 
tions, the question may legitimately be asked 
whether he gained or lost by his presence here. 
Although such a question is impossible of defini- 
tive answer, a few observations may be permitted. 

The Soviet Premier lost, in my opinion, by his 
opening speech, which was negative and denuncia- 
tory in character, in contrast with the positive 
address by President Eisenhower, which contained 
many constructive proposals. 

He lost by his proposal to eliminate the office of 
the Secretary-General. The overwhelming ma- 
jority of member states quickly saw that this 
meant the end of the United Nations as an effective 
institution. 

He lost by his direct attack on Secretary-Gen- 
eral Hammarskjold. The enthusiastic ovations 
given Mr. Hammarskjold are sufficient proof. 

He lost by creating a U.S.S.R. versus U.N. 
conflict. Previously all emphasis had been on a 
U.S.S.R. versus U.S.A. conflict. He lost by his 
rough tactics, which lowered the previous high 
level of dignified procedure of the U.N. 

He lost in all the important votes which were 
taken while he was there. 

Mr. Khrushchev, however, might feel that he 
won because of all the publicity he received. A 
consummate politician, he may believe that, even 
though much of the publicity produced unfavor- 
able impressions, he did not care what they said of 
him so long as they spelled his name right. 

He might also feel that his actions at the U.N. 
strengthened the Soviet Communist Party's claim 
to primacy in the Communist orbit in the face of 
the conflict that has developed between the Soviet 
Union and Communist China. 

He might also believe that he gained something 
through his contacts with the chiefs of state, heads 
of government, and foreign ministers in New York. 

Putting all the possible losses and possible gains 
on the scales, I believe the losses outweighed the 
gains. 



674 



Department of State Bulletin 



National Strategy 

The United States seeks to strengthen the 
United Nations. We give it our sincere support. 

But it will doubtless take many years before the 
United Nations can be a guarantor of our security. 

Meantime the major portion of our diplomatic 
effort will be carried on through our normal dip- 
lomatic channels, international conferences, and 
the like. 

Our national strategy rests on the hope that we 
can live in the same world with the Communist bloc 
and, barring the tragedy of conflict by miscalcula- 
tion, prevail without resort to general war. Soviet 
leaders profess to believe that their system can pre- 
vail without general war but with constant and 
bitter struggle in the political, economic, and psy- 
chological fields. This is what they call "peaceful 
coexistence/' although it is anything but peaceful. 

We must therefore accept and prepare for a 
ruthless global competition over a long period, 
perhaps several decades. 

The free world has before it two "musts." One 
is to maintain adequate military strength, along 
with unity. The other is to demonstrate on a wide 
front that underdeveloped peoples can improve 
their economic status within a framework of 
democratic institutions. 

We seek to avert general war, but we must be 
prepared for it. An invulnerable nuclear deter- 
rent is therefore vital to carrying on the struggle 
with the Communist bloc in all fields while pre- 
venting the outbreak of general war. 

The other side of this coin is disarmament with 
inspection. While making our deterrent as in- 
vulnerable and constant as possible, we must strive 
toward verified disarmament which points toward 
a peaceful and safer world. Thereupon the vast 
resources now devoted to armaments can largely 
be channeled into constructive purposes both for 
ourselves and for less developed countries. 

At the same time we must possess flexible mili- 
tary capabilities to meet effectively the threat of 
limited war. Such limited operations appear more 
likely than general war. Since the end of the last 
war there have been 22 limited operations, ranging 
from Korea to Lebanon, and there is no reason to 
believe there will not be others. 

There is, I believe, a tendency to express all 
problems in terms of the U.S.-U.S.S.R. relation- 
ship. It is true that virtually every problem we 
face in the world today is influenced by the con- 



flict between the Communist bloc and the free 
world. It is true that we must have ever in mind 
the announced determination of Mr. Khrushchev 
and his followers to bring about the eventual tri- 
umph of communism over the free world by 
methods just short of general war. These meth- 
ods involve unremitting struggle in the political, 
economic, and psychological fields. 

Nevertheless this is not a struggle just between 
the Soviet Union and the United States. Rather 
it is between the Soviet bloc and the free world. 

If we look at it in merely bilateral terms we 
fail to take into just account the vital contribution 
our Allies are making to our common security. 
We fail to give the weight we need to give to the 
Mutual Security Program, which assists our 
Allies to maintain their strength. We fail to 
foster the close unity that must prevail among 
the Allies. 

Too much emphasis has been given to the 
growth of Soviet power and too little emphasis 
to the growth in Western European power. Al- 
though we have heard much concerning the 
increase in the Soviet's rate of production since 
the war, the fact is that the increase in AVestern 
Europe's rate of production is greater. The 
heightened politicoeconomic power position of 
Western Europe, and its power potential for the 
future, are developments of enormous importance. 

Viewing the present world struggle in purely 
bilateral terms also neglects the contribution that 
can be made toward peace by the nations in the 
free world which are not allied with us. These 
have been called the neutralist or uncommitted 
nations. I do not believe that either word is 
accurate. In great majority they are neutralist 
or uncommitted only in the sense that they refrain 
from joining the Allies or the Soviet bloc in for- 
mal security pacts. They are not neutralist or 
uncommitted when it comes to choosing between 
the human freedoms and the dignity of the indi- 
vidual, exemplified by the United States and most 
of its friends, as opposed to the subordination of 
the individual to the state, exemplified by the 
Soviet Union and even more so by Communist 
China. Many of them have taken strong meas- 
ures against the Communist parties in their 
own countries. These nations in considerable 
majority have supported us in the United Nations. 

We Americans need to realize more clearly that 
there can be no monolithic dogma in the free 



October 37, 7960 



675 



world such as is imposed in the Communist bloc. 
The free world is more diversified than the Com- 
munist bloc. It shares no consensus on the best 
way to maintain independence from communism 
or on the approaches to the internal problems of 
modernization and industrialization. 

The free world presents a spectrum of dispari- 
ties and antagonisms for the Communists to ex- 
ploit — the "haves" versus the "have nots," anti- 
colonialism, neutralism, collective security and 
base arrangements, authoritarian versus demo- 
cratic governments, new nations lacking full 
capacity for self-government, trade difficulties, 
and the like. 

"We thus have to work hard to convey to other 
nations a correct understanding of our actions and 
motives. And we have to work hard to acquire, 
ourselves, a correct understanding of the actions 
and motives of other nations in the free world. 
Thus mutual understanding becomes of increasing 
importance as many new nations come into being. 
One of our most difficult problems as a "have" 
nation is the scope and pace of change in the 
world. Both the United States and the Soviet 
Union are concerned with the problem of coping 
with forces that generate instability and conflict. 
But our approaches differ. The United States 
seeks to channel these forces to constructive pur- 
poses aiming at a new world order freely arrived 
at. The Soviet Union seeks to destroy the free- 
world structure in order to build its own world 
hegemony based on rigid disciplines of ideology, 
political organization, and economic regimenta- 
tion. 

The United States by itself cannot direct the 
conflicting and revolutionary forces of change 
throughout the world. Many contain elements of 
danger, irrationality, and irresponsibility. We 
must often live with dilemmas for which there are 
no complete answers, only partial solutions. But, 
while we cannot direct, we still must do our utmost 
to influence the forces of change in the direction 
of peaceful change. 

Facing the Future 

"We are now approaching the end of the first 
year of a new decade. This decade, without doubt, 
will be a crucial one in our history. I am con- 
vinced that we can face it with confidence. Our 
prestige is high, our power dominant, our ideals 
untarnished. 



The world is changing, but we, who have always 
been a nation of constructive change, can success- 
fully help guide in the right direction the changes 
occurring elsewhere. 

With the future help of men and women of 
ability and vision, such as the Rensselaer Poly- 
technic Institute audience I have had the honor 
of addressing, our prospect of a world of peace 
with justice will prevail. 



U.S. Refutes Soviet Charges Against 
NATO and Role of West Germany 

Department Statement 1 

The Soviet note [of October 6] is ostensibly in 
reply to the United States note of August 8, I960. 2 
From its timing, it is obvious that the Soviet note 
is a transparent attempt to confuse the discussions 
now in progress at the United Nations and is in- 
tended to distract attention from those Soviet 
actions — both in and outside the United Nations — 
which are the real causes of tension and unrest. 
From the wholly unfounded attacks against 
NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization] 
defenses and the role of the Federal Republic of 
Germany in those defenses, contained in the Soviet 
note, it can only be surmised that the Soviet 
leadership feels compelled to engage in such 
obvious distortions because it realizes that its 
own actions over recent months have in increas- 
ing measure caused apprehension and concern 
throughout the world. 

In attacking the Federal Republic's role in 
NATO, the Soviet Government conveniently 
ignores the fact that the Soviet-sponsored arma- 
ment of the East German puppet regime dates 
back to 1946, that as early as 1948 — 7 years before 
the Federal Republic became a member of 
NATO — so-called "armed-alert" police forma- 
tions quartered in barracks in East Germany 
numbered 104,000, and that today armed and mili- 
tarily trained personnel in East Germany num- 
ber, in proportion to population, four to five times 
the total for the Federal Republic. 



1 Read to news correspondents on Oct. 7 by Francis W. 
Tully, Jr., Department press officer. 

2 For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 29, 1960, p. 347. 



676 



Department of State Bulletin 



By making unfounded charges against NATO 
defense measures, the Soviet note constitutes a 
patent effort to divert attention from Soviet- 
inspired actions. These include threats by the 
East German regime against the people of Berlin, 
persistent Soviet refusal to permit the people of 
Eastern Europe and East Germany freely to de- 
termine their own future, Soviet threats to use 
rockets in pursuance of Soviet policies, Soviet 
actions in breaking off the 10-power disarmament 
discussions in Geneva, and Soviet attacks against 
the very foundation of the United Nations. 

These policies pursued by the Soviet Govern- 
ment make more obvious than ever the need for 
collective security in the free world, including the 
full participation of the Federal Republic of 
Germany in NATO. 

The hypocritical nature of the Soviet allega- 
tions was vividly demonstrated in the scene in 
East Berlin last May and in May 1959, when a 
full-scale review of East German troops marched 
past banners calling for a demilitarized "free 
city" of West Berlin. 



U.S. Repeats Position on German 
Peace Treaty, Defense Contribution 

Following is a statement made to news corre- 
spondents on October 11 by Francis W. Tvlly, Jr., 
Department press officer, regarding a joint state- 
ment x issued by Czechoslovakia,, East Germany, 
Poland, and the Soviet Union on October 10. 

With regard to the two principal subjects treated 
in the statement, namely, the demand for the sig- 
nature of separate peace treaties with the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany and the East German 
puppet regime and the contribution of the Fed- 
eral Republic to Western defense, the position of 
the United States Government has been clearly 
stated on many occasions. The United States and 
its Western allies have insisted that a peace treaty 
can only be concluded with a single German gov- 
ernment elected by the Gei-man people on the basis 
of the free exercise of the principle of self-de- 
termination. The acceptance of any other pro- 
cedure for the achievement of a final German set- 
tlement would result in the recognition of the 



permanent division of Germany, which in our 
view would constitute a serious threat to world 
peace. 

On the question of the Federal Republic's con- 
tribution to the defense of the free world within 
the framework of the NATO alliance, I refer you 
to our note to the Soviet Union of August 8, I960, 2 
and to the Department's statement of last Friday 
[October 1] dealing with the recent Soviet note 
on the same subject. 



Ignace Jan Paderewski Honored 
as "Champion of Liberty" 

Remarks by Under Secretary Merchant 3 

I am deeply pleased to join with you in com- 
memorating the addition of Ignace Jan Paderew- 
ski to the distinguished roll of Champions of 
Liberty. 

It is fully fitting that he be so honored. While 
Paderewski the artist achieved world fame, Pad- 
erewski the patriot never turned away from the 
goal of freedom for his country. As he once 
stated it : "The vision of a strong and independent 
Poland [was] the lodestar of [his] existence. Its 
realization [was] the great aim of [his] life." 
When, in the course of devoting himself to the real- 
ization of this aim, Paderewski turned to the 
United States for support, he found it in great 
measure. He found it because his cause — national 
independence — was the cause out of which our 
Nation was born and which we have championed 
throughout our history. 

The spirit of patriotism and the search for free- 
dom and independence, which Paderewski exem- 
plified in his time, live on in the world today as 
men seek to achieve or preserve their freedom. 
Based on our national tradition and respect for 
the dignity of man, we sympathize with and sup- 
port the aspirations of all men for freedom and 
independence. We continue to work toward the 
goal of a world in which liberty will be a fact for 
all mankind. It is by this effort that we can best 
do honor to Ignace Paderewski and the other 
patriots whom we call Champions of Liberty. 



1 For text, see U.N. doc. A/4540. 



2 For text, see Bulletin of Aug. 29, 1960, p. 347. 

3 Made at a ceremony dedicating the Ignace Jan Pad- 
erewski "Champion of Liberty" postage stamp at Wash- 
ington, D.C., on Oct. 8 (press release 586). 



October 31, 1960 



677 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



U.N. General Assembly Again Decides Not To Consider 
Question of Chinese Representation 



Statements by James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly 



STATEMENT IN GENERAL COMMITTEE, 
SEPTEMBER 27 

U.S. delegation press release 3507 

The United States is opposed to the inscription 
of the item proposed by the Soviet Union con- 
cerning the representation of China in the United 
Nations. We believe that the wise and proper 
course for the Assembly at this session is the 
same course which it has followed at previous 
sessions, namely, not to consider any proposal 
during this session to exclude representatives of 
the Republic of China or to seat representatives 
of the People's Republic of China. 

Let me explain very briefly the reasons for 
our view. It is not at all what Soviet Foreign 
Minister [Andrei A.] Gromyko pretended in his 
recent memorandum 1 requesting that this subject 
be put on our agenda, in which he said that the 
United States opposes the seating of Communist 
China because we "take a negative attitude to- 
wards the State system established by the people 
of China." That is not the point at all. 

The United States believes that at the heart 
of the United Nations lies the spirit of tolerance 
and that every nation has a right under the 
charter to establish its own state system or gov- 
ernmental system, provided only that it lives up 
to the charter. 

Record of Communist China 

What we object to in the case of Communist 
China is not a so-called "state system" but a 
record of outi-ageous behavior which consistently 
flouts the charter and holds it in contempt. I 



will not dwell on the familiar aspects of that 
record: the aggression in Korea which was con- 
demned by the Assembly and whose results con- 
tinue to this day; the persistent use of violence 
and threats of war in attempts to conquer the 
Republic of China on Taiwan; the continuous 
undermining of many nations in southeast Asia 
by subversion and guerrilla war. There are 
newer developments as well, and I shall mention 
only three. 

First, the Chinese Communists have not been 
content with their subjugation of Tibet, which 
only last year was debated and deplored by the 
General Assembly. 2 By armed incursions and 
seizure of territory they have been pushing south- 
ward from Tibet to extend their control over the 
land and the citizens of other nations. That may 
help to explain the fact that, among the peoples 
of that part of the world, the cause of seating the 
representatives of Peiping in this organization has 
undergone what we characterize as a certain de- 
cline in enthusiasm. 

Second, in recent months Chinese Communist 
authorities have been proclaiming the extraordi- 
nary doctrine that they do not fear a worldwide 
war fought with hydrogen bombs because they say 
such a war would bring the world to communism. 
I would quote their exact words : "On the debris of 
a dead imperialism" — and I suppose, Mr. Presi- 
dent, that that is intended to refer to a great ma- 
jority of the states represented here — "on the 
debris of a dead imperialism, the victorious people 
would create with extreme rapidity a civilization 
thousands of times higher than the capitalist sys- 



'U.N. doc. A/4474. 
678 



1 Bulletin of Nov. 9, 1959, p. 683. 

Department of State Bulletin 



tem and a truly beautiful future for themselves." 
That, quotation, Mr. President, comes from the 
April 19G0 issue of Red Flag, which is an official 
publication of the Chinese Communist Party, 
which is the effective ruling authority in Com- 
munist China. I think that the cult of fanatical 
violence which it expresses is unique, even among 
the Communist, countries. 

Third and last, in the crucial matter of the 
Congo, which means so much for the future of 
Africa and for the future, of the United Nations, 
the government of Peiping has openly expressed its 
contempt for this organization. On September 14 
it issued an official statement which contains 
phrases like these : "the acts of aggression and in- 
tervention in the Republic of the Congo carried out 
under the flag of the United Nations by imperi- 
alism headed by the United States" ; another quote, 
''the United Nations forces under the control of 
the United States"; and still another quote, and 
most, unfortunate, "Mr. Hammarskjold always at 
the beck and call of United States imperialism." 

Communist China's Attitude on Africa 

Now, Mr. President, fantastic misstatements of 
that kind do not necessarily hurt the United 
States and may not necessarily hurt the United 
Nations or its eminent Secretary-General. But 
they do expose clearly for the world to see the at- 
titude of Communist China on the Congo ques- 
tion and, indeed, on the whole future of Africa. 
Here is Communist China, a land 8,000 miles away 
from the Congo, which has never had relations of 
any consequence with the Congo or with the neigh- 
boring area, which has seen fit to attack and vilify 
the United Nations and its distinguished Secre- 
tary-General for their activities to promote peace 
and order and advance the welfare of the Congo- 
lese people. I do not wish in these remarks to 
personalize anything having to do with the office 
or the institution, as he so well said, of the Secre- 
tary-General. 

There can be no doubt that, if the representa- 
tives of Peiping were in this body today, they 
would be pushing as hard as they can to tear down 
everything the United Nations is doing to safe- 
guard the freedom and independence of the new 
African nations. We cannot, in good conscience 
seriously consider admitting a country to the work 
of the United Nations when that same country is 
attacking in a most vitriolic way this organiza- 



tion and its members for engaging in tasks at the 
mandate of the Security Council and of the Gen- 
eral Assembly vital to the peace of the world. In 
the face of similar attacks, the General Assembly 
less than a week ago overwhelmingly reaffirmed 
its policies in the Congo and its confidence in the 
institution of the Secretary-General of this organ- 
ization. 3 

Mr. President, this is a historic year of growth 
for the United Nations. We have admitted a 
large number of new members and, as I under- 
stand it, no later than tomorrow we are to admit 
still more. In doing so, we have expressed our 
judgment that each of them meets the require- 
ments of the charter that it is peace-loving and 
thai it. is able and willing to carry out the obliga- 
tions imposed by the charter. 

The United States welcomes these nations 
because we believe in a growing United Nations 
which as it grows remains true and helps to 
develop the principles of the charter. The rulers 
of the People's Eepublic of China are not. true to 
the charter. They practice aggression; they 
preach violence; and they are openly contemptu- 
ous of this organization of which we are proud to 
be members. To admit them here in the face of 
such a record of misconduct, and into the bargain 
to expel the Eepublic of China, which through all 
its difficulties has been faithful to this organiza- 
tion and to its charter, would be unthinkable. It 
is hard to believe that it would have any good 
effect on Peiping, whose rulers have shown how 
impervious they are to outside influence. But for 
the United Nations it would be a grave step back- 
ward at a crucial moment in the history of this 
organization. 

For all these reasons, Mr. President, the United 
States opposes the Soviet proposal, and in so doing 
we propose the following resolution and ask that 
the General Committee report it favorably to the 
Assembly. I will read the resolution : * 

The General Assembly 

1. Decides to reject the request of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics for the inclusion in the agenda of its 
fifteenth regular session of the item entitled "Representa- 
tion of China in the United Nations" ; 

2. Decides not to consider, at its fifteenth regular ses- 



3 Ibid., Oct. 10. 1960, p. 5S3. 

4 The U.S. draft resolution was adopted by the General 
Committee on Sept. 27 by a vote of 12 to 7, with 1 absten- 
tion. 



October 3 J, i960 



679 



sion, any proposals to exclude the representatives of the 
Government of the Republic of China or to seat repre- 
sentatives of the Central People's Government of the Peo- 
ple's Republic of China. 



FIRST STATEMENT IN PLENARY, OCTOBER 1 

U.S. delegation press release 3515 

The General Assembly has before it a draft res- 
olution recommended by the General Committee 
which reads as follows: 

The General Assembly 

1. Decides to reject the request of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics for the inclusion in the agenda of its 
fifteenth regular session of the item entitled "Representa- 
tion of China in the United Nations" ; 

2. Decides not to consider, at its fifteenth regular 
session, any proposals to exclude the representatives of 
the Government of the Republic of China or to seat repre- 
sentatives of the Central People's Government of the 
People's Republic of China. 

Now, the effect of the adoption of this resolution 
by the General Assembly will be that without fur- 
ther debate at this session the proposal to expel the 
Kepublic of China from this organization and to 
seat in its place the People's Eepublic of China 
will once again be rejected, as it has been rejected 
every year since 1951. 

In the General Committee we stated briefly our 
reasons for our strong opposition to the Soviet 
proposal. Now, before the entire membership of 
this great body, I should like to set forth our 
reasoning in more detail. 

Before doing so, however, let me dispose of one 
argument which has been made and which has 
nothing whatever to do with the case. The Soviet 
Union has repeatedly alleged that we of the United 
States oppose the seating of Communist China 
because we take what Mr. Gromyko called "a nega- 
tive attitude towards the State system" which 
exists on the mainland of China. 

I should like to echo the wise words of Prime 
Minister Macmillan, who said to the Assembly in 
his eloquent address on Thursday [September 29] : 
"We must at least free ourselves from old and 
worn-out slogans and obsolete battle cries." The 
question before us is not a clash between so-called 
"state systems." It is not a matter of words or 
slogans. It is a matter of actual deeds which 
offend the principles of the United Nations and 
the conscience of mankind. 



U.N. Operation in the Congo 

Now let me recall for a moment the situation in 
which the United Nations finds itself at this point 
in history. For it cannot be denied that this Soviet 
proposal concerning China, although it has been 
raised and rejected every year in the General 
Assembly for years past, has never been raised at 
a more historic and critical moment — a moment of 
greater promise and greater danger — than that 
which the United Nations faces today. 

This 15th year of the United Nations has been 
called "the year of Africa." It is an apt descrip- 
tion. Already at this session we have admitted to 
membership 16 new African states. They cover 4 
million square miles across the center of that great 
continent — more than a third of its entire terri- 
tory. They have just emerged into independence 
and are eager to contribute to our work and to 
obtain for themselves and their people the bene- 
fits of the charter — an assurance of peace and inde- 
pendence and, as the charter says in its eloquent 
preamble, of "better standards of life in larger 
freedom." To help them attain those benefits is 
a challenge to this organization and its members 
which will merit our best efforts for years to come. 

That is one of the fundamental facts about this 
moment in the history of the United Nations. 
And it is among the chief blessings in the history 
of our troubled century that this great transition 
has been largely peaceful. 

The tragic exception is the present strife in 
the Congo, which only days ago commanded the 
urgent attention of the General Assembly in 
emergency session. There the United Nations has 
been laboring in the greatest operation of its ca- 
reer, against both internal disorder and external 
intervention, in order to guard the sovereign inde- 
pendence of a new nation. 

The issue which still must be decided by events 
is momentous : whether the people of the Congo — 
and, perhaps, of all Africa — shall enjoy the herit- 
age of freedom and independence which has been 
awaiting them and which is their birthright, or 
whether they shall be engulfed by a new kind of 
imperialism. 

It is therefore pertinent, Mr. President, to find 
out what attitude, if any, has been taken toward 
the United Nations operation in the Congo by 
the Chinese Communist authorities whom the So- 
viet Union now wishes us to seat in our midst. 

We are not without evidence on this point. On 



680 






Department of State Bulletin 



September 12 the Mayor of Peiping, Mr. Peng 
Chen, who is also a member of the ruling Polit- 
buro of the Chinese Communist Party, which in 
turn is the supreme authority in Communist 
China, made a speech to a rally in Peiping in 
which he said : 

The recent armed intervention of the U.S. imperialists 
in the Congo under the cover of the U.N. flag has dis- 
closed most nakedly that U.S. imperialism is the most 
vicious enemy of the national independence movement 
in Africa. 

Then 2 days later, on September 14, the govern- 
ment in Peiping issued an official government 
statement about the situation in the Congo. I 
quoted this statement in the General Committee. 
It is full of such phrases as "the United Nations 
forces under the control of the United States." 
It contains a particularly offensive reference to 
"Hammarskjold, always at the beck and call of 
United States imperialism." 

That is the official Chinese Communist night- 
mare version of the facts about the situation in 
the Congo, a situation in which the United States 
has not taken a single step except at the request 
of the United Nations, in a program supported by 
the overwhelming majority of members here. 

Reflecting on such statements, it takes only a 
little imagination to perceive that, if Communist 
China had a seat in this organization today, they 
would make an all-out attempt to tear down 
everything that the United Nations is trying to 
do in the Congo and throughout Africa. They 
would be praising the independence movement 
with their lustiest voices while trying to fasten 
on the peoples of Africa a system which the 
peoples of every continent have come to recognize 
as a new imperialism. 

If today the spokesmen of Peiping had access 
to these halls and to this speakers' rostrum, that 
is the purpose for which they would use them. 
No delegate familiar with their record of be- 
havior can doubt that that is true. 

This would be a very strange way indeed in 
which to "vastly enhance" — and again I quote 
the Soviet memorandum — "to vastly enhance the 
prestige and authority" of the United Nations. 
And it is an exceedingly strange way for any 
country or authority to promote its chances for 
admission to this organization. 

Now, that attitude of Communist China on 



African matters is no sudden and temporary aber- 
ration. It is characteristic of the entire aggres- 
sive and warlike behavior of Communist China, 
which I shall now proceed to sum up as briefly as 
possible. 

Aggressive Behavior of Communist China 

In Korea in the fall of 1950, when the United 
Nations forces had almost finished defeating the 
aggressor army of Communist north Korea, a mil- 
lion Chinese Communist troops poured into 
Korea to renew the aggression. For this, in Feb- 
ruary 1951, Communist China was condemned by 
a vote of the General Assembly which remains 
valid to this day. After 2 years of bitter war 
against the United Nations, an armistice was 
achieved. The Chinese Communists violated the 
armistice by callously refusing to account for 
thousands of prisoners of war in their hands — 
which they have never done to this day — and by 
illegally reinforcing their military forces in north 
Korea. They sabotaged the inspection system set 
up under the armistice agreement to prevent such 
violations. To this day the only terms on which 
they have expressed willingness to see the Korean 
nation unified are such as to guarantee that the 
entire nation would be rendered helpless against 
their pressure and would fall into Communist 
hands. 

Throughout these years they have drummed into 
the minds of helpless, captive Chinese people the 
myth that the United States was the aggressor in 
Korea and that the United Nations action there 
was part of a United States plot "to strangle the 
New China in its cradle." 

In the Taiwan Strait Communist China has 
been using armed forces intermittently since 1950 
as part of its violent campaign to seize Taiwan 
and the Pescadores and thus to destroy the Repub- 
lic of China. Twice, in 1955 and again in 1958, 
its acts of violence and threats against Taiwan 
reached such a pitch as to bring the specter of 
general war to the western Pacific. To this day 
it continues its capricious and wanton bombard- 
ment of the offshore islands, causing death and 
injury to many civilians. 

Since 1955 the United States has sought in over 
100 ambassadorial meetings with representatives 
of Communist China to work out an agreement 
by which neither side would use force in the 



October 31, 7960 



681 



Taiwan Strait. They have stubbornly refused to 
make any such agreement. 

In southeast Asia also Communist China's rec- 
ord is one of aggressive pressure. They began in 
February 1950 by calling on all the peoples of 
southeast Asia to overthrow their governments. 
For many years they gave material support and 
propaganda encouragement to Communist guer- 
rillas who were trying to overthrow the govern- 
ments of the Philippines and Malaya. In north 
Viet-Nam, a Communist state which owes its ex- 
istence in great measure to the Chinese Com- 
munists, they have helped the regime to enlarge 
its army greatly both in troop strength and in 
weapons — all in violation of the armistice terms 
applying to that area. 

The outrages of Communist China in Tibet are 
well known. As early as February 1950, within 
months of their accession to power, they sent an 
army to subdue the traditionally self-governing 
mountain kingdom of Tibet. In 1959 they tight- 
ened their control by summarily dissolving the 
Tibetan Government and establishing a so-called 
"Tibetan autonomous region" which has no au- 
tonomy at all. It is a colonial despotism. Thou- 
sands of Tibetans were massacred. The Dalai 
Lama, the spiritual and temporal ruler of Tibet, 
was driven into asylum abroad. The war against 
the Tibetans has continued in 1960 with frequent 
reports of heavy fighting. The Chinese Com- 
munist troops have even violated international 
frontiers in their efforts to hunt down Tibetans 
trying to escape. This matter is so serious that 
the General Assembly will debate it this fall for 
the second year in succession. 

In the past year the Chinese Communists have 
moved beyond Tibet and have made military in- 
cursions into the territory of the sovereign nations 
of south Asia. Prime Minister Nehru of India 
has described these incursions bluntly as "aggres- 
sion." Official maps issued by Communist China 
show as Chinese large areas long regarded by 
other states as their territory. Characteristically, 
while conducting these aggressive moves the Chi- 
nese Communists make loud charges of aggression 
against the very states which they offend. 

Thus, all along the borders between Commu- 
nist China and non-Communist Asia there is 
trouble and discord. From Korea south and west 
along the 6,000-mile arc that ends in the Hima- 



layas, we find a history of Chinese Communist 
complicity in military aggression, subversion, and 
outright seizure of territory. 

On the mainland of China uncivilized acts 
against nationals of other countries are standard 
practice. Hundreds of foreign Christian mission- 
aries have been arrested and many religious lead- 
ers killed. Hundreds of foreign civilians have 
been imprisoned. Countless members of the Mus- 
lim minority in China have been imprisoned for 
"carrying on counterrevolutionary activity under 
the cloak of religion." 

Throughout the 10 years of Communist China's 
violent career these actions have been accompanied 
by an official campaign of hate propaganda 
against foreign governments and peoples which in 
its massiveness and its viciousness must be un- 
equaled in the history of the world. The chief 
target of this abuse has been the United States. 
The intensity of this campaign is illustrated by 
this quotation from a Peiping radio broadcast of 
June 23, 1960 : 

The anti-U.S. propaganda week in Peking entered Its 
third day today. Various types of propaganda activities 
are under way throughout the city. All the literary and 
art groups in Peking are mobilized to take part in the 
anti-U.S. struggle. The stage play group of the air 
force's political department has rushed back to Peking 
from Tsingtao. The central folk music ensemble and the 
central song and dance ensemble are busily composing and 
rehearsing programs which will expose the nature of U.S. 
imperialism. Other drama and song ensembles from 
Hunan, Shanghai, Shantung, and other areas now per- 
forming in Peking are also engaged in anti-U.S. propa- 
ganda activities. 

That, Mr. President and fellow delegates, is the 
daily diet of ideas for the Chinese people. 

Now, Mr. President, the United States is not 
really hurt by this insane abuse. The people who 
are hurt are the Chinese people, who are required 
to engage in the senseless orgies of hatred against 
a so-called "foreign devil" about whose real nature 
they have never been allowed to know anything. 
All those who know something of China's great 
culture must grieve at such a degradation. 

It is said sometimes that such emotions must be 
whipped up in order to make the Chinese people 
produce more goods. But truly it should be pos- 
sible to raise a people's standard of living without 
requiring them to live in such a mental inferno, 
the existence of which is in itself a danger to 
international peace. 



682 



Department of State Bulletin 



Standards of U.N. Charter 

Such, then, is the actual record of behavior of 
the Chinese Communist regime which the Soviet 
Union proposes for admission to the United 
Nations. Now let us compare that behavior with 
the standards of the charter. Article 1 says that 
the purposes of the United Nations are: 

To maintain international peace and security, and to 
that end : to take effective collective measures for the 
prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for 
the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of 
the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and 
in conformity with the principles of justice and inter- 
national law, adjustment or settlement of international 
disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of 
the peace. 

All members are obligated by article 2 to pursue 
those purposes. 

Then in article 4 the charter provides that 

Membership in the United Nations is open to all other 
peace-loving states which accept the obligations contained 
in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organi- 
zation, are able and willing to carry out these obligations. 

Certainly no regime with the record which I 
have just described can be expected to pursue the 
purposes of the United Nations, nor can it be 
called "peace-loving." 

This is proved once again by the Chinese Com- 
munist attack — from which I quoted a moment 
ago — against the United Nations effort to help 
bring peace and true independence to the Congo. 
No more eloquent proof could be offered that the 
Chinese Communists oppose the United Nations 
Charter and are contemptuous of those who de- 
votedly serve it. 

Cult of Violence 

Let me emphasize once again that the aggressive 
practices of the present rulers in Peiping are not 
something sporadic or superficial. They are sys- 
tematic. They spring from an addiction to power 
and violence which is rooted in the system of 
thought of the Chinese Communist leaders. 

In 1938 Mao Tse-tung wrote this: 

Every Communist must grasp the truth that political 
power grows out of the barrel of a gun. ... In this 
sense we can even say that the whole world can be 
remolded with a gun. 

It would be pleasant to believe that the cult 
of violence expressed in those words, written 22 
years ago, had now given way to mellower 



thoughts. Unfortunately this is not the case. 
Only yesterday the news appeared of a new book 
issued by Mr. Mao which not only repeats what 
he said in 1938 but makes it stronger as the years 
go by. 

Now, when Mr. Mao says and talks about 
"imperialists and reactionaries" he refers to your 
government and mine, Mr. President, and those 
of the great majority of nations in every quarter 
of the globe which are represented in this hall. 
And when he proposes to "overthrow all reaction- 
ary rule, and win a lasting peace for mankind," 
his intention is to remake the world in the image 
of Communist China. That is his plan, as he 
freely tells us. 

Now let us see how the Chinese Communists pro- 
pose to carry out that plan, a plan to overthrow 
our governmental systems — whether they intend 
to use violence or peaceful means. On April 16, 
1960, there appeared in Peiping an article of great 
significance in the magazine Red Flag. Now 
this is not a privately published magazine — a 
phenomenon which does not exist on the mainland 
of China; this is the official journal of the Cen- 
tral Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, 
which is another name, of course, for the supreme 
ruling group in Communist China. What ap- 
pears in its pages is holy writ for every member 
of the ruling class in that area. And here is what 
it says about revolutions which overthrow non- 
Communist governments : 

Revolution means the use of revolutionary violence by 
the oppressed class, it means revolutionary war. 

In fact, this same article does not even recoil 
from the thought of a worldwide war — a war 
fought with hydrogen bombs — no recoil there, if 
only that will promise the conquest of the world 
by communism. World opinion was quite skepti- 
cal when a number of prominent personalities 
began about 2 years ago to tell of conversations 
with Chinese Communist leaders in which those 
leaders said that China could withstand a hydro- 
gen war because, even after losing some 300 mil- 
lion people, they would still have 300 million left 
who could then proceed to communize the world. 
Such a willingness to sacrifice hundreds of mil- 
lions of Chinese in a single stroke seems too fright- 
ful to believe. But now, in their official journal, 
Red Flag, Chinese Communists say that they do 
not fear a hydrogen war because 



October 31, 1960 



683 



... on the debris of a dead imperialism, the victorious 
people would create with extreme rapidity a civilization 
thousands of times higher than the capitalist system and 
a truly beautiful future for themselves. 

This, I believe, Mr. President, is the only re- 
corded instance of a group of men anywhere in 
the world believing that a world war fought with 
hydrogen bombs, in which up to a half or more 
of their own huge population could be wiped out, 
would lead to a beautiful future for anybody. 
Such a fanatical addiction to violence seems with- 
out equal even among the Communist nations — 
to judge by recent statements from within the 
Communist bloc to the effect that "only madmen 
and maniacs can speak of a new war." And yet 
this is the mentality which the Soviet Union says 
we should welcome into the fold of the United 
Nations in order to "enhance the prestige and au- 
thority of the organization." 

Refutation of Arguments for Admission 

Let it be remembered, Mr. President, that what 
is proposed here is not only that the United Na- 
tions should seat the Chinese Communists, but in 
order to make room for them the United Nations 
should in effect expel the Eepublic of China. 
That is a fate which the charter, in article 6, re- 
serves for members which have "persistently vio- 
lated the Principles contained in the present 
Charter." 

The Republic of China, through all the diffi- 
culties which it has suffered, remains to this day 
the true repository of the ancient culture and gen- 
ius of the Chinese, people. It has never violated 
the United Nations Charter. It has fulfilled its 
obligations as a member of the United Nations. 
It has never incurred the censure of this organi- 
zation. It has faithfully contributed its efforts 
and its wisdom to our work. 

Now, before I conclude, let me deal briefly with 
certain arguments which are sometimes advanced 
on this subject. 

First, we sometimes hear it said that Commu- 
nist China is indeed guilty of gross violations of 
the charter but that admitting its representatives 
to the United Nations would tend to remedy its 
extreme behavior by exposing the regime to mod- 
erating ideas and influences. 

Now, the charter gives no basis for such an argu- 
ment, since eligibility for admission depends on 
whether a state is peace-loving, not on whether it 



stands in need of reform. Even so, this argu- 
ment might carry weight if there were any facts 
at all to support it. But there are none. 

This regime that we are discussing has consist- 
ently demanded a seat in this body as a right, even 
while they were in the act of aggression against 
the United Nations. They have never shown any 
willingness to moderate their policies out of defer- 
ence to the United Nations Charter or to the ex- 
pressed views of this organization. On the one 
occasion in the winter of 1950 and 1951 when their 
emissary came to the United Nations, his attitude 
was arrogant and inflexible. Later, whenever they 
have been invited to take part in any particular 
deliberations here, they have refused. They have 
continued to denounce the United Nations. They 
have made it clear that they would accept a seat 
only on their own terms, but to admit them on 
these terms, with no abatement of their present 
policies, would only reward them for their uncom- 
promising attitude and thereby strengthen rather 
than weaken their addiction to aggression. 

Then there is a second argument — that to ex- 
clude the Chinese Communists adds to the danger 
of war because, we are told, there is no place except 
in the United Nations in which to negotiate with 
them. Yet my own country has negotiated with 
them over the past 8 years — at Panmunjom, in 
Geneva, and in Warsaw. We have negotiated with 
them about Korea, about the prisoners whom they 
unlawfully detained, and about the Taiwan Strait. 
The lack is not of a forum for negotiation but of 
a willingness on the part of the Chinese Commu- 
nists to settle any important question except by 
capitulation to their own intransigent terms. 

Finally, it is sometimes argued that refusal to 
seat the Peiping regime in the United Nations 
denies representation in tins wo/ld body to 600 
million mainland Chinese. In fiew of the long 
record of aggressions and threats of war by the 
Peiping regime, this argument would have no 
validity under the charter even if it were true. 
But the truth is that the rulers of Peiping do not 
represent the Chinese people. The Peiping regime 
was imposed by military force, and in 10 years 
it has carried out political purges which have 
brought death to some 18 million Chinese. And 
within the past 2 years, as all of you know, it has 
imposed a commune system, which is slave labor 
in all but name, upon 120 million families. 

Surely no government which represents its peo- 



684 



Department of State Bulletin 



pie has to resort to wholesale murder and mass 
slavery to keep itself in power. 

Door Open for Honest Negotiation 

Mr. President, I conclude. It is tragically true 
that the mainland of China today is to a great 
extent isolated from the rest of the world. But 
it is not we who have isolated it. The Communist 
rulers of China have isolated themselves — and 
isolated some 600 million Chinese people into the 
bargain — from the standpoint of world organiza- 
tion by a wall of fanatical hatred and violence 
against all those whom they cannot dominate. 
Their behavior is the antithesis of everything for 
which the United Nations stands. To admit them 
here would be to stultify our organization and to 
subject it to a stunning blow at the very moment 
when it faces new and historic tasks for the sake 
of freedom and peace. 

We must hope and work constantly for better 
things. We must keep the door open for honest 
negotiation. We must look forward to the day, 
which will surely come, when the Chinese people, 
free at last from their imposed isolation and from 
the poison of official hatred, will be permitted to 
renew civilized human contact with the outside 
world and to rejoin the family of man, to which 
they have, contributed so much in ages past. 



SECOND STATEMENT IN PLENARY, OCTOBER 1 

U.S. delegation press release 3516 

As representative of the United States, I de- 
liberately sought to delay my statement in right 
of reply for a few moments for several reasons, 
and I wish to thank you for your courtesy in 
breaking into the inscribed list and allowing me 
to briefly state my position. 

I did not wish to have my remarks come im- 
mediately after the intervention by the representa- 
tive of the Soviet Union because I did not wish 
this grave and basic issue to seem to be a private 
quarrel between two opposing great powers. 

I think it may also be understood if I say 
frankly that I also wished a slight delay so that 
I too would not be intemperate in my reply. 

Mr. Khrushchev has sought to distort the image 
of the United States. I want to say this : There 
is more freedom, there is more opportunity, there 
is more well-being for every American — I say 

October 37, 7960 

56S463— 60 3 



every American, regardless of race, color, or 
creed — in the United States than there is in any 
Communist country. Anybody who knows Amer- 
ica knows this to be true. 

But, Mr. President, over and above the slurs 
and distortions cast upon my country, I think 
that we here in this chamber, having heard what 
was said and the way in which it was said, must 
once again feel a sense of deep disturbance in 
behalf of the United Nations itself. I do not 
speak merely from the standpoint of being regu- 
larly surprised and not a little bit shocked at the 
spectacle presented by the representative of the 
Soviet Union in this chamber — whether he be 
on the rostrum or in his own seat — but I must 
say that it casts a good deal of doubt upon the 
possibility of serious, constructive, calm negotia- 
tion for disarmament or for any of the larger 
aspects of peace in our time. 

I am deeply sorry in behalf of the United Na- 
tions that we have been subjected to this doubt, 
and I can only hope that the intemperate out- 
bursts which we heard this morning will not be 
repeated and that the oft-reiterated position of 
the United States that we are ready to negotiate 
whenever there is sincerity in negotiation and 
possibility of success will again prevail. 

FIRST STATEMENT IN PLENARY, OCTOBER 8 

U.S. delegation press release 3523 

After listening to the speakers of the past sev- 
eral sessions which have been devoted to this sub- 
ject, I have felt obliged to ask to exercise once 
more my right of reply in order to clear up certain 
misunderstandings and misconceptions. I am 
truly sorry to inflict on the members of this hon- 
orable body any more oratory on this subject, but 
I am constrained to do so by what I have heard 
from many of the previous speakers. 

The problem of Communist China did not orig- 
inate with this organization or with the United 
States. It was the high command in Peiping, 
the rulers of Communist China, who launched the 
attack against the United Nations in Korea. 
Since that day, almost exactly 10 years ago, the 
Chinese Communists have preached and practiced 
the doctrine that force must be used to perpetuate 
and expand their system beyond its present terri- 
tory. They continue to press outward from their 

685 



borders, apparently not raring how much they 
endanger peace. 

Now, in my remarks on October 1st, I sum- 
marized the past and present record of the Chinese 
Communist regime to show its aggressive and war- 
like behavior. I need only recall for purposes of 
today's remarks the undisputed fact that as a 
result of its aggression in Korea, where over 1 mil- 
lion of its troops were thrown into battle against 
the United Nations, Communist China was con- 
demned by a vote of the General Assembly — a 
vote which, of course, has never been rescinded. 
And to this day the reunification of Korea by 
free elections under the auspices of the United 
Nations is being refused. 

The Chinese Communists have even said, at the 
very moment that we here are trying to find ways 
of eliminating atomic weapons, that they have 
nothing to fear from — in fact they would wel- 
come — atomic warfare. This is a fantastic and 
monstrous statement. 

Last Thursday, October 6th, the leader of the 
Polish delegation [Wladyslaw Gomulka] seemed 
to doubt the information I had given on this point 
and intimated that he would like to know my 
sources. I am glad to oblige him. First, I quoted 
the amazing Chinese Communist view that a ther- 
monuclear war would lead to, and I quote, "a truly 
beautiful future," end of quote, for the survivors. 
That statement appears in an article entitled 
"Long Live Leninism!" in the April 15, 1960, 
issue of the Peiping magazine Red Flag, the offi- 
cial journal of the Central Committee of the Chi- 
nese Communist Party ; one could scarcely find a 
higher body to which to refer. 

Second, I referred to reports that the Chinese 
Communists were prepared to sacrifice half their 
population in a thermonuclear war, in the belief 
that the remaining .300 million would then proceed 
to communize whatever was left of the world. 
Now there are a number of sources of this report. 
Here is what was said : 

It is also interesting to note that the Chinese leaders 
attacked us on account of our foreign policy, a policy of 
coexistence among states and peoples with different state 
systems. . . . 

Comrades, that is precisely the trouble. They do not 
like our peaceful policy — the policy of peace, the policy 
of coexistence. But war cannot solve the various diffi- 
culties encountered in building socialism, even if a coun- 
try has 600 million inhabitants- — a fact which some of its 
people are fond of stressing, saying that in any possible 



war, in a conflict of that kind, there would still be 300 
million left : that is to say, 300 million would get killed 
and 300 million would be left behind, but there would be 
no one left except them. 

This quotation is from a speech by Marshal Tito 
of Yugoslavia on June 15, 1958. That is the ac- 
count of the Chinese Communist idea as given by 
Marsha] Tito. I hope that this reference would 
answer Mr. Gomulka 's question. 

The truth about the Chinese Communists is clear. 
Xo amount of distortion, hoping, or wishful 
thinking is going to alter it. Their record in in- 
ternational affairs is a long chronicle of violent 
aggression. They have an addiction to force as a 
rooted principle and a fanatical hostility toward 
those whom they cannot control. And these 
characteristics are, I submit, repugnant to the 
United Nations and decisively disqualify them to 
sit in this organization. 

"Principle of Universality" 

Now, Mr. President, a number of speakers have 
cited the so-called "principle of universality" as 
if it were an accepted legal principle which should 
lead the United Nations General Assembly to con- 
sider the change which has been suggested here. 
But this idea of universality is not supported by 
the charter. I ask the members to reread article 
4. This does not provide that membership in the 
United Nations is open to all states, regardless of 
their qualifications. On the contrary, it lays down 
the requirements that members shall be peace- 
loving, shall accept the obligations of the charter, 
and shall, in the judgment of the organization, be 
able and willing — let me stress that last word — 
willing to carry out these obligations. So that 
those who advocate admitting this regime on the 
basis of universality apparently ignore the fact 
that the charter lays down certain criteria for 
judging states which seek admission. And the 
rules of procedure of the General Assembly repeat 
these criteria, specifically requiring the Assembly 
to consider whether an applicant is a peace-loving 
state. By this criterion Communist China utterly 
fails to qualify. How different is this regime 
from those of the new members which we have 
admitted this year! 

"We have heard some speakers who apparently 
would like the United Nations to say to the peo- 
ple in Peiping: "You don't qualify, but because 
you are so big we will ignore the criteria and let 



686 



Department of State Bulletin 



you in." I suggest that such an approach is bad 
law, bad sense, and bad for the organization. 

Then other speakers seem to want us to say: 
"Your behavior is bad and for that you don't 
qualify, but we will let you in and perhaps we can 
reform you." Not only does the charter give no 
ground for this view; experience gives still less. 
In fact, it is clear that the Chinese Communists 
would consider their being seated in the United 
Nations as a complete vindication of their bellig- 
erent policies. And they, as well as a large pro- 
portion of the world, would consider that they 
had shot their way into their seats in this hall. 

Now there are some who allege that the Chinese 
Communist regime represents the will and aspira- 
tions of the people of China. I have dealt with this 
briefly before, but here is another point to consider. 
Do these who allege this — do these men forget that 
when the soldiers of the so-called "Chinese People's 
Volunteers" who had surrendered to United Na- 
tions forces in Korea were offered a chance to 
return to their homeland, despite all the blandish- 
ments and, yes, all the threats hurled at them by 
Communist agitators, a huge majority of them — 
16,000 men — refused to go home, even though a 
great many of them realized that they might be 
doing a serious disservice to their families who 
were still at home by such a refusal. Now, that the 
Peiping regime controls the people of the main- 
land no one will deny; it is regrettable but true. 
But they cannot be said to represent them. 

The head of the Soviet delegation [Nikita S. 
Khrushchev] cited the establishment of diplomatic 
relations between Communist China and a number 
of United Nations member states. Leaving aside 
the Soviet bloc members, I think we ought to realize 
that only one-quarter of the non-Communist 
membership of the United Nations has relations 
with Peiping. To my mind this is not a very large 
figure to boast about, considering the other claims 
which are made for this regime. 

Again Mr. Khrushchev, and also some of his 
colleagues, made much of a supposed attempt by 
the United States to push through a "two-China" 
concept. There is no such attempt, and there never 
was. This is one of the very few topics on which 
there is complete agreement between the Govern- 
ment of the Republic of China and the Chinese 
Communist regime; and since both have main- 
tained emphatic opposition to this concept, Mr. 
Khrushchev's charge is, on the face of it, absurd. 



Mr. President, the issue is not "two Chinas" or 
"one China." It is the behavior of the China which 
seeks admission now in place of the China which 
has been sitting here so honorably since the incep- 
tion of this organization. It is the history of this 
regime, who alone among the world's divided coun- 
tries — China, Korea, Viet-Nam, and Germany — 
claim the right to reunify their country by war. 
And now apparently Mr. Khrushchev endorses 
their claiming this right, even though he has said 
that anyone thinking of another war must be 
maniacs and madmen. This is what he said last 
Saturday : 

"I consider this to be a most legitimate right for 
the Chinese People's Republic. We have sup- 
ported these endeavors in the past on the part of 
the Chinese People's Republic, we are supporting 
them now, and we shall continue to support 
them" — the use of force, those last four words 
parenthetically, but to continue with the quote — 
"I should also like to point out that the Chi- 
nese Government is demonstrating considerable 
restraint." 

I may say, Mr. President and honorable mem- 
bers, that the degree of "restraint" was clearly 
shown by the 170,000 shells of Soviet manufacture 
which the Communists fired into the islands in 
question during the recent visit of President 
Eisenhower. 

General Committee's Recommendation 

Now I would like to turn, Mr. President, to a 
few other points which have been raised in the 
discussion. 

In the first place the General Committee has 
been criticized for something which in fact it 
never did. The representative of India [V. K. 
Krishna Menon] on October 3 said that the Gen- 
eral Committee in its report is usurping the 
Assembly's power of discussion. Now this is 
simply not so. We here right now and for a num- 
ber of days have been debating and discussing this 
question. Paragraph 10 of the General Commit- 
tee's report clearly states that the committee's 
action is a recommendation to this Assembly to 
adopt a resolution contained in paragraph 10 of 
the report — merely a recommendation. And the 
General Assembly, not the General Committe, 
must make the decision on this question. The com- 
mittee has not taken over this task or even 
attempted to do so. 



October 37, J 960 



687 



During this debate Mr. Menon also made refer- 
ence to my description of the manner in which the 
Chinese Communists had come to power and have 
maintained themselves in power. My words which 
he actually quoted were, and I requote, "The 
Peiping regime was imposed by military force, 
and in 10 years . . ." and so forth. That is from 
Mr. Menon's speech, and that is all that he quoted. 
He then remarked that that was equally true of 
the United States, whose government was imposed 
by force in the American War of Independence, 
and that he therefore hoped that no American 
schoolboy would read my speech. I am frankly 
surprised at this statement, coming from the repre- 
sentative of a friendly country. 

The whole world knows, Mr. President, that 
the Government of the United States was not 
imposed by force upon the American people. It 
was demanded by the people and created by the 
freely elected representatives of the people, who 
had learned the rights of free men from their 
English forebears and from their other forebears, 
many of whom came from other countries. The 
people and the Government of the new American 
nation fought together for those rights. Mr. 
Menon may wish to rewrite history, but he would 
be well advised to study American history a bit 
more extensively. At the same time we hope, and 
I hope, that every American schoolboy will study 
both his words and mine. 

That much applies to the few words of my state- 
ment which were quoted. But still less does his 
comparison between Communist China and the 
United States apply to the part which was not 
quoted and which I must quote again at this point. 
Here is what I actually said, the total quote : 

The Peiping regime was imposed by military force, and 
in 10 years it has carried out political purges which have 
brought death to some 18 million Chinese. And ... it 
has imposed a commune system, which is slave labor in 
all but name, upon 120 million families. 

Surely no government which represents its people has 
to resort to wholesale murder and mass slavery to keep 
itself in power. 

This is the reality of what has happened in 
Communist China, and we should not play the 
ostrich, even though hiding our eyes may be more 
convenient and certainly more pleasant. 

Question of Disarmament 

Before I conclude, let me deal with one addi- 
tional point of importance. 



A number of speakers have expressed an appre- 
hension that progress on disarmament cannot be 
achieved unless the Chinese Communists sit at the 
table as members of the United Nations. 

Now, Mr. President, let us face some inescapable 
facts here. Disarmament can only be accom- 
plished if those engaged in negotiations on this 
matter accept the fundamental premise that war is 
wrong and that they must therefore under suitable 
balances and controls dispense with the weapons 
of war. All the current participants in negoti- 
ations on disarmament have declared their accept- 
ance of this premise. Even under those conditions 
the task of overcoming the fear and prejudice 
which besets this problem is discouragingly great. 

I ask you : Could we expect to ease those tasks 
by adding to the negotiators at this stage a regime 
which steadfastly proclaims and acts on the belief 
that war is inevitable and desirable — meaning, of 
course, that weapons are therefore inevitable and 
desirable? Let us first seek an agreement among 
those who believe to the contrary that war can 
and should be eliminated as an instrument of 
national policy. All nations, of course, must be in- 
cluded when disarmament and verification 
arrangements become worldwide. But the first 
task is to make a beginning, a beginning which is 
so long overdue. To those of you who sincerely 
want disarmament — and I think that embraces 
virtually every person in the room — I ask you to 
reflect for a moment on the atmosphere we would 
face here in the General Assembly today if the 
Chinese Communists were in fact seated. Picture 
them in this hall today preaching the gospel of 
hatred, the gospel of violence. "Would the work 
of this great organization for peace be advanced ? 
Had this regime taken part in the decisions on 
the Congo, there can be no doubt that it would 
have added all of its weight to the forces trying 
to tear down the United Nations operation in the 
Congo, both here in New York and in the field. 
They would have wished to subject the people of 
the Congo to a Communist imperialism at a time 
when the efforts of the United Nations should, 
must, and are being directed toward upholding 
the independence of the Congo and keeping all 
elements of the cold war out of that country. 

Mr. President, in this critical hour of the his- 
tory of the United Nations the United States 
remains convinced that the best course for the 
Assemblv is to confirm the recommendation of the 



688 



Department of State Bulletin 



General Committee that this question not be con- 
sidered further this year. For this reason we 
fully support the resolution which is contained 
in paragraph 10 of the report of the General 
Committee and which was recommended by that 
body. 

It of course follows that the United States is 
opposed to any attempt by amendment or sub- 
amendment to reverse the sense of the General 
Committee's recommendation. The subamend- 
ment proposed by Guinea in document A/L.315/ 
Eev.l is, of course, designed to reverse the Gen- 
eral Committee's recommendation. The adoption 
of the Guinean amendment would mean a recom- 
mendation that the General Assembly should in- 
scribe this item. The United States will there- 
fore vote against it. 

The same may be said for the amendment sub- 
mitted by the representative of Nepal in document 
A/L.314. The United States will vote against 
both parts of this amendment. 

Mr. President, I strongly hope that the Assem- 
bly, as in years past, will uphold the recommenda- 
tion of its General Committee. 5 

SECOND STATEMENT IN PLENARY, OCTOBER 8 

U.S. delegation press release 3524 

The Assembly has decided for the 10th consecu- 
tive year not to place on its agenda the question 
of Chinese representation. It has again agreed 
not to consider any proposals to unseat the Repub- 
lic of China or to seat Communist China. 

This shows that the United States policy to keep 
Red China out of the United Nations, in light of 
Red China's aggressive and warlike behavior, 
continues to have the support of the majority of 
the world community. This is true despite the 
heavy pressures put on many states to vote the 
other way. We welcome the fact that the United 
Nations, which is now composed of 99 members, 
including the new African states, has rebuffed 
Communist China's continued campaign to shoot 
its way into the United Nations. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography ' 

Security Council 

Second Report by the Secretary-General on the Imple- 
mentation of Security Council Resolutions S/4387 of 
14 July 1960 and S/4405 of 22 July 1960 : Addendum No. 
8. Corrigendum. S/4417/Add. 8/Corr. 1 and 2. August 
19,1960. 2 pp. 

Communication Received on 26 August 1960 From the 
President of the Government of the Federation of Mali 
and President of the Government of the Republic of 
Sudan, Addressed to the Secretary-General. S/4470. 
August 26, 1960. 7 pp. 

Letter Dated 9 August 1960 From the Secretary-General 
of the Organization of American States Addressed to 
the Secretary-General of the United Nations. S/4471. 
August 26, 1960. 3 pp. 

Letter Dated 26 August 1960 From the Chairman of the 
Disarmament Commission Addressed to the Secretary- 
General. S/4473. August 26, 1960. 2 pp. 

Letter Dated 12 September 1960 From the Representative 
of the U.S.S.R. Addressed to the President of the Secu- 
rity Council. S/4506. September 13, 1960. 3 pp. 

General Assembly 

Report of the Board of Auditors on the Audit of the 

Accounts of the Voluntary Funds Administered by the 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for 

the Year Ended 31 December 1959. A/AC.96/97. 

August 16, 1960. 20 pp. 

Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the 

Fifteenth Regular Session of the General Assembly : 

Item Proposed by Cuba — Land Reform. Letter dated 

August 17, 1960, from the Permanent Representative 

of Cuba to the United Nations addressed to the 

Secretary-General. A/4439. August 18, 1960. 2 

pp.; 

Item Proposed by the U.S.S.R. — Representation of 
China in the United Nations. Cable dated September 
5, 1960, from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of 
the U.S.S.R., addressed to the Secretary-General. 
A/4474. September 6, 1960. 3 pp. ; 

Item Proposed by Afghanistan, Burma, Ceylon, Ethi- 
opia, Federation of Malaya, Ghana, Guinea, India, 
Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, 
Morocco, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, 
Sudan, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, and Yemen — 
the Question of Algeria. Letter dated September 14, 
1960, from the Permanent Representative of Afghan- 
istan addressed to the Secretary-General. A/4418/ 
Add. 1. September 14, 1960. 3 pp. ; 

Item Proposed by Morocco — the Problem of Mauritania. 
Letter dated September 14, 1960, from the Permanent 
Representative of Morocco to the United Nations 
addressed to the Secretary-General. A/4445/Add. 1. 
September 16, 1960. 3 pp. ; 

Item Proposed by the U.S.S.R.— Threat to the Political 
Independence and Territorial Integrity of the Re- 
public of the Congo. Letter dated September 16, 
1960, from the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of 
the U.S.S.R. addressed to the Secretary-General. 
A/4495. September 17, 1960. 3 pp. 



6 The General Assembly on Oct. 8 adopted the recom- 

»mendation of the General Committee (U.N. doc. 
A/4520) not to consider the question of Chinese represen- 
tation at the 15th regular session. The vote was 42 to 34, 
with 22 abstentions. 



1 Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia 
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. 
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents) 
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the 
United States. 



October 31, 1960 



689 



U.S. Issues Reply to Charges Made by Cuban Prime Minister 
in U.N. General Assembly 



Follow'/ mi is the text of a document released by 
the U.S. delegation to the U.N. General Assembly 
at New York on October 13 in reply to allegations 
made in the United Nations against the United 
States by Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro, 
together icith a letter of transmittal from U.S. 
Representative James J. Wadsivorth to U.N. Sec- 
retary-General Dag Ilammarskjold requesting 
that the document be circulated to all members 
of the United Nations. 



LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 



October 12, 1960 



Excellency: On September 2G, 1960, the 
Prime Minister of Cuba, while addressing the 
General Assembly, made many untrue and dis- 
torted allegations against the United States which 
could not be allowed to stand unanswered. In 
my brief reply before the Assembly on the fol- 
lowing day 1 1 stated that the United States would 
shortly make available a document dealing fully 
with the issues involved. 

On the instructions of the United States Gov- 
ernment, therefore, I have the honor to request 
that the enclosed document, entitled "Facts con- 
cerning relations between Cuba and the United 
States : a reply to allegations against the United 
States by Prime Minister Fidel Castro of Cuba", 
be circulated to all Members of the United Nations 
for their information. 

The United States Government, which together 
witli the people of the United States entertains 
feelings of the warmest friendship and good will 
toward Cuba and her people, deeply regrets that 
such unfounded and hostile statements should 



have been made and that it should be necessary 
to correct the record by means of this reply. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my high- 
est consideration. 

James J. Wadsworth 
His Excellency 
Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, 
Secretary General, United Nations. 



TEXT OF DOCUMENT 

Facts Concerning Relations Between Cuba and the 
United States 

A Reply to Allegations Made in the United Nations Against 
the United States by Prime Minister Fidel Castro of 
Cuba 

On September 26, 1960, the Prime Minister of Cuba, 
Mr. Fidel Castro, addressed the General Assembly at 
considerable length on the relations between the present 
Cuban regime and the United States. His speech con- 
tained many unfounded accusations, half-truths, mali- 
cious innuendoes and distortions of history — all aimed 
against the historic friendship between Cuba and the 
United States, a friendship which he seems anxious to 
destroy. 

The most important charges against the United States 
which Prime Minister Castro made in this address had 
already been considered and rejected in two meetings 
of the Organization of American States, consisting of 
twenty-one republics of the Western Hemisphere, before 
he made them in the General Assembly. 2 The Foreign 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1960, p. 621. 
690 



2 For text of a memorandum submitted by the United 
States to the Inter-American Peace Committee on June 
27, 1960, entitled "Provocative Actions of the Govern- 
ment of Cuba Against the United States Which Have 
Served To Increase Tensions in the Caribbean Area," 
see ibid., July 18, 1960, p. 79; for text of a memorandum 
submitted on Aug. 2, 1960, entitled "Responsibility of 
Cuban Government for Increased International Tensions 
in the Hemisphere," see ibid., Aug. 29, 1960, p. 317 ; for a 
supplement to the latter memorandum, see ibid., Sept. 12, 
1960, p. 409. 

Department of State Bulletin 



Ministers of the OAS beard and rejected them at their 
meeting in San Jose, Costa Rica, in August. 3 The dele- 
gates ti> the (IAS economic conference in Bogota, Co- 
lombia, in September heard essentially the same charges 
from the representative of Cuba and again rejected them.* 
Now, in view Of the repetition of these and other un- 
founded charges before the General Assembly, and out 
of respect for the opinions of the entire membership of 
the United Nations, the United States feels compelled 
once again to set the record straight. 

1. Cuban-United States relations since 1898 

The charge: That in times past "Cuba was virtually a 
colony of the United States". . . "the apple was ripe and 
the United States Government held out its open hands." 
That the Piatt Amendment, granting the United States 
the right to intervene and to lease naval bases in Cuba, 
was "imposed by force" on Cuba. That the "coloniza- 
tion" of Cuba then began with "the acquisition of the 
best laud by United States firms, concessions of Cuban 
natural resources and mines, concessions of public serv- 
ices for purposes of exploitation, commercial concessions, 
concessions of all types." That "a greater part of the 
sugar production, the lion's share of the arable land of 
Cuba and the most important industries . . . belonged to 
North American companies." 

The farts: When the people of Cuba sought independ- 
ence from Spain toward the end of the 19th century, 
the American people overwhelmingly sympathized with 
them. In 1S98 the United States became the active ally 
of the newly independent Cuba. American soldiers 
fought side by side with Cuban patriots in the war for 
Cuban independence. 

In the years after Cuba became independent the new 
nation stood in obvious need of political and economic 
stability and of investment capital. The Piatt Amend- 
ment, which governed United States relations with Cuba 
after the withdrawal of United States troops from the 
island, helped to assure these conditions. 

Prime Minister Castro did not mention the fact that 
the Piatt Amendment was abrogated in 1934 — twenty-sis 
years ago — by agreement between the two governments. 
This step was taken during the Presidency of Franklin 
D. Roosevelt, author of the "Good Neighbor" policy, a 
policy which has remained in effect ever since. 

The Prime Minister also neglected to mention that in 
empowering the use of military forces to assist in the 
liberation of Cuba the Congress of the United States in 
189S adopted a joint resolution, signed by the President 
the nest day, explicitly disclaiming any intention of the 
United States to esercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or con- 
trol over Cuba as an aftermath of this assistance and 
endorsing the right of Cuba to be free and independent 
and under the control of its own people. 



* Ibid., Sept. 12, 1960, p. 395. 

1 The Special Committee of the Council of the Organi- 
zation of American States To Study the Formulation of 
New Measures for Economic Cooperation (Committee of 
21) met at Bogota Sept. 5-13, 1960. 



As regards United States interests in Cuban sugar, it is 
probably true that at one time American-owned firms 
owned or leased most of the sugar lands and produced 
most of the Cuban sugar crop. However, long before 
Prime Minister Castro came to power United States cit- 
izens were reducing their sugar holdings. By 1959 they 
had an interest in no more than one-third of the sugar 
lands of Cuba, about 1,210,000 acres on which about one- 
third of the Cuban sugar crop was produced. 

Sugar production accounted for only a minor part of 
United States investment in Cuba. Only 25 per cent of 
United States investments were devoted to agriculture, 
and of that more than half represented sugar mills, not the 
growing of cane. The remaining 75 per cent were such as 
to promote not a one-crop economy but a highly diversified 
economy, with emphasis on industry and manufacturing. 
The major portion was invested in public utilities— elec- 
tricity and telephones— both indispensable to industrial 
growth and diversification and both regulated by the 
Cuban Government. As a result Cuba had the fifth highest 
rate of electrical consumption in Latin America. In addi- 
tion, 10 per cent of United States investments were 
directly in manufacturing industries. 

2. The United States, alleged ally of monopoly and 
reaction 

The charge: "Why does the United States Government 
not want to speak of development? . . . Because the Gov- 
ernment of the United States does not want to quarrel 
with the monopolies, and the monopolies need natural 
resources. . . . The Government of the United States can- 
not propose a plan for public investment, because this 
would divorce it from the very ration d'etre of the United 
States Government, which is the United States monopolies. 
That is the true reason why no true program of economic 
development is planned: to preserve the land of Latin 
America, of Africa and of Asia, to keep it the private 
domain of those who wish to invest their surplus capital." 
The United States has betrayed its revolutionary origin 
and has "become today the ally of all the reactionaries of 
the world, the ally of all the gangsters in the world, the 
ally of the landowners, the monopolists, the militarists 
and the fascists of the world, the ally of the most retro- 
grade and reactionary groups of the world." 

The facts: The United States does speak of economic 
development of underdeveloped countries, and not only 
speaks of it but contributes increasing sums of money 
and energy to it, both through the United Nations and 
through other agencies, including the inter-American 
system. 

In fact, the United States Government contributes more 
to economic development of other countries than any other 
government in the world. Still larger is the outflow of 
United States private investment — which we believe, as 
do most other nations, makes a major favorable impact 
on the economic growth of under-developed countries and 
on the well-being of their peoples. 

As for "monopolies," United States industries are for- 
bidden by law from engaging in monopolistic practices — 
by the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890 and the Clayton 



October 31, 7960 



691 



Anti-Trust Act of 1913, both of which are actively enforced 
by the United States Government. The Marxist idea of 
"monopolies," applied to the United States, is a hundred 
years out of date. 

The picture of the United States as the ally of "gangsters 
. . . landowners . . . monopolists . . . militarists . . . fascists" 
is straight out of the mythology of Soviet communism — as 
are the economic theories quoted above. 

The raison d'etre of the United States Government is 
not "monopolies". It is, in the words of the United States 
Constitution, "to form a more perfect Union, establish 
Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the com- 
mon defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the 
Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." 

3. The U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo 

The charge: That "because of the Piatt Amendment, 
imposed by force on our people, the Government of the 
United States took upon itself the right to establish naval 
bases on our territory, a right that it imposed on us by 
force and which it has maintained by the same means." 

The facts: The United States never "took upon itself" 
or "imposed by force" any right respecting Guantanamo. 
Nor do United States rights in Guantanamo arise from 
the now-defunct Piatt Amendment. 

In 1902 and 1903 the United States conducted diplo- 
matic negotiations with the Republic of Cuba for the 
purpose of acquiring the right to establish coaling and 
naval stations on Cuban territory. As a result of these 
negotiations, two executive agreements were signed in 
1903. The first provided for the lease to the United 
States of certain designated territory at Guantanamo 
Bay. The second agreement spelled out the terms of the 
lease. 

The validity of these agreements was reaffirmed by 
Article III of the 1934 Treaty of Relations between the 
United States and Cuba, which is still in effect and 
which provides : 

"Until the two contracting parties agree to the modifi- 
cation or abrogation of the stipulations of the agreement 
in regard to the lease to the United States of America of 
lands in Cuba for coaling and naval stations signed by 
the President of the Republic of Cuba on February 16, 
1903, and by the President of the United States of Amer- 
ica on the 23rd day of the same month and year, the 
stipulations of that agreement with regard to the naval 
station of Guantanamo shall continue in effect. The 
supplementary agreement in regard to naval or coaling 
stations signed between the two governments on July 2, 
1903, also shall continue in effect in the same form and 
on the same conditions with respect to the naval station 
at Guantanamo." 

These instruments were not imposed by force. They 
were negotiated between sovereign governments. It is 
particularly necessary to recall their provisions because 
Prime Minister Castro has raised a current question 
concerning Guantanamo (see item 14 below) . 

4. The United States attitude toward the Batista 
government 

The charge: That "the military group that tyrannized 
over our country . . . was based upon the foreign in- 
terests that dominated the economy of the country" — 



692 



meaning those of the United States — because it was "the 
type of government that was chosen and preferred by 
the monopolists." 

The facts: The type of government existing in Cuba 
is the affair of the Cuban people. Since World War II 
the United States has maintained normal relations with 
Cuban governments of varying political tendencies: Colo- 
nel Batista in 1940 ; Dr. Ramon Grau San Martin in 
1944, who promoted social reforms against opposition 
from both right and left wings, including the Com- 
munists ; Dr. Carlos Prio Socarras in 1948, who won 
out over both Communist and Batista forces and sought 
economic progress for his country ; beginning in 1952, the 
second Batista government ; and, until frustrated by sys- 
tematic hostility, the present Cuban government. The 
idea that leaders of such varying persuasions could have 
been imposed on the Cuban people by United States 
"monopolists" is ridiculous, and is an insult to the ca- 
pacity of the Cuban people to govern themselves. 

The United States has a firm policy of non-intervention 
in Latin American affairs, stemming from the "Good 
Neighbor" policy of 1934 and in harmony with the 
United Nations Charter and the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro. 
The United States regards the principle of non-interven- 
tion as one of the cornerstones of the inter-American 
system. 

5. U.S. military aid to Cuba 

The charge: That "the Batista regime stayed in power 
with the assistance of tanks, planes and weapons sup- 
plied by the Government of the United States" ; that the 
officers of the army under Batista "were instructed and 
trained by a military mission of the United States"; and 
the use of this U.S. materiel and training "to fight the 
Cuban revolutionaries . . . had received the previous 
agreement of the Government of the United States." 

The facts: The United States military missions in Cuba 
were established in 1950 and 1951, pursuant to mission 
agreements between Cuba and the United States. This 
took place during the Presidency of Dr. Carlos Prio 
Socarras, not of Colonel Batista. These agreements, like 
similar agreements with most of the other American 
Republics, had as their sole purpose cooperation in the 
military defense of the Western Hemisphere and, in this 
case, specifically of Cuba and the United States. The 
function of the missions was to give technical advice, 
arrange for the admission of Cubans to United States 
military schools and academies, and to help in the pro- 
curement of military equipment and arms needed for the 
common defense. 

Equipment was provided to the Cuban Government 
under a military assistance agreement for hemisphere 
defense negotiated with and signed by the Prio Govern- 
ment, prior to the advent of President Batista. 

Any use made by the Batista government of this equip- 
ment, or of military training provided by the United States, 
in order to combat Cuban revolutionaries, was done with- 
out the consent of the United States authorities and in 
disregard of the agreement. The missions had no contact 
whatever with any military operations against the revolu- 
tionaries, trained no personnel for this purpose, and were 

Department of State Bulletin 



not present at auy time in the zones of operation. 
When it became evident that Cuba was undergoing a 
revolution which had the support of a large part of the 
Cuban population, the United States showed its deter- 
mination to stay out of Cuba's internal conflict by sus- 
pending all sales and shipments of combat arms to the 
Batista government. This suspension was publicly an- 
nounced in March 1958, ten months before the Castro 
forces took power. After March 195S the United States 
did not make any combat arms available to the Batista 
government, either directly or through third countries or 
in any other way. 

6. Cuba's balance of payments: "monopolies . . . 
sucking its blood" 

The charge: That "the balance of payments in the last 
ten years, from 1950 to 1960, has been favorable for the 
United States vis-a-vis Cuba to the extent of $1 billion." 
Thus, that Cuba, "a poor and under-developed country 
. . . was contributing to the economic development of the 
most highly industrialized country in the world." That 
the President of the United States did not want this situ- 
ation changed but rather wanted the new government to 
be "true to the monopolies that were exploiting Cuba and 
sucking its blood." 

The facts: These assertions are factually incorrect and 
the inferences drawn from them are illogical and untrue. 

In the decade 1949-1958, the latest for which reliable 
figures are available, Cuba's exports to the United States 
earned $4,405,000,000. (This includes $756 million of 
premium payments for Cuban sugar sold in the U.S. mar- 
ket, over and above world sugar prices.) In the same 
decade Cuba imported from the United States goods worth 
$4,676,000,000. Thus Cuba's adverse trade balance toward 
the United States was not $1 billion in this decade, but 
about $271,000,000. 

But even this figure does not truly describe Cuba's 
international trading position. During the same decade 
Cuba's imports from all cou7ttries amounted to $6,319,000,- 
000, while her exports to all countries totaled $6,835,000,- 
000 — a favorable over-all balance of $516,000,000 for the 
decade, indicating a healthy trading position. 

It is this over-all trading balance that is most significant. 
Normally a free-trading nation does not seek a bilateral 
trade balance with each and every trading partner, but 
rather an over-all balance of payments with all countries. 
Attempts to balance trade bilaterally, as on the barter 
principle, restrict trade unnecessarily and impede economic 
growth and the improvement of living standards. Thus, 
for example, the United States has a favorable balance of 
trade with some of the American Republics, whereas in 
others the balance is adverse to the United States by ratios 
as high as two to one. This principle of balancing trade 
multilaterally is one of the cornerstones of the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, of which both Cuba and 
the United States are members. 

The advantage of this multilateral trading system to 
Cuba is easily shown. The dollars which Cuba earned 
for goods sold to the United States could be used freely 
to import other goods into Cuba from, anywhere in the 
world. The fact that Cubans actually bought from the 



United States slightly more than they sold to the United 
States did not result from any artificial barter or quota 
requirement and was not "blood sucking." It was purely 
the result of competitive forces and of the free choices of 
Cuban traders. 

Under the present government Cuba has artificially 
reduced imports from the United States by more than 
one-half. There was no economic necessity for this. In 
the years before Prime Minister Castro came to power 
Cuban foreign exchange reserves, averaging $270,000,000, 
were sufficient to cover temporary fluctuations in Cuba's 
balance of payments. The only possible conclusion is that 
the reduction of trade with the United States was arti- 
ficial and politically motivated. 

In exchange for her former dollar earnings, and her 
freedom to seek the greatest advantage for Cuban traders 
and consumers in the markets of the world, Cuba has been 
developing a new system of barter transactions with the 
Soviet Union. In those transactions Cuba will have no 
choice as to the country to which it will sell or from which 
it will buy. It will have no chance to benefit from 
competition in price, quality or style among various po- 
tential trading partners. Its transactions, instead of 
earning hundreds of millions of dollars a year which can 
be spent anywhere in the world, will yield only fractional 
amounts of free currency for Cuba's use in world trade. 

7. Terms of payment for seized lands in Cuba 

The charge: That the United States, in demanding 
"speedy, efficient, and just" payment for United States- 
owned lands seized by the Castro regime, was in effect 
telling Cuba : "Pay now, cash on the spot, and what we 
ask for our lands" — thus forcing Cuba "to choose between 
an agrarian reform and nothing." 

The facts: The United States never made such a de- 
mand. Several times, it is true, the United States has 
asked the Cuban government to make "prompt, adequate 
and effective compensation" to American citizens whose 
lands had been taken under the agrarian reform law. 
But the United States never demanded payment "now, 
cash on the spot, and what we ask," or attempted to im- 
pose any other fixed or rigid terms. We sought only to 
bring about negotiation of the question of compensation, 
in accordance with accepted principles of international 
law. 

This was the least that could be asked. The laws 
prevailing in Cuba in the years when the seized lands 
were originally bought by United States citizens all con- 
tained provisions for prior compensation in case of ex- 
propriation. Yet, over one year after the Cuban agrarian 
reform law was passed, not one American owner has 
received compensation for lands taken under this law. 
In his United Nations speech, in fact, Prime Minister 
Castro asserted an alleged right to seize such properties 
"without indemnity" — a notion which directly flouts inter- 
national law. 

The United States has a long record of cooperation 
with countries seeking to carry out sound land reform 
programs. On June 11 and October 12, 1959, the United 
States expressed to the Cuban Government its full support 
for soundly conceived programs of rural betterment — 



October 31, 1960 



693 



including badly needed land reform. 5 The implication 
that the United States sought to interfere with the Cuban 
land reform program, either by making unreasonable de- 
mands for compensation or in any other way, is groundless. 

8. Cuban sugar exports to the United States 

The charge: That the United States, by reducing in 
1960 the quota of Cuban sugar annually imported into the 
United States at premium prices, committed "economic 
aggression" against Cuba. 

The facts: This charge is absurd. It was Cuba under 
Prime Minister Castro, not the United States, which first 
caused drastic reductions in Cuban-United States trade. 
In the sugar trade alone, months before the United States 
reduced Cuba's sugar quota, Cuba made firm agreements 
to export a large part of its present and future sugar 
crops to the Soviet Union and Communist China. In 
the interest of its own economy the United States could 
not remain tied to a source of supply burdened with this 
new obligation and with many other new uncertainties. 

These facts deserve to be set forth in more detail. 

In January 1960, seven months before the United States 
Congress acted to reduce the Cuban sugar quota, the pres- 
ent Cuban government began a series of steps to obstruct 
trade with the United States. These steps included : 

New import licensing requirements contrary to Cuba's 
obligations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade. 

Threats and pressures on traditional Cuban customers of 
the United States to divert their orders to suppliers in 
other countries. 

Reduction of the import quota on United States rice by 
more than 25 per cent; severe limits on dollar exchange 
allowed by the government for rice imports from the 
United States; imposition of a new "contribution" (i.e., 
duty) on all rice imported from the United States; and, 
meanwhile, duty-free importation of at least 16,500,000 
pounds of rice from a third country under a new bi- 
lateral trade agreement. 

New surcharges, ranging from 30 per cent to 100 per cent, 
on remittances of dollar exchange needed by Cuban 
importers to pay for certain kinds of commodities nor- 
mally imported from the United States. 

A new order that all Cuban exporters and other Cubans 
who earn dollars or other foreign exchange in their 
business must surrender all this foreign exchange to the 
government. 

Refusal to lend money to United States-owned banks in 
Cuba, forcing them to bring in funds from abroad to 
meet normal business requirements. 

If the aim of these steps has been to reduce Cuban 
imports from the United States, they have succeeded. 
There is now an estimated backlog of over $150,000,000 
owed to United States citizens for goods shipped to Cuba 
and for services and earnings. During the first four 
months of 1960 Cuban imports from the I'nited States were 
50 per cent below those in the same four months of 1958 
and 75 per cent below those in the same four months of 
1959. 



Meanwhile Cuba's export trade to the T'nited States 
continued to flourish. Cuban exports to the I'nited States 
in the first four months of 1960 were only slightly below 
those for the same part of 1958 and well above the figure 
for the same part of 1959. 

Then in 1960 the Cuban government concluded barter 
agreements with the Soviet Union and Communist China 
involving the export of a very large part of its annual 
sugar crop. The agreements provided for payment not 
at premium prices, as had been true of Cuban sugar ex- 
ports to the United States, but at prices at or even below 
the world market level. Moreover, only a minor portion 
of the payment was to be in convertible currencies, where- 
as the entire payment for Cuban sugar imported into the 
United States has been in dollars which Cuba could spend 
anywhere in the world. 

The present leaders in Cuba have often referred to the 
sugar quota arrangement with the United States, by which 
Cuba earned convertible dollars at preferential prices, as 
a form of "bondage" or "slavery." For instance, on 
March 2, 1960, Dr. Ernesto Guevara, the president of the 
National Bank of Cuba and a ranking official of the 
regime, said of the United States citizens concerned: 
"They have never stopped to analyze what amount of 
slavery the three million tons of our sugar which we 
customarily sell at supposedly preferential prices to the 
giant of the north has meant and means to the people of 
Cuba." When the United States Government queried the 
Cuban Government about these remarks, there was no 
reply. The inference was left that the Cuban rulers re- 
garded the sugar quota as a form of slavery imposed by 
the United States on the Cuban people. 

It is hard to understand how a traditional pattern of 
Cuban sugar exports paid for in dollars, at prices above 
the world market, the proceeds of which Cuba was able to 
use to purchase goods anywhere in the world, can be de- 
scribed as "slavery" — whereas now barter agreements at 
lower prices, agreements which tie the Cuban economy to 
the Sino-Soviet bloc and infringe on Cuba's right to choose 
the origin, cost and quality of its imports, can somehow 
be portrayed as "economic freedom." 

At all events, it became apparent that the present rulers 
of Cuba were forcing a radical change in Cuba's entire 
foreign trade system, and that the motives in their minds 
in doing this were not economic or commercial but poli- 
tical. This was confirmed when the Foreign Minister of 
Cuba, Dr. Raul Roa, said in Montevideo on June 10, 1960, 
that Cuba had decided "to break the structure of its com- 
mercial relations with the United States." 

It was against this background that the United States 
Congress and the President of the United States acted 
in the summer of 1960 to reduce the preferential quota 
for imports of Cuban sugar." Despite the vindictive 
attitude of the Cuban leaders over many months, this act 
by the United States was not an act of retaliation or 
revenge. Indeed, it would have been strange to take 
revenge by reducing a quota which Cuban leaders them- 
selves had condemned as a form of bondage. Rather, 
the reduction in the quota was necessary in defense of 



6 For text of U.S. 
June 29, 1959, p. 958. 

694 



note of June 11. see Bulletin of 



' Ibid., July 25, 1960, p. 140. 

Department of State Bulletin 



the United States economy, which has for many years 
depended heavily on Cuba as a source of sugar. 

Cuba normally has supplied about 71 per cent of the 
sugar import requirements of the United States. In 
the years 1931-195S the United States imported from Cuba 
an average of 2,5S0,000 tons of sugar — all at preferential 
prices. Cuba's dollar earnings from this trade rose from 
a low of $39,000,000 in the depression years of the early 
1930's to $100,000,000 in 1936 and $400,000,000 in 1947. 
In 1959 the earnings were $350,000,000. 

Cuba's preferential position in the United States sugar 
market goes back to 1902. It was made more secure in 1934 
by a quota system which gave Cuba a more stable United 
States market at the higher United States domestic price 
and in addition a 20 per cent tariff preference as com- 
pared with other foreign producers. This arrangement 
was a matter of mutual advantage. It helped the Cuban 
economy by providing a most important source of dollar 
exchange to pay for imports from all parts of the world. 
It helped the United States economy by providing a re- 
liable source of needed sugar imports at all times, includ- 
ing times of war and crisis. Thus during both the Korean 
war and the Suez crisis, when world markets were dis- 
turbed, the Cuban sugar industry maintained large stocks 
which were made available to the United States at fair 
prices. 

This arrangement could last only as long as both parties 
wanted it to last. The events of early 1960 in Cuba made 
it doubtful that the Cuban government was either able 
or willing to continue it. The highest officials of the Cuban 
government made repeated statements describing the 
supposed political and commercial advantages of selling 
Cuban sugar elsewhere. On August 13, 1960, the Minister 
of Finance, Raul Cepero Bonilla, said : "For the next 
year, it would be much more advantageous to Cuba if 
the United States did not buy a single grain of sugar." 
Meanwhile agreements were made committing Cuba to sell 
a major part of her sugar crop to the Sino-Soviet bloc, 
and indications appeared that that bloc was prepared 
to import even larger quantities of Cuban sugar by pur- 
chase or barter. Finally, it appears that these new obli- 
gations must be met out of a smaller Cuban sugar crop. 
United States experts estimate that the 1961 Cuban sugar 
crop may fall as low as 4,900,000 Spanish long tons — as 
compared with 5,700,000 Spanish long tons in 1960. 

For all those reasons the United States was forced, 
slowly and reluctantly, to conclude that Cuba is no longer 
a reliable source of supply for vital United States sugar 
requirements. This was the reason why the United States 
reduced the Cuban sugar quota and thus freed itself to 
turn to other sources of sugar supply. 

The conditions leading to this decision were created by 
the present authorities in Cuba. Their right as a sover- 
eign nation to order their foreign trade as they wish is 
not in dispute, except when in so doing they violate their 
agreements. But if they claim that right for themselves, 
they cannot deny it to others. 

There are ample grounds for the belief that the present 
government of Cuba set out deliberately to provoke, by its 
own action and threats, a United States action — un- 
avoidable as a matter of economic self-defense — which it 



could then picture in its propaganda as "economic aggres- 
sion". Now that it has achieved this dubious success, at 
a very considerable economic cost to the Cuban people, 
the cry of "economic aggression" against the United 
States sounds utterly hollow. 

9. Presence of anti-Castro Cubans in the United 
States 

The charge: "The first unfriendly act perpetrated by 
the Government of the United States was to threw open 
its doors to a gang of murderers, bloodthirsty criminals 
who had murdered hundreds of defenseless peasants, who 
had never tired of torturing prisoners for many, many 
years, who had killed right and left." 

The facts: The number of people who have fled Cuba 
and have taken refuge in the United States since the 
Castro government came to power does indeed run into 
the hundreds. In view of the fact that the Castro govern- 
ment has effectively banned all political opposition or pub- 
lic criticism as "counterrevolution.'iry", and has sought to 
brand those who dissent from its policies as "war crimi- 
nals" and adherents of the deposed Batista regime, it is 
not surprising that many Cubans who value freedom have 
gone into exile — some of them in the United States. Here 
they enjoy the traditional right of political asylum. They 
do not enjoy protection against criminal charges of murder 
or any other extraditable crime. 

In all cases where the Cuban Government sought extra- 
dition of Cuban refugees on criminal charges, the United 
States Government has given the fullest possible coopera- 
tion consistent with its traditional legal safeguards and 
with the very limited cooperation of the Cuban Govern- 
ment itself. 

The provisions for extradition of persons from the 
United States to Cuba are set forth in the United States- 
Cuban Extradition Treaty and in United States statutes. 
Cuba can file extradition proceedings in United States 
courts without even notifying the executive branch of the 
United States Government. 

All this was explained to the new Cuban authorities 
when, in January 1959, they raised the question of the 
return to Cuba of certain Cubans who had taken refuge 
in the United States. Yet to the best of the knowledge of 
the Department of State, from that day to this the Cuban 
Government has never requested extradition for a single 
one of those persons commonly defined by the Government 
of Cuba as war criminals from the Batista regime. 

In fact, the only extradition case which the Cuban 
Government has followed through to conclusion is that 
of Major Pedro Diaz Lanz, a former member of the 
Castro revolutionary group and chief of the Cuban air 
force after the Castro Government came to power in 
1959. T In the case of Major Diaz Lanz a United States 
District Court denied extradition on the ground that 
the Cuban authorities had given insufficient evidence of 
his alleged "crimes." 8 



' For background, see ibid., Nov. 30, 1959, p. 7S7. 
8 Major Diaz Lanz is referred to in item 11 below. [Foot- 
note in original.] 



Ocfofaer 31, 7960 



695 



In some cases the United States Embassy in Havana 
has certified extradition papers against certain Cuban 
refugees, but the Cuban Government has failed to follow 
up this step. In still other cases Cuban authorities 
have asked that the United States exercise its "good 
offices" to detain certain Cubans, but have not taken 
any step to have them extradited or even indicated 
the offenses with which they were charged in Cuba. 

This record strongly suggests that the Cuban Gov- 
ernment has no serious desire to obtain extradition of 
those whom it has branded as "war criminals", pre- 
ferring to keep the issue alive as one item in its cam- 
paign of anti-United States propaganda. 

10. Explosion of the munitions ship La Coubre 

The charge: That "a mysterious explosion — an explo- 
sion that was too mysterious — took place in the harbor 
of Havana, an explosion of a ship carrying Belgian 
weapons to our country, after many efforts made by 
the United States Government to prevent the Belgian 
Government from selling weapons to us" — in other 
words, by clear implication, that the United States Gov- 
ernment caused the explosion. 

The facts: The explosion of the French vessel La 
Coubre in Havana harbor on March 4, 1960, while it was 
discharging ammunition purchased by the Castro Gov- 
ernment, resulted in many deaths and injuries and wide- 
spread damage. The United States Government 
promptly expressed its condolences to the Government 
of Cuba over this tragic disaster, the cause of which 
is unknown to this day. 

Within a few hours of the disaster, before any inves- 
tigation could be carried out, the propaganda agencies 
of the Cuban Government, including the controlled press 
and radio, implied that the United States had caused the 
explosion. No evidence whatever was adduced to sup- 
port this charge. The following day, March 5, at the 
public funeral of the victims, Prime Minister Castro 
directly accused the United States of the responsibility — 
while in the same breath admitting "we do not have 
conclusive evidence." The same charge, only thinly 
veiled and again completely unsubstantiated, was re- 
peated in a pamphlet entitled Patria o Muerte (Father- 
land or Death) issued by the Department of Public Re- 
lations of the Cuban foreign ministry. This pamphlet was 
widely disseminated in Latin America and was dis- 
tributed by the Cuban representative on the Council of 
the Organization of American States to all his diplo- 
matic colleagues." Despite repeated United States pro- 
tests and denials, the charge has now been repeated by 
the Cuban Prime Minister before the United Nations. 

To this day not one piece of evidence, conclusive or 
otherwise, has been divulged by the Cuban authorities to 
support this extremely serious charge against the United 
States. The only possible conclusion is that there is no 
such evidence, and that the Cuban Government is cyni- 
cally using this disaster to add fuel to the fire of its 
propaganda against the United States. 



11. Charges of aerial bombing of Cuba from United 
States territory 

The charge: "A plane manufactured in the United 
States . . . flew over Havana, our capital, dropping pam- 
phlets and a few hand grenades. . . . The result was more 
than forty victims, between the grenades dropped and 
the anti-aircraft fire. . . . Pirate planes continued to fly 
over our territory dropping incendiary bombs. Millions 
upon millions of pesos were lost in the burning fields of 
sugar cane. . . . The American Government was an ac- 
complice in these aerial incursions." 

The facts: The United States Government, in endeavor- 
ing to prevent unauthorized flights of aircraft from 
United States soil in the Caribbean area, has imposed 
upon such flights the most vigorous and elaborate system 
of controls in its peacetime history. Since there are 
75,000 private aircraft in the United States, and 200 
airports in Florida alone, the prevention of unauthorized 
flights is not easy — as Prime Minister Castro and his as- 
sociates must know very well, having been political exiles 
in the United States before they came to power in Cuba. 

There have been only five unauthorized flights over 
Cuba concerning which the United States Government 
possesses any substantial evidence. The Cuban Govern- 
ment has been asked repeatedly to give evidence of other 
flights so that United States authorities may investi- 
gate — but no such evidence has been furnished. 

In one of the five known flights, in March 1960, the pilot 
William Shergalis was, by his own admission, an agent 
of Fidel Castro — directed to make the flight in order to 
fabricate evidence of an alleged "United States provoca- 
tion." Shergalis is now under indictment in the United 
States District Court of the Southern District of Florida 
for violating the United States laws applying to agents of 
a foreign principal and for making an illegal flight. 10 

Another flight, that of Rafael del Pino, on July 25, 1960, 
is surrounded by circumstances similarly suspicious. Del 
Pino flew to Cuba in a light, unarmed airplane which he 
had rented from a private company in Florida. After 
landing in Cuba, he was attempting to take off when a 
force of Cuban police opened fire and shot the plane down, 
wounding del Pino in the process. The firing took place 
from ambush and without warning, in circumstances such 
that the police could not have known the purpose of the 
flight or the identity of the pilot unless by prior arrange- 
ment. The suspicion of prior arrangement is heightened 
by the fact that del Pino was a long-time friend of Fidel 
Castro, knew him at the University of Havana, partici- 
pated with him in the Bogota riots of 1948, and was with 
him in Mexico in 1956. Moreover, it is known that del 
Pino had been in communication with a member of the 
Castro family shortly before the flight. 

Of the three remaining known flights, the best known 
is that of Major Pedro Diaz Lanz. 

Major Diaz Lanz had fought in the mountains with the 
Castro revolutionary forces. He had been chief of the 
Cuban air force under Prime Minister Castro. On June 
30, 1959, he broke with the government of Prime Minister 



"For text of a U.S. note of protest, see Bulletin of 
June 27, 1960, p. 1028. 

696 



' For background, see ibid., July 18, 1960, p. 86. 

Department of State Bulletin 



Castro, stating that the government was under communist 
influence and that communist pressure had forced him 
out. He thereupon left Cuba. 

On October 21, 1059, Major Diaz Lanz eluded the sur- 
veillance of United States authorities and made an illegal 
flight from United States territory over Havana, the 
Cuban capital. When the United States Government de- 
termined the facts on this flight it expressed its regrets 
and apologies to the Cuban Government. It was in this 
flight that Prime Minister Castro told the General As- 
sembly that hand grenades were dropped on Havana. The 
Cuban Government had earlier charged, both in the Se- 
curity Council and in a pamphlet, which was widely dis- 
tributed, that this plane had dropped bombs and strafed. 
This charge was false, as the United States demonstrated 
in the Security Council in July." The converted bomber 
making this flight had a permanent luggage rack in its 
bomb bay and had completely sealed gun positions, as 
revealed by an investigation by United States authorities 
after it returned to a United States airport. Perhaps 
this is why the renewed charge, as stated by Prime Min- 
ister Castro in his speech to the General Assembly in 
September, was that the plane had dropped "grenades", 
not bombs. 

In its efforts to establish the facts about the Diaz Lanz 
flight, the United States Government has had no help 
from the Cuban Government, which has submitted no offi- 
cial information on the subject. The United States pos- 
sesses no evidence that the plane dropped hand grenades 
on Havana. A report by the Cuban Government's own 
police at the time, moreover, attributed the injuries during 
the incident either to anti-aircraft fire or to grenades or 
bombs thrown from automobiles by terrorists, not to 
bombs, strafing or any other objects coming from an 
airplane. 

The foregoing accounts for three of the five known illegal 
flights. 

A fourth illegal flight took place on February 18, 1960. 
Its apparent purpose was to bomb a sugar mill. The flight 
failed when the bomb exploded in mid-air, destroying the 
airplane and killing its occupants. In the case of this 
flight also, the United States Government offered its 
regrets and apologies to the Cuban Government — for 
which it has received no acknowledgement. 

The fifth flight, in May 1960, is still under investigation. 
The United States has asked the Cuban authorities for 
help in this investigation but has received no reply. 

The stream of unsubstantiated charges on this subject 
by the Cuban authorities caused the United States to 
propose, at the Seventh Meeting of Foreign Ministers of 
the American Republics in San Jose in August 1960, that 
a special committee be created to clarify the facts. The 
Foreign Ministers approved this proposal but the Govern- 
ment of Cuba has shown no sign of willingness to cooper- 
ate with such a committee. 

The conclusion is inescapable that the Cuban Govern- 
ment is less interested in preventing these unauthorized 
flights than it is in keeping the charges alive as a part of 
its campaign against the United States. 



12. Alleged propaganda and subversion on Swan 
Island 

The charge: That the United States has "taken over" 
Swan Island, "which belongs to Honduras" ; that "There 
are now American infantrymen there;" that the United 
States "has set up a very powerful broadcasting station" 
on the island "which it has placed at the disposal of war 
criminals . . . and maneuvers and training are being 
carried out on that island to promote subversion in Cuba 
and to promote the landing of armed forces in our island." 

The facts: The two Swan Islands have been under 
United States control for almost 100 years. The United 
States has offered to discuss with Honduras, at an early 
date, the latter's claim to the islands. 

There is a private commercial broadcasting station on 
the islands, operated by the Gibraltar Steamship Com- 
pany. The United States Government understands that 
this station carries programs in Spanish which are heard 
in Cuba, and that some of its broadcast time has been 
purchased by Cuban political refugees. 

The assertion that maneuvers and training are being 
carried out in the Swan Islands with a view to subversion 
or the landing of armed forces in Cuba is totally false. 

13. Alleged "red smear" against the government of 
Prime Minister Castro 

The charge: That United States news agencies told 
the world that "Cuba was already a communist govern- 
ment, a red peril ninety miles from the United States, 
with a government dominated by communists" at a time 
when the present Cuban Government "had not even had 
the opportunity of establishing diplomatic and commer- 
cial relations with the Soviet Union." 

The facts: Unlike the press of a totalitarian country, 
the press and news services of the United States are free 
to write and interpret the facts as they see them, with- 
out governmental guidance or restraint. It is true that 
many American newspapermen, even during the early 
months after the present government came to power in 
1959, reported what they regarded as clear signs of com- 
munist influence in the new government. Far from seek- 
ing to "smear" the new government, however, the Govern- 
ment of the United States — which alone can speak official- 
ly for the American people in international affairs — 
exercised great restraint in commenting publicly on politi- 
cal trends in Cuba. 

In fact, on January 26, 1960, over a year after Prime 
Minister Castro came to power and long after the press 
reports referred to above, President Eisenhower issued 
a major restatement of United States policy toward 
Cuba. 13 In it he reaffirmed the adherence of the United 
States Government to the policy of non-intervention in 
the domestic affairs of other countries, including Cuba; 
he explicitly recognized the right of the Cuban Govern- 
ment and people, in the exercise of their national sover- 
eignty, "to undertake those social, economic and political 
reforms which, with due regard for their obligations 
under international law, they may think desirable" ; and 



u Ibid., Aug. 8, 1960, p. 199. 
October 31, 1960 



! Ibid., Feb. 15, 1960, p. 237. 



697 



lie expressed the sympathy of the American people for 
the aspirations of the Cuhan people. 

Had the United States Government not followed such 
a policy of restraint, it could have mentioned various 
developments: the silencing of almost all the anti- 
Communist voices in Cuba; the consequent flight into 
exile of many of the leading editors and commentators of 
the nation ; the emergence of the Communist party news- 
paper Hoy and the increasing influence of its editor, 
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, in the governmental machinery 
of censorship ; and the fact that the only political party 
permitted to function in Cuba is the Communist party. 

It is quite true that these developments took place, 
and were discovered and reported through the free press, 
long before Prime Minister Castro established formal 
diplomatic and commercial relations with the Soviet 
Union. But the point is irrelevant. Diplomatic and com- 
mercial relations are not the only means by which out- 
side influence may be exerted. 

14. Guantanamo: alleged "pretext" for aggression 
on Cuba a 

The charge: That the United States is using the naval 
base at Guantanamo, Cuba, "as a means of promoting self- 
aggression, to justify an attack on our country" ; that 
various speculations in the United States about a possible 
Cuban attack on Guantanamo are published in order "to 
set the stage for aggression" ; that Guantanamo is "pointed 
at the heart of Cuba and pointed at the heart of the 
Revolutionary Government of Cuba, in the hands of those 
who declare themselves enemies of our country, of our 
revolution and of our people." 

The facts: It is not the United States but the Govern- 
ment of Cuba whose responsible officials appear intent on 
provoking an incident concerning the base at Guan- 
tanamo. Prime Minister Castro and his brother Raul 
Castro have both issued frequent hints and warnings 
about the possibility that the Cuban Government might 
reclaim the United States naval base — notwithstanding 
the legal and binding international agreements which can- 
not be abrogated except by the mutual consent of both 
parties. 

The idea of a United States threat of aggression against 
Cuba, whether because of Guantanamo or for any other 
cause, is a figment of the imaginations of the leaders 
of the Cuban Government and cannot be substantiated by 
any action or any statement by the responsible spokes- 
men of United States foreign policy. 

The war of nerves launched against Guantanamo by the 
Cuban leaders can have no result but to incite Cuban 
citizens against the United States and against the naval 
base itself. The personnel and authorities of this base 
have always enjoyed the best relations with the Cuban 
people; the base has contributed substantially to the 
economy of the nation ; and it is an important factor in 
the military security of all the nations of the Western 
Hemisphere. 

The assertion by Prime Minister Castro that the United 
States authorities who control the Guantanamo base "de- 



clare themselves enemies of our country, of our revolution 
and of our people" is totally false. The command of the 
Guantanamo naval base has always been, and is still, 
under orders to stay out of the internal affairs of Cuba. 
It has done so and will continue to do so. The base is in 
the hands of the United States, whose Government and 
people are friends of Cuba, of the Cuban people, and of 
their just aspirations. 

15. United States policy concerning Puerto Rico 

The charge: That the United States "has destroyed 
the Puerto Rican nationality" ; is destroying Puerto Rico's 
"national spirit" ; has been destroying Puerto Rico's 
nationality "for fifty years." 

The facts: These assertions can best be answered by 
quoting two statements. The first statement was made 
in the General Assembly on November 27, 1953, by the 
United States Representative, Mr. [Henry Cabot] Lodge, 
at the time when the United States ceased to report to 
the Committee on Non-Self-Governing Territories concern- 
ing Puerto Rico, which had now attained complete self- 
government and commonwealth status. 14 It reads : 

"I am authorized to say on behalf of the President that, 
if at any time the Legislative Assembly of Puerto Rico 
adopts a resolution in favor of more complete or even 
absolute independence, he will immediately thereafter 
recommend to Congress that such independence be 
granted. The President also wishes me to say that in 
this event he would welcome Puerto Rico's adherence to 
the Rio Pact and the United Nations Charter." 

The second statement is a message by Luis Muiioz 
Marin, Governor of Puerto Rico, to the President of the 



General Assembly, 
reads : 15 



dated September 27, 1960, which 



"In view of the charges of United States colonialism 
against Puerto Rico, raised at the General Assembly of 
the United Nations by the Soviet and Cuban delegations, 
I have the honor of bringing to your attention the follow- 
ing views of the Commonwealth Government : 

"The people of Puerto Rico strongly adhere to the 
democratic way of life, based on the respect of minority 
rights, the protection and furtherance of individual free- 
doms, and the effective exercise of the right to vote in 
free, unhindered elections. There can be no genuine self- 
determination unless these conditions are met. 

"Puerto Rico has truly and effectively met them and it 
has freely chosen its present relationship with the United 
States. The people of Puerto Rico are a self-governing 
people freely associated to the United States of America 
on the basis of mutual consent and respect. The policies 
regarding the cultural and economic development of 
Puerto Rico are in the hands of the people of Puerto 
Rico themselves for them to determine according to their 
best interests. 

"The United Nations General Assembly, by Resolution 
of November 1953, has solemnly recognized that the 
people of Puerto Rico effectively exercised their right to 
self-determination in establishing the Commonwealth as 
an autonomous political entity on a mutually agreed as- 
sociation with the United States. In further regard to 
the principle of self-determination, the Commonwealth 
Legislative Assembly has approved this very year a law 
authorizing another vote on Puerto Rico's status when- 
ever 10 per cent of the electors request it. 



13 For discussion of Guantanamo base agreement see 
item 5 above. [Footnote in original.] 



1 Ibid., Dec. 14, 1953, p. 841. 
' Ibid., Oct. 24, 1960, p. 656. 



698 



Department of State Bulletin 



"More than 13,000 visitors and trainees from all over 
the world, including thousands from the new states in 
Africa and Asia now represented at the United Nations, 
have seen with their own eyes the social and economic 
achievements of the Commonwealth under free, demo- 
cratic institutions. As an example of Puerto Rico's great 
forward strides as a Commonwealth, the rate of growth 
of the net Commonwealth income in 1959 was 9.4%, one 
of the highest in the entire world. 

"The People of Puerto Rico fully support the United 
Nations as a symbol of a world order, ruled by law and 
the principle of self-determination, and hope that through 
the United Nations a militant campaign for peace is de- 
veloped that would avoid the nuclear extinction of our 
civilization." 



16. Confinement of Cuban delegation to Manhattan 

The charge: That the Cuban delegation to the General 
Assembly was "singled out for . . . confinement to the 
island of Manhattan" . . . and was subjected to "hostil- 
ity under the pretext of security." 

The facts: As host country to the United Nations, the 
United States is obligated to afford to accredited delegates 
"any necessary protection to such persons while in transit 
to or from the Headquarters District." In the case of 
Prime Minister Castro and his delegation, the United 
States made extraordinary efforts to fulfill this obliga- 
tion — efforts made necessary by the fact that the conduct 
of Prime Minister Castro and his associates, both before 
and during their visit to New York, created extraordi- 
nary difficulties. 

For more than a year and a half Prime Minister Castro 
and his Government have carried on a systematic cam- 
paign of defamation against the United States Govern- 
ment in terms which were contrary to known fact and 
offensive to the American people. In addition, hundreds 
of Cubans who fled Cuba since the coming to power of 
Prime Minister Castro have taken up residence in the 
United States rather than live under the present Cuban 
Government. Thus, in the interest of Prime Minister 
Castro's personal safety, and given the heavy demands 
upon United States security personnel because of the 
large number of Prime Ministers in the United States, it 
was necessary to confine his movements to Manhattan. 
The same decision was made concerning the delegations 
of the Soviet Union, Hungary, and Albania. 

17. Cuban difficulties in New York hotels 

The charge: That notice was given by unnamed persons, 
presumably United States officials, "to all hotels not to 
rent rooms to us" ; and that, when the Hotel Theresa in 
Harlem offered to rent rooms to Prime Minister Castro's 
party, "an official of the State Department did all in his 
power to try to stop us from being given rooms in the 
hotel." 

The facts: The United States Government never gave, 
or caused to be given, notice to any hotel "not to rent 
rooms" to the Cuban delegation. This is the very reverse 
of the truth. When the management of the Hotel Shel- 
burne in New York asked the State Department whether 
he should accept an application fur rooms for the Cuban 
delegation, the Department of State informed him that it 
hoped he would "accept the request of the Cuban Consul 



General of New York for accommodations for the Cuban 
Delegation to the General Assembly of the United Na- 
tions." As a result, the management of the Hotel Shel- 
burne agreed to accommodate the Cuban delegation. 

Nor was there any attempt by any United States 
official to prevent the Cuban delegation from moving to 
the Hotel Theresa. The remoteness of that hotel from 
the United Nations headquarters placed a greater bur- 
den on the already overburdened police whose duty it was 
to assure the safety of Prime Minister Castro. Never- 
theless, to assist Prime Minister Castro, who was at this 
point at United Nations Headquarters, an immediate 
security check was undertaken. By 10 :30 p.m., Sep- 
tember 19, the United States Mission to the United Na- 
tions informed Prime Minister Castro that his party 
could proceed to the Hotel Theresa. Simultaneously 
Prime Minister Castro had instructed his own security 
officers to check the hotel. This investigation was not 
completed until midnight. The Prime Minister then pro- 
ceeded under police escort to his new accommodations. 

It is also true that a private citizen offered to house 
the Prime Minister and his party at the Hotel Commo- 
dore, only a few blocks from the United Nations, free 
of charge — an offer which the Cuban delegation rejected. 

18. Death of Magdalena Urdaneta 

The charge: That the shooting and subsequent death 
of a nine-year-old Venezuelan girl, Magdalena Urdaneta, 
in New York during the Castro visit was "provoked by 
those who receive support from the systematic campaigns 
against Cuba and with the connivance of the authori- 
ties" ; and that "a spokesman from the White House" in 
an act of "hypocrisy" made a statement "fixing the 
guilt on the Cuban delegation." 

The facts: On September 21 a large group of Castro 
supporters assaulted members of a small anti-Castro 
group while the latter was patronizing a New York City 
restaurant. During the melee, several shots were fired 
by a pro-Castro combatant, one of which struck Magdalena 
Urdaneta, a nine-year-old Venezuelan girl, as she sat with 
her parents having dinner. Miss Urdaneta died shortly 
afterward. 

The following day, the Department of State (not 
White House) press officer stated that this Venezuelan 
girl was the innocent victim of an aggressive attack by 
adherents of the present Cuban Government and that 
the Department of State wished to express to the parents 
of Magdalena Urdaneta its deep sympathy and regret over 
her untimely death. 

Francisco Molina, a Cuban national known as "Pancho 
the Hook", has been identified by a witness as the as- 
sailant who fired the shot which took the life of Magda- 
lena Urdaneta. Molina lost his right hand in an 
industrial accident several years ago and in its place al- 
ternately wears a metal hook or flesh colored artificial 
hand. Molina is known to anti-Castro forces in the New 
York City area as the head of a group of Castro followers 
intimidating anti-Castro people. 

Assistance was requested of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation when it appeared that Molina had fled the 
State of New York to avoid prosecution for the murder 



October 31, 1960 



699 



of the Venezuelan girl. The Federal Bureau of Inves- 
tigation has distributed 110,000 "wanted" flyers on 
Molina. 

19. Alleged refusal of the United States to renego- 
tiate with Cuba 

The charge: That "the Government of Cuba has always 
been ready to discuss its problems with the Government 
of the United States, but the Government of the United 
States has not been ready to discuss these problems with 
Cuba"; that "the Government of the United States does 
not deign to discuss matters with the small country of 
Cuba on the Cuban problems." 

The facts: Since the advent of the Government of Prime 
Minister Castro on January 1, 1059 the United States 
has officially expressed a willingness to negotiate matters 
at issue between Cuba and the United States on more 
than 25 separate occasions. 

This is the fourth time that the present Government 
of Cuba has alleged to a responsible international body 
that the Government of the United States refused to ne- 
gotiate with the Government of Cuba. Prime Minister 
Castro's reference to the Cuban Government's willingness 
to negotiate presumably relates to the proposal of the 
Government of Cuba last February to name a commission 
to conduct negotiations in Washington. Secretary Her- 
ter described the actual circumstances of this ease at the 
meeting of Foreign Ministers at San Jos<5, Costa Rica, on 
August 20, 1960 in the following words : " 

"The Cuban Foreign Minister has asserted that the 
United States Government refused to negotiate with the 
Revolutionary Government of Cuba when, last February, 
it decided to name a commission to conduct negotiations 
in Washington. I need not point out that the Govern- 
ment of Cuba, in its proposal, suggested that the Govern- 
ment of the United States should bind both the Executive 
and the Congress to refrain from any action whatever 
which the Government of Cuba might consider to affect 
its interests while leaving the Government of Cuba free 
to negotiate or procrastinate as it chose. It is appro- 
priate to ask, however, why the Government of Cuba 
deliberately refrained from quoting my Government's 
reply " in its entirety. I say deliberately refrained 
because, Mr. Chairman, this is the third time that 
the Government of Cuba has truncated this note before 
responsible international bodies to serve its own purpose 
in completely distorting the position of the U.S. Govern- 
ment in this matter. The fact is that the part of the 
United States note which Minister Roa has again deleted 
from his presentation to this body went on to affirm the 
friendship between the Cuban and American peoples and 
to welcome any proposals which the Cuban Government 
might wish to make, the subjects which might be dis- 
cussed, as well as the manner and the place in which 
negotiations might be conducted. It may be well to recall 
to the Foreign Minister of Cuba the full text of the 
closing paragraph of the note sent on February 29, 1960, 
by the U.S. Ambassador in Cuba which he has again 
found it so convenient to omit. 

" 'The Government of the United States for its part 
firmly intends to continue by its conduct and through its 
utterances to reaffirm the spirit of fraternal friendship 



" rbid., Sept. 12, I960, p. 401. 

17 For text of U.S. note of Feb. 29, 1960, see ibid., Mar. 
21, I960, p. 440. 



which, as Your Excellency so well stated, has bound and 
does bind our two peoples and which the United States 
Government believes is earnestly cherished by them. 
Prior to the initiation of negotiations and through nor- 
mal diplomatic channels the Government of the United 
states would wish to explore with the Government of 
Cuba the subjects to be discussed and the manner and 
place in which negotiations might be conducted. Accord- 
ingly, I would welcome, for transmittal to my Govern- 
ment, any proposals which Your Excellency might care 
to submit in these respects.' 

"To this date, despite the several subsequent efforts 
to elicit a reply from the Government of Cuba, none 
has been forthcoming. When, shortly after the note 
referred to above was delivered, the Revolutionary Gov- 
ernment of Cuba designated Dr. Jose Miro Cardona, who 
preceded Dr. Castro as Prime Minister of the Revolution- 
ary Government, as its Ambassador to Washington, there 
was high expectation that he would carry forward the 
negotiations. He never arrived. After months of wait- 
ing, he was forced to seek asylum in the Argentine Em- 
bassy in Havana after protesting the increasing role of 
communism in Cuba. 

Dr. Jos6 Mir6 Cardona, incidentally, is still in the 
Argentine Embassy in Havana. 



Conclusion 

The relationship between Cuba and the United States 
is no mere accident of geography and trade. It is part 
of our mutual history. Tear the history of either country 
from that of the other, and there would be a gap making 
much of the rest inexplicable. It is our belief that such 
a wrench will never come. Neither the people of the 
United States nor — we are convinced — the Cuban people 
would consider it. 

Like all the other American republics, Cuba and the 
United States began as colonies. Our first English settle- 
ment was in Virginia in 1607 and our independence came 
169 years later in 1776. Cuba, discovered by Columbus 
on his second voyage and settled approximately 100 years 
before Jamestown, was a colony from 1510 to 1898, a 
period of 388 years. 

Both Cuba and the United States were born of revolu- 
tions dedicated to the common purpose of independence 
and freedom. In the United States we are proud to 
remember that the heart of our people went out to Cuba 
in the Cuban struggle for liberty. Although we are a 
peaceful people, we declared war in Cuba's behalf, and 
the blood of our young men was shed with that of Cuba's 
patriots for Cuban independence. 

The great apostle of American liberty was Thomas 
Jefferson. The great Cuban apostle of liberty was Jose. 
Martf, a man whose name and ideals are respected in the 
United States. 

On the centenary of Martf's birth the Soviet Union tried 
to indicate some spiritual tie between Martf and com- 
munism. No such tie exists, nor could exist. Marti's 
opinion of Marxism was expressed in his famous letter to 
Fermin Vaklez Domingues. The Marxian concept has 
two basic dangers, he said : "that of extraneous, confused, 
and incomplete interpretations, and that of the pride and 
dissimulated violence of ambitious men, who in order to 
raise themselves in the world begin by pretending — in 



700 



Department of State Bulletin 



order to have shoulders of other men on which to stand— 
to be impassioned defenders of the helpless." 

Marti perceived correctly the dangers of communist im- 
perialism under a pretense of defending and succoring the 
oppressed. He perceived correctly that the strength of 
the Western hemisphere depends on the fraternal unity of 
its peoples. He perceived correctly that the true goal 
and glory of mankind is brotherhood, peace, dignity ; and 
that unity is the key to strength and progress. 

Prime Minister Castro has accused the United States of 
holding back Cuban development as a free nation. The 
facts are to the contrary. Cuba has not only consist- 
ently received higher prices from the United States for 
sugar than any other supplier but has also been a partner 
with the United States in a mutually preferential tariff 
with special low import duty rates. In per capita gross 
national product Cuba ranks third in Latin America. It 
is quite true that in the Republic of Cuba these develop- 
ments were not matched, as the United States hoped they 
would be, by corresponding progress in eliminating cor- 
ruption in public life, and achieving greater social justice 
and a more equitable distribution of the national income, 
in guaranteeing free elections, and insuring government 
of, by, and for the people — progress which only the Cuban 
people could make for themselves. 

When Prime Minister Castro came to power in January 
1959, with promises to his people seemingly made in all 
sincerity, the United States hoped he would perfect the 
revolution by needed internal reforms. The United States 
tried to show its understanding and sympathy for his 
stated aims : honest and efficient government, the perfec- 
tion of democratic processes, the economic development 
leading to higher living standards and to full ernployment- 
On June 11 and October 12, 1959 we expressed officially to 
the Cuban Government our full support for soundly con- 
ceived programs for rural development. We particularly 
endorsed its stated desire to do something for land reform. 

Not even the shock of the many executions in the first 
month following the establishment of the revolutionary 
government, nor the sharp attacks on the United States 
Government by high officials, could dampen the friendly 
feeling with which Prime Minister Castro was greeted 
when he came to the United States in April of 1959. 
There was a genuine reluctance to believe that Cuba, a 
country for which the people of the United States have 
long had a special affection, could be embarked on an 
unfriendly course. 

On January 26, 1960 President Eisenhower issued a 
major restatement of American policy toward Cuba, re- 
affirming the adherence of the United States Government 
to a policy of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of 
other countries, including Cuba, and explicitly recogniz- 
ing the right of the Cuban Government and people, in the 
exercise of their national sovereignty, "to undertake 
those social, economic and political reforms which, with 
due regard to their obligations under international law, 
they may think desirable", and expressing sympathy for 
the aspirations of the Cuban people. 

Unfortunately these policies of the United States were 
not reciprocated. The present Government of Cuba has 
deliberately and consciously sought to exacerbate rela- 



tions with the United States. For openly announced po- 
litical reasons Cuba's imports from the United States 
have been reduced to less than one-half of the level of 
two years ago. Property is not expropriated, but con- 
fiscated without payment, to serve political rather than 
social ends. 

Growing intervention in Cuban affairs by the Soviet 
Union and Communist China is welcomed by the Govern- 
ment of Cuba. The present Cuban Government seeks to 
intervene in internal affairs of other American States and 
to undermine the inter-American system. 

The present Cuban Government claims to speak for the 
Cuban people but denies them the right to choose their 
own spokesmen in free elections. It claims to believe in 
democracy, yet only the Communist party is permitted to 
function. It speaks of the rights of man, but Cuban 
jails are crowded with thousands of political prisoners. 

It boasts of freedom of expression in Cuba, yet the 
editors of the great Cuban papers are all in exile while 
every expression of opposition to the policies of the Gov- 
ernment, or to communism, is suppressed as counter- 
revolutionary. It interferes with the free exercise of 
religion. It affirms the independence of the judiciary 
but the right of a fair and impartial trial is denied those 
who differ with the government in power. 

We regret that these things are true, but they are true. 
The people and Government of the United States, who are 
friends of the Republic of Cuba, still look to see her again 
become what her great son Marti declared he would have 
her be : "A democratic and cultured people zealously 
aware of her own rights and the rights of others." 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 



Automotive Traffic 

Convention concerning customs facilities for touring. 
Done at New York June 4, 1954. Entered into force 
September 11, 1957. TIAS 3879. 
Accession deposited: Nepal, September 21, 1960. 
Extension to: British Honduras, September 12, 1960. 

Sugar 

International sugar agreement of 1958. Done at London 
December 1, 1958. Entered into force January 1, 1959; 
for the United States October 9, 1959. TIAS 4389. 
Cessation of application to: Cyprus, August 16, 1960. 

Weather 

Convention of the World Meteorological Organization. 
Done at Washington October 11, 1947. Entered into 
force Alarch 23, 1950. TIAS 2052. 
Accession deposited: Honduras, October 10, 1960. 



October 37, 7960 



701 



BILATERAL 



Brazil 

Agreement extending and amending the agreement of 
June 26, 1953 (TIAS 4130), for a cooperative program 
of agriculture and natural resources ia Brazil. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Rio de Janeiro August 
24, 1960. Entered into force August 24, 1960. 

France 

Agreement relating to a weapons production program. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Paris September 19, 
1960. Entered into force September 19, 1960. 

Agreement providing for a facilities assistance program. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Paris September 23, 
1957. Entered into force September 23, 1957. TIAS 
3914. 
Terminated: September 19, 1960. 

Iran 

Agreement supplementing and amending the agricultural 
commodities agreement of July 26, 1960, and related 
notes (TIAS 4544). Effected by exchange of notes at 
Tehran September 26, 1960. Entered into force Sep- 
tember 26, 1960. 

Spain 

Agreement amending the agreement of June 23, 1959 
(TIAS 4262), for the loan of naval vessels to Spain. 
Effected by exchange of notes at Madrid September 30, 
1960. Entered into force September 30, 1960. 



United States To Open Embassies 
in Six New African States 

Press release 596 dated October 13 

The U.S. Government will in the near future open 
embassies in six newly independent African nations in 
accordance with plans which have been in process since 
July of this year. These nations and their capitals are : 

Central African Republic — Bangui 
Republic of Chad — Fort Lamy 
Republic of Dahomey — Porto-Novo 
Republic of Gabon — Libreville 
Republic of Niger — Niamey 
Republic of Upper Volta — Ouagadougou 

Immediately upon their attainment of independence in 
August of this year, the United States entered into diplo- 
matic relations with these nations. Permanent repre- 
sentation has been conducted provisionally by charges 
d'affaires resident in adjacent countries. In the cases of 
the Central African Republic, Chad, and Gabon, Alan W. 
Lukens, Charge d'Affaires resident at Brazzaville, Republic 
of Congo, presented credentials as Charge in each of the 
capitals on their dates of independence. In the cases of 
Dahomey, Niger, and Upper Volta, Donald R. Norland, 
Charge d'Affaires resident at Abid jan, Ivory Coast, also 
presented credentials as Charge on their dates of inde- 
pendence. 



DEPARTMENT AND FOREIGN SERVICE 



Deputy Under Secretary Henderson 
Visits Posts in Africa 

The Department of State announced on October 
14 (press release 597) that Deputy Under Secre- 
tary Loy W. Henderson, accompanied by a small 
official party, is planning a trip to a number of 
west and central African countries, departing 
Washington October 17 and returning November 
21. 

The purpose of the trip is to discuss with Amer- 
ican and local officials the various problems and 
representational needs of existing and proposed 
U.S. diplomatic and consular posts in that area. 



Recess Appointments 

The President on October 10 appointed Maurice M. 
Bernbaum to be Ambassador to Ecuador. ( For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 590 dated 
October 10. ) 

The President on October 14 appointed R. Borden 
Reams as Ambassador to the Republic of Ivory Coast, 
the Republic of Niger, and the Republic of Dahomey. 
On October 17 Mr. Reams was appointed Ambassador to 
the Republic of Upper Volta. (For biographic details, see 
Department of State press release 59S dated October 14.) 

The President on October 10 appointed Henry S. Villard 
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal. 

Designations 

Kyle B. Mitchell as Assistant Director for Management 
of the Foreign Service Institute, effective October 6. 

Harold E. Schwartz as Director, U.S. Operations Mis- 
sion, Afghanistan, effective October 3. (For biographic 
details, see Department of State press release 499 dated 
August 30.) 

Earl D. Sohm as Deputy Science Adviser, effective 
October 10. 

Charles A. Sullivan as Special Assistant to the Under 
Secretary of State, effective October 6. 



702 



Department of State Bulletin 



October 31, 1960 



Index 



Vol. XLIII, No. 1114 



Afghanistan. Schwartz designated USOM direc- 
tor 702 

Africa. Deputy Under Secretary Henderson Visits 

Posts in Africa 702 

Central African Republic. United States To Open 

Embassies in Six New African States .... 702 

Chad. United States To Open Embassies in Six 
New African States 702 

China, Communist. U.N. General Assembly Again 
Decides Not To Consider Question of Chinese 
Representation (Wadsworth) 678 

Cuba, U.S. Issues Reply to Charges Made by 
Cuban Prime Minister in U.N. General Assem- 
bly (Wadsworth text of document) 690 

Dahomey 

Reams appointed Ambassador 702 

United States To Open Embassies in Six New 
African States 702 

Department and Foreign Service 

Deputy Under Secretary Henderson Visits Posts 

in Africa 702 

Desiguationes (Mitchell. Schwartz, Sohm, Sulli. 
van) 702 

Recess Appointments (Bernbaum, Reams, Vil- 
lard) 702 

United States To Open Embassies in Six New 
African States 702 

Disarmament. The Crucial Decade (Berding) . . 671 

Ecuador. Bernbaum appointed Ambassador . . 702 

Gabon. United States To Open Embassies in Six 
New African States 702 

Germany 

U.S. Refutes Soviet Charges Against NATO and 
Role of West Germany 676 

U.S. Repeats Position on German Peace Treaty, 
Defense Contribution 677 

Ivory Coast. Reams appointed Ambassador . . 702 

Mutual Security. Schwartz designated USOM di- 
rector, Afghanistan 702 

NATO. U.S. Refutes Soviet Charges Against 
NATO and Role of West Germany 676 

Niger 

Reams appointed Ambassador 702 

United States To Open Embassies in Six New 
African States 702 

Poland. Ignace Jan Paderewski Honored as 
"Champion of Liberty" (Merchant) 677 

Presidential Documents. President Sends Message 

to U.N. by Courier Satellite 671 

Science 

The Crucial Decade (Berding) 671 

President Sends Message to U.N. by Courier Satel- 
lite 671 

Sohm designated deputy science adviser .... 702 

Senegal. Villard appointed Ambassador .... 702 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 701 



U.S.S.R. 

The Crucial Decade (Berding) 671 

U.S. Refutes Soviet Charges Against NATO and 
Role of West Germany 676 

United Nations 

The Crucial Decade (Berding) 671 

Current U.N. Documents 689 

President Sends Message to U.N. by Courier Satel- 
lite 671 

U.N. General Assembly Again Decides Not To 
Consider Question of Chinese Representation 

(Wadsworth) 678 

U.S. Issues Reply to Charges Made by Cuban 
Prime Minister in U.N. General Assembly 
(Wadsworth text of document) 690 

Upper Volta 

Reams appointed Ambassador 702 

United States To Open Embassies in Six New 

African States 702 

Name Index 

Berding, Andrew H 671 

Bernbaum, Maurice M 702 

Eisenhower, President 671 

Merchant, Livingston T 677 

Mitchell, Kyle B 702 

Paderewski, Ignace Jan 677 

Reams, R. Borden 702 

Schwartz, Harold E 702 

Sohm, Earl D 702 

Sullivan, Charles A 702 

Villard, Henry S 702 

Wadsworth, James J 678, 690 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 10-16 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Release issued prior to October 10 which appears 
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 5S6 of October 8. 



No. 
*590 

*591 

592 

*593 
t594 



Date 
10/10 

10/11 

10/12 

10/12 
10/13 



jSubject 

Bernbaum appointed ambassador 
(biographic details). 

Program for visit of King and Queen 
of Denmark. 

Berding : Rensselaer Polytechnic In- 
stitute. 

Cultural exchange. 

Merchant : "Diplomacy in the Modern 
World." 

Letters from President and Secretary 
of State to U.N. High Commissioner 
for Refugees. 

U.S. to open embassies in six more 
African states. 

Mr. Henderson to visit Africa (re- 
write). 

Reams appointed ambassador (bio- 
graphic details). 



*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



|595 10/13 



596 


10/13 


597 


10/14 


*59S 


10/14 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFlCEi I960 




tV;^ -.It 'v 




the 
Department 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D.C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE. S300 

IGPOI 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



Participation of the United States Government 

in 

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 

July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959 



Of 

State 



This volume is designed to serve as a reference guide to the official 
participation of the U.S. Government in multilateral international 
conferences and meetings of international organizations during the 
period July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959. The United States participated 
officially in 394 international conferences and meetings during the 
12-month period covered. 

In addition to a complete list, the volume presents detailed data 
on many of the conferences, including the composition of the U.S. 
delegation, principal officers, participation by other countries and 
organizations, and brief statements of the actions taken. 



Publication 7012 



Price: $1 



Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 



Please send me copies of Participation of the United States Govern- 
ment in International Conferences, July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959. 



Name: 



Enclosed find: 



$ 



(cash, check, or money 
order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 



Street Address: 



City, Zone, and State: 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 









^£"5,1 f\ 3 





IE 

: FICIAL 

EEKLY RECORD 

E 

NITED STATES 
IREIGN POLICY 



Vol. XLIII, No. 1115 November 7, 1960 

DIPLOMACY AND THE MODERN WORLD • by Under 

Secretary Merchant 707 

PRESIDENT MEETS WITH HEADS OF U.N. DELE- 
GATIONS OF NEW NATIONS 713 

KING AND QUEEN OF DENMARK VISIT 

WASHINGTON 717 

AGENDA OF THE 15TH REGULAR SESSION OF 

THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY 729 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

FEB 1 6 1961 
DEPOSITORY 

For index see inside back cover 






THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1115 • Publication 7096 
November 7, 1960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 

Price: 

£2 Issues, domestic $8.50, foreign $1 2.25 

Single copy, 25 cents 

The printing cf this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyriphted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Botletin cs the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, proi'ides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and t trier 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various pluises of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or nuiy 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



Diplomacy and the Modern World 



by Under Secretary Merchant l 



Events of the past 20 years have forced upon 
the American people and upon American diplo- 
macy a role of leadership and responsibility in 
the world which we did not seek but equally 
which we cannot escape. It goes without saying 
that our diplomacy cannot succeed unless it has 
the support of the American people. This sup- 
port can only be forthcoming if it is based upon 
an understanding of the facts which surround a 
particular problem and of the general lines of 
policy which the President and the Secretary of 
State pursue in seeking solutions to the problems 
which confront us every day in the conduct of 
foreign relations. 

This imposes a duty upon the press, the radio, 
and television responsibly to inform and en- 
lighten the public. But, more importantly, it also 
imposes a duty upon each individual citizen to 
think the hard problems through and to form his 
opinion. My own experience is that this is difficult 
to do alone in front of a radio or television set 
with the latest issue of Foreign Affairs clutched 
to one's bosom. It takes the mutually sustaining 
interest of a group like this audience with the 
sort of organization that the World Affairs Center 
of Minneapolis provides to provoke and stimulate. 
In other words, like many things in life today, it 
takes an organization to produce an alert, well- 
informed, and thoughtful public opinion on for- 
eign policy, and that is why I am so glad to be 
here and why the Department of State is grateful 
that this Center flourishes. 

I want to talk about diplomacy as a profession, 
the changes which it has undergone since the end 
of the last world war, the environment in which 
it must do its work today, and finally what I con- 
ceive to be its importance to this Republic. 

Hence tonight I plan to discuss the processes 



rather than the substance of foreign policy. I 
speak as a professional diplomat — to discuss the 
business of diplomacy and the inner workings of 
the diplomatic process. In particular I would like 
to consider some of the ways in which American 
diplomacy has changed in character and scope 
during the last 20 years. By so doing I hope to 
provide some insight into the methods by which 
our Nation's foreign policies are formulated and 
carried into effect. 

To many Americans I suspect that the formula- 
tion of foreign policy is a mysterious process. By 
its very nature it cannot be done in the cool detach- 
ment of the ivory tower. It is in part the product 
of legacies from the past and pressures of the 
present. It cannot be altogether a new design for 
the future. 

Certainly foreign policy cannot be made in the 
same way that an architect builds a house, accord- 
ing to a rigid set of blueprints. Its formulation 
is a process of constant adaptation to changing cir- 
cumstances. It requires long-range planning, but 
it also requires the ability to alter one's plans at a 
moment's notice when events require. 

Change is accepted as a law of life, but no gen- 
eration has seen so rapid an acceleration in the rate 
of change in all aspects of our lives. A conse- 
quence has been fundamental and far-reaching 
changes in the environment and techniques of 
American diplomacy. 

Increased Importance of International Relations 

One important and obvious change is simply the 
fact that international relations have become vastly 
more important to all of us. A generation ago the 



1 Address made at the 10th anniversary dinner of the 
Minnesota World Affairs Center at Minneapolis, Minn., 
on Oct. 13 (press release 594). 



November 7, 7960 



707 



average citizen gave relatively little attention to 
international events unless a war seemed imminent. 
Foreign policy was an interesting subject for 
academic discussion, but I think it is fair to say 
that the average citizen did not regard an interna- 
tional crisis as being nearly so worthy of attention 
as the outcome of a prize fight or a world series 
game. 

Now I think the past few days have demon- 
strated that there has been no decline in our in- 
terest in the world series. On the other hand, I 
think it is equally clear that our interest in inter- 
national relations has increased enormously. The 
causes of this increase are fairly obvious. 

There has been, first and foremost, the radical 
increase in our physical vulnerability, primarily 
because of modern weapons. 

Then there is also the physical fact that modern 
means of transportation and communication have 
brought nations closer together. A byproduct of 
the speeding up of transport, with a powerful 
assist from prosperity, has been a substantial in- 
crease in travel abroad. 

Another cause is the growth in foreign trade 
and in the economic interdependency of nations. 

The same factors which have increased the im- 
portance of international problems have also mag- 
nified the role of diplomacy in dealing with these 
problems. Where we encounter difficulty in the 
international arena, we can no longer hope to run 
away from these difficulties by adopting a policy 
of isolation. We take seriously our obligation not 
to use force except in self-defense or the defense of 
an ally. The world, I think, today views war dif- 
ferently from the past, now that weapons systems 
exist so powerful that their use on a broad scale 
might result in the physical devastation of all 
antagonists in a modern war, and perhaps fatal 
damage to human civilization. A further deter- 
rent to action by force is the United Nations, 
which forbids the use or threat of force in inter- 
national relations and which in its General As- 
sembly has provided a world platform for the reg- 
istration of world public opinion. Unhappily, 
while this has its effect on those who take their 
charter obligations seriously, as France and Great 
Britain did in the Suez in 1956, it did not deter 
or halt the brutal repression of Hungary by the 
Soviet Union in that same year. 

We must also recognize that the development of 
techniques of absolute destruction has not elim- 



708 



inated the political, economic, and social conflicts 
which have so often led to war. This fact, coupled 
with the fact that the world has not yet arrived at 
a state of international organization which can 
assure the settlement of conflicts by peaceful ne- 
gotiation, places an enormous strain upon the 
processes and techniques of diplomacy in its search 
for peaceful solutions to complex and difficult 
problems. 

Shift in Global Power Relations 

A second major change affecting modern Amer- 
ican diplomacy is the revolutionary shift in glo- 
bal power relations which has occurred during the 
past 50 years. Before World War I the center 
of power was in Western Europe. The signifi- 
cance of other nations in the world power complex 
depended largely upon the extent to which they 
might add to or detract from Western European 
power alinements. Today the global empires 
which once centered on Western Europe have 
given way to new relationships. 

The United States has moved into the unques- 
tioned leadership of the free world, and in the 
same time period a new center of power has ap- 
peared — the Communist empire, containing ap- 
proximately one-third of the world's territory and 
population and a commensurate share of its nat- 
ural resources. Under its totalitarian direction 
these resources have been and are being ruthlessly 
exploited to construct a base for world commu- 
nism. 

Against the background of this shift in power 
balance, a ferment of revolutionary change runs 
through Africa and Asia. Tens of millions of 
people have been granted their independence, and 
they demand insistently a better way of life. More 
than 35 former colonial territories have already 
attained independent nationhood, and others will 
rapidly follow. They are increasingly vocal in 
the councils of world diplomacy. It is our task 
to strengthen relations with these new nations, to 
understand their anxieties and aspirations, to con- 
vey a true image of America, to lay solid founda- 
tions for lasting friendship, and to assist them 
both to maintain their independence and to satisfy 
the economic and social needs of their peoples. 

The problems of these newly independent states 
are immense. Most of them have limited expe- 
rience with self-government and the conduct of 
international relations. Some are politically un- 

Department of State Bulletin 



stable. Most of their peoples suffer from pov- 
erty, ignorance, and disease. All are threatened, 
to a greater or lesser degree, by the new Commu- 
nist imperialism which spreads out its tentacles 
from Moscow and Peiping. It will be one of the 
great tragedies of human history if these new na- 
tions should now, at the moment of their inde- 
pendence, fall victim to this new imperialism and 
be reduced again to colonial status. 

American diplomacy obviously cannot alone 
solve these problems. They can only be solved, 
in the final analysis, by the newly independent 
states themselves. But we can help, and we in- 
tend to help. We must learn more about their 
problems and needs. We must provide economic 
and technical assistance on a substantial scale. 
We must help them to resist outside political and 
military pressures. We must establish new 
patterns of international cooperation. American 
diplomacy is already active in these emerging 
areas. It must be increasingly active in the years 
ahead. 

The Cold War 

This logically brings me to a third major new 
element with which American diplomacy must 
contend, the cold war. In order to appreciate its 
significance, it is necessary to have a clear under- 
standing as to what the cold war is — and what it 
is not. 

In the first place the cold war does not repre- 
sent a conflict between two "power blocs," each 
intent upon world dominion. The United States 
has no interest in world dominion. I suppose 
the majority of us Americans would prefer peace- 
ful isolation, minding our own affairs — if isola- 
tion were possible. If the United States had any 
ambitions for world empire, we would have estab- 
lished territorial claims after victory in World 
War II. We would not have granted independ- 
ence or self-government to our dependent terri- 
tories. We would not have spent billions of 
dollars to rehabilitate both our friends and our 
former enemies. The whole course of our his- 
tory proves conclusively that our national pur- 
poses are wholly dissimilar from those of the 
Soviet Union. 

Nor does the cold war really arise from differ- 
ences in attitudes or interests between the Ameri- 
can people and the Soviet masses. Actually, the 
two peoples have many things in common. I am 



sure that the ordinary Russian wants peace, secu- 
rity, social justice, and economic advancement, as 
do we. There is no tradition of ethnical hatred 
between us nor any historically serious commer- 
cial competition or even political rivalry between 
the majority of the Russian people and ourselves. 
In brief, the purely national frictions between 
ourselves and surely most of the Russian people 
are relatively insignificant. 

What, then, is the source of this great and deadly 
struggle that is called the cold war ? 

In simplest terms it results from the determina- 
tion of the Communist rulers progressively to 
expand Communist power and influence until they 
achieve a universal Communist society. They 
have openly and repeatedly expressed this aim. 
All their actions lend substance to their words. 
Their prime, but probably not in point of time 
their first, target is the United States, but other 
nations — neutral nations and nations allied to us — 
situated in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and 
Europe appear to be ahead of us on the Soviet 
timetable. 

They seek to absorb these nations one by one 
into the Communist empire, until the Communist 
system gains unchallenged superiority in all ele- 
ments of power — population, territory, natural 
resources, industrial production, military capacity, 
and scientific prowess. This they hope to achieve 
by means short of war. This is what the cold 
war is. It stems from the fact that the Com- 
munist rulers want nothing short of the world and 
that we do not intend to let them have it. 

There are several neutral governments who still 
seem to regard the cold war essentially as a con- 
frontation between the United States and the So- 
viet bloc and who ask eagerly that this struggle be 
resolved through conciliation and mutual conces- 
sion. But what would they have us concede ? Do 
they wish us to abandon our efforts to protect our 
own independence and that of other nations ? The 
United States could undoubtedly reach at least 
a temporary detente with the Communist bloc if 
we were prepared to abandon our commitment to 
defend West Berlin, formally ratify the Com- 
munist conquest of Eastern Europe, and recognize 
Africa and Asia as a "happy hunting ground" for 
Communist imperialism. This would only be the 
beginning. Other demands would follow. We 
can "end the cold war" in any part of the world 
where we are willing to abandon resistance and 



November 7, I960 



709 



surrender to Communist expansion. Do other 
nations, allied or neutral, really want us to do this? 

We must never forget that, while the cold war 
is not essentially a military contest, the Com- 
munist governments maintain a powerful military 
establishment and the risk of a military attack is 
always present. So long as we and our allies main- 
tain the necessary military strength, it is probable 
that the Communist empire will continue to wage 
the cold war primarily by nonmilitary means. It 
will endeavor to secure domination of other na- 
tions and peoples through diplomatic maneuvers, 
through revolutions and civil wars, through eco- 
nomic inducements and pressures, through propa- 
ganda, through local Communist parties and 
fronts, through political subversion, and through 
cultural entanglements. It has a variety of strings 
in its bow. It uses them all. The Communist 
threat is global, and its means are total. 

American diplomacy is compelled to live and 
work in this environment of the cold war. In the 
absence of shooting the contest is being fought in 
terms of the sense of security felt by a citizen of 
Berlin, the freedom and dignity of a student in 
the Congo, and the productiveness of a farmer in 
the rice fields of southeast Asia. Our task is to 
help free peoples to preserve their freedom, to 
help them achieve and maintain political stability, 
to assist them in making economic progress, to 
encourage them to cooperate with other free peo- 
ples in the pursuit of peace with justice, and by 
our own national life set an example worthy to 
be followed. 

Development of a System of Alliances 

As I have indicated earlier, one of the essential 
responses to the conditions which have produced 
the cold war has been the creation and maintenance 
of adequate military strength to deter an attack 
against us and our friends. The United States is 
the leader in a system of mutual defense treaties 
which now embrace more than 40 nations of the 
free world. Some of these alliances are bilateral. 
Others take the form of regional organizations 
such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 
the Organization of American States, the South- 
east Asia Treaty Organization, and the Central 
Treaty Organization. This system in a sense has 
added a new dimension to American diplomacy. 

There can no longer be any question about the 
necessity for this alliance system. The centralized, 



Moscow-dominated Communist empire is so large, 
so powerful, and so active that no single nation, 
standing alone, could hope to resist the various 
types of aggression and penetration which it em- 
ploys. The strength required for successful resist- 
ance can only be found in unity of purpose and 
action. The United States itself, with all its wealth 
and power, would be in dire peril if the other free 
nations of the world should fall victim, one by one, 
to Communist imperialism, their human and ma- 
terial resources used to swell the power of the 
Communist system. 

This system of alliances inevitably presents cer- 
tain difficult problems for all of us and not least 
for American diplomats. I have mentioned our 
role of leadership, but "leadership" is probably 
not the best description of our functions. The 
United States has no satellites and wants none. 
The unity of the free world can only be maintained 
on the basis of partnership. 

In concrete terms this means that American dip- 
lomats must constantly take account of the atti- 
tudes and interests of allied nations. We must 
consult and negotiate with them. We must try to 
make sure that our basic policies are consistent 
with the fundamental intei-ests of our friends. 
This can be a tedious and tortuous process, but it is 
a vital and inescapable part of the job we have to 
do. 

Some Americans expect the United States Gov- 
ernment to have its own way in all dealings with 
allied governments, but the fact is that, when a 
nation enters an international partnership, it must 
accept, as in a business partnership, certain in- 
hibitions on its own freedom of action. 

Our task in the Department of State is to protect 
and promote American interests, and we never 
forget this. This requires that we remember what 
our basic interests really are. We would be foolish 
if we allow ourselves to pursue our secondary in- 
terests so intensely that we sacrifice the all-im- 
portant interest of maintaining the partnership 
itself. Diplomacy with one's allies is essentially 
the art of adjusting and accommodating interests, 
and no partnership can endure without this process 
of compromise. 

Growth of Multilateral Diplomacy 

Another major change in American diplomatic 
practice has resulted from the growth of what we 
may call "multilateral diplomacy." Since the end 



710 



Department of State Bulletin 



of World War II a large number of international 
problems have ceased to be handled primarily on a 
nation-to-nation basis and have been approached 
through discussions and negotiations among 
groups of nations. This has occurred in large part 
because of the creation of the United Nations and 
its various specialized agencies and also the re- 
gional organizations which have developed under 
our mutual defense treaties. 

The international conference, of course, is not 
new to diplomatic history. However, the increase 
in the use of the conference technique has been 
phenomenal. Today we have international bodies 
which are in almost continuous session, reaching 
day-to-day decisions in a wide variety of impor- 
tant issues. 

In such conferences one must be aware simul- 
taneously of the interests and attitudes of any- 
where from 3 to 100 countries. Each country 
must be permitted to express its views fully, and 
its interests must be given due weight. Speed in 
the making of decisions and conducting the neces- 
sary negotiations with our allies becomes highly 
important, since we cannot leave a United States 
representative uninstructed on a problem when 
other governments are prepared to vote or act. 
This is somewhat simpler for the Soviets, who do 
not have to consult their satellites, and also for 
the satellites, who don't have to consult their own 
governments. 

There are other diplomatic problems peculiar to 
conference diplomacy. One must cope with the 
"bandwagon" psychology which sometimes pre- 
vails. One must keep secondary issues in second- 
ary place. Finally, the task of maintaining 
secrecy is greatly complicated when a number of 
governments and individuals are privy to secret 
discussions. 

But multilateral diplomacy can never become a 
substitute for bilateral diplomacy. It does not 
reduce the need for sound relationships with indi- 
vidual governments. Our representatives in inter- 
national organizations cannot work effectively 
unless our Government is able simultaneously to 
maintain effective direct relationships with the 
other governments whose representatives sit in 
those bodies. In fact, the growth of multilateral 
diplomacy has increased rather than decreased 
the requirements for bilateral contacts and 
negotiations. 

Any sound evaluation of the net worth of multi- 



la! oral diplomacy must await the judgment of 
future historians. For myself, I believe that the 
multilateral conference table offers unusual oppor- 
tunities for international understanding and for 
effective collective action on critical issues. It 
has, however, produced new problems and compli- 
cated the life of the professional diplomat. 

Growth of Public Diplomacy 

Another significant change in recent years is the 
growth of "public diplomacy." The secrecy 
which once surrounded diplomatic negotiations 
has faded. Negotiation has increasingly been 
conducted in a goldfish bowl. The diplomat can- 
not think solely in terms of private conversations 
with prime ministers but must think in terms of 
relationships with whole populations. He must 
be familiar with the entire complex of political, 
cultural, and social forces which determine the 
purposes and practices of nations and regions. 
He must seek constantly to achieve understanding 
and confidence among large masses of human be- 
ings. He must recognize that a nation's policies 
are more likely to be influenced by open pro- 
nouncements in the press and by radio than by 
whispered conversations in a corner. Finally, he 
must devote, a considerable portion of his time 
and energy to the task of improving the knowl- 
edge and understanding of the general public. 

Some of my professional colleagues are inclined 
to believe that the trend toward public diplomacy 
has been overdone. Certainly there are many deli- 
cate international problems which can be more 
easily resolved through the give-and-take of pri- 
vate discussions than through public debate. The 
art of negotiation can be gravely complicated when 
the general public is able to scrutinize and criticize 
each step of a process of negotiation rather than to 
direct its attention to the entire package. In fact, 
ill-timed publicity can be tragic in certain sensi- 
tive international situations. But we must also 
recognize that public diplomacy is here to stay. 
Clemenceau once said that "War is too important 
to be left to the generals," and I suspect that di- 
plomacy has now become too important to be left 
exclusively to professional diplomats operating in 
complete privacy. In a democracy under present 
conditions an intense public interest in interna- 
tional relations is both inevitable and desirable. 
The public spotlight is now a fact of life, and no 
diplomat will ever again be able to escape from it. 



November 7, 7960 



711 



Effect of Modern Technology 

I have already referred to the speedup of com- 
munications which notably affects our diplomat 
abroad. lie is able to receive instructions almost 
instantaneously, and his need for broad discre- 
tion in important policy issues has thereby been 
reduced. He is no longer the true plenipotentiary 
known during the 17th and 18th centuries. It is 
much easier now for vital decisions to be made by 
the President or by the Secretary of State in Wash- 
ington rather than left to our emissaries abroad. 

On the other hand, it would be a serious mistake 
to assume, as some observers do, that modern com- 
munications have reduced the role of the ambas- 
sador to that of an errand boy. His task 
in explaining and interpreting policies, in conduct- 
ing delicate negotiations, and in giving his own 
government an adequate picture of foreign inter- 
ests and attitudes is as important and difficult as 
ever. Moreover, the speedup in communications 
works both ways. While our diplomats abroad are 
obviously under closer supervision than was pos- 
sible 100 years ago, their ability to influence deci- 
sions of the Government in Washington through 
timely reports and recommendations has been 
greatly enhanced. Thus, in some respects, the 
modern ambassador is able to participate more 
actively in the highest levels of policymaking. 

All things considered, I believe it is evident that 
the task of the American diplomat today is more 
complex than ever before. If the technology of 
modern civilization has reduced his discretion, 
it has also required him to deal with a much wider 
range of subject matter than the old-style diplo- 
mat. He must possess a large measure of expertise 
on a wide variety of topics — on politics, economics, 
finance, commerce, geography, military tactics and 
strategy, propaganda and public relations, and 
ethnic and cultural matters. In addition he 
must, to be effective, be a topflight executive. 
The diplomat of the 20th century conducts highly 
detailed negotiations on matters which the diplo- 
mat of the 19th century never heard of. To an 
increasing extent every top diplomat must be a 
jack-of-all-trades. 

Job of Diplomat in the Modern World 

This brings me to my final topic — the job of 
the diplomat as an individual in the modern 
world. Since I myself am a practitioner of this 
profession, you are entitled to take anything I 



may say with the proverbial grain of salt. How- 
ever, I want to express my belief that, despite the 
far-reaching changes in the environment and art 
of diplomacy, the need for the personal touch by 
the professional diplomat has not diminished in 
any way. He still needs the ancient qualities of 
brains, imagination, understanding, tact, insight, 
and determination. 

The diplomat should not expect glamour or 
glory as a reward for his services. It is fitting to 
give a parade for a returning military hero who 
has won a great battle. But there are no parades 
for the diplomat who has perhaps helped to avoid 
a war. Diplomatic successes do not lend them- 
selves to publicity. In fact, the very phrase "dip- 
lomatic victory" may be a contradiction in terms, 
since a successful diplomatic effort usually in- 
volves an accommodation of interests with an- 
other country and the fruits may be destroyed by 
a claim that either country has achieved a 
"victory." 

As I said at the outset, we need knowledge and 
discussion of our foreign affaire on the part of 
the general public. Public criticism, too, both of 
policies and techniques is healthy when based on a 
factual understanding of the problem rather than 
prejudice. I suspect that some of the past criti- 
cisms directed against the diplomat have sprung 
from the subconscious doubts and fears of the 
American people. There may be a tendency at 
times to blame the diplomat for the fact that we 
Americans are now compelled to live in an age of 
danger. The safety and self-sufficiency that we 
once took for granted have disappeared. Pain- 
ful international problems which seemed pleas- 
antly remote a few years ago have thrust them- 
selves harshly upon our consciousness. Under 
these circumstances it is probably inevitable that 
the diplomat should be regarded as the tangible 
symbol of an outside world which requires so 
much of us. 

In any event there is still no substitute for the 
talents of the skilled diplomat, and no electronic 
computer or other substitute is likely to be in- 
vented. I have pride and confidence in our 
Foreign Service, in its quality and in its devotion 
to duty. It has been truthfully described as the 
first line of American defense, and its tasks in 
the future are likely to be more difficult and more 
demanding, not less. We must make sure that 
the future quality and talents of the Foreign 



712 



Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



Service are equal to the demands vvliich will be 
placed upon it. We must draw into it the ablest 
young people the Nation produces. In their train- 
ing we must spare no effort. For the quality of 
this country's diplomatic representatives could 
prove decisive in determining during the long and 
perilous years ahead whether human civilization 
will survive or perish. 



President Meets With Heads of U.N. 
Delegations of New Nations 

President Eisenhower met with heads of the 
U.N. delegations of the newly independent Afri- 
can states and Cyprus at the White House on 
October 14- Following are welcoming remarks 
by the President, an exchange of remarks between 
Issofou Djermakoye of the Republic of the Niger 
and President Eisenhower, and a list of the 
African and Cypriot leaders. 



PRESIDENT'S WELCOMING REMARKS 

White House press release dated October 14 

I unfortunately can't speak in French, so I will 
have the interpreter to interpret just a few words 
I have to say to you here in a group. 

First of all, it is a great privilege for me to have 
the opportunity of seeing you, and I thank all of 
you for taking the trouble to come down to Wash- 
ington so that I could have a word with you. 

As you can well know, we in this country have 
followed with very great interest your various 
steps in reaching the state of independence and 
each of you being accorded a seat in the United 
Nations Organization. 

Some of you may have heard the speech I made 
before the United Nations, 1 expressing not only 
the friendship of this country for the peoples of 
Africa but our hope that we may be of some 
help to you, and our refusal to attempt interfer- 
ence in the affairs of any other nation, and to re- 
fuse to achieve or try to achieve any kind of domi- 
nation — military, political, or economic. We want 
only willing partners — that's all we want. 

I have only a few months left in the Office I 
now occupy, but no matter who shall succeed me 



1 BlTAETIN of Oct. 10, I960, p. 551. 

November 7, 1960 



in this Office I know that his interest will be no 
less than mine in the efforts you will be making to 
advance the standards of living of your people 
and to lead them toward a free and democratic, 
self-governing type of organization which will 
give the greatest possible satisfaction to each of 
you and to the individuals of your nation. 

The proposals I have made before the United 
Nations may not be exactly those that you believe 
to be correct. All I was trying to point out 
was the kind of thing that the United States 
would be prepared to join with others in attempt- 
ing to do, through the United Nations. But this 
does not mean that your own views, your own 
ideas of the details of such schemes, should not 
have a very great influence on exactly how these 
cooperative programs will be launched. 

Now, gentlemen, with just a word of apology 
for our Washington weather that delayed your 
landing here, I suggest that we adjourn to the 
gallery for some orange juice and coffee, and 
this would give me an opportunity — which I am 
seeking — to talk to little groups more intimately 
than I can here, making a speech. 



EXCHANGE OF REMARKS 
Issofou Djermakoye 

Unofficial translation 

Mr. President, I take the liberty in the name of 
the delegations of the states recently admitted to 
membership in the United Nations, whom you were 
good enough to invite to come to visit you in Wash- 
ington, to thank you for the comforting words of 
peace and of welcome which you addressed to us. 

Is it necessary to stress to what extent we are 
sensitive to the words coining from the distin- 
guished leader who was able through his clear- 
sighted conceptions of human destiny to avoid the 
holocaust which was threatening the world from 
1939 to 1945 ? Indeed not. The calmness, the be- 
nignity, with which you dominated the situation in 
those unforgettable days are still too fresh in the 
memory of all to be forgotten. 

It is for all these reasons, without any obvious 
contradiction, that we have listened with convic- 
tion to the address which you delivered to the 
United Nations Assembly at the opening of our 
deliberations. We evaluated an address that was 



713 



simple, precise, clear, dignified, and cannot fail to 
attract the attention of those who hear it. 

However, the world is living in a state of fear, 
and it is not up to a representative of Africa to 
tell you this, Mr. President — apprehensions, fear 
as to what will be the conclusions regarding dis- 
armament, fear regarding what will be the rela- 
tions between the two great powers, fear regarding 
what will be the conclusions regarding dis- 
armament, fear regarding what will be the fu- 
ture of the relations between two great powers; 
because from the outcome of what will be decided 
will depend the future of humanity. 

"We, the African peoples, who lack material 
strength and placed halfway between the two 
blocs, are in the best position to judge the results. 

I have already said this in 1959 on the occasion 
of the visit — passing through Niamey — of Mr. 
Henry Houghton, United States Ambassador to 
France: "We would not want, Mr. Ambassador, 
the African lands should be merely sands from 
which could be erased your steps and ours." 

One button pushed by the carelessness of one 
single man can launch the holocaust, and human- 
ity would be annihilated forever. Thus, more 
cruel than thirst, more tenacious than hunger, 
anxiety and fear would dominate the world. 

In coming here at your invitation, Mr. Presi- 
dent, it is with the hope that you will fully con- 
tribute to dissipate the dark clouds which are hov- 
ering over all humanity. We are aware that the 
American people and the Russian people, as is 
the case with all the other people in the world, 
have a tremendous need of peace. It is up to us 
to make this desire become reality through actions 
and deeds. That is what the various delegations 
present here ardently desire, because they know 
they are new, that their desire will find a deep echo 
in your heart. 

Is it necessary to stress to you, Mr. President, 
how much these African peoples, who are proceed- 
ing full speed toward freedom, appreciate fra- 
ternal friendship between peoples? It is pre- 
cisely this message that they have brought to the 
United Nations, and how happy they would be if 
this message were understood and accepted by the 
American people as a whole, who have pledged 
themselves resolutely to respect the United Nations 
Charter. 

In expressing to you, Mr. President, together 
with our profound respects, our renewed thanks, 



we are convinced that everything will be done that 
can be done to attain justice, equality, and fra- 
ternity among men. For these are the principles 
that are essential for peace and the safeguarding 
of humanity. 

President Eisenhower 

White House press release dated October 14 

In a rather long life I have received few com- 
mendations on my efforts for peace in this world 
that have touched me more deeply. 

While I have never visited the middle of Africa, 
I am quite sure in my heart that I understand 
clearly your desires and the desires of your people 
in this world of tensions and fears. I understand 
when you say that "we in Africa are without great 
material strength" and that you stand between two 
great hostile blocs. 

But, sir, we are not a bloc. We are not hostile. 
But we are determined that those forces which 
want to destroy liberty, the dignity of man, and 
human freedom shall not prevail in this world. 
When there is a militant dictatorship that has 
proclaimed openly and time again its intention to 
communize the world and control it from Moscow, 
then it is time for all of us — all free nations — so 
to order our affairs as to prevent selfish, dictatorial 
forces from having their way in the world. 

We do not urge — indeed we do not desire — that 
you should belong to one camp or to the other. 
You cannot afford to waste your money which is 
needed to build the hospitals, the schools, the 
roads that your people need — you cannot afford 
to put that money into costly armaments. 

So we are not talking about membership in any 
association — even though it may be a voluntary 
association to defend militarily against the threat 
that does exist in the world. 

It is because of this that I said earlier to you 
that the United States does not want either mili- 
tarily, politically, or economically to dominate, 
control, or subvert the peoples of your nations. 
The only thing we ask is that, through your own 
love of freedom and the determination of your 
people to live their own lives as they choose, you 
will resist others who have military, economic, or 
political intent to dominate you. These people 
should not — cannot — penetrate your people and 
use them for their own evil purposes. 

Gentlemen, I assure you, as I told some of you 
at the tables, my leaving this Office will not termi- 



714 



Department of State Bulletin 



nate my devotion to world peace with justice. 
Whenever and wherever I see liberty threatened 
throughout this world, so long as I can write, so 
long as I can speak, I shall always be on the side 
of freedom. 

One thing I can assure you : The Government 
of this Nation will always continue to express for 
its people the same sentiments I have outlined 
here today. 

Thank you for coming to visit with me. 

LIST OF AFRICAN AND CYPRIOT LEADERS 

Stephane Tchichelle, Vice Premier and Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) 

Charles Okala, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of 
Cameroun 

Jules Toura Gaba, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic 
of Chad 

Louis Rakotomalala, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mala- 
gasy Republic 

Abdullahi Issa, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Somali 
Republic 

Paulin Freitas, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of 
Togo 

Ousmane Ba, Minister of Labor, Republic of Mali 

Issofou Djermakoye, Minister of Justice, Republic of 
Niger 

Jaja Wachuku, Minister of Economic Development, Fed- 
eration of Nigeria 

Ibrahima Sarr, Minister of Labor and Civil Service, Re- 
public of Senegal 

Gallin Douathe, Chairman of the U.N. delegation, Central 
African Republic 

Zenon Rossides, Chairman of the U.N. delegation, Re- 
public of Cyprus 

Ignacio Pinto, Chairman of the U.N. delegation, Republic 
of Dahomey 

N'Goua, Chairman of the U.N. delegation, Gabonese 
Republic 

Mathieu Ekra, Chairman of the U.N. delegation, Republic 
of Ivory Coast 

Frederic Guirma, Chairman of the U.N. delegation, Re- 
public of Upper Volta 



United States Institutes Controls 
on Exports to Cuba 

Department Statement 

Press release 600 dated October 19 

Over the course of the past 21 months the 
United States has been subjected by the Castro re- 
gime to an increasing campaign of hostility and 

November 7, I960 



slander. Accompanying its words with actions, 
the Government of Cuba has instituted a series of 
arbitrary, illegal, and discriminatory economic 
measures which have injured thousands of Amer- 
ican citizens and have drastically altered the 
hitherto mutually beneficial pattern of trade be- 
tween the United States and Cuba. Illustrative 
of what has happened is the fact that the move- 
ment of United States exports to Cuba has been 
reduced to less than 50 percent of the figure in 1958 
and that payment has never been received for about 
a fourth of the goods shipped since Castro came to 
power. Meanwhile, Cuban exports to the United 
States remained normal until July of this year, 
when it became necessary to reduce the Cuban 
sugar quota in order that the United States Gov- 
ernment might comply with its duty to make 
proper provision for the future sugar needs of the 
American consumer. 1 

The principal measures taken by the Govern- 
ment of Cuba aimed at reducing the movement of 
goods and services from the United States to Cuba 
are listed below. None of these measures can be 
justified by a need to conserve foreign exchange 
reserves, which, according to Cuban Government 
officials, are adequate. Rather they are the re- 
sult of a deliberate political policy to divert trade 
away from the United States. 

1. In the first months of the Castro regime a 
variety of taxes and other restrictions were levied 
against United States flour, potatoes, rice, drugs, 
cigarettes, shoes, automobile components, and 
other products. For example, with regard to rice, 
a commodity in which the United States has long 
had a principal trade interest, the Government of 
Cuba, without providing a hearing for the in- 
terested parties, demanded a special "contribution" 
of $2.75 per hundred pounds from Cuban im- 
porters of this American product, and made the 
American quota for rice almost meaningless by not 
releasing dollar exchange for its importation 
while importing large quantities of rice duty free 
from another supplier country. 

2. Over the course of the year 1959, during 
which American exporters continued to ship in 
good faith under the generous credit terms which 
had long been customary in trading with Cuba, 
the Government of Cuba made it difficult for 
Cuban importers to pay for United States goods. 



1 For background, see Bulletin of July 25, 1960, p. 140. 

715 



Surcharges ranging from 30 percent to 100 per- 
cent were imposed in September 1959 on remit- 
tances of foreign exchange for certain additional 
categories of imports. Regulations governing the 
disposition of dollar exchange were gradually 
tightened until on November 3, 1959, an order was 
issued which stipulated that all exporters of 
Cuban products as well as all persons receiving 
dollar exchange for services rendered in Cuba 
must surrender their dollars to the National Bank 
of Cuba. Foreign exchange required to pay for 
imported goods had to be requested from an 
agency of this Bank, and approval of applications 
for legitimate payments of all sorts became sub- 
ject to long and indefinite delay. At the end of 
June 1960 the commercial backlog owed to Amer- 
ican businessmen had reached over $150 million. 

3. Some American exporters have been pres- 
sured to continue shipments of their products on 
a 90-day open account under the threat that only 
under this condition would dollars be released to 
pay for earlier shipments. United States-owned 
financial institutions were refused rediscount fa- 
cilities with the aim of forcing them to bring in 
their own funds from abroad, and American firms 
operating factories in Cuba were threatened with 
intervention unless they continued to ship in raw 
materials in a normal manner despite the fact that 
dollars had not been released to pay for earlier 
shipments of raw materials or for the remittance 
of normal earnings. 

4. The Castro regime discriminated against the 
United States in the administration of its trade 
regulations. It has used import licensing, state 
trading, and threats of intervention to force the 
diversion of trade away from the United States. 
Traditional customers of the United States in 
Cuba are under continuous official pressure to di- 
vert orders. It is well known that refineries of 
the Texaco and Standard Oil Companies in Cuba, 
which had been supplied from Venezuela and 
other Western Hemisphere sources, were presented 
with demands to refine Soviet petroleum and were 
seized when they declined to do so. At the time 
of seizure over $50 million was owed to these com- 
panies by Cuba for petroleum products which for 
over a year they had continued to supply without 
reimbursement in order to meet Cuba's needs. 

5. The Castro regime's seizure of private Amer- 
ican factories, mills, lands, retail establishments, 
service organizations, technical commercial files, 



and other properties has also served to distort 
further the traditional pattern of trade between 
Cuba and the United States. 

6. All efforts on the part of the United States 
to reach a fair and equitable solution of these trade 
problems have been rebuffed by the Castro regime. 
United States interests which have suffered injury 
have found no effective recourse in the Cuban 
courts. 

For these reasons and under the authority of 
the Export Control Act, the United States Gov- 
ernment is today placing into effect general con- 
trols, to prohibit American exports to Cuba except 
for nonsubsidized foodstuffs, medicines, and med- 
ical supplies. This step has been reluctantly 
taken by the United States in the exercise of its 
sovereignty and in order to carry out the respon- 
sibility of this Government to defend the legiti- 
mate economic interests of the people of this 
country against the discriminatory, aggressive, 
and injurious economic policies of the Castro 
regime. 

The Department of Commerce is issuing the 
necessary implementing regulations, and copies 
will be obtainable from that Department. 



U.S. Participates in OAS Study 
on Dominican Republic 



Department Statement 



Press release 601 dated October 19 



Simultaneously with the separate announce- 
ment being made today 1 concerning the applica- 
tion of certain controls on the export of goods 
from the United States to Cuba, the Department 
of State refers to the decision taken at the recent 
San Jose Foreign Ministers Meeting condemning 
the participation by the Government of the 
Dominican Republic in acts of aggression and in- 
tervention against the Government of Venezuela. 2 

At that meeting, the Foreign Ministers agreed 
on the severance of diplomatic relations with the 
Dominican Republic and on the partial interrup- 
tion of economic relations beginning with suspen- 
sion of trade in arms and implements of war. 
The United States has severed diplomatic rela- 



1 See p. 715. 

' For background, see Bulletin of Sept. 5, 1960, p. 355. 



716 



Department of State Bulletin 



tions with the Government of the Dominican Ke- 
public and has suspended all trade in arms and 
implements of war. 

The Foreign Ministers also charged the Council 
of the Organization of American States with the 
task of studying the feasibility and desirability 
of extending the suspension of trade with the 
Dominican Republic to other articles. A commit- 
tee has already been appointed by the Council of 
the Organization of American States to initiate 
this study. The United States is one of the seven 
governments named to serve on this committee. 3 
The committee is now actively at work on recom- 
mendations to the COAS, and the United States 
expects to lend its prompt cooperation in imple- 
menting, consistent with its Constitution and laws, 
the measures which the Council of the OAS may 
approve. 



King and Queen 
Visit Washington 



of Denmark 



King Frederik IX and Queen Ingrid of Den- 
mark made a state visit to the United States from, 
October 4 to 17 and were in Washington from 
October 11 to 14- Following are the texts of greet- 
ings exchanged by President Eisenhower and 
King Frederik at the Washington National Air- 
port on October 11 and their exchange of toasts 
at a state dinner at the White House that evening, 
together with a list of the members of the official 
party. 



EXCHANGE OF GREETINGS 

White House press release dated October 11 
The President 

Your Majesties and friends: It is indeed a 
pleasure to welcome to Washington the King and 
Queen of Denmark. Their country, like our own, 
is a member of the NATO alliance, standing to 
defend the security of their countries and the 
freedom of their people and of all those others of 
the alliance, and as a great bulwark against the 
loss of freedom in any other section of the world. 

This is a country I have visited during my 
different tours of duty in Europe and found it 



3 The other members of the committee are Brazil, Chile, 
Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, and Panama. 



hospitable and its people always courteous and 
ready to help. 

I learned something of the country there, but I 
learned far more about it from one of my oldest 
friends, who was born a Dane and came to this 
country — I think he was 14, Your Majesty. But 
he has been a great citizen of our country and one 
of my warmest and oldest friends. From him I 
have learned more about your people, and I have 
found that he is typical of their worth to this 
Nation — their industriousness, their readiness to 
cooperate with others, their ability to adapt them- 
selves to our customs and to our practices. 

I feel that while all of our own people and your 
people feel a great kinship among themselves, for 
me I have achieved through this companionship 
and this friendship of this individual and his 
family and his friends an especially warm feeling 
of sentiment toward your nation and its people. 
So I feel almost as if I can speak for my friend, 
Aksel Nielsen, in saying we are especially glad 
that you two have come here to honor us with 
your visit. We express the great hope, Your 
Majesties, that even, as you say, you have found 
on part of your trip that you have already ac- 
complished something interesting and instructive, 
we hope that it will continue to be interesting 
and enjoyable until the day you leave our shores — ■ 
a day, I assure you, we shall regret. 

So again, sir, welcome to Washington and to 
this country. 

The King of Denmark 

I thank you, Mr. President, very much for this 
heartwarming reception at the outset of our visit 
in Washington. 

First of all, I should like to thank you, Mr. 
President, for your and Mrs. Eisenhower's invita- 
tion to the Queen and me to visit your country. 
We have now been here 7 days and have visited 
Los Angeles and San Francisco and Chicago. 
Everywhere we have been received with unsur- 
passable hospitality and friendliness, and our ex- 
periences have been many and unforgettable. 

We have been looking forward to this moment 
when we would meet again with you and Mrs. 
Eisenhower, whom we feel are close and true 
friends of Denmark. Our past experiences in a 
common cause and the present wholehearted co- 
operation between our countries within many 



November 7, I960 



717 



fields forcn a solid foundation for a verity and a 
real friendship — a friendship that is shared by 
the Danish Government and by the Danish people, 
from whom I bring you warm and sincere greet- 
ings and best wishes for the future of your coun- 
try. 
I thank you. 

EXCHANGE OF TOASTS 

White House press release dated October 11 

The President 

Your Majesties, and ladies and gentlemen: It 
is indeed a signal honor to welcome to this Capi- 
tal and to this house Their Majesties the King 
and Queen of Denmark. It is a country with 
which we are bound by ties of common ideals and 
principles, and ties of blood. Many of their peo- 
ple have come to this country— and indeed, in 
their country, they celebrate one of our holidays. 
It has a long and interesting history. And of 
course, standing as it does as a buttress between 
the Baltic and the North Seas, it is not strange 
that they have had a long maritime history. 

But in these later days it is one of the key coun- 
tries in the NATO alliance. It is a forward coun- 
try. Geographically it looks across a very nar- 
row gap to the threatening dictatorship that cre- 
ates so much tension and indeed so much ill will 
in this world. 

So we are proud to call them friend and ally. 
We need them. We hope that they feel, on their 
part, a sense of partnership and need for us. I 
am sure they do. 

It is a romantic country. Many of you no 
doubt visited the castle of Hamlet, and, for my 
part at least, I was astonished to find out that 
Hamlet never lived in Denmark. 

It is a country of people calm and serene; they 
seem never to be startled, never to be hysterical. 
One great man said of his people, they were al- 
ways hysterical in victory and panicky in defeat. 
I think the people of Denmark would be the last 
people that you could say that about, if you went 
there and wanted to make a generalization. 

In any event, it is a great country — a prosper- 
ous country — and above all, one with us, believing 
in the dignity of man and ready to put everything 
on the line, to risk even their existence in the 



defense of these values that free men feel are 
above all else in life. 

So you can realize that it is with a great sense 
of distinction that I ask you all to rise with me 
to drink to Their Majesties the King and Queen 
of Denmark. 

The King of Denmark 

Mr. President: The Queen and I are deeply 
moved by the kind words you have addressed to 
us and by the hearty welcome which you and Mrs. 
Eisenhower as well as the inhabitants of this 
beautiful city of Washington have given us. 

The kind hospitality with which we have been 
met by everybody during this first part of our stay 
in the United States has made a great impression 
on us and will always be kept in grateful memory 
by the Queen and myself. 

We have been looking forward with great ex- 
pectations to this visit which — I am sure — will 
contribute to further strengthening of the ties of 
friendship which so happily unite our two coun- 
tries. Twenty-one years have elapsed since in 
1939 we had the opportunity of paying our first 
visit to the United States— a tour of which we re- 
tain the most happy memories — 21 years full of 
dramatic, historic events. 

A world war with its terror and suffering for 
millions of people lies between then and now. 
During the dark years of war our two countries — • 
each with the means at her disposal — aimed at 
promoting a common cause. We Danes realize 
how much we owe to the United States, to the 
courage and sacrifice of the American people, to 
the indomitable leadership of outstanding indi- 
viduals as your memorable predecessors and you 
yourself, Mr. President, and to the dedicated ef- 
forts of the United States to achieve a peace based 
on freedom and justice for all nations. I wish to 
take this opportunity to express on behalf of all 
my countrymen our gratitude toward the United 
States for their share in the liberation of our 
country. 

When peace had been achieved, we were faced 
with a series of new problems : As a result of the 
war the economy of my country — like that of most 
other European countries — had suffered severe 
setbacks. The rebuilding and expansion of our 
means of production and our merchant fleet and 
the revival of our commerce would not have been 



718 



Department of State Bulletin 



completed today had not the United States Gov- 
ernment carried out. their large-scale aid programs. 
Through this assistance the United States signifi- 
cantly helped the cause of economic integration in 
Western Europe. Your country thereby made an 
inestimable contribution to the unity of the states 
in our region. It is in my view a major interest, 
not only of Western Eurojie but also of its friends 
in this hemisphere, that the cause of ever closer 
cooperation between European nations should en- 
joy the sympathy and active support of the United 
States of America. 

At the same time dark and menacing clouds 
were again gathering on the international horizon 
and prevented the peoples of the world from en- 
joying the peace for which they had fought so 
bitterly. Certainly those clouds still darken the 
sun, but thanks to inspiration and support, from 
the United States the free nations of the Western 
World have joined their efforts to avert the threats 
to their national existence and their free way of 
life. 

Our country and yours are united in NATO. 
During the past 11 years we have had ample proof 
of the solidarity of the United States with NATO. 
We have benefited from the magnanimous aid 
which has enabled Denmark to build up a defense 
system without, endangering the economic and so- 
cial stability which are also important links in 
total defense. The contribution of Denmark to 
the defense of the whole NATO area is, of course, 
bound to be on a moderate scale. However, we are 
fully aware that solidarity with our allies is a 
necessity if the alliance is to fulfill its mission. 
The establishment of common defense areas in 
Greenland, upon which Denmark and the United 
States agreed in 1951, is one of the Danish con- 
tributions to that end. During our recent visit 
to Greenland the Queen and I had the pleasure to 
visit one of these areas and to inspect the forces 
stationed there. The high efficiency of these 
forces gained and deserved our sincere admiration. 

While both of us see in the alliance which unites 
us a purely defensive instrument and a successful 
means to avert the horrors of a new wax - , we are 
not closing our eyes to, but indeed seeking all 
possible means to diminish, the present tension in 
the world. We are grateful to you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, for your untiring personal efforts in the 
cause of peace and good will. They are the ulti- 
mate proof of the peaceful aims to which the 



policies of the United States as well as Denmark 
are dedicated. 

The close cooperation between our two countries 
in the United Nations and other international or- 
ganizations is based on an identity of views with 
respect to the fundamental elements of life and 
stamped by mutual respect and sympathy. To this 
contribute in no slight, degree the ties which unite 
many Americans of Danish origin with the land 
of their ancestors. For centuries Danes have gone 
to the United States to work and study. Many 
of them stayed on and founded their new homes 
in their country of adoption; we are happy to 
meet them here as esteemed and mostly prosperous 
citizens of this great country. 

New bonds of friendship have been created by 
the ever-increasing numbers of American visitors 
coming to Denmark and Danes going to the United 
States. A most useful and ever- increasing ex- 
change of scientists, students, teachers, et cetera, 
has developed since the war — thanks to American 
generosity and planning. This constitutes an es- 
sential factor in the cultural relations between our 
two countries. Tourist travel also is becoming 
possible for wider and wider groups of our citi- 
zens, thanks to the rising standards of living and 
the progress in the means of transportation. 

We Danes have always been proud of our mer- 
chant marine. In the field of air transportation 
we have — by pooling our resources with our sister 
nations Norway and Sweden — significantly as- 
sisted in making connections between your country 
and Scandmavia easier and closer. 

These personal links across oceans and borders 
bear evidence of the freedom reigning in our coun- 
tries. Let us unite in the hope that the torch of 
freedom which we received from our fathers may 
also illuminate the path of our descendants for 
generations to come. 

I raise my glass in honor of the President of 
the United States and Mrs. Eisenhower, for the 
prosperity and happiness of the people of the 
United States. 

MEMBERS OF OFFICIAL PARTY 

The Department of State announced on Sep- 
tember 30 (press release 570) that the members of 
the official party for the visit of the King and 
Queen of Denmark would be as follows: 



November 7, J 960 



719 



His Majesty King Frederik IX of Denmark 

Her Majesty Queen Ingrid of Denmark 

Jens Otto Krag, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Denmark 

Mrs. Magna Paulsen, lady-in-waiting to Her Majesty 

Capt. Eigil Wern, Chamberlain, Master of Ceremonies 

Count Kield Gustav Knuth-Winterfeldt, Ambassador of 

Denmark 
Countess Knuth-Winterfeldt 
Maj. Fleruming Koch, RDAF, Aide-de-Camp 
Kai Johansen, Counselor of Embassy, Press Officer 

Wiley T. Buchanan, Jr., Chief of Protocol of the United 
States 

Mrs. Buchanan 

Val Peterson, American Ambassador to Denmark (Wash- 
ington and New York only) 

Clement E. Conger, Deputy Chief of Protocol, Department 
of State (Washington and New York only) 

Maj. Gen. Thomas C. Darcy, USAF, American aide to the 
King of Denmark, (Washington only) 

Ben A. Thirkield, press officer, Department of State 



U.S. and U.K. Discuss Possible Use 
of Satellite Communications Systems 

Press release 605 dated October 21 

A team of United Kingdom communications ex- 
perts will arrive at Washington October 23 for a 
series of technical discussions on matters associ- 
ated with the possible use of communications sys- 
tems via earth satellites. These technical discus- 
sions are being held with a number of agencies 
of the U.S. Government and with private firms. 

The British team is headed by Maj. Gen. L. de 
M. Thuillier (Ret.) and includes Capt. C. F. 
Booth, W. J. Bray, H. Leigh, and F. J. D. Taylor, 
all of the Post Office; J. R. U. Page of the Office 
of the Minister for Science ; F. E. J. Girling, A. 
G. Earl, C. Williams, Group Capt. A. Foden, and 
C. F. Sutton, all of the Ministry of Aviation; 
and F. A. Kitchen of the Admiralty. 

Visits to a number of technical installations of 
the National Aeronautics and Space Administra- 
tion, the Department of Defense, and private 
firms will take place during the visit, which is ex- 
pected to last several weeks. 



Commemoration of Anniversary 
of Hungarian Revolution 

Department Statement 

Press release 606 dated October 21, for release October 22 

Four years ago today [October 23] the Hun- 
garian people began their ill-fated and heroic 
struggle for national independence. Faced with 
the impending loss of its control over Hungary, 
the Soviet Union brutally used naked military 
force to crush the national uprising and impose a 
regime subservient to its interests. 

The brave attempt by the people of Hungary to 
gain freedom from foreign domination and its 
ruthless suppression by the Soviet Union revealed 
to the world the true nature of Soviet imperialism. 
It exposed as a sham the Soviet espousal of the 
principle of self-determination of nations and the 
Soviet pretense that Hungary was independent. 

The United Nations condemned the Soviet in- 
tervention in Hungary and the violations of hu- 
man rights and freedoms for which the Soviet 
Union and the Hungarian Communist regime 
were responsible. The two Governments have con- 
tinued to stand in contempt of the United Nations 
by their refusal to comply with its expressed will 
and their continuing repression and denial to the 
Hungarian nation of its right to independence. 

In an era during which a large and growing 
number of peoples is being granted national inde- 
pendence, the Hungarian people remain in bond- 
age to a power which, while it proclaims itself a 
champion of independence, has in fact established 
a new colonialism in the areas which it controls. 

The fourth anniversary of the Hungarian up- 
rising is a suitable time not only to note the re- 
spect which the patriots of Hungary earned in 
their brave and tragic fight for independence but 
also to reassert support for their rights of self- 
determination and freedom from the oppression 
under which they suffer at the hands of Soviet 
Imperialism. 



720 



Department of State Bulletin 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings 1 

Scheduled November 1, 1960, Through January 31, 1961 

1st FAO Regional Conference for Africa Lagos Nov. 3- 

ILO Inter-American Study Conference on Labor-Management Montevideo Nov. 3- 

Relations. 

UNESCO Executive Board: 57th Session Paris Nov. 7- 

ILO Governing Body: 147th Session Geneva Nov. 8- 

IMCO Maritime Safety Committee: 3d Session London Nov. 8- 

International Wheat Council: 31st Session London Nov. 9- 

FAO International Rice Commission: Working Party on Engineer- Saigon Nov. 10- 

ing Aspects of Rice Production, Storage, and Processing. 

U.N. ECAFE Committee on Trade: 2d Session of Working Party Bangkok Nov. 10- 

on Customs Administration. 

U.N. Scientific Advisory Committee New York Nov. 11- 

6th Meeting of American Central Banks Guatemala Nov. 14- 

UNESCO General Conference: 11th Session Paris Nov. 14- 

Diplomatic Conference for the Revision of the Hague Arrangement The Hague Nov. 14— 

on the International Deposit of Industrial Designs. 

ICAO Visual Aids Panel: 1st Meeting Montreal Nov. 16- 

FAO International Rice Commission: 7th Session Saigon Nov. 16- 

5th FAO Regional Conference for Asia and the Far East .... Saigon Nov. 21- 

ICEM Executive Committee: 16th Session Geneva Nov. 21- 

NATO Parliamentarians: 6th Conference Paris Nov. 21- 

ITU CCITT: 2d Plenary Assembly New Delhi Nov. 21- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Steel Statistics Geneva.. Nov. 21- 

U.N. ECAFE Working Party on Housing and Building Materials: Bangkok Nov. 22- 

6th Session. 

Inter- American Statistical Institute: 7th Session of Committee on Mexico, D.F Nov. 28- 

Improvement of National Statistics. 

International Sugar Council: 8th Session London Nov. 28- 

U.N. ECE Committee on Agricultural Problems: 12th Session . . Geneva Nov. 28- 

U.N. ECAFE Inland Transport and Communications Committee: Katmandu Nov. 30- 

5th Session. 

ITU CCITT Study Group 2/1 New Delhi November 

U.N. ECOSOC Technical Assistance Committee Geneva November 

WMO Commission on Climatology: 3d Session London Dec. 1- 

ICEM Council: 13th Session Geneva Dec. 1- 

4th U.N. ECAFE Regional Technical Conference on Water Re- Colombo Dec. 5- 

sources Development. 

U.N. ECE Inland Transport Committee: 20th Session Geneva Dec. 5- 

U.N. ECOSOC Regional Seminar on the Participation of Women Addis Ababa Dec. 12- 

in Public Life. 

UNICEF Program Committee New York Dec. 12- 

UNESCO Executive Board: 58th Session Paris Dec. 14- 

U.N. ECE Coal Trade Subcommittee Geneva Dec. 19- 

UNICEF Executive Board New York Dec. 23- 

Inter-American Children's Institute: 41st Meeting of Directing Montevideo December 

Council. 

NATO Ministerial Council Paris December 

U.N. Economic and Social Council: 30th Session (resumed) . . . New York December 

2d ICAO Special Limited Mediterranean Regional Air Navigation Paris Jan. 3— 

Meeting. 

U.N. ECOSOC Commission on Human Rights: 13th Session of Geneva Jan. 3- 

Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection 

of Minorities. 



1 Prepared in the Office of International Conferences, Oct. 13, 1960. Following is a list of abbreviations: CCITT, 
Comity consultatif international telegraphique et teleghonique; ECAFE, Economic Commission for Asia and the Far 
East; ECE, Economic Commission for Europe; ECOSOC, Economic and Social Council; FAO, Food and Agriculture 
Organization; GATT, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade; ICAO, International Civil Aviation Organization; ICEM, 
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration; ILO, International Labor Organization; IMCO, Intergovern- 
mental Maritime Consultative Organization; ITU, International Telecommunication Union; NATO, North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization; U.N., United Nations; UNESCO, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; 
UNlCEF, United Nations Children's Fund; WMO, World Meteorological Organization. 



November 7, 1960 721 



Calendar of International Conferences and Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled November 1, 1960, Through January 31, 1961— Continued 

FAO Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council: 9th Meeting Karachi Jan. 6- 

10th International Conference on Social Work Rome Jan. 8- 

GATT Working Party on Market Disruption Geneva Jan. 9- 

FAO Consultative Subcommittee on the Economic Aspects of Rice: New Delhi Jan. 13- 

5th Session. .„,«_,_, ^ ■, 

ILO Tripartite Meeting on Social Consequences of Coal Crisis . . Geneva Jan. 16- 

IMCO Council: 4th Session London Jan. 17- 

GATT Committee III on Expansion of International Trade . . . Geneva Jan. 23- 

U.N. ECE Working Party on Standardization of Perishable Food- Geneva Jan. 30- 

FAO Group of Experts on Rice Grading and Standardization: 6th India January 

Session. 



U.S. Supports 28-Power Resolution 
on Cooperation of Member States 

Following is a statement made in the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly on October 17 by U.S. Representa- 
tive James J. Wadsworth, together with the text 
of a resolution adopted the same day. 

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR WADSWORTH 

U.S. delegation press release 3539 

The United States fully supports the 28-power 
draft resolution contained in document A/L. 320 
and its various addenda. We share the concern 
of the sponsors at the increase in world tension 
and we deplore it. We also believe that it is neces- 
sary to arrest this trend both in the General As- 
sembly and in the world at large. We agree with 
the sponsors that the way to achieve this is for all 
countries to conduct themselves in accordance with 
the charter and refrain from actions likely to 
aggravate international tension. In this connec- 
tion it should be emphasized that the charter 
obliges members to refrain both from the use of 
force and from the threat to use force in their 
international relations. My delegation believes 
that a more faithful compliance with this provi- 
sion of the charter would contribute to a relaxa- 
tion of tensions. 

The draft resolution also stresses the need for 
the United Nations to become a more effective in- 
strument for the safeguarding of peace and for the 
promotion of the economic and social advance- 
ment of all peoples. The United States is in full 
sympathy with this objective. In fact, in his ad- 

722 



dress to the General Assembly on September 22, 1 
President Eisenhower reaffirmed the dedication of 
our country to the United Nations. I should like 
to recall that the President said : 

The first proposition I place before you is that only 
through the United Nations Organization and its truly 
democratic processes can humanity make real and uni- 
versal progress toward the goal of peace with justice. 
Therefore I believe that to support the United Nations 
Organization and its properly constituted mechanisms and 
its selected officers is the road of greatest promise in 
peaceful progress. To attempt to hinder or stultify the 
United Nations or to deprecate its importance is to con- 
tribute to world unrest and, indeed, to incite the crises 
that from time to time so disturb all men. The United 
States stands squarely and unequivocally in support of the 
United Nations and those acting under its mandate in the 
interest of peace. 

In keeping with this spirit, the United States 
will fully support those measures which will help 
make the organization a more effective instrument 
for maintaining peace and will oppose any meas- 
ure which tends to weaken the United Nations or 
make it less effective in discharging its responsi- 
bilities. 

The United States also agrees that immediate 
and constructive steps should be adopted in re- 
gard to the urgent problems concerning the peace 
of the world and the advancement of its peoples. 
We believe that one of the first and most construc- 
tive steps which can and should be taken is the 
resumption of disarmament negotiations. I have 
pointed out earlier that the United States remains 
ready to resume negotiations immediately. 

With regard to the need for steps to advance the 
peoples of the world, my delegation is on record 
as having stressed that the area which perhaps 



1 For text, see Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 

Department of State Bulletin 



requires the greatest and most immediate atten- 
tion of this organization is Africa with its many 
new states. To serve this purpose, the United 
States has introduced for consideration by the 
General Assembly an item entitled "Africa: A 
United Nations Program for Independence and 
Development." 2 We will also support any other 
constructive measures designed to advance the wel- 
fare of mankind. 

In May the Security Council adopted a resolu- 
tion 3 sponsored by Argentina, Ceylon, Ecuador, 
and Tunisia similar in scope and intent to this 
draft resolution. The United States supported 
that resolution. We hope that this resolution and 
the Security Council resolution will be observed 
by all U.N. members and that the violence, threats, 
and disorder of recent days will be put behind us 
forever. 

Now, Mr. President, that was the brief state- 
ment which I had prepared to give concerning the 
draft resolution until I heard Mr. [Valerian A.] 
Zorin's remarks. I regret that the Soviet repre- 
sentative has already tried to turn this initiative 
toward peace into an instrument for further cold- 
war propaganda by the U.S.S.R. It is exactly 
this sort of attempt to fan the flames of hatred and 
suspicion that we had understood this resolution to 
be directed against. 

We will continue to support this resolution, and 
I will prove it by refraining from a reply to Mr. 
Zorin's statements in kind. Perhaps our example 
may help. 



TEXT OF RESOLUTION* 

The General Assembly, 

Deeply concerned by the increase in world tensions, 

Considering that the deterioration in international re- 
lations constitutes a grave risk to world peace and co- 
operation, 

Conscious that both in the General Assembly and in tha 
world at large it is necessary to arrest this trend in 
international relations and to contribute towards greater 
harmony among nations irrespective of the differences 
in their political and economic systems, 

1. Urges that all countries, in accordance with the 



' Ibid., Oct. 24, 1960, p. 657. 

' For text, see ibid., June 13, 1960, p. 961. 

4 U.N. doc. A/RES/1495 (XV) ( A/L.320 and Add. 1-6) ; 
adopted in plenary session on Oct. 17 by a vote of 91 
to 0. 



Charter of the United Nations, refrain from actions likely 
to aggravate international tensions; 

2. Reaffirms the conviction that the strength of the 
United Nations rests on the co-operation of its Member 
States which should be forthcoming in full measure so 
that the Organization becomes a more effective instru- 
ment for the safeguarding of peace and for the promo- 
tion of the economic and social advancement of all 
peoples ; 

3. Urges further that immediate and constructive steps 
should be adopted in regard to the urgent problems con- 
cerning the peace of the world and the advancement of its 
peoples ; 

4. Appeals to all Member States to use their utmost 
endeavours to these ends. 



General Assembly Allocates Item 
on Disarmament to Committee I 

Following are two statements made by James 
J. Wadsworth, U.S. Representative to the General 
Assembly, in plenary session on October 11. 

FIRST STATEMENT 

U.S. delegation press release 352S 

The United States supports the allocation of the 
Soviet item on disarmament to the First Commit- 
tee and opposes its allocation to the plenary. We 
do so because we think disarmament is a complex 
subject requiring serious consideration and not a 
subject to be exploited for propaganda purposes. 

Last year the General Assembly adopted unan- 
imously a disarmament resolution expressing its 
hope that measures leading toward the goal of 
general and complete disarmament under effective 
international control would be worked out in de- 
tail and agreed upon in the shortest possible time. 1 
This resolution was originally negotiated between 
the delegations of the United States and the 
U.S.S.R., and the United States promptly pre- 
pared proposals to seek to implement it. 

Discussions on ways to bring about balanced and 
controlled disarmament measures were started in 
March in the 10-member committee meeting in 
Geneva. 2 These continued until June 27, when the 
U.S.S.R. and their side walked out of the negotia- 
tions. 3 And they walked out immediately after 

1 For text, see Bulletin of Nov. 23, 1959, p. 766. 
'Ibid., Apr. 4, 1960, p. 511. 
"Ibid., July 18, 1960, p. 88. 



November 7, I960 



723 



being informed by tbe United States represent- 
ative that new "Western proposals were about to 
be presented. In other words, when they had to 
face concrete proposals, they quit. There is no 
other way to describe it. 

Now, Mr. President, this was not a particularly 
new tactic. This was not the first but the second 
time in the course of two negotiations that the 
U.S.S.R. walked out of disarmament talks in order 
to avoid discussing Western disarmament propos- 
als. In 1957, in London, Mr. [Valerian A.] 
Zorin — the same representative who walked out in 
1960 in Geneva — also walked out of the United 
Nations Subcommittee on Disarmament within 
hours after new Western proposals 4 were sub- 
mitted. This year he did not even wait to see 
them. 

Now, a few moments ago, Mr. President, Chair- 
man Khrushchev said : 

At present in connection with the preparation for the 
presidential elections such a situation is obtained in the 
United States in which the U.S. Government apparently 
does not intend to assume any new important obligations. 
And without a constructive participation of the United 
States it is impossible to reach an agreement on disarma- 
ment in the U.N. General Assembly. 

Mr. President, the United States has been ready 
ever since June 27, when the 10-nation commit- 
tee meetings were broken up in Geneva, to resume 
those negotiations. It was not the United States 
that walked out. We are prepared to go back to 
the negotiating table today, elections or no elec- 
tions. 

Now this same U.S. proposal to participate 
honestly in disarmament discussions was carried 
into the Disarmament Commission of the United 
Nations 5 — a commission in which all United 
Nations members have a chance to state their 
views. That happened this summer, when the 
U.S.S.R. threatened in a written communication 
to refuse to attend a session called to consider the 
serious situation created by the breakdown of the 
10-nation Geneva talks. 6 

But now Chairman Khrushchev tells us that he 
wants substantive discussion of disarmament per- 
haps postponed to a special session of the General 
Assembly to deal with the subject in the spring. 



' For the text of the Western proposals of Aug. 29, see 
Hid., Sept. 16, 1957, p. 451. 
5 Ibid., Sept. 5, 1960, p. 376. 
• U.N. doc. DC/158. 



Apparently the plenary discussion which he urges 
today would lead only to that. There is only one 
conclusion to be drawn from these developments. 
Where there is an opportunity to make big 
speeches and propose grandiose schemes for dis- 
armament, the U.S.S.R. is for it ; where there is a 
necessity to face the realistic negotiation of dis- 
armament agreements in detail and with the sys- 
tems of impartial inspection which such agree- 
ments would entail, the U.S.S.R. walks away from 
it. We hope we are wrong, but our experience has 
not been encouraging. 

Now, Mr. President, the problem before us is in 
no way a problem of an appropriate forum. 
There is no magic in a plenary discussion. There 
is no magic in a special session of the General 
Assembly. There is only the question of the will 
and desire of the parties to negotiate honestly and 
equitably in the interests of the lives of us all. 
That will and that desire will be truly tested not 
in speeches from this rostrum but in real 
negotiations. 

For our part, as I have said, we are ready to 
negotiate now. We support the full-membership 
Disarmament Commission — a membership estab- 
lished, incidentally, at Soviet initiative — as a fo- 
rum for the expression of views of all United Na- 
tions members and for full consideration of this 
subject. We asked for it to meet this summer; 
we are prepared to meet again. We are also ready 
to return to the 10-member committee in spite of 
the walkout and to resume serious negotiations 
there. 

We are ready. Let the U.S.S.R. respond. 

But here and now we are about to decide on how 
this 15th session of the General Assembly will un- 
dertake its work on disarmament — not, at this 
point in our debate, what should be done next. 

The United States has always recognized and 
shared the deep and proper concern of all United 
Nations members in this important subject. Each 
year, then, we have supported a comprehensive 
discussion of this issue in the General Assembly. 
It was, in fact, here where the United States — 
then the sole possessor of atomic power — offered 
to turn that power over to international control 
15 years ago, only to have that offer rejected by 
the U.S.S.R. with such tragic consequences. 

Accordingly, and in the same spirit, we look 
forward again this year to a full discussion of dis- 
armament, not to just a succession of speeches. 



724 



Department of State Bulletin 



We urge that the Soviet item be inscribed on the 
agenda of the First Committee, the major politi- 
cal committee of the General Assembly, where it 
may be given, along with other disarmament 
items, serious and detailed consideration. Only 
a workmanlike approach will offer hope for real 
progress. 

We are ready to discuss disarmament now, and 
there is no reason to avoid this subject, as the 
U.S.S.R. seems to wish. 

We do not believe that the Soviet request to 
have this item assigned to plenary is made in the 
interest of disarmament. We believe that it is in 
the interests of turning what should be a serious 
discussion into a table-thumping propaganda 
spectacle. We will vote against the Soviet pro- 
posal, and we hope the Assembly will do likewise 
and that we can subsequently proceed promptly 
and soberly to discuss this serious problem in the 
First Committee, where it belongs. 



SECOND STATEMENT 

U.S. delegation press release 3529 

I know that the hour grows late, and I do not 
wish to keep the members overlong, but I would 
say this, that if the intervention which we have 
just heard from the representative of the Soviet 
Union [Mr. Khrushchev] is typical of what he 
would say in the disarmament debate, that is all 
the more reason why it should not be held in this 
chamber. 

Disarmament is a complex subject. It needs 
a quiet, sober, and workmanlike approach. This 
has not been displayed so far by the representa- 
tive of the Soviet Union. 

Now, let me repeat what I said earlier today, 
that we are ready to negotiate soberly and sin- 
cerely in any forum which seems appropriate. 
Let me also repeat that it was not the United 
States that walked out of the various forums that 
have been held on the subject of disarmament. 
Let me repeat again particularly that it was not 
Mr. [Harold] Stassen [US. representative] who 
walked out in 1957 ; it was Mr. Zorin. 

I think, Mr. President, that what we have to 
think about here is the much larger picture. We 
are ready and have been ready. Apparently the 
Soviet Union has not. 

Mr. Khrushchev — whose name I hope I can pro- 
nounce — stood here before you just a few moments 



ago and said, "Agree with us on disarmament and 
we will take any kind of control you want." 

Now, Mr. President, I happen to claim a little 
bit of experience in this sort of business because 
on October 31 of 1958, 1 sat in a conference room 
in Geneva, Switzerland, and there I heard the 
Soviet representative say, "Agree to banning tests 
and we will have no trouble whatever with con- 
trol." Six or seven weeks later we decided we 
couldn't get an agenda; so we decided to talk 
business, and we talked business. 7 And the first 
four articles of a treaty which we hoped would 
have been completed long since went right down 
the line with what both of the sides wanted: a 
complete ban on nuclear tests everywhere, an obli- 
gation that all the parties would not only refrain 
from holding nuclear tests but would refrain from 
participating in engaging in, or in stimulating or 
encouraging, tests anywhere in the world. Then 
we were supposed to find out that control was 
going to be easy. All I have to do is remind my 
friends in this room that for over 22 months the 
three delegations have sat there worrying about 
controls. 

I say, be warned by experience, when the repre- 
sentative of the Soviet Union tells you that if you 
will accept his principles of disarmament he in 
turn will give you any kind of control that you 
want. I can tell you that it is not true. 

But, Mr. President, as I am sure everybody 
here has realized for some time, this particular 
discussion seems to have gotten away from the 
point, which is, are we going to discuss disarma- 
ment in this hall in plenary or are we going to 
discuss it in the First Committee? And I hope 
that before too long we can take a vote on this. 

And I feel quite sure that all of you who have 
been here before will realize that if anybody wants 
publicity they can get it in the First Committee 
too. They can get their speeches repeated and 
reported. They can get their pictures taken for 
the television and for the newsreels. They won't 
have any trouble about that. So if that's what 
he wants, he can be perfectly happy to go to the 
First Committee also. 

One final point and my apologies to all of you 
for taking up your time. This is not the kind of 
a subject that really lends itself to levity. It is 



7 For an article by William J. Gehron on "Geneva Con- 
ference on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapon Tests," 
see Bulletin of Sept. 26, 1960, p. 4S2. 



November 7, 1960 



725 



not the kind of a subject that really lends itself 
to the waving of arms. This is not the kind of 
a subject that lends itself to shouting. 8 



General Assembly Allocates 
Soviet Complaint to Committee I 

Statement by James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly * 

The United States will vote against the Soviet 
draft resolution A/L.313, which is an attempt to 
reverse the recommendation of the General Com- 
mittee. As can be seen from the report of the 
General Committee 2 on page 10, the Soviet pro- 
posal that its complaint be allocated to plenary 
consideration was defeated by a vote of 12 to 3. 
As a result of this decision the General Commit- 
tee has recommended that the complaint be allo- 
cated as item 8 to the First Committee. 

The Soviet complaint is built upon two inci- 
dents, both of which have been considered in de- 
tail by the Security Council. In both cases the 
Council found that the Soviet charges of so-called 
aggressive actions by the United States were 
groundless. 

I may here also interpolate that the Soviet 
charges of American aggression immediately after 
the October revolution are equally groundless. 

The U-2 Incident 

Let me repeat that in both cases upon which 
this item is brought before you the Security 
Council found that Soviet charges of so-called 
aggressive actions by the United States were 
groundless. The first complaint, which was based 
on the flight of the U-2 aircraft, was considered 
by the Council in seven meetings held between 23 



" The General Assembly on Oct. 11 by a vote of 54 to 13, 
with 31 abstentions, allocated to Committee I (Political 
and Security) consideration of the question of disarma- 
ment. On the same day the General Assembly by a vote 
of 62 to 13, with 24 abstentions, sustained a recommenda- 
tion of the Steering Committee that Committee I consider 
the question of disarmament. 

'Made in plenary session on Oct. 13 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3534). 

"U.N. doc. A/4520; for a statement made by Ambassa- 
dor Wadsworth in the General Committee on Sept. 23, see 
Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1960, p. 622. 



and 27 May I960. 3 The Soviet Union has re- 
peatedly alleged that reconnaissance flights over 
the Soviet Union continue to be the state policy 
of the United States. This is, of course, contrary 
to fact. Let me repeat what President Eisen- 
hower said in Paris on 16 May 1960 : 4 

. . . these activities had no aggressive intent but rather 
were to assure the safety of the United States and the 
free world against surprise attack by a power which 
boasts of its ability to devastate the United States and 
other countries by missiles arrued with atomic warheads. 
As is well known, not only the United States but most 
other countries are constantly the targets of elaborate 
and persistent espionage of the Soviet Union. 

There is in the Soviet statement an evident misappre- 
hension on one key point. It alleges that the United States 
has, through official statements, threatened continued 
overflights. The importance of this alleged threat was 
emphasized and repeated by Mr. Khrushchev. The 
United States has made no such threat. Neither I nor my 
Government has intended any. The actual statements go 
no further than to say that the United States will not 
shirk its responsibility to safeguard against surprise 
attack. 

In point of fact, these flights were suspended after the 
recent incident and are not to be resumed. Accordingly, 
this cannot be the issue. 

Let those who would blame the summit failure 
on this incident keep in mind that the Soviet 
propaganda buildup, which forecast a failure at 
the summit and sought to place in advance the 
blame on the United States, started in Pravda and 
Izvestia, the two leading papers of the Soviet- 
controlled press, long before the plane incident. 
All through March and April the United States 
was the target of a mounting barrage of scurrilous 
cartoons and articles in these two papers, which 
contrasts with their omission of such material in 
the months preceding the summit meeting of 1955. 
The significance, of that fact in a country where the 
press is an integral instrument of government is 
clear. 

But back to our subject of this item. The out- 
come of the Security Council's consideration of 
this question is known to all United Nations mem- 
bers. The Soviet Union draft resolution which 
sought to condemn the United States for what the 
Soviet Union alleged were "aggressive acts" was 
rejected by a vote of 7 to 2, with 2 abstentions. It 
was supported by only two members of the Coun- 
cil, Poland and the Soviet Union. The Security 
Council subsequently adopted a resolution at its 



s For background, see ibid., June 13, 1960, p. 955. 
'Ibid., June 6, 1960, p. 904. 



726 



Department of Stafe Bulletin 



863d meeting on 27 May, which had been presented 
by Argentina, Ceylon, Ecuador, and Tunisia. 
This resolution, for which all members voted ex- 
cept the Soviet Union and Poland, which ab- 
stained, appealed to all member governments to 
refrain from the use of threats or force in their 
international relations. It also requested con- 
tinued efforts to achieve a constructive solution of 
the question of general and complete disarmament 
under effective international control and urged the 
Governments of France, the United Kingdom, the 
United States, and the U.S.S.R. to resume discus- 
sions as soon as possible. Since that time the 
U.S.S.R. walked out of the disarmament discus- 
sions in Geneva and brought down a United 
States plane over the high seas. 

Downing of U.S. Plane Over International Waters 

The second part of this complaint is built around 
this downing on the 1st of July of a United States 
RB— 17 airplane over international waters. It is 
an attempt to shift the responsibility from the 
U.S.S.R., where it obviously belongs. This inci- 
dent was considered between 22 and 26 July in four 
meetings of the Security Council. 5 There the 
United States presented a completely factual ac- 
count of what happened to the RB-47. We showed 
that, at the time the Soviets claimed to have shot 
down the RB^7 near the coast of the Soviet 
Union, it was in fact 50 miles from the coast of 
the Soviet Union and that 20 minutes later the 
RB-17 was at a point 200 miles away from the 
point where the Soviets claim they downed it. 
These were the facts, and the Soviet Union never 
even attempted to refute them. The plane never — ■ 
and I repeat never — came within 30 miles of the 
Soviet coast. 

Again, all members know the outcome of the 
Security Council's consideration. The Soviet res- 
olution which sought, again, to condemn the 
United States for what it alleged were "aggressive 
acts" was supported only by Poland and the So- 
viet Union. It was opposed by all other members 
of the Council. 

In order to be sure that no possible shred of 
doubt would persist about the facts of the case, 
the United States then proposed that there be an 
impartial investigation of the facts or a referral 
of the matter to the International Court of Justice 



for impartial adjudication. The Soviet Union 
vetoed this impartial investigation of the facts. 

At the same time the Soviet Union also vetoed 
a humanitarian resolution expressing the hope 
that the International Committee of the Red 
Cross be permitted to fulfill humanitarian tasks 
with respect to the surviving members of the crew. 
To this day, Mr. President, the Soviet Union has 
not allowed any outside agency or government to 
have any contact with the surviving crew 
members. 

Despite the false charges which have already 
been exposed in the United Nations, the United 
States, in keeping with our usual practice of fa- 
voring full debate of accusations against us, has 
supported the inscription of this item. 

In our view the recent stand taken by the Soviet 
Union in the Security Council, where it vetoed an 
impartial investigation of its charges against us, 
makes it all the more desirable — in fact, all the 
more necessary — for the full facts to be brought 
out clearly in the First Committee. 

This is not a general appeal about a general 
subject. It is a complaint based upon two specific 
incidents. Therefore, we think the recommenda- 
tion of the General Committee is right, and we 
will vote against the Soviet proposal to take it up 
in plenary. 8 



G.A. Decides To Include Agenda 
Item on Hungary 

Statement by Wayne Morse 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly 1 

In October 1956 the people of Hungary revolted 
against the oppressive Communist government 
and attempted to restore their lost liberties. They 
appealed to the United Nations for help. 

Amid threatening signs of Soviet intentions to 
crush the Hungarian revolution and do it by force, 
the Security Council met to deal with the situation. 
The Soviet representative, Mr. [Arkady A.] 
Sobolev, assured the Security Council that the 



' For background, see ibid., Aug. 15, 1960, p. 235. 
November 7, 1960 



° The General Assembly on Oct. 13 rejected the Soviet 
proposal by a vote of 10 to 54, with 33 abstentions. 

'Made in plenary session on Oct. 10 (U.S. delegation 
press release 3526/Corr. 1). For a statement made by 
U.S. Representative James J. Wadsworth in the General 
Committee on Sept. 23 regarding the item on Hungary, 
see Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1960, p. 623. 

727 



Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was about to 
engage in discussions with the then Hungarian 
government, including the question of withdrawal 
of Soviet troops from Hungary. 

Only a few hours after that assurance, Soviet 
troops and armored columns attacked the Hun- 
garian patriots and Soviet personnel seized the 
officials of the government and established the 
present government of Hungary in its stead. 

The Soviet Union then vetoed a resolution in the 
Security Council calling on it to withdraw Russian 
troops. 2 An emergency special session was called, 
and the Assembly of the United Nations demanded 
that the U.S.S.R. withdraw its troops and that 
free elections be permitted in Hungary. 3 

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics defied 
this call of the General Assembly and continued 
its armed repression of the revolution, a repression 
which cost some 25,000 lives, it is estimated. As 
members of the Assembly are well aware, many 
times this number of people fled across the fron- 
tier to a haven in the West. Four years after the 
Assembly's call, Soviet troops are still the basis 
of Communist power in Hungary and there have 
been no free elections in the country. 

A United Nations Special Committee on Hun- 
gary, composed of representatives from Tunisia, 
Ceylon, Australia, Denmark, and Uruguay, thor- 
oughly examined the facts of the Hungarian revo- 
lution and the Soviet armed intervention during 
1957 and produced a report conclusively proving 
the popular nature of the uprising and the facts 
of Soviet military attacks upon the populace. I 
recommend the reading of that report to those who 
have not had the opportunity to read it. 4 

The General Assembly subsequently condemned 
the defiance of the United Nations by Hungary and 
the U.S.S.R., 5 and the Assembly has declined since 
1956 to approve the credentials of the Hungarian 
representatives. 

In April of 1958 Mr. Khrushchev visited Hun- 
gary and publicly expressed his approval of the 



* Ibid., Nov. 12, 1956, p. 757. 
' Ibid., Nov. 19, 1956, p. 800. 

* For text of the final chapter of the Committee's report, 
see ibid., July 8, 1957, p. 63. The full report is available as 
supplement 18 (A/3592) to the Official Records of the 
Eleventh Session of the General Assembly, International 
Documents Service, Columbia University Press, 2960 
Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. ; price, $2. 

c Bulletin of Sept. 30, 1957, p. 515. 



728 



repressive measures still being carried out at that 
date by the Hungarian regime. Against this back- 
ground Moscow and Budapest announced simul- 
taneously on June 16 the execution of Prime Min- 
ister [Imre] Nagy and General Pal Maleter and 
several other outstanding Hungarian patriots. 6 

This is the background of the situation we face 
today. 

Many efforts have been made by many persons to 
obtain Soviet and Hungarian cooperation with the 
United Nations and compliance with its recom- 
mendations. 

These began with efforts by the Secretary-Gen- 
eral made at the request of the Assembly to go to 
Hungary. He was rebuffed. 

They were followed with further efforts to ob- 
tain Soviet and Hungarian compliance to the first 
Special Representative of the United Nations, 
Prince Wan of Thailand, a former President of 
the Assembly, and now to Sir Leslie Munro of 
New Zealand, also a former President of the As- 
sembly. Both the U.S.S.R, and Hungary have 
adamantly refused to deal with any of these rep- 
resentatives of the United Nations. 

Last year the General Assembly asked the Spe- 
cial Representative to continue his efforts and 
specifically called upon the U.S.S.R. and Hungary 
to cooperate with him. Now the Special Repre- 
sentative has announced that his efforts to consult 
with the Foreign Ministers of the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and Hungary pursuant to his 
mandate have been rebuffed. The Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and the present Hungarian au- 
thorities have thus continued to defy the appeals 
of the General Assembly, raising the question as 
to whether we are going to establish a world order 
based upon a system of international justice by 
law. 

Mr. President, the intransigence of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics and the present 
Hungarian authorities requires that this Assembly 
again consider this problem. 

Attempts have been made to intimidate this and 
previous General Assemblies by the use of violent 
words, false charges, and bluster. Repeated refer- 
ence has been made to the Hungarian question as 
though it were nonexistent. Obviously, Mr. Pres- 
ident, the United Nations does not consider this 
question to be nonexistent. 

Ever since the heroic Hungarian people rose up 



' Itid., July 7, 1958, p. 7. 

Department of State Bulletin 



against a regime which had been installed and 
supported by the military forces of the Soviet 
Union, the members of the United Nations, first 
in the Security Council, then in emergency special 
session, and then at four regular sessions of the 
General Assembly have striven to ameliorate the 
plight of the Hungarian people. 

The opponents of this item have argued that the 
General Assembly should sidetrack it in order to 
devote more time to seeking ways to relax inter- 
national tensions and to discuss the problems of 
disarmament. In the opinion of the United 
States, Mr. President, the abandonment of the 
Hungarian people by the United Nations, in the 
face of the Soviet Union's and the Hungarian re- 
gime's defiance of its many resolutions, could not 
possibly contribute to a lessening of world ten- 
sions. On the contrary, such action would only 
serve to undermine the prestige and moral au- 
thority of the United Nations and encourage dis- 
respect for its recommendations. 

These are the reasons, Mr. President, which lead 
the United States to request the inscription of this 
item on our agenda again this year. We cannot 
pretend that the events of the past 4 years have 
never taken place, nor can we ever make progress 
toward reducing international tensions by turning 
our backs on the plight of oppressed peoples. 

Freedom and peace are indivisible. The day of 
freedom must come, not only in Asia and Africa, 
where it has been arriving with dramatic sudden- 
ness, but also in those areas of Europe and Asia 
which have been subjected to the new domination 
of alien masters. 

For these reasons, Mr. President, my Govern- 
ment urges the inclusion of the Hungarian item on 
this year's agenda of the General Assembly. 7 



Agenda of the 15th Regular Session 
of the U.N. General Assembly 1 

D.N. doc. A/4534 dated October 10 

1. Opening of the session by the Chairman of the delega- 
tion of Peru. 

2. Minute of silent prayer or meditation. 

3. Credentials of representatives to the fifteenth session 
of the General Assembly : 



' The General Assembly decided on Oct. 10 to include 
the item on Hungary by a vote of 54 to 12, with 31 
abstentions. 

1 Adopted by the General Assembly on Oct. 1, 3, 8, and 10. 



(a) Appointment of the Credentials Committee ; 

(b) Report of the Credentials Committee. 

4. Election of the President. 

5. Constitution of the Main Committees and election of 
officers. 

6. Election of Vice-Presidents. 

7. Notification by the Secretary-General under Article 12, 
paragraph 2, of the Charter. 

S. Adoption of the agenda. 

9. Opening of the general debate. 

10. Report of the Secretary-General on the work of the 
Organization. 

11. Report of the Security Council. 

12. Report of the Economic and Social Council. 

13. Report of the Trusteeship Council. 

14. Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 

15. Election of three non-permanent members of the Secu- 
rity Council. 

16. Election of six members of the Economic and Social 
Council. 

17. Election of members of the International Court of 
Justice : 

(a) Election of a member of the Court to fill the va- 
cancy caused by the death of Sir Hersch Lauter- 
pacht ; 

( b) Election of five members of the Court. 

18. Appointment of the members of the Peace Observa- 
tion Commission. 

19. Election of the United Nations High Commissioner for 
Refugees. 

20. Admission of new Members to the United Nations. 

21. The Korean question : report of the United Nations 
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of 
Korea. 

22. Report of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer 
Space. 

23. Question of an increase in the membership of the 
Security Council and of the Economic and Social 
Council. 

24. Report of the United Nations Scientific Committee on 
the Effects of Atomic Radiation. 

25. Final report of the Secretary-General evaluating the 
Second United Nations International Conference on 
the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy in relation to 
the holding of similar conferences in the future. 

26. Report of the Director of the United Nations Relief 
and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near 
East. 

27. United Nations Emergency Force : 

(a) Cost estimates for the maintenance of the Force; 

( b ) Progress report on the Force. 

28. Progress and operations of the Special Fund. 

29. Economic development of under-developed countries : 

(a) International flow of private capital: report by 
the Secretary-General and recommendations 
thereon by the Economic and Social Council ; 

(b) Question of the establishment of a United Nations 
capital development fund : report by the Secre- 
tary-General ; 



November 7, J 960 



729 



(c) Methods and techniques for carrying out a study 
of world economic development : report by the 
Secretary-General and comments thereon by the 
Economic and Social Council ; 

(d) Promotion of wider trade co-operation among 
States : report by the Secretary-General. 

30. Programmes of technical assistance : 

(a) Report of the Economic and Social Council; 

(b) United Nations assistance in public administra- 
tion : report by the Secretary-General ; 

(e) Confirmation of the allocation of funds under the 
Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. 

31. Opportunities for international co-operation on behalf 
of former Trust Territories and other newly independ- 
ent States : reports by the Economic and Social Coun- 
cil and by the Secretary-General. 

32. Question of assistance to Libya : report by the Secre- 
tary-General. 

33. Assistance to refugees : 

(a) Report of the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees ; 

(b) Report of the Secretary-General on the World 
Refugee Year. 

34. Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. 

35. Draft Convention on Freedom of Information. 

36. Draft Declaration on Freedom of Information. 

37. Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories 
transmitted under Article 73 e of the Charter of the 
United Nations : reports of the Secretary-General and 
of the Committee on Information from Non-Self- 
Governiug Territories : 



(a) 



(b) 
(c) 

(d) 

(e) 



Progress achieved by the Non-Self-Governing 
Territories in pursuance of Chapter XI of the 
Charter ; 

Information on economic conditions ; 
Information on other conditions ; 
General questions relating to the transmission 
and examination of information ; 
New developments connected with the associa- 
tion of Non-Self-Governing Territories with the 
European Economic Community : report by the 
Secretary-General. 

38. Study of principles which should guide Members in 
determining whether or not an obligation exists to 
transmit the information called for in Article 73 e of 
the Charter of the United Nations: report of the 
Special Committee established under General Assem- 
bly resolution 1467 (XIV). 

39. Dissemination of information on the United Nations 
In Non-Self-Governing Territories : report by the 
Secretary-General. 

40. Participation of the Nou-Self-Governing Territories in 
the work of the United Nations and of the specialized 
agencies : report by the Secretary-General. 

41. Offers by Member States of study and training facili- 
ties for inhabitants of Non-Self-Governing Territories : 
report by the Secretary-General. 

730 



42. Election to fill a vacancy in the membership of the 
Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing 
Territories. 

43. Question of South West Africa : 

(a) Report of the Committee on South West Africa; 

(b) Report on negotiations with the Government of 
the Union of South Africa in accordance with 
General Assembly resolution 1360 (XIV) ; 

(c) Election of three members of the Committee on 
South West Africa. 

44. Question of the future of Western Samoa. 

45. Question of the future of Ruanda-Urundi. 

46. Dissemination of information on the United Nations 
and the International Trusteeship System in Trust 
Territories : report by the Secretary-General. 

47. Offers by Member States of study and training fa- 
cilities for inhabitants of Trust Territories : report by 
the Secretary-General. 

48. Financial reports and accounts, and reports of the 
Board of Auditors: 

(a) United Nations (for the financial year ended 31 
December 1959) ; 

(b) United Nations Children's Fund (for the finan- 
cial year ended 31 December 1959) ; 

(c) United Nations Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Near East (for the 
financial year ended 31 December 1959) ; 

(d) Voluntary funds administered by the United Na- 
tions High Commissioner for Refugees (for the 
financial year ended 31 December 1959) ; 

(e) United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency 

(liquidation and final accounts). 

49. Supplementary estimates for the financial year 1960. 

50. Budget estimates for the financial year 1961. 

51. Appointments to fill vacancies in the membership of 
subsidiary bodies of the General Assembly: 

(a) Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions ; 

(b) Committee on Contributions ; 

(c ) Board of Auditors ; 

(d) Investments Committee: confirmation of the 
appointment made by the Secretary-General ; 

(e) United Nations Administrative Tribunal. 

52. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the 
expenses of the United Nations : report of the Com- 
mittee on Contributions. 

53. Audit reports relating to expenditure by specialized 
agencies of technical assistance funds allocated from 
the Special Account. 

54. Administrative and budgetary co-ordination of the 
United Nations with the specialized agencies and with 
the International Atomic Energy Agency : report of 
the Advisory Committee on Administrative and 
Budgetary Questions. 

55. Report of the Negotiating Committee for Extra- 
Budgetary Funds. 

56. United Nations Library : report by the Secretary- 
General. 

Department of State Bulletin 



57. Construction of the United Nations building in Santi- 
ago, Chile: progress report by the Secretary-General. 

58. Organization and work of the Secretariat: report of 
the Committee of Experts appointed under General 
Assembly resolution 1446 (XIV) and provisional rec- 
ommendations thereon by the Secretary-General. 

59. Public information activities of the United Nations : 
report by the Secretary-General. 

60. Personnel questions : 

(a) Geographical distribution of the staff of the Secre- 
tariat: report by the Secretary-General; 

(b) Proportion of fixed-term staff ; 

(c) Other personnel questions. 



61. 
62. 
63. 
64. 

65. 
66. 
67. 

68. 



69. 
70. 

71. 
72. 



73. 

74. 

75. 



77. 

78. 
79. 
SO. 



81. 



83. 



United Nations International School : report by the 
Secretary-General. 

Annual report of the United Nations Joint Staff Pen- 
sion Board. 

Comprehensive review of the United Nations Joint 
Staff Pension Fund. 

Proposed amendments to certain provisions of the 
Pension Scheme Regulations of the International 
Court of Justice. 

Report of the International Law Commission on the 
work of its twelfth session. 

Question of the publication of a United Nations jurid- 
ical yearbook : report by the Secretary-General. 
Disarmament and the situation with regard to the ful- 
filment of General Assembly resolution 1378 (XIV) of 
20 November 1959 on the question of disarmament. 
The status of the German-speaking element in the 
Province of Bolzano (Bozen). Implementation of the 
Paris Agreement of 5 September 1946. 
Suspension of nuclear and thermo-nuclear tests. 
Treatment of people of Indian and Indo-Pakistan 
origin in the Union of South Africa. 
Question of Algeria. 

Question of race conflict in South Africa resulting 
from the policies of aparrtheid of the Government of 
of the Union of South Africa. 

Prevention of the wider dissemination of nuclear 
weapons. 
Land reform. 

Actions on the regional level with a view to improv- 
ing good neighbourly relations among European States 
having different social and political systems. 
Measures designed to promote among youth the ideas 
of peace, mutual respect and understanding between 
peoples. 

Appeal for maximum support to efforts of newly emerg- 
ing States for strengthening their independence. 
Question of Tibet. 
The problem of Mauritania. 

Complaint of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
about a menace to world peace created by aggressive 
actions of the United States of America against the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 
Question of Hungary. 
Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum. 
Main trends of inquiry in the natural sciences, dis- 
semination of scientific knowledge and application of 
such knowledge for peaceful ends. 



84. Question of the composition of the Trusteeship Coun- 
cil. 

85. The situation in the Republic of the Congo. 

86. Report of the Disarmament Commission. 

87. Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial 
countries and peoples. 

88. Africa : a United Nations programme for independence 
and development. 



U.S. Pledges $40 Million 
for U.N. Aid Programs 

Statement by Wayne Morse 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly 1 

In the United Nations the people of many coun- 
tries and in different stages of development have 
joined in a common and stirring effort to give sub- 
stance to the United Nations objective of promot- 
ing better standards of life in larger freedom. 

Seventeen newly independent nations have re- 
cently joined the United Nations family. Others 
are expected to do so in this coming year. All of 
these new nations and many older ones are striving 
mightily to achieve satisfactory economic and 
social progress. 

As the President of the United States stated in 
his address before the General Assembly on Sep- 
tember 22: 2 

The drive of self-determination and of rising human 
aspirations is creating a new world of independent na- 
tions in Africa, even as it is producing a new world of 
both ferment and of promise in all developing areas. An 
awakening humanity in these regions demands as never 
before that we make a renewed attack on poverty, illiter- 
acy, and disease. 

The experience of many nations and the knowl- 
edge and skills of many people must be marshaled 
in a war against these scourges of mankind, which 
has rightly been termed the only one which the 
world can win. 

The United Nations and its related organiza- 
tions have been in the forefront of this great effort. 
And it is the Expanded Program of Technical As- 
sistance and the Special Fund which are playing 
key roles in the worldwide technical assistance and 
preinvestment undertakings of the United Nations 
family. 



1 Made before the U.N. Pledging Conference on Oct. 13 
(U.S. delegation press release 3531). 
' Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 



November 7, 1960 



731 



Mr. President, the United States has always 
supported wholeheartedly the work of these in- 
stitutions. My Government continues to support 
in every practical way the programs of the Spe- 
cial Fund and of the Expanded Program. In his 
address before the General Assembly on Septem- 
ber 22 the President of the United States pointed 
to the importance of having these programs in 
combination reach their annual $100 million goal 
in 1961. 

Mr. President, I am pleased to announce that 
the United States Government pledges $40 mil- 
lion as its contribution to the combined programs 
of the Special Fund and the Expanded Program 
of Technical Assistance. Our pledge represents 
our willingness to do our full share in achieving 
the goal of $100 million in 1961. As was the case 
last year, our pledge is subject to the condition 
that the United States contribution not exceed 40 
percent of total government contributions to the 
central fund of each program. 

It is my earnest hope that the pledged contri- 
butions of governments represented here will en- 
able our Organization to attain the full goal of 
$100 million for 1961. 



U.N. High Commissioner Praised 
for Service to Refugees 

Foil-owing are the texts of letters from Presi- 
dent Eisenhower and Secretary Herter to Auguste 
R. Lindt, U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees. 

Press release 595 dated October 13 

LETTER FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER 

October 4, 1960 

Dear Mr. High Commissioner: At this last 
meeting of the Executive Committee of the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees during 
your tenure as High Commissioner, I want to add 
the congratulations of the United States to those 
of other governments for the splendid leadership 
you have shown during your four years of service. 

You can, I believe, take proper pride in two 
major achievements. Your efforts to gain ac- 
ceptance by more governments of the principles 
governing asylum and the protection of the legal 
status of refugees now stand as beacons of hope 



and security to countless thousands who are still 
striving to adjust to a new life in a new country. 
Of hardly less importance, your efforts to secure 
a greater world consciousness of the tragic ma- 
terial plight still suffered by many refugees has 
resulted in a remarkable increase in aid for these 
victims of oppression and political strife, and in 
substantial progress toward permanent solutions 
which we have all witnessed. 

I am gratified that your next capacity will be 
Ambassador of your own country [Switzerland] 
to the United States. I assure you that your 
welcome here will be as warm in this role as it has 
been while you have held the office of High Com- 
missioner for Eefugees. 
Sincerely, 

Dwigiit D. Eisenhower 



LETTER FROM SECRETARY HERTER 

October 4, 1960 

Dear Mr. High Commissioner: I want you to 
know with what high esteem you are regarded 
by those of us in the Department of State who 
have had the opportunity to participate with you 
in your work for refugees. 

During your years as High Commissioner you 
have never failed to keep the great trust placed 
in you by the United Nations, and by the refu- 
gees themselves who look to you as their spokes- 
man and protector. Your tireless and imagina- 
tive efforts on their behalf and the world-wide in- 
terest that you engendered in their cause has 
resulted in resurrected lives for thousands of 
homeless people. And your accomplishments are 
all the more meaningful because of the warm and 
dedicated spirit with which you have sought to 
alleviate human suffering. 

This brings not only my congratulations to you 
for your inspiring service as United Nations High 
Commissioner for Refugees but also my sincere 
good wishes for success in the important work 
that lies ahead. 

With warmest personal regards, 
Most sincerely, 

Christian A. Herter 

The Honorable 

Auguste R. Lindt, 

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 



732 



Department of State Bulletin 



United States Delegations 
to International Conferences 

12th Meeting of Colombo Plan 

The Department of State announced on October 
21 (press release 609) that Theodore C. Achilles, 
the Counselor of the Department of State, will 
serve as U.S. representative to the ministerial ses- 
sion of the 12th meeting of the Consultative Com- 
mittee on Cooperative Economic Development in 
South and Southeast Asia (Colombo Plan), which 
will be held at Tokyo October 31-November 17. 
The ministerial session will convene November 14, 
following the 2-week preparatory meeting at the 
officials level. 

Other members of the delegation include : 

Alternate Representatives to the Ministerial Meeting 

Peyton Kerr, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic 

Affairs, Department of State P 
John M. Steeves, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Far 

Eastern Affairs, Department of State 

Representative to the Officials Meeting 

Peyton Kerr, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic 
Affairs, Department of State 

Advisers 

Carl Bischoff, Office of International Financial and De- 
velopment Affairs, Department of State 

Anthony Cuomo, Office of South Asian Affairs, Depart- 
ment of State 

Merrill C. Gay, Adviser, Office of International Financial 
and Development Affairs, Department of State 

Ralph Hirschtritt, Chief, British Commonwealth and 
African Division, Office of International Finance, De- 
partment of the Treasury 

Ralph E. Phillips, Regional Director, Far East Opera- 
tions, Development Loan Fund (ministerial meeting 
only) 

William Edward Vogelsang, Office of Far East Opera- 
tions, International Cooperation Administration 

A group of cabinet ministers representing 
Commonwealth countries met at Colombo, Ceylon, 
in January 1950 to discuss the problem of eco- 
nomic development in South and Southeast Asia. 
The Consultative Committee, which was formed 
as a result of those discussions, met in May 1950 
and decided to invite countries outside the Com- 
monwealth to participate in the discussions and 
activities of the Committee. The United States 
became a member of the Colombo Plan Consulta- 
tive Committee in 1951 and since that time has 
participated in the annual meetings and was host 



to the 10th meeting, which was held at Seattle, 
"Wash., October-November 1958. Other members 
of the Committee are: Australia, Burma, Cam- 
bodia, Canada, Ceylon, India, Indonesia, Japan, 
Laos, Malaya, Nepal, New Zealand, Pakistan, 
Philippines, Thailand, United Kingdom (together 
with North Borneo, Sarawak, Singapore), and 
Viet-Nam. 



Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 1 

Security Council 

Communication Dated 27 August 1960 From the President 
of the Council of the Republic of Senegal Addressed to 
the Secretary-General of the United Nations. S/4470/ 
Add. 1. August 28, 1960. 2 pp. 

Third Report by the Secretary-General on the Imple- 
mentation of Security Council Resolutions S/4387 of 
14 July 1960, S/4405 of 22 July 1960 and S/4426 of 
9 August 1960. S/4475. August 30, 1960, 8 pp. ; Add. 1, 
August 31, 1960, 2 pp. ; Add. 2, September 7, 1960, 7 pp. 

Letter Dated 26 August 1960 From the Secretary General 
of the Organization of American States Addressed to 
the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Trans- 
mitting the Final Act of the Sixth Meeting of Consulta- 
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs Serving as Organ 
of Consultation in Application of the Inter-American 
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. S/4476. September 
1,1960. 8 pp. 

General Assembly 

Draft Declaration on the Right of Asylum. Memorandum 
by the Secretary-General. A/4452, August 23, 1960, 
5 pp. ; and Corr. 1, September 26, 1960, 1 p. 

Supplementary List of Items for the Agenda of the 
Fifteenth Regular Session of the General Assembly. 
A/4450. August 24, 1960. 1 p. 

Public Information Activities of the United Nations. Re- 
port by the Secretary-General. A/4429. August 25, 
1960. 22 pp. 

Proposed Amendments to Certain Provisions of the Pen- 
sion Scheme Regulations of the International Court of 
Justice. Report by the Secretary-General. A/4424. 
August 26, 1960. 17 pp. 

Letter Dated 26 August 1960 From the Chairman of the 
Disarmament Commission Addressed to the Secretary- 
General. A/4463. August 26, 1960. 2 pp. 

Budget Estimates for the Financial Tear 1961 : Revised 
Estimates for Sections 2, 3, 4, 5 and 11 Resulting From 
Decisions of the Economic and Social Council. Report 
of the Secretary-General. A/C.5/S19. August 29, 1960. 
21 PP. 

New Developments Connected With the Association of 
Non-Self -Governing Territories With the European Eco- 
nomic Community. Note by the Secretariat. A/4470. 
September 3, 1960. 2 pp. 



1 Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may 
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United 
States. 



November 7, J 960 



733 



TREATY INFORMATION 



Aviation Consultations With India 
Concluded at New Delhi 

Press release 603 dated October 20 

Delegations of the Government of India and 
of the United States met in New Delhi beginning 
October 3 for discussion of various matters aris- 
ing under the bilateral Air Transport Agreement 
concluded on February 3, 1956. J In the course of 
these discussions, the delegations engaged in an 
exchange of views on the nature of the services 
operated by their respective airlines between the 
two countries and reviewed the general pattern 
of developments in operations under the pro- 
visions of the agreement. 

It was agreed that these discussions, which 
ended October 19, 1960, will be resumed at a time 
and place to be mutually agreed. 

Discussions took place in a friendly and cordial 
atmosphere. 



Current Actions 



MULTILATERAL 

Agriculture 

Protocol of amendment to the convention on the Inter- 
American Institute of Agricultural Sciences of Jan- 
uary 14, 1944 (58 Stat. 1169). Opened for signature 
at Washington December 1, 1958. 2 
Ratification deposited: Honduras, October 14, 1960. 

Automotive Traffic 

Customs convention on temporary importation of private 
road vehicles. Done at New York June 4, 1954. En- 
tered into force December 15, 1957. TIAS 3943. 
Accession deposited: Nepal, September 21, 1960. 

Health 

Amendments to articles 24 and 25 of the World Health 
Organization Constitution of July 22, 1946 (TIAS 
1808). Adopted by the Twelfth World Health As- 
sembly, Geneva May 28, 1959/ 

Acceptances deposited: Mexico, August 2, 1960; Guinea, 
August 5, 1960; Afghanistan, August 11, 1960; 
Netherlands (for the Realm in Europe, Surinam, 
the Netherlands Antilles, and Netherlands New 
Guinea), September 14, 1960; Dominican Republic 
and Ghana, September 16, 1900. 



International Court of Justice 

Statute of the International Court of Justice (59 Stat 

1055). 

Notice of withdraical of May 23, 1057, declaration 
accepting compulsory jurisdiction: Pakistan, Sep- 
tember 13, 1960. 

Declaration recognizing compulsory 
posited: Pakistan, September 13, 
until notice of termination is given. 



jurisdiction de- 
I960.' Effective 



BILATERAL 



Burma 



Agreement amending the agricultural commodities agree- 
ment of May 27, 1958, as amended (TIAS 4036 and 
4229). Effected by exchange of notes at Rangoon Octo- 
ber 10, 1960. Entered into force October 10, 1960. 

Canada 

Agreement for the loan of a United States submarine to 
Canada. Effected by exchange of notes at Washington 
July 20 and August 23 and 31, 1960. Entered into force 
August 31, 1960. 

Guinea 

Agreement providing for the furnishing of economic, tech- 
nical, and related assistance to Guinea. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Conakry September 30, 1960. En- 
tered into force September 30, 1960. 

Japan 

Understanding that the provisions of subparagraphs (a) 
to (f ) of paragraph 5 of article XVIII of the agreement 
of January 19, 1960, under article VI of the Treaty of 
Mutual Cooperation and Security will apply to small 
maritime claims. Effected by exchange of notes at 
Tokyo August 22, 1960. Entered into force August 22, 
1960. 

Libya 

Agreement amending subparagraph C of the economic 
assistance agreement of September 9, 1954, as amended 
(TIAS 3105, 3382, and 4370). Effected by exchange of 
notes at Tripoli June 30, 1960. Entered into force June 
30, 1960. 

Paraguay 

Agreement relating to radio communications between ama- 
teur stations on behalf of third parties. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Asunci6n August 31 and October 
6, 1960. Enters into force November 5, 1960. 

Portugal 

Agreement relating to a weapons production program. Ef- 
fected by exchange of notes at Lisbon September 26, 
1960. Entered into force September 26, I960. 



"Treaties and Other International Acts Series 3501. 

'Not in force. 

* Applicable in all disputes arising after June 24, 1948. 



Correction 

The Editor of the Bulletin wishes to call atten- 
tion to the following printer's errors : 

Bulletin of October 24, 1960, p. 637, right-hand 
column, fourth line : The sentence should begin 
"It has another function, which I personally regard 
as perhaps its chief one, . . ." 

Bulletin of October 31, 1960, p. 677, right-hand 
column, ninth line : The date should be October 7. 



734 



Department of State Bulletin 



November 7, 1960 



Ind 



Africa. President Meets With Heads of U.N. 
Delegations of New Nations (Djermakoye, 
Eisenhower) 713 

American Principles. Diplomacy and the Modern 

World (Merchant) 707 

American Republics. U.S. Participates in OAS 

Study on Dominican Republic 716 

Aviation. Aviation Consultations With India Con- 
cluded at New Delhi 734 

Cuba. United States Institutes Controls on Ex- 
ports to Cuba 715 

Cyprus. President Meets With Heads of U.N. Dele- 
gations of New Nations (Djermakoye, Eisen- 
hower) 713 

Denmark. King and Queen of Denmark Visit 
Washington (Eisenhower, King Frederik) . . 717 

Department and Foreign Service. Diplomacy and 

the Modern World (Merchant) 707 

Disarmament. General Assembly Allocates Item 
on Disarmament to Committee I (Wadsworth) . 723 

Dominican Republic U.S. Participates in OAS 

Study on Dominican Republic 716 

Economic Affairs 

12th Meeting of Colombo Plan (delegation) . . . 733 
United States Institutes Controls on Exports to 

Cuba 715 

U.S. Pledges $40 Million for U.N. Aid Programs 

(Morse) 731 

Hungary 

Commemoration of Anniversary of Hungarian 
Revolution 720 

G.A. Decides To Include Agenda Item on Hungary 

(Morse) 727 

India. Aviation Consultations With India Con- 
cluded at New Delhi 734 

International Organizations and Conferences 

Calendar of International Conferences and Meet- 
ings 721 

12th Meeting of Colombo Plan (delegation) . . 733 

Presidential Documents 

King and Queen of Denmark Visit Washington . . 717 
President Meets With Heads of U.N. Delegations 

of New Nations 713 

U.N. High Commissioner Praised for Service to 

Refugees 732 

Refugees. U.N. High Commissioner Praised for 

Service to Refugees (Eisenhower, Herter) . . 732 

Science. U.S. and U.K. Discuss Possible Use of 

Satellite Communications Systems 720 

Treaty Information. Current Actions 734 



ex Vol. XLIII, No. HIS 

U.S.S.R. General Assembly Allocates Soviet Com- 
plaint to Committee I (Wadsworth) .... 726 

United Kingdom. U.S. and U.K. Discuss Possible 

Use of Satellite Communications Systems . . 720 

United Nations 

Agenda of the 15th Regular Session of the U.N. 

General Assembly 729 

Current U.N. Documents 733 

General Assembly Allocates Item on Disarmament 

to Committee I (Wadsworth) 723 

General Assembly Allocates Soviet Complaint to 

Committee I (Wadsworth) 726 

G.A. Decides To Include Agenda Item on Hungary 

(Morse) 727 

U.N. High Commissioner Praised for Service to 

Refugees (Eisenhower, Herter) 732 

U.S. Pledges $40 Million for U.N. Aid Programs 

(Morse) 73^ 

U.S. Supports 28-Power Resolution on Cooperation 
of Member States (Wadsworth, text of resolu- 
tion) 722 

Name Index 

Djermakoye, Issofou 713 

Eisenhower, President .... 713, 714, 717, 713 732 

Herter, Secretary 732 

King Frederik IX 717j 718 

Merchant, Livingston T 707 

Morse, Wayne 727 731 

Wadsworth, James J 722 723 726 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: October 17-23 

Press releases may be obtained from the Office of 
News, Department of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Releases issued prior to October 17 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 570 of Sep- 
tember 30 and 594 and 595 of October 13. 

Subject 

Baird designated director, USOM, 
Ceylon (biographic details). 

Controls on exports to Cuba. 

OAS study on Dominican Republic. 

Cultural exchange (U.K.). 

Air talks with India concluded. 

Visit of Prime Minister of Malaya 
(rewrite). 

Discussions with U.K. on communica- 
tion via satellites. 

Anniversary of Hungarian revolution. 

Cultural exchange (Brazil). 

Cultural exchange (Spain). 

Delegation, Colombo Plan (rewrite). 

Herter: death of Ambassador Wig- 
glesworth. 

♦Not printed. 

fHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



No. 


Date 


♦599 


10/18 


600 


10/19 


601 


10/19 


*602 


10/19 


603 


10/20 


t604 


10/21 


605 


10/21 


606 


10/21 


*607 


10/21 


♦COS 


10/21 


609 


10/21 


♦612 


10/22 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I960 



it it -d it 

fL it it it a A _ 

.^ X' f^. 



JJ-. i. -■ iniir ' . "w 




the 
Department 



United States 
Government Printing Office 

DIVISION OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

Washington 25, D.C. 



PENALTY FOR PRIVATE USE TO AVOID 

PAYMENT OF POSTAGE, S300 

(GPO) 



OFFICIAL BUSINESS 



The Conjerence on Antarctica 

Washington 

October 15-December II, 1959 



of 
State 


This volume contains public documents of the Conference on 
Antarctica, held at Washington from October 15 to December 1, 1959, 
which resulted in the signing of the Antarctic Treaty. It includes 
the text of the treaty and various related papers. 

The United States and 11 other nations — Argentina, Australia, 
Belgium, Chile, the French Republic, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, 
the Union of South Africa, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland — 
signed the Antarctic Treaty at Washington, D.C, on December 1, 
1959. 

Publication 7060 35 cents 

_ . _ — _ _ _ H ■_ 


Order Form 

To: Supt. of Documents 
Govt. Printing Office 
Washington 25, D.C. 


Please send me copies of The Conference on Antarctica, Washington, 

October 15-December /, 7959. 


Enclosed find: 




$ 


Citv, Zone, and State: - 


(cash, check, or money 


order payable to 
Supt. of Docs.) 





THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 





HE 

FFICIAL 
EEKLY RECORD 



Vol. XLIII, No. 1116 November 14, I960 

FORGING A COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS • Address 

by President Eisenhower . . . 743 

FIFTEENTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE UNITED 

NATIONS • Address by Secretary Herter 739 

THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONTINENT OF 

AFRICA • by Assistant Secretary Satterthwaite ..... 752 

THE QUESTION OF DISARMAMENT • Statement by 

Ambassador James J. Wadsworth ....... ...... 760 



NITED STATES 
0RE1GN POLICY 



For index see inside back cover 



THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 




Vol. XLIII, No. 1116 • Publication 7100 
November 14, 1960 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.O. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic $8.60, foreign $12.25 

Single copy, 25 cents 

The printing of this publication has been 
approved by the Director of the Bureau of 
the Budget (January 20, 1958). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
bo reprinted. Citation of the Department 
of State Bulletin as the source will be 
sppreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication issued by the 
Office of Public Services, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, provides the public 
and interested agencies of the 
Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the 
Department of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes se- 
lected press releases on foreign policy, 
issued by the White House and the 
Department, and statements and ad- 
dresses made by the President and by 
the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, 
United Nations documents, and legis- 
lative material in the field of inter- 
national relations are listed currently. 



Fifteenth Anniversary of the United Nations 



Address by Secretary Herter 1 



Fifteen years ago the United Nations was born. 
The charter — its birth certificate — expressed the 
determination of the members 

to save succeeding generations from the scourge of 
war, . . . 

to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in 
the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal 
rights of men and women and of nations, large and 
small, . . . 

to establish conditions under which justice and respect 
for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources 
of international law can be maintained, and 

to promote social progress and better standards of life 
in larger freedom. . . . 

The United Nations Charter takes its place in 
history beside the English Magna Carta and the 
American Declaration of Independence as one of 
the finest expressions of human aspirations. It 
voices the longing of men everywhere for peace 
and a better life. It is a document that stems 
from the hearts of men and women rather than 
from governments. 

For 15 years most of the members of the United 
Nations have sought to give force and character to 
its noble objectives — faithfully and patiently. 
They have won many victories for world peace 
and have experienced some setbacks. They have 
built a world organization far stronger than when 
it was founded. 

Today the international organization created 
to give these shining objectives substance and 
strength is under sharp, critical attack from one 
quarter. The machinery carefully constructed to 
bring stability and equilibrium to the world is the 



1 Made on the occasion of the celebration of the 15th 
anniversary of the United Nations at the Department of 
State auditorium, Washington, D.C., on Oct. 28 (press 
release 621). 



subject of proposed change which would devitalize 
it. 

But the United Nations, despite its relatively 
brief history, is not unaccustomed to trouble. 
Numerous times during these last 15 years serious 
threats to world peace have been dispelled by 
quick and concerted United Nations action. 

During that time the United Nations success- 
fully supported Iran's efforts to bring about the 
withdrawal of foreign military forces, rallied 
world resistance to aggression against the Repub- 
lic of Korea, helped to settle the Suez crisis, coun- 
tered the threat to Lebanon's integrity, established 
a presence in Laos, and, most recently, has under- 
taken to help restore stability to the Republic of 
the Congo. Almost any of these crises could have 
exploded into world war III, were it not for the 
United Nations. 

This record of achievement, accompanied by 
many good works in other fields of international 
cooperation, leads to continued confidence of prog- 
ress in peace. 

The new problems which beset the Organization 
are reasons to make the United Nations stronger, 
not weaker. Probably the original members did 
not envisage that there would be a future need to 
devote so much time to discussing disarmament or 
the peaceful uses of outer space and atomic energy. 
Perhaps they did not fully weigh the problems at- 
tendant on the emergence of so many newly inde- 
pendent nations in so few years. But these devel- 
opments have given added point to the existence 
of this international forum. 

The week now ending has been United Nations 
Week. The Organization has been the recipient 
of many expressions of faith and good will from 
all quarters of the globe. There are some who 
may think it ironical to wish a "happy birthday" 



November 14, I960 



739 



to a family of nations that seems so often in con- 
flict. But most have suggested that all peoples 
are a great deal happier with this Organization 
than they would be without it. 

Revolution of Rising Expectations 

"Within the forum of the United Nations, a new 
revolution now plays a major role. This, aptly 
called the revolution of rising expectations, in- 
volves a third of the inhabitants of the world. 
This has become a matter of vital concern to the 
peoples not only of the Middle East, South Asia, 
and Africa but of the whole world. 

The development into independence and into 
membership in the United Nations of a great num- 
ber of African states characterizes the year 1960. 
These countries look to the United Nations as the 
guarantor of their independence in a world beset 
with peril. They wear the badge of membership 
in the world organization proudly as a symbol of 
their new status. For its part, the United Nations 
cannot render its new African member states a 
greater service than to assist them, within the 
framework of their own efforts, to mold their new 
national and regional life in ways that will give 
Africa its rightful place on the international 
scene. The Organization can also assist those peo- 
ples who have not yet achieved a full measure of 
self-government. 

The United Nations' help to the new nations of 
Africa can be of particular importance to them 
during the first and sensitive years of indepen- 
dence. It can also help in providing the African 
world with the opportunity to determine its own 
political personality. If it faces these tasks and 
succeeds in them, it will make a vitally necessary 
contribution to international peace and to a more 
stable world. 

The new possibilities of the United Nations in 
this situation create corresponding responsibilities 
on the part of the African nations. We are confi- 
dent that the attitude of the emergent African 
nations will be a willingness to cooperate with 
the rest of the world and an eagerness to partici- 
pate in world affairs, combined, however, with a 
firm determination to build and protect their 
independence. 

In some quarters there have been expressions of 
lack of confidence in the seriousness and responsi- 
bility with which newly independent states are 
likely to take their stands. Such a lack of confi- 



dence is not warranted by the history of the United 
Nations. Neither size nor wealth nor age is his- 
torically to be regarded as a guarantee for the 
quality of the international policy pursued by any 
nation. 

Frequently an effort is made to create the im- 
pression that there are three blocs in the United 
Nations — one being the group of nations linked 
with the United States in regional mutual security 
agreements, one being the nations in the Soviet 
bloc, and one being the so-called "neutralist" 
nations. 

The United States rejects this concept. The 
first group is not a bloc, as is indicated by the 
diversity of views and voting among its members. 
The second group admits that it is a bloc. The 
third group is not a bloc, since, like the first, there 
is widespread diversity of views and voting among 
its members. 

Nor is the name "neutralist" justified. These na- 
tions are not neutralist when it comes to choosing 
between supporting or suppressing the human 
freedoms and the dignity of the individual. It 
would be better to call these nations politically un- 
alined. With the exception of the one group which 
states that it is a bloc, the United Nations is com- 
posed of individual members whose attitudes will 
differ on different issues. 

The United States is not afraid of varying at- 
titudes. We have them in the United States itself ; 
we have them with our closest allies. This di- 
versity of view is an element of freedom and, 
therefore, of strength. It will help rather than 
hurt the United Nations. 

An Embodiment of the Hopes of Mankind 

Recent developments — reflected in fantastic new 
arms for destruction, in the entry of new major 
regions of the world in full strength into inter- 
national politics, and in new and worldwide eco- 
nomic interdependence — have given to the U.N. 
vastly increased responsibilities. 

The U.N. provides member governments with a 
highly developed, continuously operating confer- 
ence and negotiation machinery. However, to a 
growing extent it has provided them also with an 
effective instrument for joint action. 

The Organization is also the embodiment of an 
ideal and the symbol of an approach to interna- 
tional life which recognizes the common interest of 
all in the rejection of the use of force as a means 



740 



Department of State Bulletin 



for settling international disputes and in adher- 
ence to the principles of law, justice, and human 
rights. 

It is impossible for anyone to say where the 
international community is heading and how the 
United Nations will change in the further course 
of the evolution of international politics. But it 
can safely be said that international cooperation 
will become increasingly essential for the main- 
tenance of peace, progress, and international jus- 
tice. It can also safely be said that, if the United 
Nations firmly adheres to its principles and pur- 
poses with flexibility and intelligent adjustment of 
procedure, members engaged in this cooperation 
will increasingly turn to the U.N. for assistance. 
Therefore they will find it increasingly necessary 
to maintain its strength as an instrument for the 
world community in its efforts to resolve problems 
or reduce areas of major conflict. 

It is far too early to attempt an estimate of the 
probable consequences of the history-making 
events which have already taken place during this 
year's 15th General Assembly. A few tentative 
conclusions may be ventured : 

1. The United Nations has always been a faith- 
ful mirror of the philosophies, sensibilities, and 
behavior patterns of member nations. The pres- 
ent Assembly, partly because of the attendance of 
so many heads of government, has focused world 
attention on this interplay of ideas, with a conse- 
quent benefit to those member states whose own 
motivations and methods seem most nearly to coin- 
cide with universal aspirations for world peace 
and human betterment. 

2. The overwhelming majority of member states 
desire to see the United Nations strengthened, not 
weakened. 

3. The need to get on with the vital questions of 
disarmament, nuclear test bans, and control of 
outer space has been given a greater sense of 
urgency. 

The ideal world which free people envisage is 
one of a community of nations which, like a com- 
munity of individuals, can live in peace and 
prosperity. It would be governed by a rule of law, 
accepted by all in the interests of bringing the 
greatest good to the greatest number. Like the 
free society in which we live, it would be a world 
in which each individual nation could select and 
follow its own way of life as it desires, provided 
only that its conduct would not contravene the 



accepted norms of international order. This 
would be a dynamic world and a world of op- 
portunity. 

The framework for such a world as this already 
exists, even though the world of today unfor- 
tunately remains a far cry from this ideal. This 
framework is a standard of international behavior 
and a gradually evolving body of international law 
and practice. The evidence of history demon- 
strates that these standards of international be- 
havior can be ignored only with disastrous results 
to all. 

Fifteen years ago the spirit of this rule of law 
was embodied in the charter of the United Na- 
tions. The grand design of the charter was aimed 
at carrying out the functions of government in 
this ideal world of human hopes of which I have 
spoken. The charter contains provision for the 
constant and unremitting review of these inter- 
national norms of behavior and standards of 
practice. Provision is made for the necessary ap- 
plication of sanctions in the event that these norms 
and standards are transgressed. 

The United Nations is, then, an embodiment of 
the hopes of mankind for a world of law and 
order of the future. 

I think there is no better summary of our cur- 
rent situation than that expressed by President 
Eisenhower in his address to the United Nations 
in late September. 2 He said then : 

The basic fact today of all change in the domain of 
international affairs is the need to forge the bonds and 
build the structure of a true world community. 

The United Nations is available to mankind to help it 
create just such a community. It has accomplished what 
no nation singly, or any limited group of nations, could 
have accomplished. It has become the forum of all peo- 
ples and the structure about which they can center their 
joint endeavors to create a better future for our world. 

This 15th anniversary of the United Nations is 
a splendid opportunity for the peoples of the 
world to renew their dedication to the Organi- 
zation. 

For its part, the United States reaffirms its de- 
termination to carry out its obligations under the 
charter to the full. It pledges its resolve to sup- 
port and strengthen the Organization. It rede- 
clares its faith in the United Nations as the 
repository of the hopes of mankind for peace 
with justice. 



1 Bulletin of Oct. 10, 1960, p. 551. 



November 14, I960 



741 



United Nations Day, October 24 

Statement by James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations 1 

In these past days and weeks, as we have looked 
forward to the 15th birthday of the United Na- 
tions, some of us may well have wondered whether 
the Organization would actually live to celebrate 
that anniversary. We have been dealing with 
what is perhaps the severest challenge that the 
United Nations has faced in its life. That chal- 
lenge exploded first in the field of operations, in 
the mortal threat to the sovereignty of the new- 
born Eepublic of the Congo. There the United 
Nations has weathered unprecedented dangers and 
difficulties and has done a truly heroic job. 

Then the challenge was renewed here in New 
York, at the United Nations headquarters, where 
the General Assembly has resounded with threats 
and with demands from the Soviet Union which, 
if agreed to, would have killed the United Nations. 

Through all this the United Nations has stood 
firm. It has stood firm in the person of the Secre- 
tary-General, who would not resign under pres- 
sure. It has stood firm through the great major- 
ity votes by which the member nations, who are the 
real masters of the destiny of the U.N., have ex- 
pressed their renewed confidence in the Secretary- 
General and in the charter. Old members and new 
members alike, they understood the depth of the 
challenge and did not run away from it. 

For all these things we Americans must be pro- 
foundly glad. The United Nations is to us the 
greatest single meeting place in which we and 
other peoples who really do want peace and a de- 
cent world can combine our efforts and harmonize 
our actions. Through the working of the United 
Nations, despite all the cross-purposes in this 
troubled world, we are gradually developing a 
community — a great area of mutual tolerance and 
respect and cooperation among the vast majority 
of mankind. The adventure which we have been 
through together this year will long act as a bond 
of friendship among the majority of faithful 
members from every continent. 



1 Recorded for use on the CBS radio network during the 
U.N. concert by the New York Philharmonic Orchestra on 
Oct. 22 (U.S./U.N. press release 3545). 



Building the community means more than 
words or debates. It means helping nations, 
whether large or small, to feel secure against ag- 
gression. It means enabling nations to build up 
their free institutions and their standards of liv- 
ing and thus to give their citizens a real stake in 
the community's continued existence. Those are 
the real works of peace. In performing them the 
United Nations is proving more and more effec- 
tive. 

Thus the United Nations is a priceless asset to 
the United States. It enlarges the circle of na- 
tions with which we cooperate. It thus adds im- 
measurably to our country's security in this dan- 
gerous world. 

But we Americans must remember that if the 
United Nations is a workshop it is up to the mem- 
ber nations to do the work. The United Nations 
cannot relieve us of our great responsibilities. In 
fact, it is a challenge to the best qualities we 
possess. 

On this 15th anniversary of the United Nations 
let us, the American people, renew our determina- 
tion to meet that challenge in order that peace and 
decency may grow stronger all over the world. 



United States and Mexico Favor Early 
Construction of Amistad Dam 

Following is the text of a joint declaration issued 
at Ciudad Acuna, Mexico, on October 24 following 
talks between President Eisenhower and President 
Adolf o Lopez Mateos of Mexico. 

White House (Ciudad Acufia, Mexico) press release dated 
October 24 

D wight D. Eisenhower, President of the United 
States of America, and Adolf o Lopez Mateos, Pres- 
ident of the United Mexican States, inspired by 
the true friendship that binds the Governments 
and peoples of the United States of America and 
Mexico and by the fruitful cooperation that has 
characterized their relations ; 

Considering that international hydraulic works 
constitute one of the most valued examples of this 
cooperation, the bases of which were established in 
the Water Treaty between the United States of 



742 



Department of Stofe Bulletin 



America and Mexico signed on February 3, 1944 ; 

Considering that Amistad Dam will complement 
Falcon Dam and will form part of the system of 
international dams provided for in the above-men- 
tioned treaty ; 

Considering that Amistad Dam will serve to con- 
trol floods of the Rio Grande, which repeatedly 
have caused very serious damage to border com- 
munities and agricultural areas of both countries ; 
to provide additional waters for irrigation needs of 



both countries ; and to permit production of hydro- 
electric energy as required ; 

Have agreed that : 

The Government of the United States of Amer- 
ica and the Government of Mexico will proceed 
with the construction of Amistad Dam as soon as 
possible after the two Governments have approved 
the technical recommendations that are to be made 
for that purpose by the International Boundary 
and Water Commission, United States and Mexico. 



Forging a Commonwealth of Nations 



Address by President Eisenhower 1 



The word "commonwealth" signifies a group 
united by common interests. But equally signifi- 
cant is the fact that in the political realm a com- 
monwealth, as Mr. Webster defines it, has come 
to mean generally, if not always, an association 
based upon free choice. 

Tonight I shall try to apply to some aspects of 
the world of international affairs the founding 
principles of this organization — that this State 
suffered because of the failure of some elements to 
cooperate as effectively for good as others did for 
evil. 

No groups, no matter how well-intentioned, can 
cooperate fruitfully unless there is first established 
a firm basis of common understanding. This the 
founders of your club recognized by noting that 
one of the great difficulties was that different 
groups in California did not know each other — ■ 
they were separated at that time by wide areas — 
and they also distrusted each other. 

Just as the California of 1903, the year your 
club was founded, was a far cry from the Com- 
monwealth of California today, so the world as we 
turned into the 20th century is scarcely recogniz- 
able as the one we know in 1960. 



'Made before the Commonwealth Club of California at 
San Francisco, Calif., on Oct. 20 (White House press re- 
lease; as-delivered text). 



The multiplication of differences and problems 
before the international community recalls an old 
alumnus who returned to visit his college after a 
half-century's absence. Delighted to find one of 
his old physical science professors still teaching, 
he was amazed to find him still using the same 
old questions on examinations that he employed 
50 years before. "Why is this?" the alumnus 
wanted to know. "Very simple," answered his 
former teacher. "The questions are the same, but 
the answers always become different !" 

So today, instead of 53 members in the family 
of nations, we have 106. Instead of V/ 2 billion 
people in the world, we have 21/2 billion. Instead 
of weaponry whose maximum range was a few 
thousand yards, we have nuclear-tipped missiles 
that can hurtle 9,000 miles to bring wholesale death 
and destruction. Parenthetically, in this particu- 
lar field, our marvelous progress is not measured 
in decades. Our scientists and Government have 
brought us in a few years from a position of former 
neglect and indifference to a level of extraordinary 
efficiency and strength. Here is an example of the 
absurdity of the allegation that America and its 
economy and its progress are static. I point out 
that now we spend on long-range ballistic missiles 
$10 million a day — every day — more than all the 
entire aggregate of all the expenditures for this 



November 74, I960 



743 



purpose in all the years from 1945 to 1952. This 
example could be repeated in a dozen fields. 

In 1903 man was still earthbound except for the 
exploits of a few adventurous balloonists and the 
Wright brothers, who made their historic flight 
in December of that year. Today manmade ob- 
jects whirl around the sun independent of the 
earth's movements, and the same ones will continue 
to do so for a future measured in millenia. 1903 
was the year of the first automobile crossing from 
San Francisco to New York. It took 64 days — 
just 7 less than it took Columbus to sail from Spain 
to America. Now it is not uncommon for air 
travelers to cross the country twice in a single day. 

In the early years of this century the only im- 
pression most voters ever received of a presiden- 
tial candidate came to them from a printed page ; 
now an electronic miracle brings his voice and his 
face into 40 million living rooms across the land. 

On all fronts there have been wrought on the 
earth great changes that are in themselves impor- 
tant, some almost miraculous. Similar changes 
are now extending into the celestial regions as well. 

Complexities of World Situation 

Now, in contemplating these great changes and 
the problems that have followed in their wake, it is 
essential that we recognize two important truths. 

First, almost no problem arising between na- 
tions today is strictly bilateral. Whether we con- 
sider the difficulties arising out of the relationships 
between Israel and the Arab states or the neces- 
sity for our recent embargo on most exports to 
Cuba, inevitably other nations are affected. We 
cannot conceive today of an international commu- 
nity operating as a system of bilateral partner- 
ships traveling in unordered and reckless orbit. 
Every arrangement we effect with another nation, 
whether political, commercial, or even cultural, 
seems inevitably to have an impact on other socie- 
ties. Some degree of world coordination and 
cooperation obviously becomes necessary. 

The recognized need for a cooperative interna- 
tional community was responsible for the found- 
ing here in this city of the United Nations in 1945. 
It has been, in some areas, remarkably successful ; 
yet, as in the early days of California, we have 
found that the mere existence of an appropriate 
organizational mechanism cannot maintain the 
law, order, and progress so much desired. In the 



United Nations we have a charter and agreements 
supposed to insure order and avoidance of con- 
flict, but these can be successful only as the under- 
standing and dedication of the members become 
equal to the task. 

A second important truth is that the dimensions 
of the task that lies before us, in helping to 
straighten out this poor old world, are so vast and 
complex as to make its accomplishment beyond the 
capacity of leaders, governments, and peoples ex- 
cept those of experience, inexhaustible strength, 
patience, understanding, and faith. 

The supreme need of this century is to find a 
way to produce an effective international order, 
and the most obvious way to do this is through 
improvement of the United Nations. Certainly 
the way is not through domineering empires, the 
rise and fall of which the world has witnessed for 
the past 5,000 years, but through a free and mutu- 
ally beneficial association of nations. To realize 
such an international order, of course, great 
leadership is required. 

It must be a leadership that conceives of na- 
tions as partners and equals. It must, be leader- 
ship that accepts the responsibility of power, but 
one that exercises it in a spirit of trusteeship, 
through just and patient processes of mutual ad- 
justment. It must always base policies upon 
a clear identification of long-range common 
interests. 

Now upon America has fallen the heavy respon- 
sibility of providing this kind of leadership. Un- 
mistakably we are called upon at this precise mo- 
ment in the course of human events to renew and 
revitalize our efforts to insure the health and 
strength of a mighty international commonwealth. 

Partnership of Citizen and Government 

Our own conception of an ordered international 
community conforms roughly to our own political 
system. The American system presupposes full 
information and active participation by every citi- 
zen in the processes of both local and Federal gov- 
ernment. The more nearly universal this informed 
participation, the healthier and stronger is our 
Government, our Nation's policies, and our entire 
social structure. 

In our complex industrial society no thoughtful 
person would contend that every citizen can be- 
come truly informed on so many and such perplex- 



744 



Department of State Bulletin 



ing problems of domestic policy as those involving 
defense, social services, taxation, employment, 
public debt, budget, and inflation. Yet on each of 
these subjects there is firsthand information and 
personal experience available in almost every sec- 
tor of our Nation, and as a consequence the aver- 
age of genera] understanding is reasonably high. 

But achievement of a satisfactory level of under- 
standing is far more difficult in the field of foreign 
affairs. 

Consider, for example, Korea, Indochina, the 
Suez Canal, Quemoy and Matsu, the Middle East, 
the turmoil in the Caribbean, the Berlin difficulty, 
the economic development of India, or the 15 
newly developing nations in Africa. To extend 
the range and fullness of understanding on foreign 
affaire heroic efforts are made here at home by 
news-gathering and news-distributing agencies 
and by great numbers of private foundations, as 
as well as by study, research, and educational insti- 
tutions. But because no substantial segment of 
our population ha